傅柯性史 02

But have we not liberated ourselves from those two long centuries in which the
history of sexuality must be seen first of all as the chronicle of an increasing
repression? Only to a slight extent, we are told.

但是我們不是已經從那漫長的兩世紀解放出來？我們難道還要首先以壓抑逐漸
增加的編年表來看待性的歷史？有人說，五十步笑百步而已。

Perhaps some progress was made by Freud; but with such circumspection, such
medical prudence, a scientific guarantee of innocuousness, and so many precautions
in order to contain everything, with no fear of “ overflow,” in that safest and most
discreet of spaces, between the couch and discourse: yet another round of whispering
on a bed.

也許佛洛伊德開拓了某些進展，但是過於小心翼翼，過於醫療的慎重，要擔保
性的科學研究無關風化，無傷大雅，無「氾濫成災」之虞，在那個安全而謹慎的
研究空間，在沙發躺椅跟精神分析師的治療，不會牽涉到床褥之間的纏綿呢喃。

And could things have been otherwise? We are informed that if repression has indeed
been the fundamental link between power, knowledge, and sexuality, since the
classical age, it stands to reason that we will not be able to free ourselves from it
except at a considerable cost; nothing less than a transgression of laws, a lifting of
prohibitions, an irruption of speech, a reinstating of pleasure within reality, and a
whole new economy in the mechanisms of power will be required.

但是兩者怎麼可能風馬年不相及？我們被告知，若是自古以來，壓抑確實曾經
是權力、知識、性之間的基本關聯，那麼顯而易見的，我們將無法解放自己免於
壓抑，除非我們犧牲重大代價。那道道地地就是法律的逾越，禁令的撤銷，讓人
談性無所忌諱，將歡愛重新放置回現實之中，這將需要現有的權力結構的整個
重新調整。

For the least glimmer of truth is conditioned by politics. Hence, one cannot hope to
obtain the desired results simply from a medical practice, nor from a theoretical
discourse, however rigorously pursued. Thus, one denounces Freud’s conformism, the
normalizing functions of psychoanalysis, the obvious timidity underlying Reich’s
vehemence, and all the effects of integration ensured by the “ science ‘ of sex and the
barely equivocal practices of sexology.

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真理即使散發出些微光芒都會被政治權力宰割。因此，僅僅從醫學的治療，或從
理論的論述，無論你多麼孜孜不倦從事，都不可能希望獲得你所預期的效果。所
以，有人抨擊佛洛伊德的過於妥協權力結構，將精神分析學的功用體制化，是
屈服於德帝國威權下的明顯怯懦，性的「科學研究」保證在的體制的影響之內，
性學的做法模稜兩可。

The discourse on modern sexual repression holds up well, owing no doubt to how
easy it is to uphold. A solemn historical and political guarantee protects it. By placing
the advent of the age of repression in the seventeenth century, after hundreds of years
of open spaces and free expression, one adjusts it to coincide with the development of
capitalism: it becomes an integral part of the bourgeois order. The minor chronicle of
sex and its trials is transposed into the ceremonious history of the modes of
production; its trifling aspect fades from view.

對於現代性壓抑的論述表達得振振有詞，毫無疑問的，原因是要做這樣的論述
實在輕而易舉。性在歷史跟政治方面受到嚴肅地擔保，使壓抑的論述言之成理。
經過數百年的開放空間跟自由表達之後，我們將壓抑時代的來臨擺置在十九世
紀，這樣我們可以將它調整跟資本主義的發展巧合。性的壓抑成為布爾喬亞社會
秩序整體的一部份。性的次要編年記載跟性的試驗，被調換成為生產模式隆重正
式的歷史；性的瑣碎的層面隱而不見。

A principle of explanation emerges after the fact: if sex is so rigorously repressed, this
is because it is incompatible with a general and intensive work imperative. At a time
when labor capacity was being systematically exploited, how could this capacity be
allowed to dissipate itself in pleasurable pursuits, except in those—reduced to a
minimum—that enabled it to reproduce itself?

從這個事實背後出現一個解釋的原則：假如性是如此嚴格被壓抑，那是因為性
跟普遍而強烈的工作倫理格格不入。在勞工的能力正在系統化地被剝削的時代，
這個勞動力量如何能被允許消耗本身在歡樂的追逐上，除了被化約到最小數量？
那就是使勞動力繁殖更多的勞動力！

Sex and its effects are perhaps not so easily deciphered; on the other hand, their
repression, thus reconstructed, is easily analyzed. And the sexual cause—the demand
fro sexual freedom, but also for the knowledge to be gained from sex and the right to
speak about it—becomes legitimately associated with the honor of a political cause:
sex too is placed on the agenda for the future. A suspicious mind might wonder if

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taking so many precaution in order to give the history of sex such an impressive
filiation does not bear traces of the same old prudishness: as if those valorizing
correlations were necessary before such a discourse could be formulated or accepted.

性跟性的影響可能無法如此簡單地來解釋。在另一方面，對於因此而被重新建構
的性的壓抑，則是很容易分析。性的追求目標不但是要求性的自由，而且要從性
那裡獲得知識，以及要有公開談論性的權利。這個目標在法律層面跟政治追求免
於恐懼的目標不謀而合。

But there may be another reason that makes it so gratifying for us to define the
relationship between sex and power in terms of repression: something that one might
call the speaker’s benefit.

但是我們很滿意於用壓抑理論來定義性跟權力之間的關係，可能還有另一個理
由：我們稱之為「說者為王」的利益。

If sex is repressed, that is, condemned to prohibition, nonexistence, and silence, then
the mere fact that one is speaking about it has the appearance of a deliberate
transgression. A person who holds forth in such language places himself to a certain
extent outside the reach of power; he upsets established law; he somehow anticipates
the coming freedom.

假如性被壓抑，換言之，性被判決為被禁止、不存在、及不可說，那麼一個人正
在談論性的這個事實本身，就已經有了蓄意逾越的跡象。對於性話題侃侃而談的
人，某個程度上，就已經將自己擺置於權力的掌控之外；他顛覆了現有的法律，
他用某種方法，預先得到即將來臨的自由。

This explains the solemnity with which one speaks of sex nowadays. When they had
to allude to it, the first demographers and psychiatrists of the nineteenth century
thought it advisable to excuse themselves for asking their readers to dwell on matters
so trivial and base.

這說明為什麼今天談論性話題是一件嚴肅的事情。十九世紀的人口統計學家跟精
神分析師必須提到性時，最好先說句恕他們不好意思，要求對方去述說如此不
堪而下流的事情。

But for decades now, we have found it difficult to speak on the subject without
striking a different pose: we are conscious of defying established power, our tone of

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voice shows that we know we are being subversive, and we ardently conjure away the
present and appeal to the future, whose day will be hastened by the contribution we
believe we are making.

但是幾百年來，我們發現到，談論性必須要採取截然不同的姿態：我們心知肚
明我們是公然挑釁既有的權力結構。我們說話的語調顯示，我們知道我們正在顛
覆體制。我們熱烈地驅除現況，訴諸未來，因為我們相信，我們目前所做的貢獻，
就是要使未來理想的加快實現。

Something that smacks of revolt, of promised freedom, of the coming age of a

different law, slips easily into this discourse on sexual oppression. Some of the ancient
functions of prophecy are reactivated therein.

在這個對於性壓迫的論述中，聽起來有點像是革命，自由的許諾，及新世界秩
序的理想，輕易地就展現出來。在此，重新啟動的有點像是古代預言大同世界來
臨的功能。

Tomorrow sex will be good again. Because this repression is affirmed, one can
discreetly bring into coexistence concepts which the fear of ridicule or the bitterness
of history prevents most of us from putting side by side: revolution and happiness; or
revolution; or revolution and a different body, one that is newer and more beautiful; or
indeed, revolution and pleasure.

明天性將會再恢復美好。因為性被壓抑已經被確認，我們能夠謹慎地讓革命跟幸
福的理念共存。以前因為恐懼性受到嘲笑及性歷史的痛苦，我們不能夠坦蕩地讓
革命跟幸福並列，或是革命跟嶄新身體並列，使我們的身體更新，更美麗，或
讓革命跟歡樂並列。

What sustains our eagerness to speak of sex in terms of repression is doubtless this
opportunity to speak out against the powers that be, to utter truths and promise bliss,
to link together enlightenment, liberation, and manifold pleasures; to pronounce a
discourse that combines the fervor of knowledge, the determination to change the
laws, and the longing for the garden of earthly delights.

我們所以那麼熱切談論到性受到壓抑，毫無疑問，是因為我們要得到公開宣稱
反抗既有權力結構的機會，表達真相，許諾幸福，將覺醒、解放及多重歡樂凝聚
在一起，宣佈一個新的論述，可以將知識的狂熱，改變世界的決心，及對於塵
世樂園的渴望，團結在一起。

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This is perhaps what also explains the market value attributed not only to what is said
about sexual repression, but also to the mere fact of lending an ear to those who
would eliminate the effects of repression.

可能這就是為什麼廣受歡迎的市場價值，不但被歸功於有關性受到壓抑的論述，
而且被歸功於大眾願意於傾聽那些設法要減少性受到壓抑的影響的人。

Ours is, after all, the only civilization in which officials are paid to listen to all and
sundry impart the secrets of their sex: as if the urge to talk about it, and the interest
one hopes to arouse by doing so, have far surpassed the possibilities of being heard,
so that some individuals have even offered their ears for hire.

畢竟，我們的時代是唯一的文明社會，由官方付錢聘諮商師來傾聽各式各樣的
人傾吐他們性的秘密。好似談論性的渴望，以及希望藉由談論性來引起人們對於
性的興趣，價值就已經遠遠超過被傾聽的可能性，有些人甚至於以洗耳恭聽他
人談論性的秘密當著職業。

雄伯譯
32hsiung@pchome.com.tw