Peddling policy: Bill authorship and Executive Agenda Setting Teresita Quinones, a native of Cebu, travelled all the

way to the House of Representatives near Commonwealth Avenue, limping and in grimace. Poor and long widowed, she has nobody else but an ailing son who ust recently was confined for a rare disease whose name even she could not pronounce. Carrying a crumpled folder of hospital records, she hopes her congressman would at least help her purchase her son!s medicines, if not foot the bill. "he, after all, was among the congressman!s avid supporter in the last election. The imposing comple# in the heart of Que$on City, oddly one of the remnants of former President %erdinand &arcos! 'edifice comple#,() is familiar to many but for various other reasons. %or activists and militants, the comple# is a stage of protest, a converging point for mass actions. %or the ordinary, li*e Quinones, whose idea of democracy is simply being able to fend the day!s hunger, it is a venue to e#perience political representation face to face. The Philippine House of Representatives as an institution +ut Congress is not ust about the +atasan Comple# and congressmen actually have more important things to do than welcome needy constituents with unpaid medical bills. ,t is, after all, in the hands of these distinguished men and women where the nation!s e#tant future is shaped. The House of Representatives is one of the chambers that ma*e up the bicameral Philippine legislature. Congress as a body, in fact, has a rich history that goes bac* to the unicameral &alolos Congress of the short-lived )./. Philippine Republic, and the allAmerican Philippine Commission of )/0). The 1ones Act of )/)2 eventually paved the way for a two-chambered legislature, but it was again replaced by a unicameral 3ational Assembly upon the ratification of the )/45 Constitution. Amendments to the constitution in )/6) restored the legislature into a bicameral body where it came to be called the Congress of the Philippines. Thereafter, Congress served as the national legislature until Proclamation )0.) in "eptember 7), )/87, when former President &arcos placed the country under &artial and clothed the president with both e#ecutive and legislative powers. '9egislative power( according to Article 2 "ec. ) of the )/.8 Constitution, 'shall be vested in the Congress of the Philippines which shall consist of a "enate and a House of Representatives, e#cept to the e#tent reserved to the people by the provision on initiative and referendum.( The upper chamber, the "enate, is composed of 76 members elected at large, who serve a term of si# years. "enators cannot serve beyond two consecutive terms. &embers of the lower chamber, the House of Representatives, on the other hand, are chosen by the voters of each of the 77/ legislative districts that comprise the Philippines. The original number of legislative districts was provided in the :rdinance appended to the )/.8 Constitution upon its adoption.7 However, as new

%or more on the former dictator!s architectural policy, see 9ico, ;erardo. 7004. <difice Comple#= Power, &yth, and &arcos "tate Architecture. Que$on City= Ateneo de &anila >niversity Press. 7 ?hen the :rdinance to the )/.8 Constitution apportioned the Philippines into representative districts, they were, at that time, more or less of e@ual si$es in terms of population. The :rdinance, the brainchild of former Constitutional commissioner, and later "upreme Court chief ustice Hilario Aavide, indicated that the nation was to be divided into ).4 representative districts each having more or less 450,000 to 600,000

provinces and cities were created, the composition grew through laws enacted apportioning and reapportioning some of the districts.4 The Constitution provides that a city can become a representative district if it has a population of at least 750,000. However, a province, regardless of its population, is entitled to one representative district. There are house members though who are elected at large and whose representations are not based on legislative districts. Twenty percent of the total membership in the House of Representatives is reserved for what is referred to as party list representativesBcongressmen representing marginali$ed or underrepresented national, regional and sectoral parties or organi$ations registered with the Commission on <lections. The Constitution provides that party-list members must be chosen, as provided by law, from Cthe labor, peasant, urban poor, indigenous cultural communities, women, youth, and such other sectors as may be provided by law, e#cept the religious sector. DArt E,. "ec. 5, par. 7F.C6 As an electoral e#periment enshrined in the Constitution, the intent of the party list system was noble. 3o single party may hold more than three party-list seats. +ecause of the ceiling, no big parties which traditionally dominate elections can spot all the seats and crowd out the smaller parties. The system, in other words, was envisioned to pave the way for smaller parties to also win seats in the House of Representatives. ,n voting for representatives, a constituent votes for both his district representative and the party he wants represented in the House. Eotes for a particular party are counted at large, not by sector, and tallied on a nationwide basis. The percentage of votes garnered by a party is computed in relation to the total votes cast for the party-list organi$ation nationwide. ,n allocating seats, party-list organi$ations are ran*ed from highest to lowest based on the number and percentage of votes obtained during the election. :nly a ma#imum of three seats may be allowed per party and they are allocated at the rate of one seat per 7G of votes obtained. >nallocated seats, on the other hand, are to be distributed among the parties which have not yet obtained the ma#imum three seats as long as they are able to muster 7G of votes.
inhabitants. 4 Reapportioning, however, has its own share of politics. ,n the controversial case 3avarro, et al. v. <#ecutive "ecretary D;.R. 3o. ).0050, April )7, 70))F the "upreme Court declared the law creating the province of Ainagat ,slands constitutional Dhence, entitled to a legislative seatF even though it was raised that the province met neither the land area nor population re@uirement of the Constitution and the 9ocal ;overnment Code Dsec. 62)F. The case, a ta#payers! suit filed by "urigao del 3orte residents Rodolfo 3avarro, Eictor +ernal, and Rene &edina, argued that the creation of the Ainagat ,slands as a new province was an illegal act of Congress that deprived the people of their province not only a large chun* of their territory, but ,nternal Revenue Allocation, and natural resources. The decision was controversial, not least among which was due to the fact that the representative who gained from the decision was a *nown ally of former President ;loria &acapagal Arroyo Dsee 'Arroyo!s ally has power of life and death,( Philippine Aaily ,n@uirer, April 7/, 70)0F. &oreover, the latest decision was the fourth in a row the high court ruled on the case, reversing itself each time. 6 Republic Act 8/6), the Party 9ist Act, somehow e#panded the Constitution!s definition, ta*ing a party to mean 'either a political party or a sectoral party or a coalition of parties.( A political party under this law refers to 'an organi$ed group of citi$ens advocating an ideology or platform, principles and policies for the general conduct of government and which, as the most immediate means of securing their adoption, regularly nominates and supports certain of its leaders and members as candidates for public office. ,t is a national party when its constituency is spread over the geographical territory of at least a ma ority of the regions. ,t is a regional party when its constituency is spread over the geographical territory of at least a ma ority of the cities and provinces comprising the region.(

Qualification ?ho can be elected as a representativeH Again, Article E, sec. 2 of the )/.8 Constitution provides that 'no person shall be a &ember of the House of Representatives unless he is a natural-born citi$en of the Philippines and, on the day of the election, is at least twenty-five D75F years of age, able to read and write, and, e#cept the party-list representatives, a registered voter in the district in which he shall be elected, and a resident thereof for a period of not less than one year immediately preceding the day of the election.( Party list representatives, on the other hand, must meet not only the constitutional re@uirement but they must also belong to the marginali$ed and underrepresented sectors, organi$ations and partiesI who lac* well-defined constituencies, but can contribute to the formulation and enactment of appropriate legislation that will benefit the nation as a whole.
Table 1.1.a. Minimum qualification to become a representative Representative Representatives elected at large Qualification 1. Natural born citizen of the Philippines 2. At least 25 years old on the day of the election 3. Able to read and write . A registered voter in the district in which he shall be elected 5. A resident of the district he shall be elected for a period not less than one year i!!ediately preceding the day of the election. 1. Natural born citizen of the Philippines 2. At least 25 years old on the day of the election 3. Able to read and write . #elong to the !arginalized and underrepresented sectors$ organizations and parties %e&cept$ religious groups$ foreign organizations and those advocating violence or unlawful !eans' 5. "ac( well)defined constituencies$ but *. +an contribute to the for!ulation and enact!ent of appropriate legislation that will benefit the nation as a whole.

Party "ist representatives

"ource= The )/.8 Constitution of the Philippines, RA 8/6) 'The Party 9ist Act( D)//5F

As for term limit, no member of the House can serve for more than three consecutive terms. This does not bar them, of course, from serving more than three terms and it is not uncommon for representatives with established political machineries and pedigrees to run again as representatives after the lull. "ome, particularly those from established political families, simply pass the rein to family members, then run once again after such family member reaches the term limit. Powers and privileges ?hy would anyone aspire to become a member of the HouseH Congress has wide powers that can literally decide the fate of the nation, sub ect of course to prohibitions

enshrined in the Constitution. These powers may prove attractive to those with genuine desires to institute change, as it is to those with little else than sheer political ambition. These powers can be categori$ed into four= general legislative power, specific legislative power, inherent power, and implied power. "trictly spea*ing, it is the people who create laws. "overeignty resides in the people, so the Constitution guarantees, but such sovereignty is e#pressed through the acts of Congress as a body of elected representatives. To understand legislative power one needs to loo* first into the concept of separation of powers. As a democracy, government in the Philippines is divided into three separate co-e@ual branches, each having, in a strict sense, the power to create laws D%ernande$ )/.4F. The e#ercise of legislative power yields statutes, e#ecutive power creates rules, and udicial power leads to udgments. However, in common discourse, as %ernande$ points out, laws typically pertain to statutesBthe creation of which is an e#ercise of legislative power. ;eneral legislative power is the power to ma*e laws that do not violate the provisions of the Constitution. These laws may relate to such matters as suffrage, election, the national languages, land reform, succession to the Presidency, citi$enship, ta#ation, organi$ation of courts, apportionment of electoral districts, and the li*e. There is no limit to the number of laws a legislature can ma*e. "pecific legislative power pertains to the power to ma*e treaties with other countries, declare war, enact the budget law DappropriationF, impeach the President, ustices of the "upreme Court or members of Constitutional Commissions, as well as amend the Constitution. The House of Representatives, in particular, is where all appropriation, revenue or tariff bills, bills authori$ing increase of the public debt, bills of local application, and private bills, must originate e#clusively but the "enate may propose or concur with amendments. ,n times of war or other national emergency, Congress may also authori$e the President for a limited period and sub ect to restrictions to e#ercise powers necessary and proper to carry out a declared national policy. ,nherent power refers to the power to impose ta#es, mete penalties for specific crimes, or authori$e the e#propriation of private lands upon payment of ust compensation. ,mplied powers refer to its power to conduct in@uires on the social and economic conditions of the country in aid of legislation. &embers of Congress have the privilege of immunity from arrest when Congress is in session as long as the offense involved is punishable by not more than si# years of imprisonment. &oreover, a legislator cannot be @uestioned or be made liable in any other place for a speech or debate in Congress. Jet, the Constitution also imposes certain limitations to Congress as an institution and to the individuals that comprise it. A member of Congress, for instance, is barred from holding any other office or employment in the government, and from appearing as counsel before any civil case where the government is the adverse party. As a body, on the other hand, Congress cannot pass laws that deprive one of life, liberty or property without due process, nor can it pass laws that impose punishment on acts not yet criminal when it was committed De# post facto lawF. ,n the e#ercise of in@uiry or investigation Congress also has to respect the individual rights of persons appearing before them. Congress can only declare war with the consent of 7K4 of its members. %inally, with respect to the e#ercise of the power of the purse, Congress may not increase the

appropriations recommended by the President for the operation of government as specified in the budget.
Table 1.1.b. Classification of powers of the Philippine Congress Powers of the Philippine Congress General 1. "egislative Power a. powers of appropriation$ ta&ation and appropriation b. authority to !a(e$ fra!e$ and enact laws %e&cpet to the e&tent reserved to the people by the provision on initiative and referendu! 2. Non)legislative powers a. power to canvass the presidential elections b. sole power to declare the e&istence of war c. give concurrence to treaties and a!nesties d. propose constitutional a!end!ents e. i!peach f. grant derivative and delegated power g. i!plied powers such the power to punish conte!pt in legislative investigations 1. +onstituent power 2. Power to hold legislative in,uiries 3. Power of appropriation . Power of ta&ation 5. Power to concur in treaties and international agree!ents *. -ar and delegation powers 1. Police power a. !a(e$ ordain$ and establish all !anner of wholeso!e and reasonable laws$ statutes and ordinances as they shall dee! good for the welfare of the co!!unity b. create statutes that !aintain peace and order$ protect life$ liberty and property$ and pro!ote the general welfare. 2. Power of ta&ation 3. Power of e!inent do!ain

Specific

nherent

Though passage of law re@uires the concurrence of both the "enate and the House of Representatives, there are bills that the Constitution re@uires to originate e#clusively from the House of Representatives, specifically D"ec. 76 Art. E,F= a. Appropriation bills or bills which appropriate a sum of money from the public treasury for a public purpose. b. Revenue bills or those which are specifically designed to raise money through imposition or levy. c. Tariff bills d. +ills authori$ing the increase of public debt e. +ills of local application f. Private bills The prerogative over these types of measures is understandable given the fact that members of the House represent constituencies from all over the country and, as such, are

better disposed to produce measures that address the plight of the people. +ills of local application include public wor*s and infrastructure pro ects that benefit the countryside. Appropriation and revenue measures, on the other hand, involve either the creation or the disposition of funds, li*ewise, ideally with the best interest of their sta*eholders in mind. :nce the appropriation is enacted, however, actual release of funds is an altogether different story since the latter is under the discretion of the e#ecutive. ,n later chapters, we will see how this system creates a symbiotic relationship between the president and the legislature, particularly the House members who must ma*e sure that they can bring home the schools, hospitals, and road pro ects promised during campaign sorties.
Table 1.1.c. !imitations on Congress" powers of appropriation "i!itations on the power 1. Appropriations !ust be for a public purpose of appropriations 2. Appropriation of public fund or property$ directly or indirectly$ cannot be in favor of any sect$ church$ deno!ination$ or sectarian institution or syste! of religion or any priest$ preacher$ !inister$ or other religious teacher %e&cept when such priest or !inister is assigned to the Ar!ed .orces$ penal institution$ govern!ent orphanage or leprosariu!'. Note$ however$ that govern!ent is not prohibited fro! appropriating !oney for valid secular purpose that benefits a religion incidentally %e.g. police!en who protects the safety of clergy!en'/ or the use of property for religious purposes as long as the property is available for all religions. 0pecific "i!itations on the power of appropriations %1eneral Appropriations #ill' 1. +ongress !ay not increase the appropriations reco!!ended by the president for the operation of the govern!ent as specified in the budget. 2. No law shall be passed authorizing any transfer of appropriation. 2owever$ the president$ senate president$ spea(er of the 2ouse$ chief 3ustice of the 0upre!e +ourt$ and heads of constitutional co!!issions !ay be authorized to aug!ent any ite! in the general appropriations law for their respective office fro! savings in other ite!s of their respective appropriations. 3. 3. 4f +ongress fails to pass the general appropriations bill by the end of the fiscal year$ the previous year5s appropriation bill is dee!ed reenacted and shall re!ain in effect until a new one is passed.

"ource= Article E, of the )/.8 Constitution

Family Ties: Politics and inship in the House of Representatives Politics in the Philippines, @uipped Ilustrado author &iguel "y uco in a radio interview, is more than ust a vocation but a family business.5 His novel, recipient of the 700. &an Asia 9iterary Pri$e, satiri$es the Philippines! brand of oligarchic politics through interweaving layers of fiction and non-fiction. ,nterestingly, the critically

9ynn 3eary, 'L,lustradoL "atiri$es Politics ,n The Philippines=( ,nterview with &iguel "y uco, &ay )6, 70)0, 3PR, http=KKwww.npr.orgKtemplatesKstoryKstory.phpHstory,dM)72.7)6)5 Daccessed April 76, 70)0F

acclaimed Eancouver resident, an e#patriate since )), himself hails from the sort of family his novel vilifies. '&y father served as one of the cabinet ministers in ArroyoLs government, and heLs been a congressman for many years and heLs running again,( he admits. 'And so what happens is in a traditional family li*e ours, many children are pushed towards doing this and very often for the wrong reasons. And , thin* this ust adds to the culture of corruption and patronage,( he laments. Augusto "y uco, &iguel!s father, served as ,loilo representative during the ))th th and )7 Congress and is currently representative of the province!s 7nd district D)5th CongressF. "y uco!s political career however stretches bac* to )/8) when the then young ?harton graduate served as one of the trusted thin* tan*s of ;loria &acapagal Arroyo!s fatherBthen president Aiosdado &acapagal. +ut "y uco!s political resiliency is tame by Philippine standards. 3umerous studies have long tied the problems confronting electoral e#ercise in the Philippines to political institutions dominated by powerful and wealthy political families D;utierre$, Torrente, and 3arca )//7I &cCoy )//4, Rivera )//6I "imbulan 7005I Rivera 70)7F. The "y ucos are what some observers of Philippine politics might refer to as new political elites, families who do not necessarily belong to the traditional political clans but in time were able to secure their own political niche through their business foothold and wealth. Teehan*ee in a 7008 Philippine Center for ,nvestigative 1ournalism article says that the )20 families who have made Philippine Congress their second homes have practically become fi#tures in Philippine politics. These families would typically have two or members serving in the legislature and account for 676 or about a @uarter of the 7,608 who have sat in Congress from )/08 to 7006. ,n a recent wor*, Rivera D70)7F found that )8. political families have dominated the post-&arcos Congress since its inception in )/.8. This means that there is at least one political family in each of the 88 provinces in his study, with some having as much as five or si# ruling clans. There would be, on average, about two political families contesting each other in their respective turfs. &y own data reveals that from )/.8, or since the first post-&arcos Congress, on average about half of the members of the House of Representatives have had relatives who held elective positions at the national or local level. This figure is modest since the definition of an elective office is here narrowed to that of a vice-mayor and above. +eing in a political family hence means having a relative up to the third degree of consanguinity or affinity2 who is or had served in a position of a vice-mayor or higher local or national elective office. 9ower level offices may not necessarily be what aspirants desire but, as Ae Aios D7008F notes, they are stepping stones for higher more powerful positions. ,n a system of political dynasties family members typically vie for all elective local positions as much as possible, or succeed one family member as seamlessly as possible. This effectively circumvents the term limits imposed on elective positions ma*ing it uncommon to encounter localities governed by the same family for generations. Jounger members of political clans typically ta*e or made to ta*e advantage of low-level local positions as training ground before finally assuming positions as city mayors, provincial governors or congressional representatives. The most potent combination to secure power, Ae Aios observes, is that of membership in the House of Representatives and
2

"ec. 4 D*F of Republic Act 28)4, the Code of Code of Conduct and <thical "tandards for Public :fficials and <mployees defines a relative as 'any and all persons related to a public official or employee within the fourth civil degree of consanguinity or affinity, including bilas, inso and balae.(

holding the position of governor or mayor as it consolidates local e#ecutive power with access to national resources. &y data also indicates that on average about si# in ten of those elected to the House have been in office for multiple terms. ,n the .th Congress alone, 5/ or about a @uarter of the total number of representatives were former members of the interim and regular +atasang Pambansa,8 with the most resilient having served for nine terms. +y the end of the )6th Congress, about si# in ten House members have had occupied the same office for at least two terms. There was a noticeable decline in the number of members from political families in the /th and )0th Congress despite the gradual increase in the number of elected representatives. ,ncidentally, both .th and /th Congress too* place during former president %idel Ramos! term. Thereafter, however, the number of members from political families went up again and their number has since remained almost steady.
#igure 1.1.a. Members of political families in Congress$ 1%&'()**%
275 23 236

216 217

225 221

Whose interest does the House of Representatives represent?

195 13 123 129 182 6 75 56 125 122 69 17 139 16

9th

6th 18th 11th 12th 13th 1 th

9th

6th 18th 11th 12th 13th 1 th

9th

6th 18th 11th 12th 13th 1 th

:otal no. of !e!bers

;e!bers fro! political fa!ilies

;e!bers with !ultiple ter!s

"ource= Author Dbased on figures from the House of RepresentativesFI Coronel, Chua, Rimban and Cru$ D7006F. 3ote= The number of House members is cumulative and includes those who have assumed office by special election or upon the result of a final udgment on an election contest.

%or certain, it is not uncommon for contemporary democracies to encounter political dynastiesBthe Nennedy!s and the +ushes are te#tboo* e#amples in no less than what is regarded as the epitome of modern democracy. "tudies suggest that perpetuation is a cycle as those who are able to hold on to their office for a longer period of time are li*ely to have relatives in elective office in the future DAal +o, Aal +o and "nyder 700/I
8

The +atasang Pambasa D3ational AssemblyF was a unicameral parliament initially established as an interim assembly in )/8. and finally as a regular legislature in )/.6 and whose members included the incumbent president D&arcosF and the vice president.

Rossi 70)0F. However, there is evidence suggesting not only that this phenomenon e#ists but that it ta*es place in greater magnitude in the Philippines. Querubin D70)0F, for instance, found that, those who had been elected as representatives or governors are four times more li*ely to have a relative in office in the future than candidates who run and lose. Candidates who come from what the study defines as dynasty. are 77 percentage points more li*ely to succeed in an election than their 'non-dynastic( counterparts. &ore importantly, however, Querubin!s findings suggest that the political system itself paves the way for new powerful families since previously non-dynastic officials who have gained access to power are more li*ely to create political dynasties of their own. ,t is not surprising, therefore, why wealth and power are the two dominant features characteri$ing members of Congress DCoronel et al 7006F. +y sheer affluence and status alone, a typical member of the House is already worlds apart from the average %ilipino. A congressman is li*ely to be male, welleducatedBmost li*ely a lawyerBand in one of two occasions would have a relative who had previously served in local or higher national position. &embership in a political family, however, appears to be spread across genders and across ages D&endo$a, +e a, Jap, and Eenida 70)7F. He is also li*ely to be well-off, with various businesses and income sources, and whose wealth tend to increase the longer he stays in office DCoronel et al 7006I &endo$a et al 70)7F. Consider how wealthy congressmen have become over the years. ,n the /th Congress D)//7-)//5F, the average net worth of a representative is P..6 million DCoronel 7006F./ ,n )//6, an ordinary %ilipino earns on average only P.4,)2) a year.)0 This means roughly that in )//6 an average congressmen earns more than a hundredfold of that of his typical constituent. ,n the ))th Congress D)//.-700)F, the average net worth has risen dramatically to 70.2 million pesos per congressman. An average %ilipino in 7000 earns only P)66,04/ per year, which is again not even one percent of that of the average legislator. ,n the )7th Congress D700)-7006F the average net worth for congressmen was about 7)./ million pesos. The average income for the rest of the population in 7004 is a measly P)6.,000I suggesting that socioeconomic distance between constituents and representatives is an enduring feature unli*ely to go away too soon. ;&A 3ews Research in a 1uly 78, 70)) story, reports that based on the 70)0 the "tatement of Assets, 9iabilities and 3et ?orth D"A93F of district representatives in the )5th Congress Dnot covered in this studyF a House member!s average net worth is about )70 times bigger than the average %ilipino family income.)) :nly four of the 77. members comprising the House do not belong to families that earn about P7.6 million a year. ,n 700/ the ordinary %ilipino earns on average only about P702,000 per year D3": 70))F.
.

Querubin D70)0F defines a political dynasty as 'families whose members have e#ercised formal political power for more than one generation( D7F. / The figures were based on the statement of asset and liabilities which a public official is re@uired to submit under the )/.8 ConstitutionI Republic Act 3o. 40)/ or the Anti ;raft and Corrupt Practices ActI and Republic Act 3o. 28)4 or the Code of Conduct and <thical "tandards for Public :fficials and <mployees. )0 +ased on figures released by the 3ational "tatistical Coordination +oard. "ee http=KKwww.nscb.gov.phKsecstatKdOincome.asp )) ;&A 3ews Research, '&illionaire congressmen represent poor constituents,( ;&A 3ews :nline, http=KKwww.gmanetwor*.comKnewsKstoryK778276KnewsKnationKmillionaire-congressmen-represent-poorconstituents Daccessed April 72, 70)7F

The richest congressman by the end of the )6th Congress had a net worth of P/68,..4,2)/ or almost a billion pesos. The top spot went to 9as Pinas Rep. Cynthia Eillar, wife of three-term congressman, House spea*er, and presidential candidate &anny Eillar. ,nterestingly, the ten richest members of the House all belong to what this study defines as a member of a political family. As for the poorest members of the House, all e#cept for +ohol representative Adam Relson 1ala, are partylist representatives. The poorest congressman DRafael &ariano of Ana*pawisF has a net worth of only P67,7)/I not even enough to buy an iPhone in the Philippines.
+ynthia Aillar %"as PiCas' .erdinand ;artin Ro!ualdez %1st) "eyte' ?ulio "edes!a 4A %1st ) Negros Bccidental' .erdinand ;arcos ?r. %2nd) 4locos Norte' ?udy 0y3uco %2nd @ 4loilo' ;onica "ouise :eodoro %1st @ :arlac' .er3enel #iron % th 4loilo' Aurelio 1onzales ?r. %3rd Pa!panga' 1lenda >cleo %<inagat 4sland' Antonio <iaz %2nd =a!bales' ;u3iv 2ata!an %Ana( ;indanao'
1$ 88$888 315$588$888 299$51 $3*7 231$253$595 162$871$888 172$ 88$888 1**$ 88$888 153$719$8 8 77$2*3$265 7$526$888 6 7$993$*16

The 1* richest congressmen an+ the 1*th poorest member of the 1,th Congress -ouse of Representatives

"ource= ,n@uirer.net D70)0F

Dtie here the importance of wealth to politics, family to politicsF How a bill becomes a law according to the Constitution How a bill becomes a law in practice

Number of laws voted in the House

675

1228

local bills 9*

national bills

*9 533 367 2*7 235 179 185 28 131 273 15*

9th +ongres A,uino

6th +ongres

18th +ongres

11th +ongres > strada

12th +ongres

13th +ongres Arroyo

1 th +ongres

Ra!os

Presi+en t

Congre ss

.ills vote+ on the -ouse national local 9 * 367 533 * 9 28 675 1228 Tota l all bills 1113 *32 711 753 335 1131 1 63 *1*9 nationa l 36 22 25 16 2 25 25

.ills certifie+ as urgent loca l 3 2 8 1 1 7 5 Tota l 2 25 28 25 32 38 169 all bills 2 Share over total 3.9D 3.9D 3.5D 2.7D 7.5D 2.9D 2.8D 3.2D Share over national 15.7D 18.2D 1 .8D 16.8D 16.1D 28.5D 11.8D 1 .7D

A,uino Ra!os >strada Arroyo

9th 6th 18th 11th 12th 13th 1 th

2*7 235 179 185 131 15* 273

:op 18 !ost co!!on areas of legislation %local and national'$ 9th to 1 +ongress
building schools public wor(s declaring a holiday environ!ent na!ing and rena!ing structures law and 3ustice local govern!ent public lands creating a new agency or court agriculture and food public health building schools public wor(s declaring a holiday local govern!ent environ!ent law and 3ustice public lands na!ing and rena!ing structures franchises agriculture and food ta&ation labor creating econo!ic zones building schools public wor(s franchises na!ing and rena!ing structures declaring a holiday local govern!ent professional regulation creating a new agency or court ta&ation law and 3ustice environ!ent ban(ing and finance building schools public wor(s franchises local govern!ent declaring a holiday environ!ent na!ing and rena!ing structures touris! education policy elections and suffrage public lands creating a new agency or court children building schools franchises public wor(s local govern!ent building hospitals na!ing and rena!ing structures declaring a holiday public lands touris! trade$ industry and econo!y professional regulation building schools franchises declaring a holiday na!ing and rena!ing structures building hospitals touris! local govern!ent elections and suffrage ta&ation trade$ industry and econo!y education policy building hospitals building schools na!ing and rena!ing structures franchises declaring a holiday local govern!ent governance and reorganization elections and suffrage ta&ation agriculture and food 3 6 *2 5 39 3 31 2* 2* 23 22 8 265 8 3 38 38 27 28 15 18 18 18 97 9 32 19 17 13 12 11 9 9 7 7 255 2 9 * 27 15 12 18 7 7 * * * 296 155 39 33 26 16 17 18 6 7 7 289 1 8 35 32 29 22 1* 13 13 12 11 38* 216 21 75 33 2* 22 21 17 12

th

*18

"ource= Author Dbased on data from the House of Representatives, PhilippinesF 3ote= ,n most cases, there are areas which indicate the same fre@uency of cases. %or instance, in the / th Congress, 'elections and suffrage' and 'ta#ation( share the .th spot. ,n these instances, both will be ta*en into account, hence, some Congress can have more than )0 entries.

9th

6th

18th

11th

12th

13th

1 th

:op five !ost co!!on areas of national legislation$ 9th to 1

law and 3ustice public health environ!ent education policy franchises trade$ industry and econo!y declaring a holiday ta&ation labor franchises public health cri!e and law enforce!ent !ilitary and defense housing law and 3ustice environ!ent appropriation citizenship professional regulation wo!en governance and reorganization social welfare civil service franchises professional regulation ta&ation ban(ing and finance law and 3ustice local govern!ent education policy trade$ industry and econo!y agriculture and food cri!e and law enforce!ent franchises education policy environ!ent trade$ industry and econo!y professional regulation children ban(ing and finance appropriation veterans franchises trade$ industry and econo!y professional regulation education policy public health local govern!ent ta&ation labor ban(ing and finance agriculture and food appropriation heritage$ culture or language elections and suffrage law and 3ustice housing social welfare franchises ta&ation elections and suffrage trade$ industry and econo!y education policy governance and reorganization labor franchises governance and reorganization ta&ation elections and suffrage public health 1 13 18 18 18 18 18 6 6 22 3 1 th

th

+ongress

7 7 7 * * * * 5 5 5 5 5

13th

9 7 7 * 5 5 5 5 7 * 5 5 5

12

22

12th

22

11th

7 7 * * * 5 5 5 5 5 5

*7

18th

9 7

13 18 18 18 *

6*

6th

9th

1 11

1*

22

"ource= Author Dbased on data from the House of Representatives, PhilippinesF 3ote= ,n most cases, there are areas which indicate the same fre@uency of cases. %or instance, in the / th Congress, 'governance and reorgani$ation,( 'education and policy,( and 'trade industry and economy( share the third spot. This e#plains why, e#cept for the .th Congress, the rest have more than five entries.

Ho! a "ill "ecomes a la! according to the #onstitution ',gnorance of the law,( an old adage goes, 'e#cuses no one.()7 This old 9atin ma#im, albeit familiar to most students of law, is nevertheless ta*en for granted until it hits you. >nfortunately, it is not uncommon for the general public to be caught unaware that a law prohibiting a certain act or securing a right has been passed. A representative!s term last for three years, some can go for even three full terms, during which period he can author as many measures as he can. How does a measure become a lawH ,f sovereignty resides in the people as the Constitution guarantees, how much of these laws that passed reflect the public!s aspirationH As a matter of procedure, a measure has to undergo these steps to become law= 1. Bill preparation. The House &ember Dor the CongressmanKwomanF prepares and drafts the bill, or the +ill Arafting Aivision of the Reference and Research +ureau does the same upon the &ember!s re@uest. +ills and proposed resolutions are re@uired to be signed by their author or authors. 2. First reading. The bill is filed with the +ills and ,nde# "ervice and the same is numbered and reproduced. Three days after the filing, the same is included in the :rder of +usiness for %irst Reading. :n %irst Reading, the "ecretary ;eneral reads the title and number of the bill. The "pea*er then refers the bill to the appropriate committeeKs. 3. Committee consideration or action. The Committee to which the bill was referred is tas*ed to evaluate and determine the necessity of conducting public hearings. ,f public hearings are necessary, it schedules the time thereof, issues public notices, and invites resource persons for the proposed legislation. ,f there is no need to conduct public hearings, the bill is scheduled for Committee discussions. +ased on the results of the public hearings or Committee Aiscussions, the Committee may introduce amendments, consolidate bills on the same sub ect matter, or propose a substitute bill. ,t then prepares a corresponding Committee Report. The Committee approves the Committee Report before its formal transmission to the Plenary Affairs +ureau. 4. Second reading. The Committee Report is registered and numbered by the +ills and ,nde# "ervice. ,t will be included in the :rder of +usiness and referred to the Committee on Rules, which then schedules the bill for consideration on "econd Reading. Committee Reports are prepared by the secretary of the Committee and duly approved by the Chairman, Eice-Chairmen and members of the Committee. :n "econd Reading, the "ecretary ;eneral reads the number, title and te#t of the bill in the plenary session. The period of sponsorship and debate andKor amendments may ta*e place. Eoting may be through viva voce Dverbal 'aye( and 'no( voteF, counted by tellers, division of the House, or nominal voting.
)7

9e# ignorantiam non e#cusat.

5. !ird reading. The amendments, if any are engrossed or collated and printed copies are reproduced. The engrossed bill is included in the Calendar of +ills for Third Reading. Copies of the same are distributed to the House &embers three days before its Third Reading. :n Third Reading, the "ecretary ;eneral reads only the number and title of the bill. A roll call or nominal voting is called. A &ember is given three minutes to e#plain hisKher vote if heKshe desires. Amendment of the bill is not allowed at this stage. The bill is approved if ma ority of the House &embers show an affirmative vote. ,f the bill is disapproved, it is transmitted to the archives. ". ransmittal to t!e Senate. The approved bill is sent to the "enate for its concurrence. #. Senate$s action. The approved bill of the House undergoes the same legislative process in the "enate. %. Conference committee. A conference committee is formed and is composed of both &embers from each House DCongress and "enateF to settle, reconcile, and thresh out differences on any provisions of the bill. A Conference Committee report is prepared and signed by all conferees and the Chairman. ,t is then submitted for consideration or approval of both Houses. Any amendments are not allowed. &. ransmittal to t!e President. Copies of the bill signed by the "enate President and the "pea*er of the House of Representatives, and certified by both of the "ecretary of the "enate and the "ecretary ;eneral of the House, are transmitted to the President. 1'. Presidential action. ,f the bill is approved by the President, it is assigned an RA DRepublic ActF number and transmitted to the House where it originated. ,n case of a veto, the bill is transmitted to the House where it originated, together with a message citing the reason for the veto. $$% (ction on t!e approved )ill% The bill is reproduced and copies are sent to the :fficial ;a$ette :ffice for publication and distribution to implementing agencies. ,t is then included in the annual compilations of Acts and Resolutions. $&% (ction on vetoed )ill. The message is included in the :rder of +usiness. ,f the Congress decides to override the veto, both Houses shall proceed separately to consider the bill or the vetoed item of the bill. ,f two-thirds of the &embers voted in favor of the bill, or its vetoed items, such bill or items shall become a law. A oint resolution which has the force and effect of a law goes also through the same process, although this research is primarily focused on legislative measures alone.

<> 1E=;AN$ <>" R. 0AN:4A1B$ NAR+ 40B 444 <. + B<4""A$ >E.RB+ 4NB 0R. ;. RB<R41E>=$ RE.E0 #. "A1;AN$ ><+ >" + . :>B<BRB$ ;AR+ >"4NB R. + A"4;#A0)A4""ARB0A$ A;>"4:A + EA$ ?EN4> >. A";AR4B$ :2>";A =. + 2A::B$ ><1AR<B ;. .41E>RBA$ + A:A"4NB A. + B<4""A$ >E.RB+ 4NB 0R. ;. R>F>0$ ><;EN<B ?R. B. A;4N$ 2E004N E. "A+ 0BN$ ?B0> + AR"B0 A. AN<AFA$ RB"AN<B ?R. 1E:4>RR>= 0A"+ ><A$ ?B>F 0AR:> A#AFBN$ 2AR"4N + . #AR4NA1A$ RB0>"">R ". + 2A::B$ ><1AR ;. 0F?E+ B$ AE1E0:B ?R. " ;BN.BR:$ NAR+ 40B <. =4A"+ 4:A$ ><EAR<B + . >0P4NB$ A;A<B ?R. :. <>" ;AR$ RAE" A. AN1ARA)+ A0:4""B$ #>""A."BR ?. AN<AFA$ RB"AN<B ?R. 1. >+ 24A>RR4$ >NR4+ B R. ?ARAE"A$ + BN0:AN:4NB 1. >0+ E<>RB$ .RAN+ 40 1. EN<>$ 1BR1BN4B P. .AR4IA0$ RB<B".B + . PBN+ >$ N>0:BR ?R. + . "4#AN$ <AN:> A. #A0+ E1$ A">H 1. "BR>:B)1B$ ;A. + A:A"4NA ". ;BN.BR:$ NAR+ 40B <. A4+ >N+ 4B$ RB;EA"<B :. AE;>N:A<B$ >R4+ B #. 1BN=A">=$ ?B0> ;AR4 + . "4#AN$ <AN:> A. ;BN.BR:$ NAR+ 40B <. AA4"A$ ><1AR ;. <>?BN$ :>;40:B+ ">0 0R. 0. RA;4R>=$ ?B0> :. :EPA0$ N4>" <. A<4BN1$ A#<E";A"4G ;A;4N:A" ;. + A"A"AF$ R>FNA"<B A. <>" ;AR$ RAE" A. AE;>N:A<B$ >R4+ B #. A#AFA$ AN:BN4B ;. "4#AN$ <AN:> A. <RA1BN$ R>NA:B P. >0+ E<>RB$ 0A"AA<BR 444 2. <>" ;AR$ RAE" A. :EA=BN$ RB<B".B :. P"A=A$ + 2AR4:B #. PARA0$ ?>RB;> A. #>";BN:>$ .>"4+ 4ANB ?R. R. PAFE;B$ .>"4+ 4:B + . + A:AN>$ P>R+ 4AA" #. RB;EA"<B$ P><RB P. ;BN.BR:$ NAR+ 40B <. RA;4R>=$ ?B0> :. :EPA0$ N4>" <. #AN<BN$ A"A-A<4N ?R. :. :4RB"$ <AA4< #. AN<B"ANA$ 1R>1BR4B A. <>" ;AR$ RAE" A. <RA1BN$ R>NA:B P. PA"A+ B"$ ;A1<A">NB ;. A";AR4B$ :2>";A =.

91* 765 78 *58 *23 6* 87 356 355 382 *85 5 9 583 89 378 356 269 295 2*2 259 1 19 562 526 51 33 87 8* 83 367 376 1331 11 2 18 7 657 *56 *53 *16 561 66 17 1533 1 86 1857 983 75 598 5 * *2 59 1* 255 97 91 76 77 7 78 *6 *6 *9 *9 *7 3226 2997 2391 2133 1757 1169 1869 18*5 672 6*6

9th + ongress

6th + ongress

18th + ongress

11th + ongress

12th + ongress

13th

1 th + ongres

Most #requent Polic/ 0reas of !egislation 1national an+ local2$ -ouse of Representatives$
Polic/ 0reas building schools public wor(s franchises building hospitals na!ing and rena!ing structures declaring a holiday local govern!ent environ!ent law and 3ustice public lands touris! ta&ation agriculture and food education policy public health elections and suffrage creating a new agency or court professional regulation trade$ industry and econo!y governance and reorganization labor cri!e and law enforce!ent ban(ing and finance civil service housing heritage$ culture or language appropriation citizenship creating econo!ic zones public order and safety infrastructure and public goods !ilitary and defense wo!en sports and youth social welfare energy persons and fa!ily relations science and technology veterans cooperatives and s!all businesses children !igrants and B.peace efforts %inc. ;usli! affairs' agrarian refor! national disaster foreign policy civic groups ani!al welfare population &th 216 2 75 38* 21 33 2* 5 9 2 17 12 6 11 21 * 7 6 22 * * 7 18 3 5 * 3 8 * * * 5 3 %th 289 2 1 8 29 32 35 1* 3 5 2 22 13 3 11 5 13 3 5 12 9 7 3 3 5 2 3 5 3 1 2 2 2 3 3 5 1 1 2 8 8 2 8 5 1 8 8 1 8 1*t h 296 39 155 26 16 17 33 1 18 6 5 5 * * 5 7 7 1 5 3 5 3 5 * 5 8 1 3 1 3 1 2 8 3 1 1 1 8 1 1 8 1 8 1 8 11th 255 2 9 * 2 12 27 15 8 * 18 3 1 7 2 7 * 5 5 3 3 1 3 1 2 1 3 3 3 2 1 2 8 1 1 1 1 * 8 1 8 8 1 8 8 8 1)th 97 9 32 1 19 17 13 7 9 3 1 9 5 5 3 2 11 12 5 3 1 5 7 1 1 2 2 2 8 3 1 2 8 2 8 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 1 8 8 1 13th 8 265 28 27 8 3 38 38 9 18 15 * 6 3 8 5 2 5 18 7 2 5 7 5 * * 18 2 5 7 5 5 * 2 8 3 2 8 1 2 1 8 8 1 8 8 1,th *18 3 6 16 12 39 *2 31 5 3 2* 1 6 23 1 22 5 2* 6 18 3 6 7 6 9 6 9 6 * 1 7 5 3 3 3 Total )1*& %&) ,&' 3&) 34* )35 )*3 11* &% '% *9 *5 * 59 59 5* 5* 58 58 5 3* 3 33 32 31 38 38 2* 25 25 2 23 23 23 22 28 1* 15 15 1 13 18 18 6 9 7 * 2 1

5 1 5 8 2 2 1 2 2 1 8 8

2 1 2 8 8

1%&'()**% "ource= Author Dusing data from the House of Representatives, PhilippinesF

35888

:otal nu!ber of bills filed per +ongress$ 1697 to 2886

38888

25888

28888

15888

18888

5888

8 1697 1699 1696 1668 1661 1662 1663 166 9th 6th 1665 166* 1667 1669 1666 2888 2881 2882 2883 288 18th 11th 12th 2885 288* 2887 2889 2886 13th 1 th

total nu!ber of bills filed

19888 1*888 1 888 12888 18888 9888 *888 888 2888 8

total nu!ber of bills enacted into law

total nu!ber of bills passed in the 2ouse

#ills authored and co)authored filed per +ongress$ 1697 to 2886

1697 1699 1696 1668 1661 1662 1663 166 9th 6th

1665 166* 1667 1669 1666 2888 2881 2882 2883 288 18th 11th 12th

2885 288* 2887 2889 2886 13th 1 th

total nu!ber of national bills filed

total nu!ber of local bills filed

588 58 88 358 388 258 288 158 188 58 8

Authored and co)authored bills enacted into law$ 1697 to 2886

1697 1699 1696 1668 1661 1662 1663 166 9th 6th

1665 166* 1667 1669 1666 2888 2881 2882 2883 288 18th 11th 12th

2885 288* 2887 2889 2886 13th 1 th

total nu!ber of national bills enacted into law

1*888

total nu!ber of local bills enacted into law

"egislative production at the 2ouse of Representatives$ 1697 to 2886

1 888

12888

18888

9888

*888

888

2888

8 1697 1699 1696 1668 1661 1662 1663 166 9th 6th 1665 166* 1667 1669 1666 2888 2881 2882 2883 288 18th 11th 12th 2885 288* 2887 2889 2886 13th 1 th

authored bills filed for consideration

authored bills passed in the 2ouse

authored bills enacted into law

1 888

#ill authorship by significance %national or local'$ 1697 to 2886

12888

18888

9888

*888

888

2888

8 1697 1699 1696 1668 1661 1662 1663 166 9th 6th 1665 166* 1667 1669 1666 2888 2881 2882 2883 288 18th 11th 12th 2885 288* 2887 2889 2886 13th 1 th

authored national bills filed

authored local bills filed

*88

#ills passed in the 2ouse by significance %national or local'$ 1697 to 2886

588

88

388

288

188

8 1697 1699 1696 1668 1661 1662 1663 166 9th 6th 1665 166* 1667 1669 1666 2888 2881 2882 2883 288 18th 11th 12th 2885 288* 2887 2889 2886 13th 1 th

authored national bills passed in the 2ouse

authored local bills passed in the 2ouse

588 58 88 358 388 258 288 158 188 58 8

#ills passed in the 2ouse by significance %national or local'$ 1697 to 2886

1697 1699 1696 1668 1661 1662 1663 166 9th 6th

1665 166* 1667 1669 1666 2888 2881 2882 2883 288 18th 11th 12th

2885 288* 2887 2889 2886 13th 1 th

authored national bills enacted into law

authored local bills enacted into law

References Coronel, "heila "., Jvonne Chua, 9u$ Rimban, and +ooma Cru$. 7006. Rulema*ers= How the ?ealthy and ?ell-+orn Aominate Congress. Que$on City, Philippines= Philippine Center for ,nvestigative 1ournalism. Aal +o, <., P. Aal +o and 1."nyder. 700/. Political Aynasties. Review of Economic Studies 82D)F=))5-)67. Ae Aios, <mmanuel ". 7008. '9ocal Politics and 9ocal <conomy.( ,n The Dynamics of Regional Development: The Philippines in East Asia, ed. Arsenio +alisacan and Hal Hall, pp. )78-)84. >N= <dward <lgar. %ernande$, Perfecto E. )/.4. "eparation of Powers as 1uristic ,mperative. Philippine aw !ournal 5.D4F= 765-755. ;utierre$, <ric >., ,ldefonso Torrent, and 3oli ;. 3arca. )//7. All in the %amily= A study of <lites and Power Relations in the Philippines. Que$on City= ,nstitute for Popular Aemocracy. &cCoy, Alfred ?. ed. )//4. An Anarchy of %amilies= "tate and %amily in the Philippines. &adison= Center for "outheast Asian "tudies, >niversity of ?isconsin-&adison. &endo$a, Ronald >., <dsel 9. +e a, Aavid +. Jap, and Eictor ". Eenida. 70)7. An <mpirical Analysis of Political Aynasties in the )5th Philippine Congress. Asian ,nstitute of &anagement ?or*ing Paper )7-00). 3ational "tatistics :ffice. 70)). 700/ %amily and ,ncome <#penditure "urvey %inal Result= 3ational Capital Region. "pecial Release 3o. 70))-005. &anila, Philippines= 3ational "tatistics :ffice. Querrubin, Pablo. 70)0. '%amily and Politics= Aynastic Persistence in the Philippines.( &imeo. &assachusetts ,nstitute of Technology. Rivera, Temario C. 70)7. ',n "earch of Credible <lections and Parties= The Philippine Parado#.( ,n "hasing the #ind: Assessing Philippine Democracy, ed. %elipe

&iranda, Temario Rivera, &alaya Ronas, and Ronald Holmes, pp. 62-/6. Que$on City, Philippines= Commission on Human Rights. Rivera, Temario C. )//6. 9andlords and Capitalists= Class, %amily and "tate in the Philippine &anufacturing. Que$on City= >niversity of the Philippines Press. Rossi, &artin. 70)0. CThe Causes of Political Aynasties in Aemocratic Countries,C &imeo. >niversidad de "an Andres. "imbulan, Aante C. 7005. The &odern Principalia= The Historical <volution of the Philippine Ruling :ligarchy. Ailiman, Que$on City= >niversity of the Philippines Press. Teehan*ee, 1ulio. 7008. 'And the clans play on.( Philippine Center for ,nvestigative 1ournalism D&arch 8F. http=KKpci .orgKstoriesKand-the-clans-play-onK Daccessed April 75, 70)7F.