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International Planning Studies


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The Spatial Politics of Spatial Representation: Relationality as a Medium for Depoliticization?


Kristian Olesen & Tim Richardson
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Department of Development and Planning , Aalborg University , Aalborg, Denmark Published online: 02 Dec 2011.

To cite this article: Kristian Olesen & Tim Richardson (2011) The Spatial Politics of Spatial Representation: Relationality as a Medium for Depoliticization?, International Planning Studies, 16:4, 355-375, DOI: 10.1080/13563475.2011.615549 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13563475.2011.615549

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International Planning Studies Vol. 16, No. 4, 355 375, November 2011

The Spatial Politics of Spatial Representation: Relationality as a Medium for Depoliticization?


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KRISTIAN OLESEN & TIM RICHARDSON


Department of Development and Planning, Aalborg University, Aalborg, Denmark

ABSTRACT This paper explores the interplay between the spatial politics of new governance landscapes and innovations in the use of spatial representations in planning. The central premise is that planning experiments with new relational approaches become enmeshed in spatial politics. The case of strategic spatial planning in Denmark reveals how fuzzy spatial representations and relational spatial concepts are being used to depoliticize strategic spatial planning processes and to camouage spatial politics. The paper concludes that, while relational geography might play an important role in building consensus, it plays an equal important role in supporting current neoliberal transformations of strategic spatial planning.

Introduction In the European planning research literature, there has been increased interest in the role of spatial representations in strategic spatial planning processes at national, subnational and regional scales (Neuman, 1996; Zonneveld, 2000; Jensen & Richardson, 2001, 2003, hr, 2004, 2007) and the conceptions of space and place underpinning these rep2004; Du resentations (Healey, 2004, 2006, 2007; Davoudi & Strange, 2009). Within planning theory, there is a growing body of literature arguing that strategic spatial planning needs to embrace the ideas of relational geography developed in the elds of human geography and sociology of planning (Graham & Healey, 1999; Graham & Marvin, 2001; Healey, 2004, 2006, 2007, Davoudi & Strange, 2009), in order to grasp the dynamic diversity of the complex co-location of multiple webs of relations that transect and intersect across an urban area (Healey, 2007:3). From a US perspective, Friedmann (1993) has argued for a similar break with Euclidean geography. Whilst the understanding of spatiality has always to some extent been relational, representations of space and place within the eld of planning have traditionally been concerned with depicting land use in a regulatory manner. The new strategic spatial planning emerging from the beginning of the 1990s was concerned with distancing the core role of planning from its regulatory associations by bringing new relational

Correspondence Address: Kristian Olesen, Department of Development and Planning, Aalborg University, Fibigerstrde 13, 9220 Aalborg East, Denmark. Tel: + 4599407211; Email: kristian@plan.aau.dk ISSN 1356-3475 Print/1469-9265 Online/11/040355 21 # 2011 Taylor & Francis http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13563475.2011.615549

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understandings of spatiality and representations of space and place into the planning eld. Rather than depicting land use, the new spatial representations were seen as persuasive devices playing a crucial role in mobilizing support and building legitimacy for spatial strategies across fragmented governance landscapes (Healey, 2006, 2007). Spatial representations were transformed from land-use maps into impressionistic and abstract policy maps, accompanied by supportive metaphors and storylines (Jensen & Richardson, hr, 2004, 2007; Healey, 2007). Such new forms of spatial representation have 2003; Du been termed fuzzy maps (Davoudi & Strange, 2009). Whilst spatial planning via the concept of relationality has sought inspiration from academic discourses within geography, there still seem to be substantial differences in how spatiality is handled in planning and geography, reecting the lack of intellectual integration between the two disciplines (Phelps & Tewdwr-Jones, 2008). In the planning literature, it is argued that relational conceptions of spatiality, including fuzzy spatial representations, play an important role in building support for spatial strategies (Healey, 2004, 2007). However this literature has so far paid little attention to the nature of the interplay between the spatial politics of new governance landscapes and the use of relational spatial representations in planning. How, precisely, do relational approaches to space capture, reect, or contribute to the situated power relations in planning? In particular, is it the persuasive and impressionistic characteristics of these representations that plays a part in mobilizing support, or conversely are their abstract characteristics the consequence of attempts to broker agreement or build consensus? These questions seem particularly relevant in the context of contemporary experimentation with new soft forms of governance (Allmendinger & Haughton, 2009, 2010; Haughton et al., 2010) as vehicles for building governance capacity (Healey, 2007) across and in-between formal scales of planning, embedded with all sorts of spatial politics. There is a growing body of literature discussing the implications of spatial politics at urban and regional scales, and also on cross-border strategy-making (for example, de Vries, 2008; Fabbro & Haselsberger, 2009). Furthermore, Faludi and Waterhout (2002) and Zonneveld (2000) have illustrated how the spatial politics in the process of preparing the European Spatial Development Perspective remained contested and prevented member states from building consensus on policy maps depicting the future European territory. This suggests that the fuzziness of spatial representations, or the absence or presence of spatial representations, might reect the nature and degree of contested spatial politics in strategic spatial planning (Jensen & Richardson, 2003). However, fuzzy spatial representations might not only result from contested spatial politics in consensus-seeking strategy-making processes; they might also, as suggested by Davoudi and Strange (2009), be deployed as conscious attempts to depoliticize spatial strategy-making processes in order to avoid potential political tensions. In this way, fuzzy spatial representations become an effective means to camouage spatial politics and depoliticize strategic spatial planning processes. In this paper, then, we analyse the interplay between the spatial politics of strategic spatial planning and the spatial representations used in these planning processes. The aim is to explore the extent to which planning experiments with new relational approaches become enmeshed in the particular power relations where they are used. Focusing on the case of strategic spatial planning in Denmark, we analyse how spatial politics inuence conceptions of space and place and spatial representations in strategic spatial planning processes. First, we review the planning literature to build a framework for analysing how relational understandings of spatiality are captured

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in spatial representations and how the spatial politics embedded in these representations can be identied. Second, we explore how conceptions of space and place are changing in Denmark in a context of changing governance structures, and how the spatial politics of new governance landscapes inuence spatial representations of new planning spaces. This analysis draws on three case studies of strategic spatial planning experiments initiated at subnational scales Denmark in connection to the 2006 national planning report. Third, the evidence from these analyses is synthesized in a discussion highlighting particular Danish conceptions of space and place and the spatial politics evolving around them. In conclusion, we argue that relational spatial representations do important persuasive and camouaging work in strategic spatial planning processes, contributing to a blurring of spatial politics in strategic spatial planning, and supporting neoliberal transformations of spatial planning. Theorizing Spatial Politics and Conceptions of Space and Place in Strategic Spatial Planning In this section, we build the theoretical foundation for analysing conceptions of space and place and spatial politics in strategic spatial planning. We build the theoretical discussion on the increasing European planning literature examining conceptions of space and place in spatial strategy-making processes (Healey, 2004, 2006, 2007; Harris & Hooper, 2004; Davoudi & Strange, 2009) and the use of cartographic representations in strategic spatial hr, 2004, 2007), together with planning literature stressing the contested planning (Du nature of spatial representations (Jensen & Richardson, 2001, 2003, 2004; Zonneveld, 2000). In this paper, we use the term spatial representations to refer to maps and other representations of space of more or less abstract and fuzzy character. We will return to these characteristics later in this section. Conceptions of Space and Place in Strategic Spatial Planning Conceptions of space and place in strategic spatial planning processes have traditionally been rooted in Euclidean geometry and an absolute view of space (Graham & Healey, 1999; Healey, 2004, 2006, 2007; Davoudi & Strange, 2009). This positivistic spatial rationality underpinned many of the famous European structure plans and master plans produced in the mid-twentieth century. Maps were prepared by a mix of scientic methods and spatial visioning. Space was viewed as a neutral container into which human activity simply could be poured (Healey, 2007). The core spatial logics were based around a division between the urban and rural. During the 1960s and 1970s a more procedural and system view of planning emerged in which cities and regions were conceptualized as complex systems, which could only be understood and monitored through models developed from a spatial science approach (Allmendinger, 2009). These models still play an important part of contemporary transport planning when it comes to predicting future transport patterns. In terms of spatial planning, planning was concerned with developing spatial laws and organizing principles around which urban development could be organized (Davoudi & Strange, 2009). In parallel to the revived interest in strategic spatial planning in Europe at the beginning of the 1990s, a new relational understanding of space and place found ground within planning theory. One of the core theoretical ideas underpinning a relational understanding of

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space and place was Castells (1996) notion of space of ows and space of place, which broke with the previous hierarchical understanding of scale and gave terms such as connectivity and proximity new meanings, as these now were to be understood in time rather than physical proximity. These ideas were developed further in order to capture the emerging fragmentation and splintering of society (Graham & Marvin, 2001), in particular in terms of European spatial policy-making (Jensen & Richardson, 2001). In terms of spatial representations, a new vocabulary of networks, webs, ows, nodes, and hubs was introduced as new organizing principles inspired by European planning discourses (Healey, 2006; Davoudi & Strange, 2009). In these new understandings of space as socially and culturally produced, spatial representations set out to capture how space was lived and understood by its inhabitants and users in present time rather than a distant future. In recent processes of strategic spatial planning, planning practice has tried to see the world through webs, ows and networks and incorporate a relational understanding of spatiality into representations of space. This is perhaps most evident in recent processes of spatial strategy-making at the scales of the recent devolved nations of Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland in the United Kingdom, and the English regions. Although the spatial representations in these cases remain somewhat static and two-dimensional, evidence suggests that planning practice is embracing relationality in spatial representations through fuzzy maps: However, what seems to have changed is the way in which space and place is represented in these two-dimensional maps. The change signals a tentative move away from the positivist portrayal of space as absolute and xed to one that is more uid and dynamic, albeit not necessarily representing the complex layers of spatial relations. The shift has been captured in the notion of fuzzy maps. What features less in the plans is the Euclidean focus on geometric accuracy of key maps that depict spatiality as a mosaic of land uses, criss-crossed with road and rail lines. In its place, the plans key maps show the spatial relations of the planned territory as uid, with fuzzy boundaries. (Davoudi & Strange, 2009:225) The fuzzy maps are characterized by softening of internal boundaries, articulated in the notion of fuzzy boundaries (Allmendinger & Haughton, 2009; Davoudi & Strange, 2009; Haughton et al., 2010), whilst depicting external boundaries as sharply and distinctly dened. The hard external boundaries underline strategic spatial plannings important role in building identity for newly devolved nations and regional territories (Neuman, 1996; Davoudi & Strange, 2009), whilst the fuzzy internal boundaries reect the emergence of new soft forms of governance (Allmendinger & Haughton, 2009, 2010; Haughton et al., 2010). Furthermore, the concepts of ows, webs and networks are often represented by arrows illustrating internal ows and external connectivities. The key characteristics of Euclidean and relational understandings of space are presented in Table 1. It remains uncertain whether these new fuzzy spatial representations do in fact indicate changing geographical understandings of spatiality among planning practitioners, or whether new relational conceptions of space and place are more or less unconsciously brought into a discursive melting pot full of various spatial conceptions and logics, from which planners select whatever they nd appropriate to accrete meanings to specic

The Spatial Politics of Spatial Representation


Table 1. Key characteristics of Euclidean and relational geography Euclidean geography Conception of space and place Spatial logics Time and future Objective and measurable Nested hierarchies with xed boundaries Physical proximity Linear, forecasted Static maps, zoning, land use Relational geography

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Socially and culturally produced Unbounded spaces in webs and networks Connectivity (mental and physical) Time as present, multiple time frames Impressionistic (storytelling) fuzzy maps

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Visual representation

Source: Based on Healey (2004:48, 2007:209 210) and Davoudi and Strange (2009:40).

planning contexts (Healey, 2004). This suggests that bringing relational geography into planning practice remains a normative planning theoretical project, which might be picked up by planning practice for various reasons. It is therefore important not to confuse representational vagueness with relational spatial understandings. Spatial Politics in Representations of Space It is with this in mind that we seek to uncover the rationalities of spatial representations and embedded spatial conceptions in strategic spatial planning processes. In this analysis, we understand spatial representations as contested rather than outputs of rational spatial analysis (Jensen & Richardson, 2003). We seek to uncover spatial representations important role in framing certain ideas and foregrounding certain ways of thinking, whilst bracketing others (Jensen & Richardson, 2003). Following Healeys (2007:215 216) metaphor of a Greek theatre, we expect strategic spatial planning processes to be lled with drama struggle, agony, comedy and tragedy in which different parties agonise over difcult moral and material dilemmas. We expect processes of spatial strategymaking to be enmeshed in spatial politics and that these politics signicantly inuence the nature of spatial representations. Before laying out a framework for this analysis, we illustrate how spatial politics might inuence representations of space through an example from Danish spatial planning. The modern Danish planning system, built up in the 1970s, can be characterized as a systematic and comprehensive approach to spatial planning combined with social welfarist ambitions of balanced development across the entire country. In the 1980s, national investments were put into the more rural parts of Denmark to upgrade cities here into national and regional centres, and thereby full national spatial policies of equal access to public and private services across the entire country. An integral part of these spatial politics was the spatial logic of a hierarchy of cities and towns inspired by the German central place theory, which was depicted in spatial representations at all scales. At the beginning of the 1990s, the spatial policy of a balanced development and equal access to services was abandoned for a new set of spatial policies aiming at positioning Denmark within Europe. National investments in transport infrastructures were now directed towards the Greater Copenhagen Area in order to improve its international competitiveness. Again these spatial policies were clearly visible in national spatial policy maps, where

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Copenhagen was foregrounded at the expense of the rest of the country. This example highlights how spatial politics are not only part of processes of spatial strategy-making, but deeply embedded in representations of space. We now turn to our analytical framework. Firstly, we are interested in whether the absence or presence of spatial representations can indicate something about the level of contested spatial politics in the strategy-making process (Jensen & Richardson, 2003). Secondly, we are interested in how some regions and spatial issues are foregrounded, put into the centre of policy attention, whilst others are backgrounded or even excluded from the policy map (Jensen & Richardson, 2003; Healey, 2007). Jensen and Richardson (2003) have highlighted the spatial politics of location and connectivity of being on the map in European policy-making, whilst in other aspects of policy it might be preferable not to be represented. Spatial politics seem especially to be contested in questions of distributive character (Harris & Hooper, 2004), as they bring out the winners and losers of a spatial policy more clearly (van Duinen, 2004). The foregrounding and backgrounding of spatial representations should be understood as a result of contested processes of ltering, focusing and framing in which policy-makers ght for attention (Healey, 2007). In the European Spatial Development Perspective process, the most contested spatial politics arose around spatial representations visualizing core versus periphery and economically hr, 2007). strong versus weak regions (Zonneveld, 2000; Faludi & Waterhout, 2002; Du Thirdly, strategic spatial planning has still redistributive implications and is quintessentially political in every sense of the word (Harris & Hooper, 2004). We are interested in how certain representations of space, especially representational vagueness, are used as conscious means to blur spatial politics and provide temporary spaces of consensus. Davoudi and Strange (2009:226) have shown how fuzzy maps of devolved nations in the United Kingdom and English regions, in particular blurring of internal boundaries, have effectively depoliticized spatial strategy-making processes in order to avoid potential political tensions: Blurring of the boundaries (both functional and administrative) appears to have offered a way out of the dilemma [of spatial politics]. By not having lines drawn on them, the maps remain more suggestive than prescriptive and hence avoid potential political tensions. Hence, whereas the ascendancy of the fuzzy maps phenomenon signals a growing awareness of the relational space (albeit limited to economicdriven functional relations), it also signals the attempt to depoliticise the planning process by blurring the political boundaries on the map. (Davoudi & Strange, 2009:226) This suggests that fuzzy spatial representations borrowing from relational geography might provide temporary spaces for consensus, but as tensions are not confronted these are likely to surface later, limiting spatial representations persuasive power and spatial strategies transformative force (Healey, 2007). In this way, relationality might act as vehicle for depoliticization of strategic spatial planning processes through the deployment of representational vagueness, blurring the spatial politics of strategy-making. Here we understand depoliticization as conscious processes of hiding or blurring the spatial politics of strategy-making, furthered by a neoliberal political agenda. Rather than understanding depoliticization as resulting in strategy-making processes without politics, we see depoliticization a conscious political strategy to blur the realpolitik of strategy-making, as part

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of a wider contemporary neoliberal political agenda transforming the state spatial project of strategic spatial planning. What seems to be at stake here is an increasing blurring in spatial planning processes regarding who is involved and how, and whether these processes lead to democratic decits. In this paper, we suggest that fuzzy spatial representations, rather than actively building support for spatial strategies, provide a means to camouage contested spatial politics. Critical attention needs therefore not only to be paid to how relationality is depicted in spatial representations, but also to the work done by and with relational geographical concepts in building support for spatial strategies.
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Spatial Representations in Danish Strategic Spatial Planning In this section, we present our analysis of conceptions of space and place in Danish strategic spatial planning, and of how spatial politics have inuenced representations of space. We begin the section by analysing changing conceptions of space and place in Danish national spatial planning, before turning to three processes of spatial strategy-making at subnational scales. The analysis is informed by documentary analysis of spatial strategies and spatial representations prepared through these processes, together with 18 in-depth interviews with national, regional and municipal planners involved in these processes. In these interviews planners were asked specic questions about the nature of the spatial representations that were developed, and how spatial politics had inuenced them. In this way, the analysis of the spatial representations was enriched by the appurtenant metaphors, storylines and claims made about them. Changing Conceptions of Space and Place: Towards a New Map of Denmark There is a strong tradition for strategic spatial planning at the national scale in Denmark. National planning reports have been prepared since the mid-1970s, presenting an account of current development trends in Danish spatial planning. In the beginning of the 1990s, national planning reports were turned into policy documents and linked to parliament elections, whilst still maintaining their legacy of reporting development trends. At the same time, spatial representations were given a more central role in communicating national spatial policies at typically a time horizon of 15 20 years. The Danish planning system built up in the 1970s was based on different scales of bounded administrative units (municipalities and counties), combined with the spatial logic of a hierarchy of cities and towns inspired by the German central place theory. This approach was combined with a comprehensive and rational planning approach conducted through a formal three-tiered hierarchy of plans from the national to the local level (Commission of the European Communities, 1997). As noted earlier in the example of changing spatial politics, Danish planning culture was rooted in a strong social welfarist perspective, which was characterized by spatial coordination with strong distributive and regulatory aspects. In terms of conceptions of space and place, there was a strong belief in plannings ability to control spatial change. This perspective had particularly underpinned various drafts of the Finger Plan for the Greater Copenhagen Area, which to a large extent developed into being synonymous with strategic spatial planning at subnational scales in Denmark. The conception of space as bounded came increasingly under pressure by the end of the 1990s, as a result of increased mobility and complexity in where people live and work.

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Inspired by European planning discourses of polycentricity, a new more dynamic urban settlement pattern of urban networks was discussed (Ministry of the Environment and Energy, 2000). However, these discussions were only reected in national spatial policy maps, which continued to represent space as bounded entities, illustrated by concentric circles around the main cities in Denmark (Figure 1). The changing governance structures in the second half of the 2000s provided an opportunity to spatially rethink the map of Denmark and break with the former spatial logic of central place theory at the national scale. The aim of the 2006 national planning report was to represent space more real (interview, former head of planning in the Ministry of the Environment, 2009) by highlighting the collapse of travel-to-work areas and two emerging functional conurbations. New spaces were imagined, transecting the administrative boundaries of the newly established regions, sharing similar characteristics to what Haughton et al. (2010) refer to as soft spaces with fuzzy boundaries. On one hand, space was clearly understood as more uid than previously. On the other hand, representations of space remained rather bounded with only the two white slightly transparent circles on the New Map of Denmark, suggesting increasingly fuzzy boundaries (Figure 2). The 2006 policy map illustrated a shift in national spatial politics, which had been on the way since the beginning of the 1990s. The spatial policy of balanced development across

Figure 1. National spatial policy map from 2000. Source: Ministry of the Environment and Energy (2000:15).

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Figure 2. The New Map of Denmark from 2006. Source: Ministry of the Environment (2006:15).

the entire Danish territory supported by the spatial logic of a hierarchy of cities and towns was at the national scale replaced by a new set of policies promoting two growth regions as drivers for international competitiveness. Even though the ministry planners took inspiration from European planning discourses on core and periphery, they were very much aware of the spatial politics in foregrounded two urban regions, while backgrounding the peripheral areas in Denmark. A former head of planning in the ministry explained how they had to be careful in the framing of the peripheral areas to avoid stigmatizing these areas as terrible places to live (interview, former head of planning in the Ministry of the Environment, 2009). The peripheral areas were therefore framed as small-town regions and only marked by light shading on the map. The New Map of Denmark became the point of departure for experiments with new forms of strategic spatial planning at the scale of the two urban regions presented on the map. Whilst the Ministry of the Environment had formulated its overall spatial policies for the two urban regions, these were to be specied through processes of spatial strategymaking in which the municipalities were allowed to participate. These processes can thus be understood as attempts to promote new soft forms of governance (Allmendinger & Haughton, 2009, 2010; Haughton et al., 2010) intended to replace state responsibilities, allowing greater experimentation in how strategic spatial planning is carried out in practice. In this way, the two urban regions can be understood as new soft spaces for spatial policy-making, promoted as part of a wider neoliberal political agenda promoting new forms of strategic spatial planning. While the New Map of Denmark was successful in framing two growth regions as drivers for the Danish economy a spatial logic that still survives in Danish spatial planning the spatial politics of concentration have

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recently sparked erce political debate about the future of the peripheral areas. In the spring of 2010 Danish Radio launched a two-week debate, involving experts and politicians, on how to x Denmarks spatial inequalities. In the increasingly neoliberal political climate in Denmark, however, the government has become more reluctant to publicly present or debate its spatial policies. The most recent iteration of national spatial policy (Ministry of the Environment, 2010c) breaks with two decades of planning practice by containing no policy maps whatsoever. This seems to be a deliberate strategy from the ministry to suppress or avoid contestation over spatial politics. The rest of this section analyses how strategy-making evolved in new planning spaces characterized by complex governance landscapes and contested spatial politics, and how these contexts inuenced representations of space. The Greater Copenhagen Area: Maintaining the Legacy from the Past The Greater Copenhagen Area has a long tradition for strategic spatial planning on the regional scale. The rst Finger Plan for the Greater Copenhagen Area was prepared in 1947, and since then urban development in the city region has been governed by various metropolitan institutions and their variants of the Finger Plan. As part of the changing governance structures in the second half of the 2000s, the Ministry of the Environment took over the planning authority for Greater Copenhagen Area from the Greater Copenhagen Authority. In 2007, the Ministry of the Environment prepared a new plan entitled Finger Plan 2007 (Ministry of the Environment, 2007) drawing heavily on the Greater Copenhagen Authoritys regional plan from 2005. On the contrary to earlier spatial plans for the Greater Copenhagen Area, Finger Plan 2007 was given legal status as a national planning directive with the Minister of the Environment as main responsible. Finger Plan 2007 places a strong emphasis on the planning heritage in the Greater Copenhagen Area, in which the Finger Plan represents the crown jewel of the family silver. The spatial logic of the Finger Plan is a hand with spread ngers. Urban development is located within the palm of the hand and along the ngers in urban corridors supported by a public transportation system, connecting the centre of Copenhagen to ve old market towns, whilst the web between the ngers is reserved as recreational green areas serving as the citys lungs (Figure 3). The simple, unique, and easily understood graphical expression has played a key role in building support for the plan and spatial regulation in the Greater Copenhagen ever since (Gaardmand, 1993). The spatial logic has continuously been supplemented by ring roads to accommodate increasing volumes of car trafc and complexity of travel patterns, which no longer tted into the original centre periphery dichotomy. The spatial structure has also been supplemented by the principle of station proximity, which ensures that all greater ofces and service businesses are located within walking distance from train stations. This spatial logic has grown into policy attention in the Finger Plan 2007 as a consequence of increased focus on sustainability and climate change agendas (Ministry of the Environment, 2007). In Finger Plan 2007 the spatial structure of the Greater Copenhagen Area is represented by concentric zones and urban corridors in a twenty-rst-century reinvention of the hand (Figure 3). The zones of the dense urban centre, urban corridors, and green wedges all represent the spatial heritage of the city region. The 2007 spatial representation breaks away from accurate representations of space, paying greater emphasis to the

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Figure 3. Left: The Finger Plan from 1947. Right: The Finger Plan 2007. Source: Left: Egnsplanudvalget (1947:front page). Right: Ministry of the Environment (2007:15).

persuasive power of the overall spatial logic. In a way, the spatial representation aspires to be the future icon of strategic spatial planning in the Greater Copenhagen Area, just like the Finger Plan has been since 1947. The Finger Plan has been subject to a similar critique as the metaphor of the green heart in the Netherlands (Van Eeten & Roe, 2000). As the ngers have grown thicker and longer than originally intended (Gaardmand, 1993), and cut across by new peripheral infrastructures, placing increasing pressure on the green web, it has been more and more difcult to detect the spatial structure of the hand in reality. The representation of a Euclidean conception of space, and insistence on maintaining a sharp graphic divide between the green and built environment, have increasingly come under pressure as the relationship between the imagery and the experienced city region becomes strained. However, as in the Netherlands, any critique of a deeply culturally embedded spatial logic quickly turns into a critique of planning itself (Van Eeten & Roe, 2000; Friedmann, 1993). The spatial logic and its regulatory associations have so far survived the increasingly neoliberal political climate.

Region Zealand: Imagining the Space outside Greater Copenhagen In 2008 the Ministry of the Environment initiated a spatial strategy-making process with the 17 municipalities in Region Zealand, the administrative region of Zealand, the regional transport company, and the Ministry of Transport in order to prepare a spatial framework for the surrounding area to the Greater Copenhagen Area. In 2010 a spatial framework was published (Figure 4), which divided the towns in the region into a hierarchy from A to D according to the towns transport efciency a measure of each towns connectivity to national and regional public transportation systems and size in terms of inhabitants and

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Figure 4. The spatial structure of sustainable and transport effective towns in Region Zealand 2030. Source: Ministry of the Environment (2010a:8).

workplaces (Ministry of the Environment, 2010a). The spatial framework suggested concentration of urban development towards towns highest in the hierarchy, and within these towns around the railway stations.

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The spatial framework represents an interesting mix of conceptions of spatiality. The towns are interpreted as nodes in the public transportation network linking them mainly to the Greater Copenhagen Area. The value of each town is evaluated according to its connectivity. However, as connectivity is interpreted in terms of physical infrastructure, the spatial conception remains rooted in Euclidean geography. The same can be said for the rest of the spatial framework. In order to make sense of the nodes in the public transportation system, the planners sought inspiration from well-known spatial organizing principles deeply rooted in Danish planning culture such as central place theory and concentration of urban development around railway stations. Planners involved in the process explained how ranking towns according to their transport efciency was a conscious attempt to reduce the complex task of preparing an urban settlement structure to a rather objective task in which the spatial politics of the new governance landscape could be avoided. In the complex task of inventing an urban structure for a new planning space, the planners found it useful to return to Euclidean conceptions of space and place in which each towns role in the urban structure could be calculated and objectively supported by facts. This approach meant that spatial politics were not allowed to play a dominant role in the process. A municipal planner summarized the approach as: You might say that the exercise was about keeping it rather physical/spatial during the analyses [. . .] so you were able to say where should we go if there should be a sustainable development. Then we have to make some assumptions that urban development takes place in the station towns, and we have to do this and this. You can say that the decisions you made then was an attempt to make it an objective analysis as possible [. . .] but in consideration of that we know it has to be bought back home, and therefore there are some preconditions in the project about that this project is not based on that we take inhabitants from each other. (Interview, municipal planner, 2010; authors translation) The case of Region Zealand shows how the objective spatial framework had to be politically negotiated in order to mobilize support. As a consequence, towns in the southern part of the region were included in the framework, despite not being connected to the rail network. A municipal planner highlighted how these towns resident and employment structure was important for the southern municipalities, and that it would be politically unacceptable to close down old well-functioning market towns because of their limited connectivity (interview, municipal planner, 2010). In this way, spatial politics played an important role in shaping not only conceptions of space and place, but also what should be represented on the map. Building Regional Identity in the Eastern Jutland Urban Ribbon In 2008 the Ministry of the Environment initiated a spatial strategy-making process, similar to the process described in previous section, involving the 17 municipalities in the Eastern Jutland urban ribbon. Later that year an initial spatial vision was published, which mainly was concerned with building regional identity and placing Eastern Jutland in a European competitive context (Ministry of the Environment, 2008). The spatial vision was richly illustrated by theme maps highlighting the urban regions characteristics in terms of transport infrastructures, business structure, culture and leisure

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facilities, and so forth. The spatial representations tried to capture the internal dynamics and potential synergies within the urban region together with connectivities to the outside world through the use of arrows (see Figure 5). Connectivities and dynamics were both interpreted in terms of physical infrastructure and new potential synergies within and across various policy sectors, illustrating a relational understanding of spatiality. The fuzzy boundaries of Eastern Jutland articulated in the New Map of Denmark (Ministry of the Environment, 2006) grew harder, as it for practical reasons had to be dened who were in and out and could participate in the strategy-making process. As a consequence the impressionistic fuzzy circle in the New Map of Denmark grew into an odd amoeba looking structure (Figure 5).

Figure 5. Potential internal and external synergies in Eastern Jutland. Source: Ministry of the Environment (2008:8).

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As the spatial vision was primarily concerned with building regional identity, it failed to treat potential contested spatial issues such as congestion and urban sprawl and prepare a spatial framework to guide the regions future urban development. These issues were therefore picked up in a second phase, where a small group of planners took the lead in preparing an overall spatial framework for Eastern Jutland. This work was highly contested by the remaining municipal representatives, who interpreted the work as going too far in terms of distributing future urban development and growth between municipalities in the region, just as suggestions to take inspiration from the twin process in Region Zealand were rejected on the same basis. Without a strategy for how to handle the spatial politics in the process, the exercise of preparing a spatial framework became highly contested and in the end impossible. As a result, one municipality decided to leave the processes, while others successfully pushed for a continuous watering down of the content in the spatial framework. A former municipal technical director explained this situation as: . . . and this is also the problem with these 17 municipalities, they are very different, there are large municipalities, there are small municipalities, there are municipalities along the [transport] corridor, and there are municipalities located more peripheral from the corridor. And they could see if it turned into the model of the Zealand project, then there would be different groups of towns. Some towns would be intended for growth and other towns would more be surrounding towns, and how much growth could they get? (Interview, former municipal technical director, 2010; authors translation) Instead of an overall spatial framework, a set of recommendations were nally published in 2010 (Ministry of the Environment, 2010b). The recommendations included a spatial representation of the Eastern Jutland equivalent to the Copenhagen principle of concentrating urban development around nodes in the public transport network (Figure 6). The spatial

Figure 6. The Eastern Jutland principle of concentrating urban development around the nodes in the public transportation system. Source: Ministry of the Environment (2010b:9).

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representation avoids any spatial references and similarity with the spatial structures of Eastern Jutland, and remains as such an image of a spatial logic rather than an impressionistic depiction of the Eastern Jutland space. Planners involved in the Eastern Jutland process highlighted how the spatial representation should be understood as the lowest common denominator between the municipalities, and how the spatial politics of the governance landscape effectively had ensured that no spatial policies or representations of space would give a sense of winners and losers or indicate distribution of growth. The Spatial Politics in Representations of Space
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In this section we synthesize the ndings from our analysis of conceptions of space and place in Danish strategic spatial planning and how spatial politics inuence representations of space, returning to the issues raised in the planning literature. Conceptions of Space and Place in Danish Strategic Spatial Planning Spatial representations illustrating spatial policies are an integral part of Danish planning culture at all scales. These representations have traditionally been built around a few core spatial logics such as hierarchies of cities and towns, urban and rural relations (hereunder limiting urban sprawl), and concentration of urban development around nodes in the public transportation system. All rest within a Euclidean conception of spatiality, and a long-held belief in planners ability to control spatial change. Questioning these spatial logics comes close to questioning the very entity of strategic spatial planning. As a consequence, planners often return to well-known spatial logics when trying to make sense of spatial structures in new planning spaces. The legacy of the Finger Plan contributes to set a precedent for contemporary experiments with strategic spatial planning. These spatial logics are deeply embedded in a rational and comprehensive planning system, which recently has experienced substantial changes as a consequence of changing governance structures. This has also created a pressure on planners to modify their conceptions of space and place. These changes have so far been most signicant on the national scale in the Ministry of the Environments New Map of Denmark, articulating two urban regions with fuzzy boundaries. The two circles illustrate an emerging awareness of the uidity of space and that spatial planning no longer can be limited to administrative units, but has to take place across administrative boundaries in soft spaces (Haughton et al., 2010) in order to be meaningful. This is the rationality underpinning the two experiments with spatial strategy-making in Region Zealand and Eastern Jutland. The New Map of Denmark does, however, not appear as fuzzy as many of the spatial representations of the newly devolved nations in the United Kingdom (Davoudi & Strange, 2009). This emerging relational understanding of spatiality has only partly been transferred down to subnational planning scales. While relational conceptions of space and place dominated the process in Eastern Jutland, a Euclidean understanding of spatiality came to dominate the process of developing an urban settlement structure in Region Zealand. The Finger Plan in Greater Copenhagen remains somewhere in between the two extremes, as a fuzzy spatial representation was used to build support for Euclidean spatial logics. We see therefore not an unequivocal picture of Danish conceptions of space and place. Rather than a true dedication to one conception of spatiality, we see, in line with Healey (2004), a discursive melting pot full of various spatial conceptions

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and logics. The selection and sense of appropriateness of certain spatial conceptions and logics seems to rest more in a specic planning culture than in a particular conception of spatiality. Table 2 presents an overview over conceptions of space and place in Danish strategic spatial planning found in the four processes of strategy-making analysed in this paper. We found that the Euclidean conception of space and place was most dominant among ministry planners. The Ministry of the Environments primary function is to supervise and regulate spatial planning at lower tiers. The ministry planners therefore have a clear interest in encouraging specic and binding spatial frameworks to ease integration with the hr (2007) found a similar connection between the level of existing planning system. Du abstraction in spatial representations and spatial strategies legal status in her case studies of spatial representations in Dutch, German and English spatial strategies. As noted earlier, there seems to be a strong connection between planning rationalities and conceptions of space and place. Specic (less fuzzy) spatial representations have clear regulatory associations, as one ministry planner explains: What is also exciting is how specic this can get, because where we really commit each other, it is if we draw the maps. And the light model, you might say, is where you agree on overall planning principles for Eastern Jutland, such as for example an Eastern Jutland principle of station proximity, which also includes bus connections and light railway connections [. . .] So it is exciting how far we can get and what the aim of the future work will be. We have to clarify that. Are we at map drawing level or are we at planning principles level? [. . .] And the question is also what the Ministry of Transport needs. They probably need some far more concrete statements. [. . .] So I believe, if we are to bring something useful to this work, then it is the specic [map], but it is also the most difcult to agree on. (Interview, ministry planner, 2009; authors translation) Spatial Politics in Danish Strategic Spatial Planning As illustrated in the quotation above, specic spatial representations not only have clear regulatory associations, but they are also potentially more difcult to agree on. The strategic spatial planning processes in Region Zealand and Eastern Jutland illustrate how spatial politics had signicant impacts on the nature of the spatial representations prepared in these processes. Planners involved in strategy-making were aware of these issues and sought in different ways to avoid the spatial politics of the processes they were part of. The ministry planners were aware of the spatial politics of using a core periphery dichotomy in the New Map of Denmark, and sought to mitigate potential contestation by framing peripheral areas as small town regions and only marking them by light shading. While the New Map of Denmark has been powerful in shaping subsequent processes of spatial strategy-making at subnational scales, the core periphery dichotomy has recently sparked erce political debate in the Danish media. As the evidence from the European Spatial Development Perspective process also reveals, the most contested spatial politics arise around spatial representations of core versus periphery and economi hr, 2007; Zonneveld, cally strong versus weak regions (Faludi & Waterhout, 2002; Du 2000). The concern with handling potentially volatile spatial politics seems to have caused an increasing fear of spatial representations in Danish spatial planning. In the

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Table 2. Conceptions of space and place in Danish strategic spatial planning National Planning Report 2006 The Greater Copenhagen Area Conception of space and place Region Zealand Eastern Jutland

Space dened by administrative Space dened by boundaries of Space as objectively measured boundaries and commuter former metropolitan and politically negotiated patterns institutions Awareness of fuzzy boundaries Spatial change can be Spatial change can be controlled controlled Spatial change can be controlled Core periphery Urban regions with fuzzy boundaries Map of Denmark after 2007 Policy map

Spatial logics

Time and future Visual representation

Places as connected by infrastructures and potential synergies Spatial identity created through strategy-making Spatial change can be controlled Centralization of urban Decentralization of urban Centralization around nodes in development (palm and development through hierarchy transport network ngers) of towns Centralization around nodes in Centralization around nodes in transport network transport network Spatial framework from 2007 Framework towards 2030 No indication of time and onwards Iconic spatial framework Spatial framework Image of spatial logic

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most recent spatial policy from 2010 (Ministry of the Environment, 2010c), the Ministry of the Environment has decided not to include an overall policy map, breaking with two decades of planning practice. In Region Zealand, planners tried to keep spatial politics outside the strategy-making process by reducing the task of preparing a spatial framework to a rather factual and objective level. This attempt to depoliticize the process and hide behind neutrality, technicality and objectivity of positivism has also been observed in other spatial strategymaking processes. In line with practice in the United Kingdom (Davoudi & Strange, 2009), the planners in Region Zealand turned to well-known spatial logics in an attempt to reduce the disorderly world of relational geography into well-ordered and neatly nested spatial imaginaries. These spatial imaginaries were then later politically negotiated in order to mobilize political support for the spatial strategy. In Eastern Jutland, planners found it even more challenging to handle the spatial politics of the new governance landscape. Initial consensus built around a spatial vision disappeared quickly in the processes of preparing a spatial framework. The spatial politics camouaged in the initial fuzzy spatial representations resurfaced as the process continued. The work of a small group of planners was rejected as being too regulatory and favouring the major cities. Once again the spatial politics had to be camouaged in the spatial representation. In this way, the spatial politics of the urban region effectively ensured that no spatial policies or representations of space would give a sense of winners or losers or indicate future distribution of growth. The Danish processes of strategic spatial planning demonstrate how fuzzy spatial representations are regarded as an effective means to detach spatial planning from its regulatory associations and its often contested distributive characteristics. We have seen how spatial politics have signicant impacts on representations of space, as these are being politically negotiated in mobilization exercises. Furthermore, we have illustrated how fuzzy spatial representations and concepts from relational geography are used to camouage spatial politics and depoliticize processes of spatial strategy-making. We therefore suggest that critical attention needs to be paid to the ways in which relational geography is being mobilized in practice in attempts to build consensus around spatial strategies, and to the transformative potentials of planning imagery used in such ways. Conclusions Contemporary planning theory has welcomed relational geographys entry into planning practice (Healey, 2004, 2006, 2007; Davoudi & Strange, 2009), as a means to introduce more deliberative and space-sensitive planning approaches. In this paper, we stress a need to maintain a critical stance towards the introduction of relational paradigm in planning, as relational spatial concepts might easily be appropriated in support of contemporary neoliberal transformations of strategic spatial planning. Such concept transfer has been noticed in the academic debate, but has yet to be put under critical scrutiny. Healey (2004) notes, for example, how relational concepts are easily open to capture by traditional spatial understandings, seriously weakening the power of a spatial vocabulary. Here, we add that new spatial logics may also appropriate relational concepts. We argue that spatial representations must be understood as products of the interactions of particular planning cultures, particular ways of thinking about space and place, and particular spatial politics. This third dimension of spatial politics has not so far been given sufcient

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attention in the theoretical debate on relational geography. Without critical analysis of the spatial politics enmeshed in representations of space, these representations persuasive and transformative potentials are not easily grasped and may well be misunderstood. It seems crucial that planning research into the role of spatial representations should not overlook the particular, situated power relations that surround their production. What are the implications for planning practice? In some cases, spatial representations may play an important role in mediating and communicating spatial politics, particularly where these politics are foregrounded in spatial strategy-making processes. Here fuzzy spatial representations and representational vagueness might play an important role in facilitating collaborative strategy-making by allowing diverse potential interpretations, and enriching planning deliberations. In other cases, spatial politics are regarded by actors as obstructive for spatial strategy-making. Here fuzzy spatial representations and representational vagueness may be deployed as a conscious political strategy to blur the spatial politics of strategy-making and depoliticize strategic spatial planning processes. In these cases, relationality, relational spatial concepts and fuzzy spatial representations can play an important role in depoliticizing strategy-making processes. In Denmark such a depoliticization is taking place at the national scale, where planning responsibilities are being down-scaled to subnational scales as part of wider neoliberal changes across scales of governance. At stake in these processes is a particular Danish planning culture underpinned by a strong social welfarist perspective, where spatial representations have played an important role in communicating distributive and balanced spatial policies. The 2010 national planning report portends a change in Danish strategic spatial planning in which the signicance of spatial representations as persuasive devices is diminishing.

Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank Dr Neil Harris from Cardiff University for his valuable comments on an earlier draft of the paper.

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