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0/..SV

I2W-

GIBBON's history
OF T
H

DECLINE AND FALL

ROMAN
IN VOLS. IV, V,

M
VI,

E>

AND

QUARTO,

REVIEWED,

By the Rev.

JOHN WHITAKER,

B.D.

RECTOR OF RUAN-LAN YHORNE, CORNWALL.

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR
J.

MURRAY., N 3Q, FLEET STREET.

M.BCCICIi

Digitized by the Internet Archive

in

2011 with funding from

Princeton Theological Seminary Library

http://www.archive.org/details/gibbonshistoryofOOwhit

ADVERTISEMENT.
1 H E following remarks were drawn
Jertion in the
profefiion.

up by me, for

in-

English Review.

/ am

no reviewer by
defire

I became

one in this inflance,

from a

cf

ferving the caufe of religion.

And the remarks werepuba courfe cf ten months. In

advifed by a nobleman of

lijhed in that review, through

little

time afterwards,

I was

the firft rank in refpett'ability,

reality', to republijh

and nearly the

form.

firft in

them

in the prefent

I propcfed

the plan to

my

bookfeller the proprietor

it.

of the Review, and

he demurred upon

He found however
when
the

afterwards,

that the remarks were called for

no longer to be had.
to

Reviews were

He now urged me

himfelf, therefore,

an immediate republication of them.

I rejolved

to re-

vife

them for thepurpofe, and waitedfor an hour cfleifure

to dofo.

That hour was long

in coming.

The republicamoment.

tion

has thus been delayed

prefix

to the prefent

And I

now

my name

to the

whole, in order to ferve the

fame caufe for which the whole was originally written.

Religion (to
life the alluficn, which I once heard from a man of genius) I hope, I /hall always ccnfider as the

witty
c

Saniu?n Punclum,'
it.

and learning

only as the

Glory'

furrounding

J.W.
March
3d, 1791.

REVIEW
O F

Mr.

GIBBON'S HISTORY,

&c.

Gibbon's Hiftory of the Decline

Empire,

in

and Fall of the Roman Volumes IVth3 Vth, and VIth> Quarto.

CHAPTER
IN
it

FIRST.
of the greater
facts.
it

the
is

firft

rude Hate of hiftorical compofition,

intimation It

mere
'

notes the battles of contending nations ; but

goes

no

out no political caufes, that by the fword. It indicates no political confequences, that refulted from the victory or the defeat. And it even gives no other circumftances of facts, than to tell which of the
farther.
It points

led to this decifion

parties
ton

won

the
;

day.

This

is

the
in

very fidethe Saxon

of hiftory

appearing at prefent
ourfelves,
firlr.

Chronicle

among

and once appearing pro-

bably in thofe

chroniclers of Rome, Fabius who have fince funk away in the meagemefs of their own wretched annals, and in

Pictor and others,

the plenitude of the fucceeding hiftories.

The

Review of Gibbon's

Hiftory,

The

next grand
all

ftage of

improvement,

is

to

dwell upon

the principal events of hiftory $ to

draw out

the train

of caufes preceding; and to

link together the chain of confequences following.

It particularly loves to reft

upon

thoie fplendid in-

cidents of hiftory, battles.

fulnefs

It deicribes

and a circumftantiality, that

it

them with a faften upon the-

mind, and give

a kind of fanguinary fatisfaction.

Such was

the
;

we

fuppofe

work of Ccclius among the Romans, a writer, to whom Livy occafionally

later chroniclers,

refers,

and one of the

his

from
is

whom
Baker's

he compiled
Chronicle

hiftory.
;

And

fuch

among

ourfelves

that (landing mirror

of

hiftory to our fathers,

and now remembered with

of our childhood.

fondnefs by us as the delight

Thlfs
is

the

fkeleton clothed with mufcles, fup-

por^ed

by finews, and exhibiting the form and

this fpecies

figure of hiftory to the eye.

of writing, by a regular gradaimprovement, tion of afterwards afiiimes a higher

port.
It takes the incidents

But

of the
fecond.

firft

ftage,

and

the

circumftances
facts,

of

the

It

combines
regular

caufes,

and confequences,
It

in

one

order of fucceflion.

throws

an illumination
its

over the whole, by the clearnefs of

the judicioufnefs of
its

narration,

arrangement, and the ele-

gance of

its

language.

And
them
it

it

gives the reader an

intereft in the fcenes

before him, by the livelinefs

to his

with which
the

it

prefents

mind, and by

reflections with

which

points

them

to

his

heart.

Such

is

the hiftory of Livy

among

the

Roby

mans, and fuch are fome of our

bejl hiftories

written

Vols,

IV. V.

VI A to.
is

by

the laft generation.

flefh,

This

the fkeletcn not

merely clothed with

but actuated with nerves,

.

animated with blood, and bearing the bloom of

health

upon

its

cheek.

Here had

hiftorical
all

compofition refted,
ufeful,

it

would

have anfwered
purpofes of life.
is
is

the

and

all

the elegant,

But the

activity

of the

human mind,

always on the wing.

ever pufhing forward.

The fpirit of improvement And there is a degree of

improvement beyond this, which may fhed a greater warmth of colouring over the piece, give it
a deeper intereft with the affections of the furveyor,

and

lb reach the full point

of hiftorical perfection.

But

alas!

execute.

man can eafily imagine, what he can never The fancy can fee a perfection, and the
it
j

judgment can recommend

attain to
it.

but the hand cannot

Whether

this

be the cafe with the

prefent idea of hiftorical perfection, I

know not;

but

it is

certain, I think, that

it

has never been at-

tained hitherto.

Hiftory, indeed, having once ad-

vanced to the third ftage of improvement, cannot

but
it

ftrain

to

reach

the

fourth

and

laft.

Then
guage

lays itfelf out in a fplendour

of imagery, a

frequency of reflections, and a refinement of lan;

and thus makes the narrative more (hiking,

additional vivacity

by

its

and vigour.

But

it

is

melancholy to obferve, that

in proportion

as

we

thus advance in the ornamental parts of hiftorical

writing,
ceffary
;

we we
;

are receding
lofe in

from the folid and the neveracity what we gain in embelof the narration fades
the luftre of the pbilofophy fur-

Hjhments

and the

authenticity

and

finks

away,

in

rounding

4
rounding
beautiful
it.

Review of Gibbon's

Hiftory,

The mind

of the writer, bent upon the

and fublime

in hiftoryv does not

conde-

fcend to perform the talk of accuracy, and to ftoop

to

the

drudgery of

faithfulnefs.

The
;

mirror

is

finely polifhed

and elegantly decorated

but

it

no

longer reflects the real features of the times.

The
;

fun fhines out, indeed,, with a finking effulgence

but

it is

an effulgence of glare, and not a radiation

of

ufefuincfs.

Such

hiftorians as

venture to

pronounce,

are

we may Tacitus among the

thefe,

ancients, moil" of our befl hiftorians in the prefent

generation, and

Mr. Gibbon

at the

head of them.

And
Life,

thefe prefent us with the fkeletcn of hiftory,

net merely clothed with mufcles, animated with

and
;

bearing

the

bloom of

health

upon
flufli

its

cheek
health

but, inftead of carrying a higher

its

of

upon

cheek, and

mewing

a brighter

beam

cf

life

in its eyes,

rubbed with Spanifh wool, paintfire

ed with French fard, and exhibiting the

of falfe-

hood and wantonnefs

in

its.

eyes.

That we mould

thus rank Tacitus,

may
firfl

furprife

thofe who. have lately been fo

much

in the habit,

of
all

admiring and applauding him as the

of

human
like

hiftorians t
-

and who

may

fuppofe he ftands,

the other hiftorians of the ancients, invefted

fails,

with oracular confequence for

and incapable of
rated
in
the.

being convicled of unfaithfulnefs from any cotemporary

records.
his

That he has been

taken

lately

beyond
rank of

merit,

out of the

real line

which he ought
ajfeffed

to ftand,

and transferred from

and

fantafiical hiftorians to that

of

the judicious and manly, has been long

my

per-

fuafion.

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4to.

lately

But I have luafion. that jfhews him to us

carelefs

met with an evidence,

light, as

in a

new

an hiitorian

and unfaithful

in his reprefentations.

This

evidence has never yet been given to the world In 1528 were found but it is a very decifive one. France, two brafs in Lyons at within the earth

had a fpeech of the Emperor Claudius engraven upon them, and are now kt up again ft the wall, in the veftibule of the Hotel de Ville of
plates, that

Lyons.
riofity,

Thefe form a very fingular object of cuBut they are (till more for the antiquary.

curious to the hiftorian.

For

this
;

very fpeech

is

pretended to be given by Tacitus

the hiftory
plates.
is

yet the fpeech in

very different, from that upon the

as

And,

fuch an opportunity of collating

an ancient hiftorian with a cotemporary monument,

can feldom occur at
this fingle inftance;
all,

and perhaps occurs only

in

as this
-

opportunity has never

as
it

yet been ufed

by any writer and

3

fhews the inin a ftrong

accuracy and unfaithfulnefs of Tacitus,

point of view
;

doubt not but

my

readers will be

pleafed, to fee the collation here.

"ORIGINAL.
mae rerum noftr fii ...... equidem primam omnium, illam cogitationem hominum quam maxime primam occurfuram mihi provideo. Deprecor ne quafi novam iftam rem introduci exhorrefcatjs fed ilia potius cogitctis, quam
c
.

multa

in

hac civitate novata

ncftras, in
fit.

fint;

et

quidem ftatim

ab origine urbis

quot formas ftatufque

c

refpublica noftra didudta

Quondam

6
*

Review of Gibbons

Hiftory,

Quondam

reges

hanc tenuere urbem.

Nc

tamen domefticis
Supervenere

fucceflbribus earn tradere contigit,

et

alieni,

quidam

extern i

ut
;

Numa
vicinus

Romulo
cus

fuccefTerit,

ex Sabinis veniens

quidem, fed tunc externus: ut Anco Martio PrifTarquinius,

propter

temeratum

fanguinem
erat,

qucd

patre Demarato,

Corinthio, natus

et
tali

Tarquinienfi matre, generofa fed inopi, ut quas

marito neceffe habuerit fuccumbere,

repelleretur a gerendis honoribus.

ciim domi Poftquam Ro-

mam

migravit,

et filio

regnum adeptus eft. Huic quoque, nepotive ejus (nam et hoc inter au chores
infertus

difcrepat),

Servius Tullius
fi

fi

noftros fecadi
ejus

quimur, captiva natus Ocrefia,

Tufcos,

quondam Vivenns
cafus comes,

fodalis fideliffimus,

omnifque
Etruria

poftquam vaiia fortuna exactus, cum

Caeliani

omnibus
ceffit,

reliquii*

exercitus

ex-

montcm Caslium
ita

occupavit, et a duce fuo

Cadio

appellitatus,
ei

mutatoque nomine (nam

ita

Tufce Maftarna
ut dixi, et
optinuit.

nornen erat)

appellatus eft

regnum fumma cum

Deinde,

reipublica; militate

poftquam

Tarquini

Superbi

mores
iius

invifi civitati

noftrae effe cceperunt,

qua

ip-

qua filiorum ejus; nempe pcrtcefum

eft men'tes-

regni, et ad confutes, annuos magiftratus, adminiflratio reipublicae tranflata eft.

'

Quid

nunc,

commemorem

dictaturas, hoci pfo

imperium valentius repertum apud majores noftros, quo in afperioribus bellis, aut in ciconfulari,
vili

motu

difficiliore,

uterentur

aut in

auxilium
a confuli-

plebis creatos, tribunos plebeios

Quid
,

bus ad decemviros tranflatum imperium

folutoque
poftea

Vols.

IF. V. VI. tc.

7
redi-

poftea decemvirali regno, ad confutes rurfus

tum? Quid imp confulare imperium

lari

Quinqueviris diftributum
;

tribunofque militum confufeni,

imperio appellatos, qui

?

et

faspe octoni,

crearentur

Quid communicatos poftremo cum

?

plebe honores, non imperii folum, fed facerdotio-

rum quoque
rint

Jam,
noftri,

fi

narrem

bella a quibus ccepe-

majores

et

quo procefTerimus; vereor

videar, et quasfifle
j

ne nimio infolentior

efle

acSed

tionem
illoc

gloriae prolati imperii ultra

oceanum.

potius revertar. Civitatem

fane ......

novo

Divus Auguftus

no
florem ubique
fcilicet vi-

lus et patruus, Ti. Caefar,

omnem

coloniarum ac municipiorum, bonorum

rorum

et

locupletium, in hac

curia

efle

voluit.
eft

Sjhtid ergo non Italicus Jenaior provindali potior

Jam

vobis

cum

hanc partem Cenfuras meas appro-

bare ccepero, quid de ea re fentiam rebus oftendam.

Sed ne provinciales quidem,

poterint, rejiciendos puto.
'

fi

modo

ornare curiam

Ornatiflima ecce

colonia valentiflimaque Vi-

ennenfium!

Quam
!

longo jam tempore, fenatores

huic curias confert

equeftris ordinis

Ex qua

colonia, inter

paucos

ornamentum, L. Veftinum famihodieque

in

liariflime diligo, et

rebus meis detineo;

cujus

liberi

fruantur, qusfo,

primo facerdotiorum

gradu, poftmodo
fuse incrementa.

cum annis promoturi dignitatis Ut dirum nomen Latronis tapaleftricum

ceam,
ante in

et odi

illud

prodigium, quod

domum
Idem de

confulatum

intulit,

quam

colonia

fua folidum civitatis

ta
eft.

Romanas beneftcium confecupoflum

dicere, miferabill

fratre ejus

B 4

8
bili
lis

Review of Gibbon's

Hiflory,

quidem indigniffimoque hoc fenator efle non poflit.

lempus
eft

cafu, ut vobis uti-

jam, Tiberi Cafar Germanice, detegere

quo tendat oratio tua.
venijli.

te patribus

confcriptis,

"Jam

mini ad extremos fines Gallia Narbonenfis

*

Quot intueor Non magis funt psenitendi fenatores, quam pasnitet Perficum, nobilifTimum virum, amicum meum, inter imagines majorum fuorum Allobrogici nomen
ccce
infignes juvenes
!

Tot

Quod fi defideratis, quam

legere.

hasc ita effe confentitis, quid ultra

ut vobis digito demonftrem, fo-

lum ipfum

ultra fines provincial Narbonenfis

jam

vobis fenatores mittere; quando ex Lugduno habere

nos noftri ordinis vivos non panitet.

Timide quidam,
fed deftrifte

patres confcripti, egreflus adfuetos familiarefque vobis

provinciarum terminos fum

Galliae caufa

jam

Comatas
hoc

agenda

eft.

In qua fiquis

intuetur,

quod

bello per decern annos exercue-

runt divom Julinm, idem opponat centum annorum immobilem fidem obfequiumque, mnltis trepidis

rebus noflris plufquam expertuiTL

Illi

patri

meo
;

Drufo,

Germaniam
a

fubigenti,

tutam quiete fua

praeftiterunt

fecuramque
quidem,

tergo

pacem

et

cum

ad cenfus, novo turn opere

et in

ad-

fueto Gallis, ad bellum avocatus

quam arduum
vis nihil ultra

fit,

nobis nunc

Quod opus effet. cum maxime, quam-

quam

ut publice notae fint facultates

noflrae exquiratur,

nimis

magno experimento cog-

nofcimus.'

We have thus publifhed a fpeech, which has been

preferved by a fate peculiar to
ginal paragraphs
;

itfelf,

in its

own

ori-

and, for the

firft

time, with

modern

Vols. IV.

V. VI. tfo.

dern pun&uation, and with modern difcrimination of objections from the reft. But let us now turn
to the

COPY
c

in

TACITUS.
Romanam
et in

Majores mei (quorum antiquiffimus Claufus,

origine Sabina, fimul in civitatem

familias patriciorum afcitus eft) hortantur, uti pari-

rempublicam capefTam, transferendo hue quod ufquam egregium fuerit. Neque enim ignoro Julios Alba, Coruncanios Camerio, Porcios
bus
confiliis

Tufculo
aque
et

et,

ne Vetera fcrutemur, Etruria LucaniItalia, in

omni

fenatum

accitos.

Poftremo

ipfam ad Alpes promotam, ut non

ritim, fed terras gentefque, in
lefcerent.

mod5 finguli vinomen noftrum coa-

terna floruimus,
cepti
;

Tunc folida domi quies, et adverfus excum Tranfpadani in civitatem refpecie

cum,

deduclarum per orbem

eft.

terras
feiTo

legionum, additis provincialium validiffimis,

imperio fubventum

Non

psenitet Balbos

ex

Hiipania, nee minus infignes viros e Gallia Narbonenli tranfiviiTe.

in

Manent

poileri

eorum, nee amore

Quid aliud exet Athenienfibus fuit, quanquam armis pollerent ; nifi quod vi&os pro alienigenis arcebant ? At conditor nofter Romulus tantum fapientia valuit, ut plerofque populos eodem die heftes, dein cives, habuerit. Advent in nos regnaverunt.
hanc patriam nobis concedunt.
Lacedasmoniis
itio

Libertinorum

filiis

magiftratus

mandari, non (ut

plerique falluntur) repens, fed priori populo, fadli-

tatum

eft.

At cum

Senonibus pugnavimus.

Scilicet

Volfci et iEqui

nunquam adverfam

nobis aciem
ftruxere.

IO
ftruxere.
fides

Review of Gibbon's
Capti a Gallis fumus.
et

Hijtory,

Sed

et

Tufcis ob-

dedimus,
fi

Samnitium jugum fubivimus. AtContinue*

affinita-

tamen,
fpatio

cuntta bella recenfeas, nullum breviore

adverfus Gallos confe&um.

quam

deinde ac fida pax.

tibus, noftris mixti,
tius,

Jam

moribus, artibus,

aurum

et opes fuas inferantpo-

quam

feparati

habeant.

Omnia,

patres con-

fcripti,

quae nunc vetuftirfima creduntur, nova fuere.

Plebei magijlratus poft patricios, Latini poft plebeios,

ceterarum
rafcet
inter

Italias

gentium poll Latinos.

Invete-

hoc quoque, et quod hodie exemplis tuemur exempla eritV

here
is

The copy
the original.
points, in
fun,

apparently very different from

We
it

have noted
is

in Italics the only

which

at all fimilar.

The mock-

we
to

fee,

has caught only three rays of the real

one.
fon,

And Tacitus
to him,

feems, like our

own Dr. Johnreal fpeech

have had fome report of the

made
from
citus,

and then

to

have fabricated another

to

the intimations.

But the report made

{lighter

Ta-

was evidently a much

one than that

The doctor, we believe, always to Dr. Johnfon. comprehended fome of the leading topics of the
reality,

in

his

reprefentation

while Tacitus has

faid.

merely glanccddX what Claudius

excufe

And, whatever
the Second, re;'

may
(

be made for the Englifhman, then, to

the difgrace of the reign of

George

ading

in a garret

behind Exeter- 'Change

com-

pelled to procuie himfelf a fubfiftence, by the exertion of his great powers

1 ;

and naturally ftudying to

24.

Ann.

xi.

gratify

Vols. IV.

V.

VI. tfo.

ix

gratify that rage for reading parliamentary fpeeches,

which was then beginning

has fhot out
yet, not a

to rife in the nation,

and

to

fuch

wonderful extent fince

for

fhadow of an excufe can be made

Tacitus.

The
fainteft

baftard offspring in him, has fcarcely

any the

refemblance of the legitimate.

The
lofl in

fpeeches of Johnfon, too, were evanefcent in their

nature, and
air
;

would have evaporated and been

in his

had not the eflence of them, a

little rectified

and heightened, been caught

engraven upon plates of
town-hall of Lyons, &c.

alembic.

But
in the

the fpeech of Claudius was actually recorded, was

brafs,

and hung up

himfelf the trouble to procure a copy,

Yet Tacitus did not give when a copy

chofe rather to difplay

was

fo eafy to in

be had.

He

his abilities,

framing a new one for the emperor.

of his temper and
fictitious

He

thus, in the unfaithfulnefs

in the vanity
for a

of his

fpirit,

impofed a

fpeech

genuine one, upon the credulity of his reader.

not, like Johnfon,
affimilate

But he could

himfelf

to the character of the fpeaker,

whom he
And

perfonated.

The

fpeech of Claudius

is all

in the flyle

of Taci-

tus, brifk, brief,

and compacted.

as this fin-

gle inftance fhews us in the plainer! manner,

from

what fource of information Tacitus derived

fet

all his

fpeeches, thofe

numerous decorations of
all reflect
;

his hif-

tory and annals, that

ftrongly the features

in this particular inlie

of

their

common

parent

fo,

stance,

Tacitus appears to have given the

to

hiftory

and to himfelf, and to have furnifhed a man,

he himfelf defcribes to have been of a feeble
imderftanding,

whom

Review of Gibbon's
*

ffijlory,
','

underfbmding,

imminuta mens
fo nearly, in
all

with a fpeech

pointed, informed, and vigorous,

Indeed, the fugits

gelled fpeech

is

parts, different

from the pronounced one,

the one to

fome have fuppofed have been never meant for the other
that

efpecially as Tacitus directs his fpeech in favour of

all

die extra-provincial Gauls in general, and of the

in particular.

JEdui

But

there

is

jult fimilarity
;

enough, to evince the intended famenefs

while the difference
to prove
it is

even

great and linking enough,

an actual forgery.
is

And
to

his

mention of
at all
j

the iEdui,

no evidence to the contrary from Ptolemy,

as thefe appear

have been the fu-

perior lords of the Segufiani, and fo to have been

the head-fovereigns of their capital city

Lyons

2
.

This forms a very extraordinary proof of the

centious hand, with which this
torian of antiquity,' as
*

li-

philofophical hiscalls

Mr. Gibbon

him, has
Fie
is

abufed the honefl confidence of hifcory.

apparently

Mr. Gibbon's model

his ilrain
;

in writing.
;

Mr.
his

Gibbon has
of palTages

of

irreligion

his refplendence
,*

his

'

philofophy of hiltory

and

unfaithfulnefs
that
*

to the truth.

And

the laft point,

crimen lsefe majeflatis'

in hillory has

been

proved

fo plainly upon him by the Rev. Mr. (now Archdeacon) Travis ; and much more by that ex-

traordinary

oufnefs, the late

ford

as

young man, that early victim to ftudiMr. Davis cf Baliol college in Oxnothing Ihould ever efface from the mind
Indeed the tone of opinion concern2

of the public.
*

Ann.

vi.

46.

Bertiufc Lib.

ii.

c. 8. p.

52.

ine

Vols.

IK

V.

VL

40.

13

ing

Mr. Gibbon, has been

3

decifively fettled

among
a,

the difccrning few

ever fince
fince

Mr
may

Davis wrote.
have to recom-

Mr. Gibbon has ever

writer

been confidered, as

who, whatever

elfe

he

mend him
generality

to notice, wants that

firft

grand quality of
read, but ne-

an hiflorian, veracity.
is

This

defect, indeed, with the

of little moment.
j

They
j

ver examine
citnefs,

rely

with an indecent kind of implidictators in hiftory

on

thefe

and are de-

lighted at once with the fight and with the mufic,

of thefe
with
all

fairy fcenes before

them.
truths,

But with
and with

others,

who

read to

know
and

all

whofe
f

good opinions are worth

1

the having; this

this

mere fem-

blance of truth,'

actual hollownefs of

falfehood,

muft hang upon the thought, mull

damp

the ardour of praife,

iufpicion.

and poifon admiration with

experience of Mr. Gibbon's

Nor

has

my own

preceding volumes,

been

different.
;

too have
I

examined fome of
them.

his authorities

and

too have

found him, like Tacitus, taking great freedoms with

I will

produce an inftance of

this, that

has

net been noticed by any other writer, and has even

no excufe from the difingenuity of prejudice.

is

It

founded only, on the too natural carelefihefs of a

;

philcfopkical hiftorian

and occurs

in his firft

volume.
fifth,

There,

in p. xvii.

of his notes on chapter the

and

in
c

note 5, he places the Praetorian

clofe to the walls

camp of
;'

Rome,
'

of the

city,

and on the broad

hills

fummit of the Quirinal and Viminal

upon

the authority of Nardini

Roma Antica, p.
p.

174, and

Donatus de

Roma

Antiqua,

46.

dwell not

upon

'

14

Review of Gibbon's Hijory,

one
of

upon the grofs abfurdity, of placing or on the the fummit of two hills fixing it upon the f broad fummit' which (the Quirinal) abuts fo clofe
;

camp upon
one of

grand error of
hills,

upon the capinot with mif-

tol,

and both had for ages been occupied with

buildings.
takes,

Our

prefent

bufinefs

is

but mifquotations.

Nor

does either of the

authors here referred to, pitch the Praetorian

camp
beyond

upon
c

the broad

fummit of the Quirinal and Vimiunite, inplacing

it

nal

hills.'

They both

the broad fummit* of either, beyond the

bank of
hill,

Tarquin, on a projecting point of the Viminal

and

in the

mil remaining fquare of walls at the

city.

north-eqftem angle of the

ibme

infcriptions in Panvinius,

Donatus refers to dug up at the ground,

and mentioning the camp exprefsly.

dini declares Panvinius, to

And Nar-

have proved the point

and appeals to thofe in-

by

the cleared arguments

fcriptions

and that fquarenefs, as a decifive evi1

dence concerning

So greatly inattentive has Mr. Gibbon here been, to the very teftimony that So little can we depend upon his ache cites
it
. !

curacy, even in fubjects where he had no bias ofprejudice to lead

him

aftray

And

fo ftrongly does this

unite with
others,

all,

which Mr. Davis, Mr. Travis, and

in his

have expofed, of the fame nature

defect, that has

work
This fundamental
been found
in

Gnevius's Thefaurus,

iii.

o and 5 1 z

3, for

Donatus
for

iv.

1065, 925, and io82> for Nardinij and

iii.

225226,

Panvinius.

the

Vols.

IV. V.

VI

4/0.

15

the preceding parts

of

his

hiftory,

muft

act like

cancer in the
fpread
its

human
over
it

body, gradually be feen to

the vital parts, and eat

taint

all

away

the fubltance of

in

time.

Where
;

that grand'

principle of probity

is

wanting, veracity
into

the

man or

the work finks of courfe

contempt.

And

have dwelt the more upon

tion for the hiftorian,

this necelfary qualificaI

becaufe

think the public

is

running wild after the

tory,

pomp and pageantry of hifand forgetting the only circumftances that can
But, before
I

fupport them, accuracy of knowledge and integrity

ef reprefentation.

I clofe thefe preli-

minary obfervations,

wifh to fubjoin two remarks,

upon

i\\tjiylc

and the arraugment of Mr. Gibbon, ia

the antecedent

volumes of

his hiftory.

The
plauded
its

f]:yle
;

of Mr. Gibbon has been

much

ap-

nor would

we wifh

to detract greatly

merit.
It

But
is

it

has been applauded

from beyond its

j

defert.
is

often ju ft, elegant,

and manly

but

often

ailb ftirT, affected,

and

latinifed,

carrying
harfli

the poor air of

a tranflation,

and forming

and
(

unclafiical

combinations of words.
*

Thus no
when

fhield,

we

are told, could fuftain

the impetuoflty

of the

weight'

of the

Roman
'.

pilum,
is

it

was launched

at the
l

enemy

It

not eafy,
in the

we

are alfo told, to

4

appretiate the

numbers

Ro^

man

armies'.''
is

The
faid to
c

favage

independence of

certain tribes,
'

defcribe the doubtful li-

mits of the Chriftian and

fenators think

Mahometan
it it

power'.'

The Roman
J

an honour, and ais

V.

i.

p. 13.

? p. 16.

p. 23.

moft

Review of Gibbon* s
(

Hiftory3

moil an obligation, to
their age
1

adorn the fplendour' of

and country \
impuljion

We

have perfons
a

dri-

ven by the

of the prefent power

guards,
J

;'

the

command of
c
little

the

Prastorian

becoming
too
to appre-

into' the firfl office

of the empire
4
;

foldiers
f

acquainted with

certain virtues,

ciate*

them
'

in others

and the Germans aban-

doning
preffion

the vaft filence' of their

woods

an exhis

borrowed

from Tacitus, who with

ufual harfhnefs of language,

prefles

more than once exvulgarity.

a deep filence by vaft urn filentium, and in

Engliih carrying an afpect of boyifh

And
*

as, in
6
;'

one place,

we have even
is

'

rior

fo

we

fee that pert antithefis fo

affected

by Mr. Gibbon, which

more infeevery where unbecoming

in

the dignified vivacity of hiftory.

But we have much more

of Vol.
' c

to cenfure,

Mr.
i

Gibbon's arrangement of his materials.

I.

In page
c

he

fets

out with declaring, that

it is

the

defign of this and the Jucceeding chapters, to defcribe

the pro/per ous

condition

of the empire;

* *

and afterwards, from the death of Marcus Antoninus, to adduce the moft important circumftances
of
its

and fall* Let us therefore examine the chapters of this very volume, and fee how
'

decline

the execution comports with the defign.

Chapters fourth and

nax, and Severus.
fenfible,

fifth

give us the hiftory of

the empire, under the reigns of

Commodus,
is

Perti-

The

account

pleafing

and

and the train of hiftory judicioufly dwelt

3

*p. 45.

p. 122.

p. 127.

*p. 172.

p.

227.

p.

272.

upon.

Vvh. IF* V. VI. 4to.

17

upon.

But how
?
?

are the principles of the decline

all

and

fall

of the empire, at

unfolded in

this

ac-

count

How

are

they, in

chapters fixth and fehiftory through the ele-

venth

Thefe purfue the

vation of
dian,

Maximus, Balbinus, and

the third

Gor-

the deaths of the three Gordians,

and the

acceffion of Philip.

And where
?

is

the decline and

fall of the empire, in all this

Nowhere.

reading

the full hiftory of the empire.

We We

are
fee

nothing

of

its

beginning to decline

we think
and

nothing of

its

approaching

fall

and

this fall

decline are in reality not one degree

at the
at the

more advanced,
chapters fince,

end of the feventh chapter, than they were

beginning of the fourth.

The

have only ferved to fhew what the elevation of

Galba, Otho, Vitellius, and Vefpafian, had fhewn
ftrongly before, the arrogated military over the civil
fuperiority

of the

power

-,

and what the putting

up of

the throne to auclion evinced

more

ftrikingly

afterwards, the peculiar infolence of the Praetorian

guards.

All

thefe

chapters,
as,
if

therefore,

mould

have been omitted;

not giving us
\

proper in themfelves,

the

important circumftances' of
fall,
;

the empire's decline and

ftances of all the hiftory

but
as

all

the circum-

and

not very proper

in themfelves, as foreign to the defign,

and fuper-

fluous in the execution, of fuch a hiftory.

And we

can only travel on

in the

work,

fenfible that fo far

j

we have been wandering out of our way and hoping

immediately to recover the right path, and purfue
it

fteadily to the

end of the volume.

Accordingly

it

Review of Gibbon's
Accordingly

Hi/tory,

we

enter

upon the eighth chapter;'

fpirit,

but find ourfelves diverted into an account of the

rife,

the principles, and the

of the new Per-

fian

empire erected upon the Parthian.

this link

But how

does

connect
at

itfelf,
?

with the chain of de;

clining

empire

Rome

appears
title
it

againft

of Perfians.

Only thus a new enemy Romans, under the revived the This is all the connexion, which
fall

has with the hiftory of the decline and

of the

empire.

the author divert

hiftory
;

And, holding by this (lender thread, does from the whole courfe of his and wander away to defcribe an emhere
was only the old one under a new name.
of
a (Inking proof of the injudi-

pire, that

And

his additional digreffion into a delineation

is

the Perfian religion,

cioufnefs of his
riot

management.
influence
to

This religion has

the
hiftory
;

the

fmalleft

upon

it

ought not therefore

the hiftorian.

have been dwelt upon by

juft laws

But fuch
to

of writing hiftory,

do not
bon.

fuit

with the excentric genius of Mr. Giblives

He

make

excurfions
;

into geogra-

phy, into metaphyfics, into religion

and

is

always

aiming a fide-blow
Perfian
tence in
religion
itfelf,

at Chriftianity.

He

has thus

introduced into his hiftory, a diflertation upon the

-,

which

is

all

a mafs of imperti;

as

a part of his hiftory

and, as

containing ftrokes of indirect attack upon Chriftianity,

is

much

worfe than impertinence, the im-

potent exertions of an infant againft a giant.

In the fame ftrain of excentricity Mr. Gibbon, in

chapter ninth, again burfts from the orbit of his
hiftory,

Vols.
hiftory,

IV. V. VI.

4I0.

19
of Germany*

and ranges into the

the
;

interiors

He

delineates

flate

of Germany before the

is

reign of Decins

but his delineation

principally

taken from

Tacitus,

who wrote
any other

one

hundred and
fo large as

fifty years before.

it
is,

Nor
in

can his account,

light,

be confidered

than as an
his

ill-judged excrefcence

upon

the

body of

work.

Mr. Gibbon,
in a bravery

either in a great

want of judgment, or

of

fpirit that
all

loves not to be controled

by

it,

leaps over

the fences and bounds of legU

timate hiftory, and gives hirnfelf a free range in the

wilds adjoining.

And,

in this
fall

mode of

writing the

hiftory of the decline

and

of the empire, the

author

may

leave his hiftory perpetually, and make

in

the circuit of the globe,

defcribing,

delineating,

and moralifing upon,

frontier

all

the nations that form the

of the empire.

Common-fenfe fhews
is

us,

that fdch a conduct as Mr. Gibbon purfues

nitely

infi-

abfurd;

that

very different one mould

-,

have been adopted by him

nations

and

that,

as

any new

emerged

to

view

in the

current of the hifin the

tory, a fhort paufe fhould

have been made

fkill,

narration,

the power,

the

and the
briefly

fpirit

of

the ftrangers,

mould have been

and any

and gene-

rally explained,

qualities befides, that

were

necefTary to the better underltanding of the fubfe-

quent

facts.

All the other parts of their character,

to difplay themfelves

mould have been hft

by de-

grees, in the train of the military operations.

Thus

the ftream of the hiftory

would have been fufpendand would

then

ed, only for a fhort period, for an obvious purpofe,

and

for

neceftary

information

have

20

Review of Gilberts
its

Hiftory f

have relumed
the
difTertations of

courfe, with the

more

ibrce for

interruption.

And
fall

thefe
in

long and

rambling
loie fight

Mr.. Gibbon,

which we

of the decline and our view

of the empire, and behind

itfeif

which even the whole empire

-,

disappears from

would have been totally precluded. In chapter tenth, Mr, Gibbon returns from
to

his
his

philofophical and geographical excurfions,

hiftory.

tacks

He now made upon

gives us an account of the atthe

empire, by the Goths, the

in

Franks, and the Perfians,

the reigns of Decius

j

and others, and Franks

to the reign of Gallienus

j

of the Goths

and cf the

rife

of what are called the

The hiftory becomes tirefome, from its minutenefs. And we ftill find ourfelves grafting the whole vaft bulk of the Roman hiftory,
thirty tyrants.

inftead of the

mere

hiftory of

its

decline and

fall.

In chapter the eleventh, we find ourfelves more

deluded than ever concerning the expected decline

of the empire. In

This defcribes

to us the reftoration

of the empire, made by Claudius and Aurelian,

all

the preceding chapters indeed,

we have

not

feen ourfelves one foot nearer to the great caufes

and
the

principles, that
fall,

begun the

decline,

and termiwars of
the bad

nated in the
firft

of the empire.
full

The

civil

century, were to the

as deftructive as

thofe of the fecond and third.

effects

And now

of the reigns preceding, appear to be cured

by

the prefent reigns.

So

groisly injudicious

is

the

p'ogrefs of the hiftory!

But chapter
elevation

twelfth continues the detail, to the

of Bioclefian.

Then we

fee ourfelves
ftill

Vols.
Hill farther off,

IV. V. VI. 4to.

fall

ai

from the decline and

it

of the em-

pire.
lian,
is

The

by Claudius and Aureimproved by Probus, and is purfued by

reftoration of

Carinus.

And
its

the hiftory
motions
to
;

is

going moil abfurdly

retrograde in

Downwards

climb, and backwards to advance.

Chapter thirteenth

carries

abdication of Dioclefian.

on the detail, to the But we have the fame

complaint to make here, which

fo often before.

we have

repeated

Except
fee

in

fome
for

reflexions at the
in the hif-

end of the chapter, we

tory,

no fymptons
fall

of that decline and

which we have

been preparing our minds fo long.

deed, the very contrary.

We

fee, in-r

The

vigour of the preDioclefian,

ceding emperors
the empire
is

is

kept up by

and

confiderably enlarged to the eajl.

Thus,

as far as the facts

us,

which Mr. Gibbon lays before

can give us an infight into the prefent ftate of

j

the empire

we,

who were

called to the ficknefs,

it,

the death, and the burial of

find ourfelves

emand

ployed by our
in

inviter, in tracing the grandeur,

following

up

the enlargement,

of
its

it,

If thefe

facts are not decifive

evidences of

prefent ftate,

And, if they are, why in the name of common-fenfe are they related by Mr. Gibbon ?
what
facts

can be

Chapter fourteenth profecutes the

elevation of Conftantine.

hiftory, to the

Nor
fall

can

we

yet forbear

the fame complaint.

We
C

are not yet

one inch

nearer to the decline and

of the empire, from

any of the facts fo particularly recited here.

3

We
hav<?

*2

Review of Gibbon's

Hiftory ,
Italy, a

have only a tax impofed upon had long been exempt from

country that

taxes,

which could

have no influence upon the duration or liability of the whole ftate; and a repetition of thofc civil
wars,

which had

fubfifted

as

frequently and
if the

as

deftru&ively before, and of which

tition

mere repe-

could give them a place in his hiftory, as

weakening more and more the internal refources of the country, he ought to have equally taken in
thofe

of Vefpafian, Vitellius,

Otho, and Galba,

and

fo

begun with the beginnings of the empire.

a lingular addition to the continued in-

And, by

judicioufnefs before, at the clofe of this chapter

fee the decline

we

and

fall
it

of the empire, farther re-

moved from

us than

was

at the

end of the

laft.

The

plan

of government begun by Dioclefian,

and purfued to the prefent period, that of creating two emperors, and appointing two delegates under

them
all

is

now

all

overthrown.

And

the
it,

dangers that threatened to refult from

are

many now

precluded by the exaltation of Conftantine to

the whole undivided empire.

Chapter
the

fifteenth

forms another digrefTion.

laft five

chapters,

For Mr. Gibbon has kept with

it is

fome

regularity to the clue of hiftory; though

facts, all

a hiftory of

alien

from the purpofe of

his

work, and indeed fhewing the very reverfe of what

he means
to fhew.

But he here refumes

his exorbitant

love of digreffion, differtation, and philofophifing.

He

here rambles

away from

his hiftory, to trace

through a length of labyrinths

Chriftianity in the

the

progrefs

of

empire,, before the Converfion

of

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4/0.

23

of Conftantine.
faith to a

In the general hiftory of the

em-

pire, this departure

of the emperor from the old

is

new

religion,

undoubtedly a very meat full

ftate.

morable incident, that ought to be explained

length,

becaufe of

its

confequences to the

But, in a hiftory
the empire,
fecret or
it is

of " the decline and

of
little

fall" only

of

or no confequence.

The
had

open

diffufion

of

this

new

religion,

not the

(lighten: influence

upon

the general fabric

fall.

fo as to bring

on a
its

decline, or to haften a
political foundations.
political
pillars.
effecl:;

It

fapped none of

It tore

down none of

its

It

even

mud

have had a very contrary

fupport the fuperftructure,
foundations.
It

a tendency to

by ftrengthening the
ftricter

introduced a
the great

and feverer
its

morality,

among

body of

fubjecls.

And
in

it

thus tended greatly, to recall the beft

j

manrenew

ners of the republic

their

to heighten

them
;

infinitely,

comprehenfion and efficacy

fo to
fpirit

with an addition of energy, the vital

of the

whole empire
ral principle

and to give

it

a free

and fupernatuprogreflively

of feminal vigour.
is

So

injudicious and abfurd,

the conduct of this hif-

tory

So much does one

from
its

chapter
defign,
!

rife

fuperior to
in prepof-

another, in contrariety to
teroufnefs

its

and

own

execution

We

thus reach chapter the fixteenth

and

laft.

This fhews us the conduct of the emperors towards

the rifing religion of Chriftianity, from
to Conftantine; and
is

Nero down
called.
all

merely an account of the

they
are

Ten
But

Perfecutions,
let

as

generally

us aik once more,

What

concern has

C 4

this

*4
this

Review of Gibbons Hijhry,

with the decline and
fall

of the empire

The

fubject, with

which we

fet cut, is all

gone from our

view.

It

is

whirled away as by the force of magic.

And we

have been wandering into a mixed wilder-

nefs of facts

and (peculations, that

religion.

relate only to the

change of

its

Inftead of a regular hiftory

of

facts, that

point out the principles of diffblution

in the empire,

and explain the progrefs of their

operation on the body politic of

Rome; we

are

treated with a differtatien on ecckfiaftical hiflory^

and

a differtation calculated only by a mifreprefentation

of

facts,

and a falfifkation of fentiments, by

of farcafm at one time,

fly

touches

and by bolder

flrokes of effrontery at another, to reftore the fottifhnefs

of Paganifm upon the ruins of Chriftianity

to tear

down
its

this

fun

of the

human fyftem from

its

fphere in the univerfe, and fo reduce the moral

world into

ancient chaos again.

ufefi.il

From
whole
is

this

analyfis

of the

firft

volume, we

fee the general folly

of

it

in a glaring light.

The
its

evidently in one grofs contradiction to

title,

prefixed

and

in

one continued violation of

having thus
laid before

its

profeffed defign.

And

my

readers

my

ideas, with

regard to the matter and

manner of Mr. Gibbon in the previous volumes of his hiflory, by a pretty full direction of the firft, of them I (hall now proceed, to a confideration of
the
;

the prefent volumes.

CHAPTER

Vcls.

IK

V. VI, 4J0.

z$

CHAPTER THE SECOND.

N
the general preface to thefe three volumes, I
;

meet with the following paffage

a particular notice frm
c

which claims

me.

Were

ambitious of any other patron than the

public/ fays

Mr. Gibbon,
who,

'

would

infcribe this

work

to a ftatefman,

in a long, a

ftormy, and

at length

an unfortunate adminiftration, had

opponents,

many

political
;

aim oil:

without

perfonal

enemy who has retained, in his fall from power, many faithful and difinterefted friends ; and who,
under the prefiure of fevere infirmity, enjoys the
lively

vigour of

his

mind, and the

felicity

cf his in-

comparable temper.

Lord North

will

permit

me

to exprefs the feelings of friendfhip, in the lan;

guage of truth

but even truth

and friendfhip

mould be

filent,

if

he

ftill

difpenfed the favours of

the crown.'

This
does

is

feemingly well
to

faid.

In appearance

it

honour

Lord
it

North,

and honour to

Mr. Gibbon.

And

ftrongly reminds us of that

honeft burft of generofity in

Mr. Pope, amidft

artificial

all

the cunning and meannefe of his

character;

when,

in

1721, he addreffed the Earl of Oxford in

the following lines

In

a6

Review of Gibbon's
In vain to deferts thy retreat
is

Hiftory,

made,
:

The mufe
Rejudge

attends thee to the filent fhade

'Tis hers the brave man's latelt fteps to trace,

his acts,

and dignify difgrace.

When int'reft calls off all her fneaking train, And all th' oblig'd defert, and all the vain
She waits or
to the fcaffold or the cell,

When
(No

the lad ling'ring friend has bid farewell.

Ev'n now me fhades thy ev'ning walk with bays*

hireling fhe, no proftitute to praife)
;

Ev'n now, obfervant of the parting ray, Eyes the calm fun-fet of thy various day ; Thro' fortune's cloud one truly great can fee,

Nor

fears to tell that

Mortimer

is

he.

Here we
to their

fee the

poet and the hiftorian feemingly

contending with each other, in delicacy of attention

own

honour, and in dignity of fentiment

towards an ejected minilier.

But Mr. Gibbon's

all
its

apparent generofity of conduct, lofes

force

with thofe
;ipirit

to

who know the original enmity of his Lord North, and the fudden converfion of
;

that enmity into friendfhip.

And

therefore lay

the following anecdote before

my

readers, afTuring

them that I firmly believe it to be all true. In June 178 1 Mr. Fox's library came to be fold. Amongft his other books, the firft volume of Mr. Gibbon's hiftory was brought to the hammer.
In the blank leaf of
writing of
tion
this

was a

note, in the

hand'

Mr. Fox

ftating a

remarkable declarawith Mr. Gibbon's

c

of our hiftorian at a well-known tavern in

it

Pall-Mail, and contrafting

political

conduct afterwards.
*

The

author,'

it

obferved,

at

Brookes's

faid,

That

there

was no

S Jalvation for

this country t until six

heads of the
f

PRINCIPAL

Vols. IV.
f

V.
in

VI. tfo.
adminiitration,'
*

27

principal

perfons

Lord

North
'

being then prime minifter,

were laid
obfervation

upon the table.

'

Yet/

as

the

added,
'

eleven days afterwards, this

fame gentlethem
thus
ever
re-

man
very
fince*

accepted a place of a lord of trade under thofe

miniflers,

e e

and has

afted with

This extraordinary

anecdote,

corded, very naturally excited the attention of the

purchafers.

Numbers wifhed

to

have

in their

own

poiTefnon, fuch an honourable teftimony

from Mr.
contention

Fox,
for
it

in

favour of Mr. Gibbon.

to

The
height.

rofe

a confiderable
this

And

the

volume, by the aid of

it,

manufeript addition to

was

fold for three guineas.

hoftility in

From

fuch a ftate

of favage
days only

this minifterial
;

Mr. Gibbon, did the rod of Hermes charm him down, in eleven

and change the

man who

Hood, as

it

were, with his axe in his hand, ready to behead

him and
friend in

five

of his affociates, into a fure friend; a

;

power

and

now the

fpirit

of ambition

is

forced to fleep in the breaft of

Mr. Gibbon, and he

3

himfelf

is

to obliged to retire into Switzerland,

it.

friend out of

The first
chapter of this volume [chap, thirty-ninth
in the feries

of the volumes] contains the hiftory of Theodoric, the

Gothic fovereign of
fo broken, fhort,

Italy.

But the

hiftory at fir ft

is

and uninterefting ; that the reader

becomes
pally,

tired at the very outlet.

This

arifes princi-

we

believe,

from the imperfedtnefs of the orU

it arifes, it

ginal notices.

Yet, from whatever

has a

very unpropitious influence upon the prefent chapter,

We

Review of Gibbon* s
fee

Hijlory,

We
lefs
j

fet

of barbarians moving
little,

before us, care

of whom we know

and

for

whom we

doing nothing, either to

attract

our attention

or to provoke our regard.

This

diigufl,

however,

goes ofr by degrees.

Theodoric, reigning peace-

ably in Italy, becomes in forne meafure a favourite

with us; and the deaths of Boethius and chus intereft us

in their favour.

Symma-

In one place Nardini

he does not
c
' c

fay.

is cited for faying, what Thefe hoi fes of Monte Cavallo'

Rome,' Mr. Gibbon tell us in a been tranfported from Alexandi ia to

at

note,

<

had

the baths of

Conftantine

(Nardini,

p.

i3S)
?

V
I

Ys:,

what

are the very words of Nardini

original Italian tion of the
1

have not the

by

me

but

in

Graeyius's tranfla:

work

into Latin, they are thefe

Pan-

viniuf, parte

prima de Rep. Romana,

a Conftan-

'

tino Alexandria deportatos offer it, et in

ejus

Thermis
videtur

pofitos

quod

vero

proximum

Nardini,

we
he

fee,

does not

alTert the

point himfelf
it.

he only
1

cites

Panvinius for aflerting

adds,
'

And
to

this

affertion,
truth.'

feems to be
this

nearejl

the

We

mention not
IVJr.
it

inftance,

as

any
cited
j

finking deviation in
authorities.

Gibbon from

his

We

notice

only as a fmall one

as

a flight evidence of that want of accuracy in him }

which
trifling

v/e

marked

in

the

firft

volume.

And
is

one of

this nature,

where no prejudice could

the

interpofe,

and no unfaithfuinefs take place,

beft evidence
ferences.
1

of the general inaccuracy of his re-

p.

z6.

* Graevius, iv. ioo8.

In

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4I0.

29

In another place
dius, as
'
c

Mr. Gibbon fpeaks of Ennoj

the bifhop of Pavia

mean
'.'

the ec~

clefiaftic

who

wiihed to be a bifhop
it

This

is

fo darkly

worded, that

leaves the reader without a

it,

meaning.

Nor

can he understand

till

he comes
c

to a fubfequent page.
*
c

There he
the

finds that,

two

or three years afterwards, the orator [Ennodius]

was rewarded with

then,
for

biihopric

of Pavia 2 /
obferves
that

And

the

firft

time,
tell

he

Mr. Gibbon intended

to

us before, Ennodius

was then feeking the bifnopric which he now ob' tained. Theodoric's march' is faid to be fupplied and illuftrated by Ennodius ;' where
j

the author means, that the account of

*

it

is

'

fup-

plied,'

and

the

courfe

of

it

illuftrated,'

Ennodius.
ric
is

The
to

wife or concubine of

by Theodo-

faid,

have met. his flying troops

at the en-

trance of their

by her reproaches.
c

camp, and to have turned them back c She prefented, and almoft
c

difplayed,'

adds a note,

the original recefs

Here

the obfcurity

may be pardoned

perhaps, for

the fake of the modefty.

But the modefty might

It is
c

have been retained, and the obfcurity avoided.

in that page,
(

where we note
the ramparts,

the indecency of the

women on
molt
fecret

who had

revealed their
afTailants
s

<

He mentions
f

charms
e

to the eyes

of the

the

volume of public
in

epiftles,

compofed by Cafliodorus
f

the

royal

name,'

as
*

having obtained more

deferve
2
.'

implicit credit

than they

feem to
*

Yet, throughout the whole

3

p. 3.

5 p.

108

109.

p. 13.

p. 10.

4 p. 12.

*p. 1314,

chapter

20

Review of Gibhorfs
',

Hiftory>
his hiftory
;

chapter afterwards

he builds
very

upon the

groundwork of
and without
racity.

thefe

epiftles

without one

hint of doubt concerning the author's knowledge,

one lb ado

of derogation from his vethis petty

We
c
:

have
*

alfo

ftroke of ar-

rogance
*
*

will neither hear

nor reconcile the

is

arguments/ &c.
loved,
talents
is

Theodoric
which he

faid to

have

the

virtues

pojfejfedy

and the

of which he was deftitute

in the

ing

obfeured by the defe6l

The meanlanguage. The

he
c

fentence
ethers
{

mould have
the
virtues
is

faid,

that

loved' in
himjelf

which he
likewife

poffeiTed'
faid

&c.
to have

Theodoric
c

very harfhly,

imprinted the fooljieps of a conqueror on

hill
4

the Capitoline

when he fhould have been

declared only, to have Jet the foot of a conqueror

upon
thus,

it.

In the fame page Mr. Gibbon fpeaks

c

concerning the cloacse or common-fewers ac

:

Rome
*

How
i

fuch works could be executed

is

by
is

a king of
ill

Rome,
farther.

yet a problem.'

This

not

faid

but the obfervation ought to have been

Hiftorical fcepticifm
is

carried

much

the

natural exertion, of a

while the fcepticifm

rally
fions,

mind vigorous and thinking j of religion, is the mark geneit

of a head enflaved to the tyranny of the paf-

and reduced by
earlier

into a religious debility.

In reading the

annals of the

Romans, we

meet
*

with incidents that

no Jcber credulity can ad-

In pages 16, 17, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25,

27..

29, 30, 31, 34,

37, 40, and 41.

a

p. 21.

p. 23.

4 p. 25.

mit.

Vols.
rhit.

IV. V. VI. ito.

3J

We

fee a city, that

was reared only by a few

fugitives, in

the fpace only of five reigns

become
and

i'o

exceedingly populous, according to the

heft

oldeft

accounts of the
within
it

Romans
all

themfeives

as to contain

eighty thoujand

men capable cf bearing arms' i

ages, not lefs than four or

and confequently, of

five hundred thou/and perfons.

And,

in the reign

imof

mediately preceding,

we
;

fee thofe fewers conflrudled,

which

exifted in the days of Pliny the admiration

the imperial

Romans

which continue the wonder

this

of all the curious world, to

day; and the cleanf-

ing and repairing of which,

when they had been

once neglected and choaked, coft the

lefs

Romans no
hundred
hiflorical
atteft

than a thoujand talents % or about two

thoufand pounds of our money.

miracles,

Thefe

having no Jupernatural authority to

incredibility

them, carry fuch a monftrous

with

them
faith,

as

muft overfet every

common
itfelf.

meafure of

and fhock even credulity

The Second
chapter, or chapter fortieth,
is

an account of Jufti-

nian and his queen, his court, his fortreiles, his in-

troduction of filk-worms, his fuppreffion

of the

fchools at Athens, his ending the fucceffion of confuls at

Rome, &c. &c. &c.

fall

But, in

ail this

accutrace

mulation of mifcellaneous matter,

the decline and

how do we
?

of the empire

Except

in

fome
lee

incidental points concerning his

fortrefles,

we

nothing
1

in the

whole, that marks with the flighted

Livy,

i.

44.,

fmm

Fabius Pi&or.

Gravius,

iii,

jjj.

line

$1
line

Review of
of
fact the falling,

Gibbon's Hiftory>

or even the declining, frame

in the fecond page of the were firft volume, we affured that we mould have only c the moft important circumftances of its dec

of the empire.

And,

cline

and

fall.'
!

So

different
fo

from the promife

is

is

the performance

And

forgetful

the author

of his own purpofe and plan

The manner
of Tacitus.
the reader.

too

is full

of fhoit, quick turns, that

give us the pointed brevity, and frequent obfcurity

He

Thefe repeatedly flop the advance of is obliged to paufe and examine,

before he can proceed.

And

thefe frequent rubs in

the courfe of the reading, give a difagreeablenefs to the

movements of
this

the hiftory.

The

author alfo

adds to

difagreeablenefs,

by another circumnot on the ideas of

ftance in his conduft.

cw.i ideas only
his reader.
;

He

writes frequently to his

and

reflects

He

therefore throws out allnfions, that

arife,

are not underftood as they

that perplex the

memory, and
the narration,
interefting.

that embarrafs die judgment.

if

And
un-

narration

it

can be called,

is ilill

in

it.

upon

much of differtation The whole is little mere, than a dijfertation And it is this, which gives a lanthe biflory.
It has, indeed, too

guor and

a feeblenefs

to

the pages,

that the inci-

dents of hiftory would not have given. In one page, Mr. Gibbon lays open the laicivious character of Theodora, the queen of Juftinian.

He
c

gives us indeed the moft notorious acts of her

f

profligacy, as he fays himfelf,

rity

veiled in the obfeu-

of a learned language
'P.53-

But he produces
the

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4*0.

length,

33

the palTages at

full

have hinted

at

them;
i^o.

when he needed only to and when a modeft man

his

would have done

tion

Pie even gives us a repetiheart to have

of paiTages.

This {hews

been delighted with the fubject.

And he

even fub-

joins a note in Englifh to one of them, in order to

point

it

out more fully to the notice of his reader*

the fame faults as before. Prot

The language has

clus
is
c

the friend of Juftinian, and the

'

enemy of

every other adoption

;'

that

is,

an enemy to the
(

adoption of any, other perfon as heir to the empire.

We
mity,
is

have

alfo thefe

words

their religion,

an

honourable problem, betrays occafional confor.

'

with a fecret attachment to paganifm

What
c 1

an honourable problem
conformity
to

Their

occatheir
is this*

fional

Chriflianity,'
?

with
f

fecret attachment' to

paganifm

But how
a

honourable

?'

And

if fo,

how

is it

problem?'
of comba-

He

fpeaks of the priefts and their relics, which

parties
as
c

had been interpofed between two

tants, in order to feparate
c

them
1

interpofed to

feparate the bloody

conflift
its

itfelf'.
*

He
tomb V

calls

the

web of

the filkworm,

golden

He
;

repeatedly fpeaks of

the education'

of fdkworms

and

calls the ftraits

of Bofphorus and the Hellefpont,

c

without any qualifying expreffion,

city'

the gates of the

f

Conftantinople

6
.

He

fays,

a whole

people, the manufacturers of Tyre and Berytus was reduced to extreme mifery Y He menc tions a man, whofe ftyle was fcarcely legible*.
1

P. 45.
8

*p. 48.
p. 86.

p. 67.

4 p. -1.

p. 78.

* ibid.

p. 84.

plan

34

Re-view of Gibbon's plan

is

liijlory,

A
c

faid to

be

defcribed

thor

means

drawn.
n
*

when the auXenophcn, we are told,

','

es uPPf

r01Tiance

the

fame barbarians,
his retreat
c

'

againft

whom

he had fought in

V
a

We are
*

informed, that the Athenians,

about thirty
millions */
regret this

thoufand males, condenjed within the period of

fingle life the

'

genius of

ages

and

And
*

finally, fays

Mr. Gibbon,

chronology y fo far preferable,'

&c *. when he ought

of
this

to
'

have
c

faid,

I regret the dijuje

chrcno-

logy/ &c.
I

regret

[the di&fe of] this

chronology,'
c

of
far

computing from the creation of the world,

'

fo

preferable to our double and perplexed method,

of counting backwards and forwards the years

before and after the Chriftian
aera.'

'

Mr. Gibbon
was
firft
f

then adds, as
that
c

many

authors have added before him,

aera

in the

Weft, the Chriftian

century
;".

in-

vented

in the fixth

and that

it

was

propagated in the eighth by the authority and

writings

of venerable Bede
if

concerning Bede, as
the Chriftian asra,
is

he was the

firft

furely as falfe as

The aftertion who ufed it is common.

ufed
it

Bede only ufed the asra, His c authority,' him.

as others

had

before

therefore, did not

recom-

mend
found

it

to the world.

A Saxon of Northumbria was

fuch an
'

not likely, to have

it

known
c

authority.'

He

already
to him,

propagated/

It

came recomufes
it

mended
ing

by the

authority' of the precedin

ulers.

And
*p. 105.

he accordingly
3

his

P. 93.

p.

112.

+ p. 121.

ibid.

Chronicon,

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4to.

leaft

35
previoujly
con->

Chronicorii without the

cern'vng
it,

notice

as

what was common

of
his

to the writers,
;

and
couIn

familiar

to the readers,

age and country

pling

it

as

it

had been ufed to be coupled, with the

antecedent era of the creation of the world.

this

manner he

enters

upon what he

calls his

Anno Mundi Chrifti

?

<

SEXTA ^TAS;
Casfaris

Anno
c

Augufti

Jefus

3952.

i.

Chriftus,

filius

Dei, fextam

mundi setatem fuo confecravit adventu

V
525,
it

Firft invented

by Dionyfius Exiguus

in

was

foon adopted, no doubt, as an ufeful hinge of chronology, upon which

it

could conveniently turn, to

-,

look either backward or forward

became general
with

upon
and

the continent, in conjunction with the old one

therefore

was ufed by Bede

in this ifland,

all that

apparent eafe, with which our modern wriit

ters ufe

at prefent.-

Mr. Gibbon fpeaks of

terms
*
* c
:

that afTerted repetition

of

Archimedes's burning-glafTes by Proclus,

in thefe

A
f

machine was fixed on the walls of

the city, confiding of an

hexagon mirror of pothe note annexed tells

artifice

limed
that

brafs,'

&c.
2

And

us,
*

Tzetzes defcribes the

.'

of thefe
refers

burning-glafTes

Mr. Gibbon

therefore

to Tzetzes, for his account

of them.

Yet an un-

lucky blunder
1

in his real author, detects his delufive

Smith's Opera Beds, p. 16.

* p,

89.

reference

36

Review of

Gibbon's Hi/tory,

reference to the nominal one.

are thefe
J?S

The words of Tzetzes

ly.e.vxi;

MapEXAo; ^

a,TTia\-fiffi

QoTwv
o

rofy,

~Ef;ccyvv

am

Kouotrgov eliyHrivvtv

yipuv,

which, translated, run thus

When

Marcellu5 removed the (hips a bow-fhot

actually

ofF,
it.

Old Archimedes

brought out a mirror and fixed

But where
as

is

this
it,

mirror faid to be, as Mr. Gibbon

*

denominates

an

hexagon

?'

In thefe very lines,

Mr.

Gibbon renders them.

The word ifayw

;

in the fecond line, he confiders as t%<x,yMo<;

and the
blunder
f

production of the mirror he interprets into the Jexan-

gular nature of
is

it.

Nor

is

this all.
it

The

not his

ozvn-,

he derives

from the hand of

relat-

another.
* 1

M.

de BufFon, fays Mr. Dutens,

ing this paffage in his

for the year

Memoirs of

the

Academy

1747,

p.

99, fpeaks of a hexagon

* * (

mirror, though Tzetzes mentions no fuch thing

that celebrated academician, or the perfon

who

* 1

paffage, certainly communicated to miftook the word i^ayuv, which fignifies educens, And, as this profor egaywvo?, a hexagon V
this

him

duces a moft ridiculous proof of the ignorance of

M.

BufFon and of Mr. Gibbon

in that

very lanj

guage of Greek which they pretend it fhews Mr. Gibbon in a ftill more

to tranflate

fo

ridiculous light

to us, citing BufFon though he refers to Tzetzes,

conftruing Tzetzes only by the tranflation of BufFon,

and expofing
general,
1

his

mode

of managing his quotations in

by

this

detected inftance of his conduct.

Dutens's Inquiries into the Difcoveries attributed to the

Moderns.

London, 1769,

p.

325326.

The

Vols,

IV.

V.

VI. 4/0.

37

The THIRD,
or forty- firft chapter.
the three
firft

Mr. Gibbon

having, in the

volumes, deduced the hiftory of the

in the
in the Eaft.
firft

empire
to
its

to

its fall

equal

fall

Weftt was now to purfue it But does he do fo ?

No.
ries

The

very

chapter of this volume, car-

us directly back into the

Weft

again.

It takes

us even into Italy.

hiftory,

It there gives us the fubfequent

of the

late capital

of the Weft

its

hiftory,

after

it

has ceafed to be the capital, when

itfelf,

it is

no longer
it

the metropolis even of Italy

and when
poft-obit

only

ranks as fecond to Ravenna.

hiftory
is

This
It

kind of

exceedingly ftrange.

fhews the hiftorian,

or to

to

have either fixed no limits to

flighted them.

his excurfions,
firft

have

But he had

fixed and then

flighted.
fays, that
'

In the preface to

this

very volume he

he

now

difcharges his promifet and

com-

pletes his deftgn, of writing the hiftory of die de-

c
*

dine and fall of the

Roman

empire, both in the

firft

Weft and the Eaft*

Yet, in his very

chap-

ter

afterwards, he gives us a long account of what

in

happened

the Weft, in Italy, and at

Rome;

when
there.

the empire had already declined and fallen

which the
cern
;

His whole chapter is a detail of events, in Roman empire had not the flighteft conmerely the hiftory of thofe,

as they are

who

had previoufly pulled down the weftern empire,

and merely the victories of thofe, who now conquered the conquerors of the empire.

But
relates

this

third chapter at once partakes in the fault of the

firft,

and varies

it

confiderably.

It

the

tranfactions

of Belifarius, in reducing thofe

who
had

38

Review of Gibbon's
Italy

Hi/lory,

had rent Carthage and

pire,

from the weftern em-

and

in

annexing both again to the eaftern.

all

We

thus fee the decline and fall of the empire

pofition.

in

an inverted

We

behold that very empire of

pioufly buried in the grave,
a

the Weft, which

we had

and over which we had lung

railed earth,

melancholy requiem

-,

by the hand of miraculous violence from the and brought upon the ftage again. And
this

nothing furely can equal the abfurdity of

con-

duct

in the hiftorian,

except that dramatical ftroke

cries

^f Dryden's,
to the

in

which one of the f age-dead

have carried him

out

man who would

off;

Hold, you damn'd confounded dog.

I

am

to rife and/peak the epilogue.

We
tained

are told, that the

c

Goths and Vandals had ob-

a legal eftablifhment' in Italy and Africa;

c

and that
bribed,

the

titles

which
.'

Roman

victory had in-

were erafed with equal juftice by the fword

'

of the barbarians
ufed by

Here we have

a remark-

able

equivocation, in the ufe

of a fingle word.

I'itle is

the author for an inscription,

when
a

he actually means a right. < trench, which was prolonged

c
c

We
at

hear of

deep

firit

in perpendicu-

lar,

and afterwards
2

in parallel, lines, to
.'

cover the

wings of an army
?

What
',

is

the prolongation of
to parallel,

a trench in perpendicular
]j
'

as

oppofed
*

nes

-The Roman
prevailing
'

infantry

yielded to the

more
valry

ufe and reputation of the cabelieve,

<

,'

that

is,

we

were not

in

fuch fre-

quent ufe and high reputation as the cavalry,

Pharas
x

expected,

during a winter
a p.

fiege,
3

the ope-

p. 122.

128.

p. I30.
1

ration

Vols.

'

IV.

V.

VI. tfo.

29

ration

of
y

diftrefs
is,
:

on the mind of the Vandal

it.

king

'

that

he waited for

We
at

have one
or

this elegant jeft

1

Labat reckoned

Rome

hundred and
ten thoufand

thirty eight thoufand

five

hundred

*
!

and fixty-eight Chriftian

fouls, befides eight

r

Jews

without fouls

lepdum

caput

There
out

is

a quick, glancing turn of reflection in

the author, that very frequently throws the reader

in the purfuit,

and leaves him behind.

in

This

is

one of the many touches of Tacitus,

bon.

And

it

is

marked,
f

as in

Mr. GibTacitus, by a hafty

abruptnefs of ideas, and an involving darknefs of

words.
'

Thus
is

the martial train, which attended

Belifarius's footfteps' in the ftreets

of Conftantiacceffible

nople,
4

faid to

have
battle

left
.'

bis

prfon more
does this

than

in

a day of
l

What

mean

the

Thus alfo Eunomian

firft

Theodofius had been educated

herefyj
the African

in

voyage was

confecrated by the baptifm and aufpicious

name

*
c c

of the
felyte

follower

who embarked
into the family

and the prohis lpiritual

was adopted
Belifarius

of \

parents,

and Antonina

This

is

fentence 'Tbebano denigmate digna.

The

author

is

aifo

involved himfelf at times, in

the cloud which he fpreads over his readers.

We

are told that Belifarius, difcovering his wife and an

almoft naked youth by themfelves in a fubterra-

nean chamber,
*

confented to difbelieve the evidence

of his
'

own

fenies
*
5

V
p.

But

this pofitive
3

confent

is

P- 149-

p. 179.

p.

202

203.
imme-

4 p. 205.

205.

Review of Gibbon's
flated,

Hiftory,

immediately afterwards
*
'

as a

doubtful one,

From
ed,'

this

pleating, and perhaps voluntary delu-

fion/ adds

&c.
that
1

Mr. Gibbon, Belifarius was awakenAnd, to complete the contradiction,

' c

we
c

afterwards return to the pofitive again, and are

his
.'

told

credulity appears
c

to

have

been

lingular

In the country between the Elbe

text,
c

c
f

and the Oder,' fays the

feveral populous
j

villages of Luiatia are inhabited by the Vandals

t
' c

they fill preferve their language, their cuftoms,

and the purity of

impatience,
ferve,

their

blood

fupport, with

fome
ancj

the

Saxcn or Pruffian yoke;

in his

'

with fecret and voluntary allegiance, the

dcfcendant of their ancient kings, who,

garb

' c

and prefent fortune,

of
his vaffals

is

confounded with the meaneft

is

V
It

This
is

a mod: extraordinary re-

lation indeed.

evidently

of the fame
ftill

fabric,

with a community of Greeks

tive
Iprij

talking their na;

language

in

the fouth of Italy

a race of Cim-?
;

equally talking theirs in the north of Italy

both

noticed by

men who

have never Jeen

neighbours
j

either,

but both
is

unknown
army
at

to their very

and, what

proper accompaniment to both, with the invifible

Knightfbridge.

And Mr. Gibbon

here

fhews us that weaknefs of hiitorical credulity, which

often attends the moft vigorous exertors of religious
infidelity.

We
-,

are
that,

gravely told by
*

him

alfo, in

note fubjoinecl
*

from the mouth of the great

of the Vandals of

elector (in 1687), Tollius deicribes the Jeer et royalty,

i.

and

the

rebellious Jpirit,

'p. 207.

*p. 155.
*

Brandenburgh,

Vols.
*

IV. V. VI. A/o. could

41
five

Brandenburgh,

who

mufler
this

or

fix

thoufand men,' &c.

Vandals, with their

Thus unknown

unknown

race of

fovereign at the head

and
c

at the tail

of them, which was revealed to the

for the firft time,

eyes of

Europe

by

the great

elector in the year

hind the veil

1687 ;' has ftrangely funk beagain, and has been ever fince as inwere before.

visible as they

The

mountains of In-

dia,

that

have fo long concealed the pigmies in

long arms into

their fecret vales, ftretch their

fatia,

Lu-

and hide a pigmy race of Vandals

Lufatia, indeed,

in their

deferts.

might be removed half

,

the circumference of the globe from us

by the
this.

turn and tenour of fuch a wild difcovery, as

But, after

all,

the underflanding of
little,

Mr. Gibbon

feems to awake a

from

its

antiquarian dream.
that he has faid in

And

to the contradiction of

all,

the text above, and in the note before, he adds im-

mediately afterwards
1

that

the veracity, not of the

Elector, but of Tollius,

thus

may

jujily

be fujpefied.'

He

comes

at laft to JiifpeU the

truth,

of what
is

he himfelf has

ajferted

for truth.

The whole

mere

fiction,

no doubt; fabricated either by Tol-

or, what is much more probable, in lbme jocular moment impofed upon Tollius by
lius himfelf,
*

the great elector

'.'

The
*

To

the

Editor

of the

English Review.

Sir,
In your continuation of the
Strictures

on Mr. Gibbon's

Hiftory, I find that you attack the account this writer gives, of
i fmall

tribe

of Vandals

who

inhabit part of Lufatia, and

chiefly

42

Review of Gibbon 's

Hi/fory,

The fourth,
or forty, fecond chapter, contains fome intimations

concerning the Lombards, fome

concerning the
Bulgarians

chic By

that part

which

is

fubjecv to

the

Eleftor of Saxony.
in other refpe&s,
'

Whatever may be Mr. Gibbon's miilakes

this

in

he

is

fight enough.

I will not

anfwer for the truth,

of

kheir ferving fall the descendant of their

ancient kings;' at
I

Ice? the circumstance

is

unknown

to

me; and
little

have never

heard

it

mentioned by any one of that

nation, of

which

once knew

many They

individuals.

The
i.

people certainly

exift,

and

are called in Saxony JFenden, WeVidifh.

e.
;

Wendts, or Vandal?, or
uncouth and uncivilifed,

are chiefly peafants

and extremely tenacious of their language, their ancient cufTheir language is equally different from torns, and manners.
the German, and from any language derived from the Latin
in ihort,
it is
.

a branch of the Sclavonian.

Many

of them are

entirely ignorant of the

from

all

fources of information.

German, and confequently debarred They have, in their own lan-

guage, fome books of devotion, and a

New

Teftament

but I

do not

recoiled, whether they have the

Old Teilamcnt.

They
among
in the

fend cendantly a certain number of young

ofL.eipfic,

men to

the univerfity

many of whom
o;

have known.

Thefe, when
;

themfelves, always fpoke their native language

and every

Saturday one

them preaches,

in

Wendifh, a fermon

BniverJity church,

by way of praclifmg
is

his future defiination.

The

e-allence of thefe Vandals

by no means unknown

in

this country.

Some

years ago I was afked about them, by a

gehtleman

in

the neighbourhood of Eton,

I

who

is

known

for

his rciearches into various languages.

procured him a cer-

tain

number of
I

radical

verbs,

fome pa.Tages of the

New

Teftament, and the Lord's Prayer; and he inilantly declared

(what

knew very

well) the language to be a branch of the

$clavGiiian.

If you iliould think

into your

it

worth your while,

add
.here

Sir,

to

infert

this

Review ;

I will

part of the Lord's Prayer,

Whiqh

Vols.

IV. V. VI. ito.

43

Bulgarians and Sclavonians, fome concerning the

Turks, the Abyffinians,

Sec.

and an account of a

war
which
is

very different indeed from that of the Germans, by

:

whom
' *
'

they are furrounded on every fide

Neisch wotze kizszy ty we ne bessach fzweczene bycz

broje

me no

isschindz

knam

fwoje kralen stwo

tvvoja

wola

fzo sfain kesiz na nebiu tak feisch

na femo.'

Fardon me,
as
it

Sir, for

troubling you with this letter, which,

tends to information, I thought

would not be difagreeable

to

you from
Dec. 3^, 1788.

A
Editors of

Reader of the Englifh Review.

To

the

the

English Review.

Gentlemen,

correfpondent, in your

laft

Review, having doubted wheof the

ther the Bible has been

tranflated into that dialeft

Sclavonian, which

is

fpoken in Upper Lufatia; I can inform

him, that fuch an one was printed at Budiffen or Bautzew, in

quarto, in 1728, and in a fmaller form in 1742.

This tranflawith very

laudable

tion-was

made from

Luther's, by four clergymen, natives of

to

that country,

who appear

have executed their

talk

great ability and zeal.

Having determined on

this

undertaking, they met at Budiffen, and agreed what part of the

work each of them upon it April 14,

Ihould refpeclively take.

They

entered

17 16, and

brought

it

to a concluficn

Sep-

tember 27, 1727. During this period they held forty-five meetings, each of which generally lafted three days for the
;

purpofe of mutually difcuffing the fenfe of

difficult

texts col-

lating their tranflation with the Sclavonian, Polifh,

Bohemian,

and other

verfions,

and

revifing every part

with the utmoft

care and attention.

The Wenden,
more properly,

or, as

they were anciently called, Sorabi, and

in their

own language,

Sferbi,

became,

it is

pro-

bable, early converts to Chrillianity.

Bifhop Otho, who, in the

at

reign of the emperor Lotharius If.

twelfth century,
travelled from

the beginning of the

into

Bamberg

Pomerania to
propagate

44

Review of Gibbon's

Hijlory.

war between the Romans and the is made up generally of fuch petty

Perfians.

But

it

parts, intimations

fo
propagate the ChrifHan faith in thofe parts
habitants of that country from paganifm.
is

faid, in patting

through Lufatia, to have completed the converiion of the inIt

is

certain, that

they renounced the errors of the Church of Rome, foon after

Luther oppofed them with

fo

much

fuccefs
Little,

and embraced the

however, was done

dottrines of that great reformer.

to furnifh them with religious instruction, by the publication of

books in their own proper dialed,

till

the year 1703

when

the

pious munificence of a noble female, procured them a tranflation of the Pfalms of David, and, three years after, that of the

New

TeStament.

The

inhabitants of

Lower L ufatia fpeak

dialect, different in

The New

fome refpe&s from that abovementioned. Teftament has been translated into it. I forbear to
this fubject.

add more on

If you think

the above worthy a

it

place in your Journal, you are welcome to

from

Your

conitant reader,

Jan

19, 1789.

Oxoniensis.

To
Sir,

the

Editor

of the

English Review.
Re-

Having

juft

read a letter in your poftfcript to the

laft

view, calculated to correct a flight notice in your Reviewer's

animadverfions upon Mr. Gibbon

proteft, againft the correction.

beg leave

to enter

my
Mr.

Your Reviewer obferved

Gibbon, who
*

a Strange fort of credulity in

faid

feveral populous villages of Lufatia

were

inhabited by Vandals? even now.

is

This

affertion

however, he

adds your letter-writer,

true.

'

Whatever may be Mr. Gib'

bon's mistakes in other refpecls,' he fays,

in this

is

right

enough.'

Let us therefore fee how he proves

tells us,
'

his point.

Thefe
*
*
1

Vandals, Mr. Gibbon

prefent fortuities,
is

Jerve withfecref or

voluntary allegiance the defendant of their ancient kings, who, in

his

garb and

confounded with the meaneft of

his vaj/als.'

Who

then

is

there, that muff not

laugh with the

Reviewer,

Vol IF. V. VI.

jo uninterefting,

aJo.

45

and incidents
dull

fo

indecifivc, that

the hiftory

becomes

and drawling.

The

rays

of
Reviewer, at
'

this

unknown race of Vandals, with their bead and at the

a fie it this great
tail

known fovereign
be true.

at the

of them."

Even

your letter-writer cannot

ftance, to
'
*

and ftriking circum-

I will

not anfwer for the truth,' he ho-

neftly informs us,

*

of their ferving the defcendant of their an-

cient kings
'

;'

and

much

lefs

can he anfwer for their ferving

*

him
*
*

with fecret or voluntary allegiance,' and of his being,

in

garb and prefent fortunes, confounded with the meaneft of his

vaflals.'

unknown
one.'

to

He adds alfo me and I

;

thus:

At

leafr.

the circumftance
it

is

have never heard

mentioned
all

by any

'

The

letter-writer, therefore, gives

up

the fingular

and marvellous circumilances of the ftory at once.

Yet he
he prove
*

ajferts

the general pofition to be true.

?

it

to

be fo

By

this

extraordinary

But how does mode of reafoning.

is

The

people certainly exill,'

he avers.

Yet what
*

the people?
inhabit part

*
*

fmall tribe of

Vandals,' he anfwers;
is

who

of Lufatia, and chiefly that part which

tor of Saxony.'
It
i.e.

fubjeel to the

Elec-

What
follows

then
thus:

is
*

the evidence for this tribe of

Vandals? Wknden,

They

are called in

Saxony
author

Wendts,
origin

or Vandals, or

Wendifh.'

The

thus ajfumei the one only point,

which he was

to prove.

And

the

Vandaligk
is

is

Jhewn, by an arbitrary converfion of

Wenden

into Vandals.
this converfion

Nor

merely arbitrary.

It

is,

alfo, hiftori-

cally falfe.

This author has not yet learned, that there was

adually a tribe of

Venedi

in
:

antient

Germany.

Tacitus

fpeaks of them particularly thus

c

Pucinorum, Venedorumqutt

et

bito,'

Fennorum nationes, Germanis an Sarmatis afcribam, du&c. (De Mor. Germ. 46). Thofe Wendts therefore,

if their appellation be national and antient, are apparently deAnd their very language confirms this rived from the Venedi.
obvious etymology.
us,
'

Their language,' the letter-writer allures is-a branch of the Sclavonian.' In exadt conformity with

this fays

Jorcandes, concerning

Venidarum natio populofa

quorum

46
of
hiftorical

Review of GMon's
light in

Hiflory,

the whole, are fo

little

many,

(6

faint,

and fo ftraggling; that they

licet

illuminate'

*
'

quorum nomina,
tur, principaliter

nunc per varias familias

et

et lo'ca

muten-

tamen Sclavi

Antes nominantur.'

But were

not,

tion, the Vencdi

it may be afked by the pertinacity of deputaand the Vandals the fame ? Certainly not, upon

any principles of

hiftorical identity.

The

Venedi are noticed by

Tacitus, as on the doubtful confines of Sarmatia and Ger-

many.
*
'

Pliny,

who may

be confidered as a cotemporary with

:

Tacitus, fpeaks to the fame efFett

quidam

hare habitari ad

"V&iltulam ufque fluvium, a Sarmatis, Venedis, Scyris, Hirris,

tradunt' (iv. 13).

And
:

yet Pliny himfelf fpeaks of the ^27-

dals, as totally different

*

'

Germanorum genera

v, Vindili>

quo14.).

rum

pars Burgundiones, Varini, Carini, Guttones' (iv.

Thefe two nanses, we fee, were cotemporary. That of Vandals was a generick appellation, including the Guttones, the Carini,
the Varini, and the Burgundiones.
fpecific one, totally diftindl

And

that of Venedi
all.

was a

from

it

and from

Your
tempt to

letter-writer, then, has failed egregioufly in his ataflift

Mr. Gibbon

in this

moment of

diftrefs.

But,
affift-

what
ance.

is

very remarkable, Mr. Gibbon himfelf declines his

The

writer was not at

certain.

Air.

all aware of this. Yet it is very Gibbon acknowledges exprefsly in a note at the

end, as the Reviewer has

*

obi'erved,
flory,
'

that

'

the veracity

of

Tollius,' the relater

of the

may

juftly

be

fufpefied.'

He
of

thus dailies the whole anecdote at once, out of the fyftem

real hiflory;

and ranks

it

among

the dubious and fufpe&ed

incider.'^
float in a

of man, thofe thin ihades and fpeftres of hiflory, that

kind of neutral
this

flate

between cxiflence and non-entity.

And, by
and

movement of

dexterity, he fteals out at the

is

back-

door, while the letter- writer

flips off

waiting for him at the fore-door j

his

from him, and from

own

afTertion, together.

Rebus

omiffis,
fallit

Atria fervantem poflico

'Jan. 4,

amicum.

1789.

am,

Sir, yours,

2 emplc.
Another Reader of the Englijh Review,

the

Vols. IV.

V.

VI. 4to.

47
a

the reader, and never

iingle trace

warm

him.

Nor have we

of the main fubje6r, the decline and

;

fall

cf the empire
tility

except in fudden incurfions of hofceflions

and

in

temporary

of

territory.

B:

we mark
is

a plain confeioufnefs in the author, that he

deviating from the prefcribed and proper line cf

his hillory in all this.

his
' c

He

accordingly apologifes for

f

conduct, in one part of it thus.

objeure

This narrative
f

of

and remote events,' he and

fall

fays,

is

not/;'.'

reign to the decline

of the
it,
*

Roman

empire

And
c

he affigns a reafon for

:

which

refers to his

account of the AbyfTinians

If a Chriftian

power

had been maintained

in Arabia,'
c

by the Abyfli-

nians
'

marching

into

it;

Mahomet muft have

and Abyfllnia would

been crufhed in

his cradle,

* (

have prevented a revolution, which has changed

the civil and religious ftate of the world.'
is

But

furely this reafon

in its

as

poor

in itfclf, as

it is

narrow

extent.

If the Chriftians of Abyffinia had'

marched
had kept
This

into Arabia,

poffeffion of

had reduced the country, and it then they would either

;

have crufhed Mahomet, or been expelled by him.

is all

the confequence that

would have eniued.

is

That they muft have crufhed Mahomet,

tion equally without authority,
bility.

an affer-

and without proba-

new

fhape.

Mahomet would probably have affumed And he, who propagated his religion
would with
of
his his

with the fword,

vindicated

fword have

fidl
theft

the freedom

country, and

P. 270.

S"

43
given
it

Review of
his

Gibbon's Hiftory>

religion, with a higher authority

and

a quicker
hiftory,
is

efficacy.

The

fpirit

of philofophifing in

often afleep in thofe

if

who

profefs

it

moft.

But even
prevented

the prevented invafion of Arabia,

had

it

taken place, would have crufhed Mahomet, and

all

his

operations

is

this

a fufficient
into

juftification
*

of Mr. Gibbon,

for entering

narrative of obfcure and remote events?'

Are

all
c

remote' and however would have prevented (if they had happened) the main object of any hiftory to be
the incidents,
obfcure,' that
;

however

recorded in the hiftory

itfelf ?

Is the

war of Casfar
f

in Gaul, for inftance, to be defcribed in a

narra-

tive

of events,' by the hiftorian of

?

his expedition

into

Britain

Had
;'

Arioviftus's invafion of
c

Gaul

been
c

fuccefsful, Casfar

muft have been crufhed

c

in his cradle

and Germany

would have precivil

c
c

vented

revolution,
ftate

which changed the

and

religious

of our ifland world.'

empire in

An
this

tiiftorian therefore,

who had undertaken

Britifo

to delineate

the- decline and fall of the

ifland,

would upon Mr. Gibbon's

fully juftified
;

principles

and pereven

formance be
narrative

if

he fhouid give a
events, and

of

thofe

'

remote'
to

ftep

ftill

further afide,

defcribe

the

court

of

Arioviftus and the country of

Germany.

And no

one period of the

without a

Roman

hiftory could

be written,

narrative'

of the period or periods

exactly as

immediately preceding;
old chroniclers
their

many of our
all

cannot enter upon the hiftory of

the general

own

country, without giving us

hiftory

of

man

preceding,

and going previoufly

from

Vols.

IV. V. VI. tfo.

49
is

from
is

Adam down

to Cafiivelaun.
in

All indeed, that

to ge-

requifite to

be done

every hiftory,

neralife the incidents that

happen before the cominfluence, either preit.

mencement of it, and have any

ventive or operative, upon

If their influence is ope-

rative, they fhould be placed in a direct point

of general

view
as

if it is

only preventive, they fhould be very

(lightly touched, or

indeed not touched at

all.

And,
it is

Mr. Gibbon could not but

juftly call the
j

fee this, becaufe

what we may
fore
c

common Jenje of hiftoriit,

cal composition

fo he actually faw
f

and thereimportant

promifed to give us only

is

the

circumftances,' and (which

mere) only
fall'

the

mofl' important, in the

'

decline and

of the

empire.

He

was

to cut off all the circumltances,

its

even

in the

immediate hiftory of

decline and

fall

that were not -peculiarly important.

He

was doubly
of
c

therefore, to cut off all circumftances

c

obfcure

and remote events,' that only affected the de-

cline

and

fall

of the empire

diftantly.

And
as

he was

tenfold

more

to cut off all fuch, as

;

merely carried

a -preventive influence with them

tainly, if they

would

cerfor-

had happened, have prevented a

rifing
;

midable enemy from

or as might probably

have done
he

fo.

But Mr. Gibbon has neglected

equally what he faw, what he promifed, and what

mould have done.

line

He

ranges like a

great
far

comet, without

or limit.

And

he has lb

formed a
plan,
is
it

hiftory, that, confidered

in its

executed

wild, excentric, and extravagant.

In
f

the

Goths

'

affect

to

blufh,

that they

muft difpute the kingdom of

Italy with a nation

<

of

50
c

Review of

Gibbon's Hiftory y

of tragedians, pantomimes, and pirates

adds,
that
f

V
5

Yet a

note
f

this
is

laft

epithet of Procopius

vKvlas

XuiroSvlxq,

too nobly tranflated by pi~

is

rates
it

naval thieves
?

the proper word.

It
is

Why

was
c
c

not then ufed

faid, that Cofrhoes

*

formed a temporary bridge' over the Euphrates,' and defined the fpace of three days for the entire
paffage

of his numerous hoft

There
"This is a

is

often a Latin and often a

in the

French idiom, obfervable

Latin

language of Mr. Gibbon.

is,

one
fis
'

the E.nglifri

fixed.

And
traverfed

the River

Fha-

defcends with fuch oblique vehemence, that,

it
3

in a fhort fpace,

is
.'

by one hundred

and twenty bridges

The Fifth,
or forty-third chapter contains 'he hiftory, of lofing

and recovering

Italy to the eaftern

empire

and an

account qi the comets, the earthquakes, and the

plagues in the Faft.

We

are thus tranfported

on

the wings of this Hippogryffin hiftory, to a fphere

that
lies

beyond the orb of itsprefent

defign,

and to

one that we have feen torn down from its place. have already feen the Vandals, tearing down the
weftern empire from
its

We

ftation in the hiftory.

firft

Yet

we were

carried, in the
it
;

chapter of this volume,

conflict

to the ruins of

and obliged to attend the

of a fecond

fort

of Vandals with upon

* p.

the

flrft,

one

ftriving to maintain,

and the other to acquire, the

thofe ruins.

privilege of trampling

We
p. 250.

were

p. 213.

246.

then

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4to.

51

then called
stantinople,

upon to go with the Romans of Conand war with them for thofe very ruins.

And we
to fee
it

are

now dragged
loft to

into Italy a third time,

again

the barbarians, and again re-

covered to the eaftern empire.

We
its

thus find the

weftern giving us and our hiftorian, almoft as

trouble after
its

much

death, as

it

did in

life-time.

The

times have been,

That, when the brains were out, the

man would
again

die,

And

there an end

but

now
:

they

rife

With twenty mortal murthers on

their crowns,

And pufn us from our ftools Than fuch a murther is.

All
this

this is

more ftrange

indeed, as a part of the

a.

eaftern

hiftory,

might have been told in full hiftory of the eaftern empire. But it ought not to have been told, in a
hiftory only of
its

decline and

fall.

And

it

peculi-

arly ought not,

when

reafon required and the au-

thor had promifed, that

c 1

we

fhould have only

its'

the

moft important circumftances, of

cline

very

de-

and

fall.'

But

the author

is

continually on the

ftrain, in

exerting a minutenefs of diligence, and in

laborioufnefs,
to
fwell the

exercifing an obfeure
hiftory

beyond

its

natural fize.

He
to

has not that

to grafp
feize
'

happy power of genius within him,

f

the

important,' points of the hiftory,

c

pecu-

liarly

the moft important,' to detatch

them from

the rubbifh of littlenefs and infignificance, and to

make them
faw that

the conftituent parts of his hiftory.

He
a

this

was

his

duty

but he could not act

up

to

it.

He
-,

drew

the outline of his

it

work with

critical

hand

but he went beyond

on every

fide,

in

52

Review of Gibbon* s

Hiftory,

in the excurfivenefs of his licentious pencil.

his plan only ferves at prefent3 to unite with
c'riticifm

And
found

dropfical

to point out th6 condemning him fpirit of writing, by which he has dilated
in
$

the

fubflance

of two volumes into

fix

and to

brand that accumulation of adventitious matter,

with which his hiftory
is
is

fo heavily loaded, that

it

breaking dov;n under

c

its

own

bulk.
c

In one page we have thefe words,

trophy of Augustus
'

Nicopolis, the

;'

becaufe he obtained a victory

near

In the it, and built it in honour of the victory. fame page we have a general's f want of youth and c experience.' In another f the extreme lands of
(

Italy'

are

faid to

have been,

the term of their

<

deftructive progrefs

V And

let

us add, what this

chapter forces us to
reads
like

feel,

that the hiftory frequently

it.

riddle,

from the obfcurity of

The Sixth
or forty-fourth chapter
eighty-five
is

an account, no

lefs

than

pages in length, of the

Roman

jurifpru-

dence

traced through the regal, the confular, and

-,

the imperial times, to the days of Juftinian

and

containing a particular detail of the provifions

made

by
is

it,

for the various objects

of

lav/.

The

chapter

long and tirefome, from the ample nature of the

fubject,

and from the neceffary drynefs of the

dif-

quifition.
fenfe,

Yet it has much learning, much good and more parade of both. But nothing can
field as this.

fubdue the native barrennefs, of fuch a

?

P 296

p.

309.

And,

Vols.

IV. V. VI.

4,10.

53 do with
?

And,

if
1

any thing could, what has a difquifition on

:ws of
all

all the

the

Romans,
fall

to

a hii-

tory of the decline and

if it

of the empire

Even

had the legal

knowledge of Trebonius, Papi;

hian,

the philofophy, of

and Ulpian united together if it had alfo all the formers of polity and reboth were
fet off

markers upon manj that thefe modern times have

produced ; and

if

with the energy

of a Tacitus, and the brilliancy of a Burke

mould only

point at the whole as a fet of

we more
;

fplendid abfurdities, and cry out with difdain,

Beauties they are, but beauties out of place.

treatife

on the domeftic

life

of the

Romans t a
-

difTertation

latchets

on the buttons, the firings, and the of their military drefs on any thing more
;

trifling (hiftorically confidered,)

trifles

among

the

many

of antiquarianifm
for

would have been almoft

a difquifition
Juflinian

as

proper

the

hiftory, as fuch

upon

their laws.

That
to

mould have the

very reafonable.

honour attributed

him, of compiling the code,

;

the inftitutes, and the pandecls

is

But

it is

very unreafonable, that a long and laboured

difTertation

on the laws of all the periods of the Roan enumeration of

its

man

hiftory, with

particular
j

provifions, fhould be given as a part

of the hiftory

and the effence of the ftatute-book ferved up, as an

hiflorical
difh.

In the

fulleft hiftory

pire, fuch literary

cookery

as this

of the emwould be very ab-

furd.

It

is ftill

more

abfurd, in a hiftory only of

the decline and

fall

of the empire.

And

it is

moft
that

of

all

abfurd,

when we had been

fo exprefsly allured,

54
that
'

Review cf Gibbon's

HiJlory s
its

we mould have
fall.'
c

only

the circumftances of

decline and

We
tinian
'.

are told to

appreciate the labours'

is
;

of Jufin this
it

The
and we

author
it

fond of the word

feen

harm
before

application of
;

we have
him
<

him

ufing

fhall fee

again.
as

After noticing
fkilled in the

Cato the cenfor and

law
c
;

his fon,

men

he remarks, that

the kindred appellation of

Mutius Scasvola was

the

illuftrated
!

by three fages of
means, that
c

,'

lawV

How
the

obfcure

He

this

family had the

lawyers.
(
1

honour of producing three good

In
4 ;'

lame page he mentions

a century

of volumes.'
of children

In a farther

we

have,

the expofition
;

for the expofing

is

of them

'

the

tame

animals, whofe nature

education

tractable

to the arts of

*
c

the agreement of

fale, for
c

a certain

price, imputes ,' inftead of reckons,

from that moaccount

*
c
f

ment the chances of gain or

of the purchaier
5

lofs to the

j'

the pain or the difgrace of a

eafily
'

word or blow cannot

cuniary equivalent
valuable tree
7 ,'

be appreciated by a pe-

the extirpation of a more

is

'

where the comparative

f

ufed for

the pofitive degree, very abfurdly in a

lift

of legal

pimimments ; and
c

a prudent legiflator appreciates

s .'

the guilt and punifhment

We
his

have noticed before the propenfity of Mr.

to obfeenity.
It

Gibbon

was then, however, coin p.

vered moftly under a veil of Greek. But,

375,

obfeenity throws off every cover, and

comes
5

P-333P- 398.

P- 35i

P*

373-

P- 384.

P-

39&

'

p. 401.

p. 406.

ftalkin*

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4/0.

55

talking forth
foul,

in

the impudence of nakednefs.

deeply tinctured with fenfuality, loves to brood

itfelf,

over fenfual ideas

to prefent fenfual objects to

its

others, and fo to enjoy

own

fenfuality

of

fpirit

over again.
But,
in p.

mounts up
for

no

lefs

He then is ftill more vicious. avowed advocate for what ? an enormity than murder and even
414, he
into an

for that which, of all murders,

is

the only one that

precludes repentance, precludes pardon, and ends

the
{ c
c

life

with the crime of the murderer.

The
c

ci-

vilians,' fays this

champion

for felf-murder,

have
to

always refpected the natural right of a citizen

difpcfe

of his

life;

but

the precepts

of the

f
i

g fP eh
G

or tne church, have at length impofed a pious

fervitude on the minds of Chriftians, and condemn

f
c

them

to expect, without a murmur, the

loft

ftroke

of difeafe or the executioner.'

Gibbon here

treading, in the fleps of his

!

So boldly is Mr. honoured

all

acquaintance the late Mr.

Hume With
c

Mr.

Hume's
c

fpirit too,
'

he arraigns the

precepts of the

gofpel

if

they be (he hints) the precepts of the

gofpel, and,not the

mere

injunctions

of the church ;'

a fimilar fpirit,
c

for prohibiting felf-murder.

in the text
c

With

of
;'

p.

380, he fpeaks of
his note

the wifhes of
to

the church

when

makes them

be,

the laws of Chrifl and the precepts of St. Paul.

as
it is

And
fet

highly to the honour of our religion, that

are

thefe patrons of felf-murder afide the

dictates

compelled to

of the gofpel, and the admoni-

tions of the church, before they

can vindicate their

profligate fpeculations

fo does

Mr. Gibbon's

fpe-

culation

$6

Review of Gibbon's feem to

tell

Hijldry,

culation here,

us with a melancholy

energy, to what a dreadful relief he

may

perhaps

have recourfe hereafter.

diftrefs
;

May

repentance anticipate
in
!

and the

light

of Chriftianity break

upon

his

mind, to flop the uplifted arm of filicide

The Seventh
or forty-fifth chapter, relates principally to the invafion of Italy by the

of it
fore,

Lombards, and the feparation again from the eaftern empire. This is therein all its principal parts, a mere digreflion.
have fhewn
this

We
we

fufficiently before

-,

nor need
only to

to fay

more upon
is

the fubjech

We have

obferve, that there

one link more added to the

chain of abfurdity

that to the digreffional account

of the Goths and Vandals, of the Goths and the

eaftern emperors,
is

now

fubjoined a long hiftory of

;

the
all

Lombards, the emperors, and the Goths

thefe
leaft relation to the wejiern

that

continued events of the Italian hiftory,

cannot have the

empire,
j

becaufe this has long fince vanimed from the earth

and that they equally cannot form any circumftances

of the decline and
fall

of the

eaftern^

becaufe Italy
light, the

was

the feat of the wejiern.

In every

narrative of events in Italy, after Italy has been fo

formally (wept
is all

away from

the ftage of the hiftory,

impertinence.
faint
is

A
that
it

and tremulous kind of

light, too, is all

thrown over the

narrative.

This fome-

times breaks out and engages the attention.

is

But
il-

generally too tremulous to call a fteady

lumination, and too faint to furnifh a ftrong one.

And

Vols.

IV

V.

VI. 4to.

sy

And

it

Icrves only, like the natural twilight, to pre-

sent the fhadows of objects to our view.

The whole

fcene of hiftory before us, therefore,

is

dark, broken,

and uninviting.

But
hiftory.
c

digreffion
*

is

the great feeder of

Mr. Gibbon's
was in

fhould not be apprehenfive,' he fays,

of deviating from

my

fubject,

if it
life

my

* '

power

to delineate

the private

of the conItaly,

querors of Italy,' the Lombards'.

his
is

having
is

been once a grand object of

ever to remain
fo,
it

hiftory,

for

feems.
it

It
is

not merely to

remain, as long only as

eaftern empire.

connected with the

chapter of this votranfactions

This the

firft

lume proves
Goths
in
it

decifively.

The
to

of the
all,

have no

relation

the eaftern at
fettlers

and have a relation only to the Vandal

Italy.

of

Italy, therefore, is the

connecting line of the

And, upon the fame principle, he may purfue the hiftory to the coming of the Normans
hiftory.

into the fouth

of Italy

and then give us an aclife,

count, of their domeftic

their military tranfadtions.

their

civil laws,

and

We
1

have the court of Juftinian arranged, on the

c

formal reception of fome ambafTadors,

to

according

the military and civil order

of

what?

of

the hierarchy

This
held

is
c

extraordinary.
civil

Were

then the perfons

fices

who

and

military' of-

about the court, arranged

in

fome

order, fimilar

to that of archbifhops, bifhops,

&c.

in the

church

No They
!

were arranged
p. 149.

in the military

and

civil

p. 149.

order


58

Review of Gibbon's
itfelf.

Hi/lory,

order of the hierarchy

And

the

word

hier-

archy

is

only ufed, with a ridiculous mifapplication

of

it,

for the

very court.

The EIGHTH,
or forty- fixth chapter relates principally, the fucceffes

of the

Romans under

Tiberius, and the extheir empire,

c

tenfion of the eaflern

\
c

bounds of

be-

yond the example of former

times, as far as the

banks of the Araxes and the neighbourhood of the Cafpian fea' ;' and the great victories of He-

raclius over Perfia,

4

when

the return of Heraclius

from Taurus
triumph

to Conftantinople

was a perpetual

'

Thefe glorious events, undoubtedly,

make
This,
its

a proper part of the hiftory of the eaftern

empire.

we muft

decline

But they do not of the prefent hifto.y. ever remember, is a hiftory only of and fall. And when the author planned
recollect,
its

his

work, we muft equally

c

he was to give
fall,'

us only
c

the circumftances of

decline and

only the important* too

the moft important.'

among them, and

are told,
c

only,

The
'
'

Cafpian

fea,

we

was explored,

for the fir ft time, by an hoftile fleet' under PomBut c in the hiftory of the world/ adds pey.
in

Mr. Gibbon
f
'

a note,

I
1.

can only perceive two

navies on the Cafpian,

1.

of the Macedonians
very
fleet

of the Ruffians

.'

The

of the text,

is

moft unaccountably fhut out of the Cafpian by

'

p. 480.

P-5?9.

p.46S.

the

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4/*.

alfo told,
c

$9
city

rhe note.
c
f

We are
1

the

and palate

of Modain had
the tyrant
.'

already efcaped from the hand of

We

find,

that

the ruin of the

proudeft

monument of
But what
?'

Chriftianity,

was veheof the

mently urged by the

intolerant
this
it
f

fpirit

Magi V

is

proudeft

monument
of
as

of Chriftianity

Is

that

nobleft edifice

Chriftian, or even of

Pagan, architecture, the church

of

St. Peter at

Rome? No! The words mean,

either Jerufalem or
'

the context

mews,
it.

fome build-

ing within
'
c

The

conqueft of Jerufalem- was

atchieved by the zeal and avarice

the
ruin,'

of Chrofroes

And, on again examining the context critically, we fee it means the church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerufalem, So obfcure is this
&c.
writer at times
1
!

He

fays afterwards, that

affault,'

Jerufathe fe-

lem

itfelf

was taken by

and that

pulchre of Chrift, and the ftately churches of

He-

' 4

lena and Conftantine, were confumed, or at leaft

damaged, by the

flames.'

The

ftately

churches

of Helena and Conftantine are only

the

one, that

over

Holy
?

Sepulchre.
f

And

is

this then, in

bon's opinion,
f

the proudeft

Mr. Gibmonument of Chrifbe exifting

the proudeft

tianity

when he knows

St. Peter's to
c

at
c

Rome

Or

could this be

monu-

ment of Chriftianity,' in the opinions of the Magij when they knew St. Sophia's to be exifting at Con?

ftantinople

Some

cavalry are faid

to

hang on

the lajfitude and diforder of Heraclius's rear

expreflion
1

V
-

The
natural

is

artificial

and

affected.

The
'P-5 11

p. 473.

*P-5 02

'

language

60
language
rear.
art.
is,

Review of Gibbon's
to

Hiftory,

hang upon

his harajfed

and

disorderly

tation,
*

But nature was turned out to make way for Mr. Gibbon, with the fame fpirit of affecc educates the new recruits in the knowledge
1

and practice of military virtue .' We fee the fame fpirit at work, though lefs offenfively, in

making Heraclius
c

by ajuft gradation of magniis,

flcent fcenes,' that

in the

language of propriety

and
c

eafe, throughfcenes gradually rifing in magnificence,

to penetrate to the royal feat of

in p.

DaftagerdV
text records
foldiers,
*

And
*

530 we have another

notes.

oppofition, between

the text and the

lofs

The

the

of two hundred thoufand

who had
:

by the fword' in the wars of Heraclius But a note adds this obfervation againft Perlia.
*

fallen

* c

Suidas

gives this

number but
;

either the Per/tan

muft be read for the

Ifaurian war, or this paffage

does not belong to the

emperor Heraclius.'

He

thus applies a paffage to the hiftory, without any

hefitation
;

when he
is.

is

obliged at the very

it
j

moment,

either to alter or to rejeft

and when he even

owns, that he

The

general independence of the Arabs,' he

f

fays,
c < c

in a note,

which cannot be admitted withis

out

many

limitations,

blindly afferted in a fepa-

rate differtation

of the authors of the Univerfal

p.

Hiftory, Vol.

XX.

196250.

A
;

perpetual

*
* '

miracle

is

fuppofed to have guarded the prophecy,

in favour

of the posterity of Ifhmael

and thefe

learned bigots are not afraid, to rifk the truth

'p. 512.
a

p.

5H<

of

Vols. IV.
*
*

V.

VI. #0.

61

of Chriftianity on
tion

this frail

and flippery foundaChriftianity

With

fuch a tone of infolence, can

!

Gibbon abufe a champion of

Virgil,

Mr. Like
of

he throws about

his

dung with an
in the

air

majefty.

He did

fo to

Mr. Davis,

very

mo-

ments
with

in

which he was complaining of Mr. Davis's

rudenefs.

Mr. Davis indeed had provoked him,

rudenefs

the

of refutation and detection.

And

the prefent author has alfo

hiftorical

provoked him, by
in favour

producing an

argument

of Ju-

daifm and Chriftianity, which he could not refute

and yet would not

natural
courfe,

believe.

He

therefore took the

of ridiculing what he could not

anfwer, and of abufing what chagrined and gravelled him.

But he had been much wifer

have never noticed the
his

to

have

faid nothing, to

difTertation,

and

fo to

have concealed
it.

lice againfl

It

was written by the

own impotence of malate Mr. Swinr

ton of Oxford, and proves the continued indepen-

dency of the fons of Iihmael, by fuch a long train

of
hiftorical evidences
-,

as

is

very wonderful in

it-

felf,

as unites

moft powerfully to fupport the point

an argument of force and
of our religion. But the author

afTerted,

and

as terminates in
divinity

weight for the

is
'

a learned bigot,' and

a blind affertor,' with

is

Mr.

Gibbon.

And

yet what

very wonderful, Mr.

Gibbon himfelf allows

of the Arabs, takes
cle,

the continued independency

'

this

blind afTertor' for his ora-

and unites with

is

this

learned bigot' in his belief.

This

perhaps almoft as wonderful, as the inde

P.

46 5

pendency

6l
pendency
f

Review of
itfelf.

Gibbon*s Hi/lory,

The
?

general independence of the

Arabs/ he owns,

many

limitations.'

can be admitted with Mr. Swinton has accordingly

c

fpecified

from time to time, the

is

many

limitations'
;

with which the independence

to be afTerted

in

mewing all the Arabs not to have been reduced, when moil were j in fhewing the Bedoweens (who
are peculiarly the fons of Ifhmael) not to have been,

when when

the reft were; and in

fhewing even

thefe,

obliged for a

moment
like

to fubmit, never to

have

been thoroughly fubdued

like

the nations around

them, and never,

donian, the

them, incorporated into the

Perfian, the

fubftance of the AfTyrian, the

Mace-

Roman,

or even the Turkifh empires.

Mr. Swinton thus fcates the limitations, and Mr. Gibbon thus acknowledges the affertion. He acknowledges it, in the very moments in which he reprobates it. -He admits' the point with the re*

quifite
torical

limitations.'

In

all this

long chain of

hif-

arguments

too,

which

ftretches out

to the

amazing length of nearly four thoufand years, which is therefore available (if weak) in fo many different points, and in which the weaknefs of a fingle
link

would have deftroyed

all

the

whole

Mr. Gibbon,
all

with

the obvious defire to fhew, and with

the

apparent capacity to difcern, does not point out one

fingle link of weaknefs in the whole.

And, what

is

more,

in the text

he
;

afferts

the doctrine, which he

it

admits in the note

afferts
it,

afferts

without hefitation

and

even without
limitations.
t

ftating

Mr. Swinton's or
fovereign

his
f

own

The

of Perfia

and

India,'-

he fays^

afpired to reduce under his

*

obedience

Vols. IV.
c f
*

V. VI. 4/0.

63

obedience the province of

lix,

the diftant land of

Yemen or Arabia Femyrrh and frankincenfe

oppofed,
thus

which had escaped,

rather than

conquerors of the east/

He

the acknow-

ledges the faff in the plaineft manner.

The Arabs

of
*

Yemen
c

in

every age to
all

this

period, he owns,

had efcaped'

fubjection to the various

ceflive

conquerors of the EaftV

and fucSo confufed in

Mr. Gibbon here appear, as to affert in his text what he denies in his note, even there to admit in reality what he rejects in appearance, and to adopt the whole hiftory of Mr. Swinton even while
his ideas does

he abufes him
he appear,
in

for

it.

So

grofsly difingenuous alfo dees

attempting to difcredit an hiilorical

evidence for Chriftianity, which he could not refute;

fo wildly indifcreet, as to attack

when he could not

hurt

it

-,

and fo daringly bold, as to treat with info-

lence and abufe the very man, to

to fubmit even while he
is

whom he

is

obliged

fpurning at him.

And

we have

entered the farther into the point, becaufe

the conduct of

Mr. Gibbon

in

it,

ferves ftrongly to

Hiew the impregnable nature of Mr. Swinton's argument ; to add one ray more, to the glory of this
honeft champion for Chriftianity
j

and to fecure the

ftrong ground which he wifely took, in this incidental defence of our religion.

The Ninth
or
laft

chapter of this volume, the forty-feventh in

is

the feries,

one of the wildeft and moft extravathat even

gant digreflions,

Mr. Gibbon has yet

pages,

made.

It

is

a differ tation of no lefs than eighty -nine

>

tf

Review of Gibbon's Hiftory

pages,

upon what

upon

the

difputes

among the
and the

Chrijiians concerning the nature of

Chrift,

opinions of the eajlern churches on the point

from

the

beginning.

Could we think

it

pofiible, if the fact

;

was not apparent before our eyes

that a

man of

judgment, that a writer even of common

hiftory

fenfe, could ever have introduced fuch a differtation into fuch an

?

Any

differtation

of a length

like this,

would

have been abfurd

in

any hiftory whatever.

But

fuch a long differtation upon a point of theology,

mult be very abfurd.

logical differtation,
c

And

fuch a long and theo^

c

in

a hiftory only of the

decline

and

fall'

of the empire, and when we were to

f

have only
*
c

the circumftances of
c

its

decline and
c

fall,'

only the

important' too, and only

is

the

would be a wildnefs worthy only of a Whifton and a

;'

moft important

infinitely

abfurd.

It

Prieftley,

in

any

hiftory;

but

it

is

madnefs

calculated merely for the meridian of deifm, in the

prejent.

The whole

alfo is

very dull.

It

is

enlivened only,

and dreadfully enlivened, by the wickednefs of it. And nothing keeps the hiitorical mind, from numbering over the pages of
it
$

but the bold

fallies

of

blafphemy
f

in

it.

The

feeds of the faith,

which had (lowly

foil

arifen

c
f

in the

rocky and ungrateful

of Judea, were

tranfplanted, in full maturity, to the happier climes

of the Gentiles
Afia,

and the ftrangers of

Rome

or

c
c

who

never beheld the manhood, were the

more

readily difpofed to

embrace [he fhould have

'

faid

Vols.
c

IV. V. VI. tfo.

divinity,

6$

faid, to believe in] the

of Chrift

V We
The

have felected

this

paffage, as a full fpecimen of the

confufion, which hangs

standing, and defeats

upon Mr. Gibbon's undertheological efforts.

is

all his

doctrine of our Saviour's divinity

ledged,
to

here acknow-

have been preached originally to the

his apoftles.

Jews, by our Saviour and

trine,
*

This docthe foil of

to a

we

fee,

had flowly

arifen
at fo

in
laft,

Judea,'

It

had even arrived

full

maturity' there.

And

it

had

done, before the

It

preaching of the gofpel to the Gentiles.

'
f

was
he

tranfplanted in full
Gentiles.'

maturity to the

climes of the
all

This therefore overthows

that

has faid before,

of the Jews not knowing and not

believing in the divinity of our Saviour.

culiarly unfortunate
is

So pe-

he, in annihilating his alle!

gations by his affertions

But he

is

Hill

more

fo.

This paffage ftands

future and the pad.
tiles, as

as

a middle point, betwixt the

It

looks forward to the

to the Jews.

Genit

well as

backward

And

ac-

knowledges the doctrine of our Saviour's

to have been
f (

divinity,

tranfplanted in full maturity'

from
climes

the

foil

of

Judea',
It

into

the

happier

of the Gentiles.'

acknowledges the doctrine to

even with more readinefs
foil
c

have been received

than in Judea.
[

there,

The
though

of Judea' had proved

it.

rocky and

ungrateful'
it

to

It
c

had therefore
full

rifen

flowly,'

reached a
f

maturity,'

at lait.
c

But

* c

happier' were

the climes of the

Gentiles.'

And

the ftrangers of

Rome

and

A-

'P-537-

<

fia


66
1

Review of Gibbon's

Hiftory,

fia

were more
Chrift.'

readily difpofed to

embrace the

'

divinity of

So

plainly does

Mr. Gibbon

here affert the divinity of our Saviour, to have been

preached to the Jews, to have been preached to the

Gentiles, and to have been believed in

by both, from
thus dafhes

the very beginning of Chriftianity

afide, all that

He

he afterwards infinuates rather than a-

vers, againft the Gentile reception

of the doctrine.

And

he ftands forward

in this

a Deift refuting the Arians,

a reafoner

memorable pafTage, wounded

with the two-edged fword of

a fingular

In p.

his own pofitions, and monument of literary fuicide. 569 we have another evidence, of Mr.
I will

Gibbon's love of obfcenity.

offence,

not repeat the

by producing the

pafTage.

Modefty mufl
of
his pen.

for ever reprobate this ftrange tendency

And
'

cannot pafs thefe grols eruptions of fenfualiit,

ty from

without a proper cenfure.

The

fynod of Chalcedon,'

we

are told,

'

would

c f

perhaps have reftored Neftorius to the honours,

or at leaft to the

communion, of the church j the

text.

death of Neftorius prevented his obedience to the

'

fummons*.'

This we take from the

f

But
is

let
* c
c

us look at the notes.

The

invitation
it

of Neff

torius to the fynod

of Chalcedon,'

fays,

re-

lated

by Zacharias

and

the famous Xenaias,

denied by Evagrius and Affeman,

and ftoutlv
is

maintained by
table-,

La Croze
intereft
c

the fatl

not impro-

yet

it

was the

of the Monophyfites,'

as friends to Neftorius,
1

to fpread the invidious re-

P.

562-3.
*

port


Vols.

IF.

V.

VI. 410.

67

port; and Eutychius

c c

affirms,

that Neftorius died

after

an exile of /even years, and confequently ten

In what a
!

years be/ore the council of Chalcedon.'

ftate

of conflict are the note and text here

This af-

firms without doubt and hefitation, that Neftorius

was /nmmoned
1

to the council,

and that
c

death pre-

vented his obedience to the fummons,' and that,

if death
c
c

had not thus interpofed,

the fynod

would
leafi

perhaps have reftored him to the honours, or at

to the communion > of the church.'

But

that tells

us another ftory, though with great uncertainty and

confufednefs.
text,

What

is

fo

pofitively afferted in the

we

find difputed in the note, maintained

fome and denied by

by

others.

by Mr. Gibbon, however,

j

interpofes to arbitrate

between the difputants

and

his arbitration inflames the difpute.

Chaos umpire

fits,

And by
*

decifion

more embroils
c

the fray.

The

fact,'

he

fays,
it

is

not improbable

;'

when he
e-

has already afferted

to be

more than probable,

its

ven actually

true.

But, at the very next flep, he

recedes even from this faint affertion of

lity.

probabi-

For
f

it

was the
fpread

interefl

cf the Monophyfites,'
report.'

he adds,
there/ore

to

the invidious

He

doubts even the probability, of what he

himfelf has afferted po/iiively.

And
by

he inftantly goes

on

to

fhow

the very fal/ehocd,

and even the very imhimfelf.

vo/jibility,

of

the fact afferted

He

pro-

duces the fweeping teftimony of Eutychius, that

Neftorius died no
lefs

than ten years before the coun-

cil

6$
cil fdt.

Review of Gibbon's

Hiflory >

And

in this ftate

of the evidence he leaves

intimated probability in
direct to his

the point,

oppofing

his

own
lie

the note, and giving the

own

affert-

ed

reality

in the

text.

We

have feen already fuch

contradictions in the notes to the text, that

we have

been tempted

to afk,

Whether

the text and notes

?

could be written

by the fame hand

us,

But the prethat they could,

fent pafTage fufficiently afllires

The
it is

note
to

is

not

more

in oppofition to the text,

all, arifes

than

itfelf.

And

the oppofition in
;

from

the turn of

Mr

Gibbon's mind

brilliant, excurfive,

and ftrong, but not

clear, difcriminative,

and precife;
its

having the wing of the eagle to fupport

flight,

long
its

but not pofTeffing the eye of the eagle for

keen

refearches,
bird,
its

only poifeiling indeed the eye of a

common
aftray

and

lb

led

the

more

iHuftrioufly

by

eagle's wing.

CHAPTER THE THIRD.

}HAVE already expofed the prepoiterous arrangement, which Mr. Gibbon has made of
rials in

his

mateI

the preceding

volumes of his

hiflory.

now

come
fays,
'
c
'

to his fifth

volume.
'

Here he

fpeaks of his

previous arrangement.

have now deduced,' he

from Trajan
and

to Conilantine,

from Conilantine

to Heiaclius, the regular feries of the

Roman em-

perors

faithfully

expofed the profperous and

adverfe fortunes of their reigns

1

Such has been

P.

i.

the


Vols.

IV.

V.

VI. 4to.

69

the execution of the work, according to

Mr. Gibbon
two

himfelf

And

yet,
c

according to himfelf, the plan was

It
is

very
c

different.

the defign of this and the

firft

Jucceeding chapters,' he told ns in the

firft

page of

his
c

volume,

'

to defcribe the prosperous condi;

tion

of the empire

and afterwards, from the

and fall'

c
c

death of Marcus Antoninus, to deduce the molt

important circumftances of
is

its

dec line

So

very oppofite
ing to
the
' c

the plan and the execution, accord!

Mr. Gibbon's own account death of Marcus Antoninus, was

*

He

who,

after

to give us only

the circumftances,' and

the mc.ft important' too,

j

of the

decline

and fair of the empire

f c

here con-

fejfes
',

he has given us

the regular feries of the

Ro-

man

emperors,' from

Trajan to Conftantine,
j'

from Conftantine

to Heraclius
as
c

and has

expof-

*
'

ed the profpero usf as well

their reigns.'

adverfe, fortunes cf

Mr. Gibbon

thus ftands convicted

upon his own

ration

confeffion,
his

of a wild and devious aber-

from

own

plan.

And

all

that

we have
com-

urged upon
ceding
,

this point, againft his four

volumes pre-

is

here juftified by himfelf, at the

mencement of his fifth. But he is now determined

tion.
c

to reform his execu-

Should
fhould
I

perfevere in the fame courfe,' he

adds,
'

obferve the fame meafure, a prolix

and fender thread would be fpun through many a

volume y nor would the patient reader find an a-

dequate reward of inftrudtion or amufement

is

This

again an acknowledgment of his trefpafTe?,

r

Page

2,

Mr.

70

Review of Gibbon's

Hiftory,

Mr. Gibbon, kneeling

very ingenuous.

at the chair

of confeftion,

is

He

owns the

prolix and
*

flenal-

der thread' of hiftory, which he has

fpun'

ready through four volumes.

father or his critical,
I

Yet, as his fpiritual

his

can only confider

fully

inge-

nuoufnefs to fix his fin

I

more

upon him.

And
now
to

proceed to confider

his reformation.

The mode
adopt,
is this.
{

of execution, which he means

c

It is in the origin

and

conquefts>

he

remarks,
'

in

the religion

and government,' of the

new

colonies and rifing kingdoms,'

which immec
,

diately filled the loll provinces of the empire

e

that

we mult
cline

explore the caufes and effects, of the defall

and

of the eaflern empire

'.'

This
is

is

certainly

no new mode of execution.

'

It

the very

fame, that he has purfued before with regard to the

weftern.
'

In the origin and conquefb,

in the reli-

gion and government,' of the Franks, the

Van-

dals, the
'

Goths, and the Lombards, &c.

effects,'
c

has he

explored the caufes and

of

its

decline and

fall.

We

are therefore to
to
c

perfevere in the

fame
of

courfe,'

and

objerve

the
is

fame meafure,'

writing.

And Mr. Gibbon

Nor,' he adds,
c

confounding himfelf
his

and
*
f

his reader,
(

by an inattention to
will this

own con-

duct.

fcope of narra-

tive, the riches

and variety of thefe materials, be

incompatible with the unity of defign and

compofU
will

tion/

They

will not be more incompatible than

they have been, if only Jo purfued.

But they
already

be greatly incompatible,

as

we have

ktn

they

Vols.

IV. V. VI. A to.

this

71

they have been.

And

intimation from
his fufpicion that

Mr.
they

Gibbon, fliews us at once

be more.
c
f

have been, and prepares us to expect that they will

As,

in his daily prayers, the

(till

mufulman

of Fez or Delhi

turns his

face towards the

temple of Mecca,' an allufion fo replete with

that

levity,
c
1

we cannot

think

it

ierioufly applied

the hiftorian's
city

eye fhall be always fixed on the

of Conflantinople.'

Nor

is

this a

new mode

of execution.
furely,

to

keep

Mr. Gibbon has always profefTed his eye upon the central point of
;

his

whole

hiftory

and, however large he

ftill

the circumference,
centre.

to

make

it

may draw move round its

orbit.
c

But he has
foon find

profefTed,
in

and not performed.

His

hiftory has

moved
it

no regular
fo again.

And
ex-

we
*

fhall

moving

The

curfive line

may embrace

the wilds of Arabia and

*
c

Tartary, but the circle will be ultimately reduced

to the decreafing limit of the

Roman monarchy/
upon the mind.

Here

the

new mode opens

faintly

We
is

can hardly difcern the meaning through the

metaphor.
obfcure.
is

The

one

is

incongruous, and the other

to fee, that

But we difcern enough

he accordingly pufnes
the

Mr.

Gibbon
ever.

preparing us for wilder excurfions than

his digrefiional
j

And

extravagances, in

two
all

next volumes
the preceding.

to

length even beyond that of

is his reformation

Such

F4

Chapter

71

Review of Gibbon's

Hijiory,

Chapter first
or forty-eighth.

Mr. Gibbon here

l

gives us, in

a courfe of eighty -fev en pages,

' f

a period
f

of

fix

hundred
perors
;'
'

years,'

and the reigns of

fixty

em-

defcribed in fuch a manner, that, as he

t

himfelf allows,
c *

our reafon

difdains the fixty phanpalled before our eyes,

toms of kings,

who have
on

and

faintly

dwell
is

our

remembrance*.'

The

whole indeed
it is

cold, dull,

and uninterefting, becaufe

It prefents a

vague, general, and incomplete.

quick fucceflion of incidents and characters, too

quick to enforce our attention or compel our regard.

We

are prefented with the various faces of

little luftre,

a diamond, each of which calls a

but

all

do not

unite in one general effulgence.

And we

foon turn away, tired with the tedious and unimpreffive variation of faintnefs.

The whole
and without
give only
*
c

chapter, alfo,
references.

is

equally without notes

profejfes

Mr. Gibbon
which

to

a rapid abftract,

may

be fupport-

ed by a general appeal to the order and text of the

original hiftcrians

V We therefore go on, entireis

ly at the
left to

mercy of our conductor. He the mercy of his own difcretion.

in
;

equally

And we

know

his

conduct too well already, even when he

the trammels of reference and
to
truft

was harneffed
authentication

this

hiftorical

Pegafus^

widiout either bit or bridle.

p. 85.

* p- 86.

* p. 4,

But

Vols.

IV. V. VI. tfo.

greater fault behind.
*

73
In

Bnt
*

there

is

much
c

this

introduction,' fays

Mr. Gibbon, concerning

myfelf to the re-

the prefent chapter,

4

I fhall confine

volutions of the throne, the JucceJJton offamilies, the

per/anal characters of the

Greek

princes,

the mode

*
c
*
1

of their life

and

death, the

maxims and

influence of

their domeflic government,

and the tendency of

their

reign to accelerate or fitfpend the downfal of the eaft-

em

empire

'.'

This

is

a very ingenious

way of con-

fining himfelf.

He

will confine himfelf toy?* points,

when he ought to
lafl is

confine himfelf to one of them.

The

the only point, that carries

any relation to the

therefore promif-

decline

and fall of the empire.

at the beginning,

He
the

ed formally
the
*

to confine himfelf to

circumftances,'
f

and

moft important'
fall.'

circumftances
plain

of

its

decline and

And

the

good-fenfe of criticifm,' the eternal laws of

compofition, require that he mould adhere to his

promife.

Yet

fo

much
of

has the habit of rambling

gained the afcendant, over the fuggeftions of reafon, the convictions

his

mind, and the promiies

of

his

pen

that he profeffes

now

to dwell only

upon

fix points,

of which

five are all extraneous to the

purpofe.
will

He
is

will not fly to the fixed flars.

He

go

only to the

moon.

And

yet,

all

the while,

his bufinefs
'

wholly upon earth.

review,'
as the prefent
c

Such

a chronological

chapter gives of the imperial hiftory,

*

will ferve to

illuftrate the

various argument of the fubfequent

P.

5.

chapters

74
c

Review of
s

Gibbon's Hiftoryy

chapters

and each circumftance of the eventful

f
c

hiftory of the barbarians, will adapt itfelf in a pro-

per place to the Byzantine annals

'.

We
its

are

thus to have the hiftory of the empire detached and

entire

by

itfelf,

and then the hiftory of

invaders

equally entire and detached.

This

is

furely a

mod

ftrange and abfurd difpofition, of the parts of his

hiftory.
It
is

fuch as

was

never projected and

never executed,
ftanding before.
*

we believe, by any found underThe fubfequent chapters may be

,

illuftrated,'

by the prefent

but the narration in

them would have been by the natural union of

adapt themfelves
annals of
to
;

infinitely
this

more

illuftrated,

with that.

The
in

cir-

cumftances in the hiftory of the barbarians, may

their

proper places

the

Byzantium

but they would have been

infinitely better

adapted, by an attual aflignment of

them

at the

moment.
and

Mr. Gibbon has robbed

the

domeftic and foreign hiftory, of all their reciprocal

connexion

fo has deprived each

of all the feen

and
into

apparent illumination, that each cafts

upon the

other.

He has

thrown the

hiftory of

all

the events,

great

and independent maffes

of narration.
parallel lines,

He

has ranged

them

in a

number of

that never meet.

And
Nor

the grand fun of hiftorical

information, he has cut and carved into a multitude

of twinkling

ftars.

is

this

conduct

lefs

injuriit is

ous to the unity of Mr. Gibbon's hiftory, than

contrary to the principles of fenfe.

Thofe

parts

of

the domeftic hiftory, which fhould connect the foreign

'P.

5,

with

Vols.

IV. V. VI. tfo.

75

with

it,

and fo unite to form one long and regular

;

are all formed into a little chain by themfelves, and leave the reft to be equallyformed into little chains, all unconnected with each And inftead of that golden chain, which other.

chain of hiftory

fhould be linked to the head of the

thro' all the chapters fubfequent,

firft

chapter, fp read

and form one uniare prefented with

all

verfe of harmonious hiftory

we

a few links in one chapter, a few in another, tached from

all,

de-

and forming only the fragments of

a difordered and broken fyftem.

neceflary, to the profecution of
pofes.

Yet all this was Mr. Gibbon's pur-

He

found the regular and orderly fphere of

hiftory, too

narrow
!

for his excurfions.

He therefore

frames a new one It is indeed a difgrace to his own judgment, and an affront upon his reader's underftanding.

Yet he

rifks

the affront and he in-

curs the difgrace, rather than not indulge himfelf

ftill

farther in

his flights.

And we
we have

muft prepare
feen
its

our minds
all

for extravagances

of digrefiion, beyond
before.

the

extravagances that

From the ftrong and we fee the eagle is

wider range, than
it

violent beating of

wings,

anticipating a higher

and a

has taken yet.

inftances of harflmefs,
f

There
*
'

are

many
the

in the

language of

this chapter.

have

now

deduced
the

the/tries of
Byzantine
his death
'

Roman
'

emperors

pom-

pous ceremonies, which formed the

ftate
c 2

efjence

of the

;'

Martina reaped the harvefi of

their Jilence rejpecls the

2

wifdomofhis

p. i.

p. 8,
1

p. 9.

adminiftration

76
c

Review of Gibbon's

Hiftory,

admlniflration and the

fenfe

purity of his manners '/

refpetls

where the double

have been,
for,
*

of the word

con-

founds the reader, and where the language fhould

their filence of reprehenfion
c
j

Jhews a

refpetl

&c.

when
finally

he was extinguified

by
c

a timely

death

* ;'

vanifhed inj read at

the prefleet
4
;

5 fence of a foldier
'

naval armies' for a

the ceremony of his funeral

attended,
5

was mourned,' read

was
c f

with the unfeigned tears of his fub'

jects

;'

and

a promife

was

ftolen
6
,'

by a dexread, drazvn

terous emiffary from the

patriarch

artfully, as the context

ihews the author means.

There
c
c c

are feveral inftances of obfcurity.

The

chances of fuperior merit in a great and populous

kingdom, as they are proved by experience, would excufe the imputation of imaginary millions

c
' ' 1

the tyrant, a law of eternal juflice,

his fubjects
8

was

degraded by the vices of

method,

;'

public

of what?

fecured the intereft of the

9
;'
*

prince and the property of the people

ftantine died before his father,

Con-

c c '

whofe grief and

impoftor

credulity

were amufed by a
,'

flattering

and a vain apparition'

an inftance of Mr. Gib-

bon's rapid

way of
and

writing hiflory at times, as no

more

is faid,

as this only ferves to

Fling half an image on the flraining eye;

fome evafion and perjury were required

1

to filence

P. 21.

P-457

3 ibid.
8

* ibid.

P- 47P- 43<

* p. 60.

P-3-

ibid.

p. 4*.

10

the


Vols,
c

VI. 4/0.
',

IV. V.

77
another

the fcmples of the clergy and people

inftance
* c

of the fame

f
;

the

firft

in

the front of

battle

was thrown from

his horfe

by the ftroke of
;

poifon or an arrow

another inftance

and

promife, which would have betrayed her falfehood

*
f

and

levity,

was

ftolen

by

dexterous emifTary
;

from the ambition of the patriarch

firft

Xiphilin at

alleged the fanctity of oaths and the facred

truft, but,'

nature of a

&c

'.

There
f

are

even fome
4

contradictions.
his fucceftbr,

Leo
r c

the

emperor beholds Michael

from
ters

releafed

his chain

/ and yet Michael has

his legs,

the fet-

c
f

remaining on

feveral hours after

5 .'

he

was feated on the throne of the Casfars

Theophano,

after

reign

of

four

years,

"mingled for her

hufband the fame deadly draught,

for his

which fhe had compofed

that

father

V
to

Yet
in

all

we have
f
:

heard of

this before,

was merely

thefe words
c

the death of Conftantine was imput-

ed to poifon 7 /
it

He

was then fuppofed

that

be

poifonedj

is

now

certain

he was, and by
'

whom
*

-,

even by Theophano.

And

bis Jon

Rg8

inanus,' as
f

Mr. Gibbon
,

told us before,

was the
/

perfon
c

Jufpetled of anticipating

his inheritance

77^Romanusis//pi?^?c Jofpoifoninghis father; now

his wife

Theophano
promife

is

ajferted to

have poifoned him.

Xiphilin

The

w&s ftolen by a dexterous emif-,

fary
1

from the ambition of the patriarch

*
6 p. 53.
3

p. 50.

p. 60.

4 p. 30.
8

p. 31.

p. 48.

p. ibid.

ibid.
c

at


7&
e

Review

of Gibbon's HiJiory 9
f
;

at nrft

alleged/ &c.

but a whifper relaxed

his fcruples,

and he
refign,

refigned the important paper \*

How

could he
?

what had been

previouflyy^/fc/z

from him

There
' c
c

are aifo

fome

abjurdities.

By

the

im-

pofition of holy orders,

the grandfon of Heraclius

;

was

difqualified for the purple

but

this

ceremo-

ny, which feemed to profane the Jacraments of the

church/ &c,

z
-,

where the papist unites with the

orders to be

deift, in

making

one of the Jacramentsy

and
'
c

in

fneering at

them.

To

her bloody deed,

fuperftition has attributed a darknefs

of feventeen
the

days,

as if

the fun

could fympathife with

atoms of a revolving planet

plainly betrays himfelf to

where the author be, what he fo much enhis pufillanimous refigna-

deavours to conceal, an actual and ablblute atheist.

'

Nor

can

we blame

tion, fince

his

life''.

a Greek Chrifiian was no longer mafier of This is another vindication of that

horrible doctrine of
torian

self-murder, which
before.
in this fingle

this

hif-

has fo formally juftined

And we
by a

thus fee
natural

him mounting
gradation

chapter,

of profligacy, from popery to

deifm, to atheifin, and to felf-muider.

Chapter the second,

or forty-ninth.

This

contains the hiftory of

what?

of the weftem empire again.

1

We
p. 27.

have an account
4 p. 84.

p. 6o.

* p. II.

of

Vol.

IV. V. VI. \to.

79
and of the

of the Lombards,
Franks.

of the Romans,

We
it

fee the

Remans

renouncing the fothe

vereignty of Conftantinople,

Lombards fupthe Franks

porting

and attacking

Rome, and

marching over the Alps, crufhing the Lombards,

giving the popes a fovereignty over Ravenna, and
erecting for themfelves a

new empire

in

the weft.

And we

have the general hiftory of this, of France,

Italy, to the fourteenth century.

of Germany, and of

Thus doth

the ghoft of the weftern empire,

ftill.

conti-

nue to haunt us

The

tomb, in which
its

we faw

it

quietly in-urn'd,

Hath op'J

ponderous and marble jaws

To

let it

out again.

And we

need only repeat what we have faid fo often

before, that

Mr. Gibbon was merely

to give us, ac

cording to his
*

own acknowledgment,
Indeed

the

mod
fall'

important circumftances of the decline and

eaftern empire. in all this

of the
tail

long delofe fight

of things foreign and adventitious,

entirely.

we

of the eaftern empire almoft

only

We

have

of
c

it.

now and then a folitary and incidental mention Our eye was very lately promifed, to be
;'

always fixed upon the city of Conftantinople

yet

we have merely one or two fquinting looks at it. And Mr. Gibbon forgets equally his firft and his
laft

promifes, in his overbearing love of the excentric

and the extravagant.

The

harjh or faffs language in this chapter,

c
:

may

be thus exemplified

the ample meajure of the ex'

archate/


8o

Review

of Gibbon*s Hi/lory,
f

archateY
edified

for the largefi dimenfions;

* ;

he fecretly

the throne of his fucceffbrs

'his corona3

tion-oath reprefents a promife to maintain

c ;

&c.
for

inftead of contains
erellion,
c
f

the foundation,'

meaning the

of eight bifliopricks
fide

define [defines]'

marks,

on either

of the

Wefe r,
c

the bounds of

ancient Saxony 4 / and

of,'

each city filled the meafure

her
diocefe

'
f

for
s

was

commenfurate with,

or dif-

tritt

:
following pafTages are proofs of obfcurity.
'

The
P.
f

90.

the gracious and often fupernatural fa-

vours, which, in the popular belief, were fhower-

ed round

their tomb,'

that of faints and martyrs,

' '

conveyed an unquejiionable fantlion of the devout

pilgrims,'
'

&c.

What

does

this

P. 116,
'

at the

next affembly, the field of

mean ? March
e

or

of May, his injuries were,'

&c.
what ?

P. '134,

the

'

reign of Adrian the Firft furpafTes the meafure of

paft or fucceeding ages,' in
in profligacy,

'

we
c

fuppofe from the context, but in number of years,

as the note intimates.

P. 159,

their revenue,

from minute and vexatious

fufficient,'

prerogative,

was fcarcely

'

&c.
pafTages

Nor are thefe

than they are
Contradictions.

more dark
this

in the tranfcript,

in the original.

In

chapter

we come back

to thofe fubftantial pillars of hiftory, notes and references.

For want of them,

air,

the hiftorical edifice be-

fore

was only

like a fairy fabric, reared

upon

a foun-

dation of
1

and glittering with the colours of the

3

P. 123.

*p. 134.

p. 136.

4 p. 143.

p.

160.

rainbow.


Vols.

IV. V. VI. ito.

8r

rainbow.
alfo to the
text.
c

But, as
old

we

recover our notes,

oppofition

we return between them and the

The

inhabitants of the dutchy of Spoleto

fought a refuge from the dorm, declared themfehes

the fervants and fubjects of St. Peter,
pletedy

c c
(

and com-

by

this voluntary furrender, the prefent circle

of the ecclefiaftkalftate'.'

This

is

peremptory, for

the furrender of themfehes and of their country to

the popes.

Yet

the note,
is
c
:

after

citing the

paffage
lat-

on which the text ter in this manner

' { f

founded, contradicts the

it

may

be a

que/Hon,

whether

they gave

their

own

perfons or their country'

The
life

king of the Franks and Lombards averted

in his

the inalienable rights of the empire; and,

c
c

and death, Ravenna,

in the
lift

as well

as

Rome, was

numbered Ravenna then was confidered by Charlemagne, as Yet the note fays thus of him c Charlehis city.
:

of his metropoiitical cities \*

magne

folicited

and obtained from the proprietor

mofaics of the palace of Ra-

Adrian the
venna.'

Firft, the
c

A fynod of three hundred bifhops was

3

affembled at Frankfort
that this

fays,
1

number

But the fubjoined note mull include, not only the

.'

bifjops,

men.'

So much
*

but the abbots, and even the principal lay*

are the notes and the text, play!

ing at crofs purpofes with each other

Abfurdity.

Both Selden

and Montefquieu
firft

*
f

reprefent Charlemagne, as the

tithes.

legal

author of

Such

obligations have
!'

country gentle-

men

to his

memory

Country gentlemen have

3

'

p. 124.

* ibid.

p. 131.

neither

$2

'Review of Gibbon* s Hiftory,

neither obligation, nor difobligation, ro

the

memo-

ry of Charlemagne, for this;

thinks that there
their eftates before

iinlefs

Mr. Gibbon

are any of them,

who

poflefTed

Charlemagne irnpofed the paythey are not

ment of tithes.
injured.

If they bought or inherited them,

;

with the burden already upon them

But indeed
firft

it

is

only ignorance, in

Mr.
at-

Gibbon, Montefquieu, and Selden; that could

tribute the

He

payment of tithes to Charlemagne. reigned from the middle of the eighth century,

to the beginning of the ninth.

bifliop of

And
to

Boniface, arch-

Mentz but
;

a native of England,

who was

born
fore

in

670

teftifies tithes

have been paid by

paid undoubtedly

the Englifh in his time, one whole cent my at leaft be-

Charlemagne.
legally too,

They were

and
all;

or they would not have been paid at

legal eflablifhment of Chriftiani'.

from the

firft

ty, in the ifland

and on the continent

Chapter the third,

or
i ?
*

fiftieth.

This

propofes to give us

the genius

of the Arabian prophet, the manners of his nation,

and the

fpirit

of

his

religion}'

which
of the

<

in-

volve the caufes of the decline and

ern empire \'

fall

eaft-

have accordingly, up to p. its man1 96, an account of Arabia, its geography, To p. 219 we have Mahoners, its hiftory, &c.
met's parentage,
life,

We

and Koran, defcribed

in

to p.

237

the fuccefs of

Mahomet

converting his

own

family, his expulfion from

1

Mecca,

his reception at

Hift. of Manchefter,
p. 170.

11. quarto, 43.8-^-439.

Medina,

vols,

v. vi. 4/*.

$3

Medina, and
ferts

his
;

plundering expeditions in the de

to p.

of Arabia
p.

240

his reduction his death.

of

Mecca

and to
have

256

his

hiftory to

We

thus

eighty -fix

quarto pages, one eighth of the whole

volume,

laid out in
it

what

is

merely the private

hif-

That the great and Unking principles of Mahometanifm, and the marking features of Mahomet's character and life,
tory (as if

were) of Mahomet.

fhould have been produced before the reader

requifite

to

the illumination of the hiftory.

nothing more was requifite.

And

as

this

was But might

;

have been executed

actually taken, fo

in a quarter part
it

of the fpace

would

have made a deeper im-

preMIon on the reader.

But Mr. Gibbon has

to
differtation.

al-

ways an unhappy propenfity

loves to fpin his long

He

web of
;

threads,

that are rea-

dy

to break at every touch

while he lays his hifforgets,

in his travels
it,

tory fairly to flumber.

He

through Arabia, and during

his refidence in

that

he
the

is

writing the hiftory of the decline and

fall

of

Roman

empire

that, if

one foot of

his hiflori-

cal compafTes

may be

ftretched with propriety, for

it

a Ihort time, into the deferts there,

for a Ihort time,

can only be

and the other mull remain cenall

tered and fixed at Conftantinople

that his

the while

and

own
f

reafon has prefcribed, and his

(

own pen

has promifed, to dwell only upon the

important/

and the
cline

molt important,' circumftances of its defall.

and

But Mr. Gibbon has inflamed the abfurdity of this devious chapter, by giving us a lift and an account of Mahomet's fucceflbrs, Abubeker,

Omar, Othman,


4
Review
of Gibbon s Hi/iory,

Othman, and AH, to p. 262; with an account of the civil war between the Mahometans, p. 262 265 the fuccefiion of Moawiyah, and the change
j

of government from elective

to hereditary,

p.

266

anticipated' confefTedly, and therefore 27 1 ; all containing a hint in p. 262, that the Mahometf

ans had

now reduced

Perfia, Syria,

and Egypt/

and

in p.

267, that they were even befieging Con-

ftantinoplej

when we have
refult

hardly feen them yet

breaking out from Arabia.

This

anticipation'

feems to be purely the

of wantonnefs, as

are afterwards to attend the progrefs of the

we Maho-

metan arms, and to accompany the armies of thofe very men, Ali, Othman, Omar, and Abubeker, in
their reduction of the countries.

And

the only rea-

fon,

which he has affigned

;

for this act

of wanton-

nefs, is this
1

'

that the merit

and misfortunes of Ali

anticipate,
in this

and

his

defendants lead him to

place, the feries of the

Saracen caliphs.'
is

The
extra-

reafon appears as trifling, as the conduct

vagant.

The
of
gible.

hiftory in this chapter carries a peculiar air

objcurity

with

it.

It is

very frequently unintelli-

And we

are

ready to invoke CEdipus, to

come

and explain the enigmatic pafTages.

But we
contra-

paTs over the obfcure exprejfions, language^ in order to

dictions
1

and
fully

alfo the falfe

mark more

fome

and fome

abjurdities.

Mahomet placed
'.'

himfel with Abubeker, on a

fays the text.

throne or pulpit
?
c

So

But what adds

retired

tha note

The place,
1

to which Mahomet

p. 232. c

during


Vols.
1

IV. V. VI. ito.

is

85
umbra-

during the aftion,

ftyled

by Gagnier

c
c

culum> une loge de bois avec une forte.

The fame

Arabic word
fuggejlus

is

rendered by Reifke,

by folium,

'

cf the utmoft moment, for the honour both of the intereditior-,

is

and the difference

prefer and the hero.'

fettle,

Yet without

fettling or atthis

tempting to
1

by arguments

in the note,
j'

difference of the utmoft

it

moment

Mr. Gibbon

has decided

without any argument in the text,

'

and fixed
the note

it

to be

a throne or pulpit.'

And

then

comes
to

to decide againjl this decifion, to in-

timate the place

wood, apd
Text.
c

may be fome fried or cabin of fay that Mahomet retired' to it

c f

during the action.

The
Note.

dream of a nocturnal journey

f

is

fe-

rioufly defcribed, as a real

and corporeal tranfacis

S (

tion

V
it

The

nocturnal journey

cir-

cumfiantially related

by Abuifeda,

who
illi

wijhes to

c
' f

think

a vifion.

Yet

the Koran, without

nam-

ing either heaven, or Jerufalem, or Mecca, has

only dropt a myfterioui hint, laus

qui tranfiulit

' c c

fervum fuum
tijfimum.

ab oratorio

Haram ad
firft

oratorium remo-

A
!

(lender bafis for the aerial ftructure

'

of tradition

Mr. Gibbon

make: the journey-

to be a dream.

He
;

then refers to Abuifeda,

it,

who
and
it

makes
(if

it

a reality

circumftantially relating

only wifhing, from the grofs abfurdity, to refoive

he could) into a dream.

And
it

he next produces
it

a paffage from the Koran, which fhews

ly to

decifive-

be a

reality.

He

produces

in confirmation

of

the text,

and
1

in evidence

of its being a dream.

Yet

p. 211.

it

$6
it

Review of Gibbon's Hif cry,

it

proves

not to

be a dream,

in the plainer!:

man-

ner.

The

paffage praifes God, for translating his

<

fervant
c

from the oratory Haram, &c. j fervum fuum ab oratorio Haram,' &c.
fays the

tranjlulit

And Mr.

Gibbon, who

Koran mentions not Mecca,

is deceived by his inattention the f oratorium Haram' being the temple of Mecca, which is called in Arabic Masjad al Haram, or fimply Al Haram and

Haram, the facred temple

felf accordingly carrying
*

'

and Mr. Gibbon himtext,

*

the'

very

Mahomet in the temple of Mecca

2
,

from

This dream,
fcribes in fhort.
*

as
f

Mr. Gibbon

calls

it,

he thus dethe-

myftenous animal,

Borax,

conveyed him from the temple of Mecca to that of Jerufalem with his companion Gabriel, he
;

' *
'

fucceflively afcended the feven heavens,

and re-

ceived and repaid the falutations of the patriarchs,

the prophets, and the angels,
in

their reipective

manfions.'

But let us dwell a

fubjecr,

cularly

on

this

than

more partiMr. Gibbon chufes to

little

do.

The
this

dreams of fuch a

logy, are worth our

Homer as this in theoAnd as a narrative attention.

like

of
'

nofturnal journey will ufefully expofe the

credulity of thofe, who,

Mr. Gibbon, think

fo I lhaii

philofophical theift might fubferibe tae popular

creed of the

Mahometans

foon fhew

it

to be a reality, even in the opinions of the

Ma-

article in that

hometans themfelves, and to form a fundamental Al Borak then was an very creed.
1

Modern Univerfal

Hift. i. 207, 74,

3

and 28, oftavo.

* p. 311.

p. 204.

animal

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4to.

face,

87

r.nimal,

which had a man's

wings, and

a horfe's jaws,
;

eagle's

eyes like liars

which could
the

move

as fwift ac the lightning,

but was informed

with a rational foul, yet had not naturally

ofjpeech
into
;

power

which begged of Mahomet

actually promifed a place

to be

introduced

heaven at the day of judgment, and to which

there.

Mahomet

This

Mahomet's carried him to the temple of Jerufalem, where he met Abraham, Mofes, and our Saviour, with a number of prophets and angels. Thefe all went to prayer with him.
hippogryffin

of

He

then afcended without the beaft, and with only

firft

the angel Gabriel, to the

heaven

where he law
in

angels of

all forts

and lhapes.
in that

Some were
of
beafts,

the

form of birds y and fome

being the

angels that interceded for birds and beafts reflectively.

One
;.

of the former was a

ccck,

being the angel

of cocks

and of

fo prodigious a fize, that with his

head he touched the fecond heaven, though a journey

ofJive hundred years above the

firft.

In the fecond

heaven he faw another angel, whofe head reached up

though equally a journey offive hundred In the third, he faw another, years diji ant from it.
to the thirds

who was
eyes only,

fo large

and big, that the fpace between his

an angel, according to the propor-

was a diftance equal to a journey offeven;

ty thoufand days

tions of this part of his body, that could not pojfibly

have ilocd within any

one, even of

Mahomet's heavens.
tall as

In the fourth heaven he faw an angel, as

before,

any

and reaching equally

In the

in

height a journey of

Jive hundred years.

fifth

and

fixth

he faw no

more

88

Review of Gibbon's
tall

HiJlory y

more of thefe
tongues
'voices

angels.

But, in the feventh, he

faw one with Jeventy thoujand heads, Jeventy thoujand

in

every

head,

and jeventy thoujand

of heads, a

dijiincl

coming
and a

at the

fame time from

million

every tongue-,
million

and another with a

tongues,
million

of

of voices.

And,

as at

he faw

A;

braham, Mofes, and our Saviour,

fo he faw

Jerufalem

our Saviour again, and John, in the fecond, David and Solomon in the third, Aaron and Enoch in the fifth, Mofes again in the fixth, Abraham again, and again our
in the firft

Adam

heaven,

Saviour,
to the

in

the feventh

-,

and recommended him/elf

prophets and

our Saviour, though all the other recommended themjelves to Mahomet's prayers. So truly in its fubjlance is this
prayers of
faints

nocturnal journey a viftcn and a dream, even the

dream of
it

ficknefs,

and the vifion of infanity

as a reality.

was
it

all

related

by Mahomet,

Yet He re-

lated

the next morning.

But

it

was received, even

by

the credulous Arabs, with a general burfl of con-

tempt.

fiction.

the

Some laughed at the extravagance of the Some were indignant at the effrontery of impofture, Mahomet was very properly chal-

lenged therefore, to afcend up to the heavens again, not by night but by day, and in the fight of them
all.

Yet

this

bold fiction was the grand hinge, up-

on which
turned.

the prophetic character of the

impoftor

Could he not induce them

to

fwallow fuch
his title

fictions as thefe,

he would have refigned

of

a prophet, and have funk into a mere warrior.

But

they did fwallow

it.

Their credulity was even as

gigantic,

Vols.

IV. V. VI.

4M
reality

89

gigantic, as his falfehoods.

And as Abubeker vouchand

of
all

ed

at the time,

for the truth

related,

that

Mahomet had
1

when (according

to

Mr.
!

Gibbon himfeif in a dijiant paffage) < the veracity of Abubeker confirmed the. religion of the prophet s
as

and

Mahomet

introduces

God

in

two

parts of the

Koran, fwearing by the

itars,

&c.

to the truth
:

of

Mahomet's admiffion
the early days of

into his prefence

lb,

even in

Omar

the fecond fucceffbr to

Ma-

homet, a Mahometan general

1

alleges for the fur*

rendery of Jerufalem tahim, that

felf

Mahomet him;'

went from
in

it

in

one night to heayen

all

the

Mahometans
a disbelief of

general have ever fince confidered

journey, to be a difoelief of the
the

this

Koran

itfelf ;

and

all

Turks

in particular

obferve

a grand

feftival to this day,

on the twentieth night

very night in which

of their month Rajed,

this

for the

journey was performed \

To

fuch fottifhnefs
fly

of credulity are thofe reduced, who would

from

the myfteries of Chriflianity to the monfters of

Ma-

hometanifm

Mahomet,
journey,
' ' *
'
l

fays

Mr. Gibbon,

in

this

nocturnal

pafTed the veil of unity, and approached

felt

within two bowfioots of the throne, and

that pierced

a cold

him

to

the heart,

when

his /boulder
is

was touched by the hand of God

veil

V What

this

of unity,' and whence did Mr. Gibbon derive

P. 220.

Prideaux's Life of

Mahomet,

p.

53

and Modern Univ.

?p. 211.

Hilt. 1. 65

81, and

66, 2d Edit.

1697;

4.24.

it?

5<>
it ?

R&view of Cihfons

Hijlory,.

There

is

no fuch
means,
to

veil/ I apprehend, in the

this
is
it

Mahometan
c

accounts of

journey.

veil of unity*

eafy to guefs.
it,

Nor what And

a
I

iiifpect

Mr. Gibbon

have borrowed

by fome

ftrange mifconception, from the feventy thoufand veils,

that this
face of

madman reprefents to have been before the God V As to the two bow-fhots,' thefe
<

have been corrected by a

lengths
2

late

author into two bow-

though

this

very author has forgot to a-

dopt
tory
3

his
.

own

correction, in the progrels of the hi

And, as to the hand of God applied to the fhoulder of Mahomet, God is faid to have put one of Ms hands upon the fhoulder, and another upon thg
Ireaft,

of Mahomet

4
.

In the prophetic

flyle,

which

ufes the prejent or

faid,

e
'

paft for the future,

Mahomet had
eft

appropin-

quavit hora, etfciffa

toric has

lima.

This

figure of rhe-

*
*
*

been converted into a

faft,

which

is

faid

to be attefted

by the moft refpectable witnefles.

celebrated by the Perfians
in

The

feftival is ftill

Mr. Gibbon
hints in
*
it

here,

and

the paflage preceding,

miitakes totally the nature

of the Koran.
c

The

have

not

been made
is

the bafis of tradi-

tions.'

The

traditional

the full ftory, and the

it.

Koran

contains only the abjlratt of

We

fee this

very evident in the paflage before.

hiftory of

The whole

Mahomet's nocturnal journey, from the temple of Mecca to the feventh heaven ; was related
1

PrideauXj p. 63.
Ibid.

Modern Univ.
1.76.

Hill. I. 76.

1.424.

* ibid.

212.

ty

Vols.

IV. V. VI.

4/0.

91

ly himfelf the very next morning, to his

of*

countrymen

Mecca.
it,

Yet
than

the

Koran

contains
j

no more ac'

count of
*

this

general one

that

tulit

fervum fuum ab oratorio

;'
f

God tranfHaram ad ora-

torium remotifiimiim

not as Mr. Gibbon has

wildly averted before,

c

ven, or Jerufalem, or

HeaMecca,' which would make

without naming either
;

the whole

moft amazingly ridiculous

fhewn) by

but naming

Mecca

(as I have already

its

cuftomary
al

appellation

among

the Arabs,
;

Masjed

Haram,

or temple
afturedly,

Haram
by
its

and equally naming Jerufalem

equally cuftomary appellation a-

mong

them, of Masjed al Akfi or Akfa, the farther

aclually denominated by
1 .

temple, or the temple moft remote, as the temple

of Jerufalem
and of

is

the

Ara-

bian Abulfeda himfelf

himfelf,
ly

In the ideas of

Mahomet
were onthat they

his followers for ages, there

two temples

in the

world worthy of their notice,

this

that of

Mecca, and

of Jerufalem
this

called the

Holy Mofque, and

they denominated

the Farther one.

fore,
is

This paffage

in the

Koran, there-

aclually pofterior in time, to the recital

;

of

the ftory the next morning

the tradition of
it
j

is

to be explained

by

and

is

accordingly explained fo
this day.

by the Mahometans themfelves, to

the cafe
It
is

And

is

nearly fimiiar, with the prefent paffage.

It
is

no prophecy.

merely, like the former,

an intimation of

a ftory related
is

by

himfelf.

Only
and the
its

here the intimation

as full as the relation,

Koran

therefore
*

is

a fufficient witnefs of
3.

own

Modern Univ. Hi ft,

504.

meaning.

1
meaning.

Review of Gibbon's

Hiftory,

The Koran
it

itfelf relates

the incident,
f

not as a future, but as a

*
4

paft,
f

fact.

hath approached,'
been fplit afunder
afide,
j

fays,

and the

The hour moon hath

;

but
is

if they Jee afign, they turn

faying this

a powerful charm

and they
context

accufe of impofiure?

&c. \

Here

the

proves demonftrably, that the prophetic interpretation of the paffage

is

only a forry fubterfuge of

Mr.

Gibbon's, equally againft

grammar and

good-fenfe.

Mahomet
racle to

here appears, actually alleging fuch a mi-

have been wrought by him, and confefling

it.

the people not to have believed

perfonal followers,

Even one of his

he beheld
j

the

miracle

with his

Ebn Mafud, affirmed own eyes and

hills

even faw

mount Hara, one of the

Accordingly
us,
*
'

near Mecca, appear at

the time between the two divifions of the

f

moon \
tells

it is faid,'

Mr. Gibbon himfelf

is

to be attefled

by the moft refpectable eye-wit5

-,

nerTes.'

And,

as the fact

hometans
<

in general
it,

fo

Mr
f

believed by the MaGibbon again allows

the feftivai' of

to be,

'*.

Ferfians' in particular.
ill

bon, in
its

his attempts to

ftill celebrated by the So unhappy is Mr Gibflrip Mahcmetanifm, of

pretended miracles of action, and

its

real prodi-

gies of abfurdity

Text.
1

'
.

A fmall
c

portion of ground, the patrigift or

mony
chafe.'

of two orphans, was acquired by

pur-

Note.

Prideaux

reviles

the wicked-

nefs of the impoftor,

who

defpoiled

two poor or-

Modern Univ.

Hift. i. 62.

* Ibid. ibid.

3 Ibid. ibid,

and 84i

phansj

Vols.
'
c
c f
e

IV. V. VI. 4J0.

j

93

phans, the fons of a carpenter

a reproach

which
but the

he drew from the Difputatio contra Saracenos,

compofed
honeft

in

Arabic

before the year

130

Gagnier

has Jbezvn> that

they

were deceived
in
this

by the word Al Nagjar, which

place,

fignifies

c
c

not an obfcure trade, but a noble tribe of

Arabs.
fcribed

The

defolate ftate of the

his

ground
of a

is

de-

by Abulfeda; and
the fair

worthy interpreter
the
;

' 4

has proved, from

Al Bochari,

offer

-price

from Al Jannabi,

pur chafe

and from

Ah-

'
c

med Ben

Jofeph, the payment of the money by the

generous Abubeker.

On

thefe
.'

grounds the prophet

'

muft be honourably acquitted'

We

here lee the

honeft

zeal, with

which Mr. Gibbon, taking the

in

and

worthy Gagnier for his aflbciate

to prove the innocence of
tion.

the work, labours

in this tranfac-

Mahomet
in

But the evidence of Gagnier

fairly
z
;

favour of
in

Maleft

homet, had been

Univerfal Hiftory
to judge,

Hated before

Modern

and the reader too candidly

between the accufation and the defence.

therefore has only the merit,
at

Mr. Gibbon
after all fay
c

of proc

ducing the evidence

fecond hand.

with Mr. Gibbon, that

Nor can we Mahomet muft

affert

be honourably acquitted.'
his

To

that

Pri-

deaux and
ry,

author

were deceived'
only to

into the ftotribe for the

by miftaking the name of an Arab

bufinefs
;

name of a

is

trifle

with the reader.

circumjhance, like this,

cannot in the remoteft de-

gree affect the fubftance of the flory.

the point
*

And, even
(as

in

itfelf,

whether a writer,
* Vol.

who
1.

we

fhall

p. 2*7.

p. 95, 96.

inftantly

94
liph,
tribe,

Review of

Giblotfs Hjfioryy

inftantly fliew)

lived in the court

was

likely to

of a Saracen ea- confound the name of a Saracen

with that of a particular profeffion, and to

the very language of the country, worfe than
5

know

an European of the prefent century or whether Peter of Toledo, who tranflated the Arabic original
into Latin,

was

likely to

know

it

worfe than Gagnier,

gueflfed at
it

who

never

Jaw
It
is

the original^

and only
j

through and
decide.
c

againfl the tranflation

let

common-fenie

recorded as an inftance of his

[Ma-

hornet's] injuftice/ fays

Prideaux on the authoric.

ty of Difputatio Chriftiani,
*

4,

that he violently

difpofTefTed certain

poor orphans, the children of

a
little

'
*

an inferior

artificer
it,'

before deceafed, of the

at

'
*

ground on which and fo founded

mofque
firft

Medina,

flood j

this

fabric for his worfhip,

his religion

with the like wickednefs as he did

(

The work
in
all

here alleged by Prideaux, fays

Mr. GibIt
it

bon, was written

before the year 1130.'

was

probability written very long before, as

was
was

then tranflated out of Arabic into Latin.

It

written too, by one

who

actually held an office in the

;

court of a Saracen caliph

to his friend, a

and was addreffed by him

It

Mahometan \

forms therefore
it, is

a very important authority.

Againfl:

produced

Al

who died in 869, Al Jannabi, whofe hiflory comes down to 1588, and Ahmed Ben Jofeph, who finifhed his in 1599 3 The only witnefs
Bochari,
.

Prideaux's Life of Mahomet, p. 76.

*
3

Prideaux's Letter to Deifts, p. 163.

Ibid. ibid. p. 157, 159,

and 154.

of

Vols.

IV. V. VI.

&.
is

9|

of moment againft him,

'

therefore,

Al Bochari.

And he attefts only the offer of a price f which is very confident with the relation of Prideaux's author,

and indeed implies

and not
given-,
it

it.

price being only

offered,

being inadequate, I iup~

j

pofe, and therefore refilled

the ground was taken

away by

violence.

Nor, even

three witneffes in favour of

we admit all the Mahomet, can he be

if

Al Bochari alleges, that a price was .ofBut Al Jannabi denies this, fays a price was fered. c a fair purchafe' was made by Magiven, and fo Ahmed Ben Jofeph comes, conthen homet. And
acquitted.

Al Jannabi, and avers no purchafe to have been made by Mahomet, but the purchafe to have been actually made by Abubeker, he paying the money. Thus do Mahomet's witnefies confound themBut let us confelves, and confirm the accufation. fider the ftory, upon the face of all thefe teftimonies united. From Al Bochari we learn, that a price was offered by Mahomet, and not accepted by the owners. From Prideaux's author we findj
tradicts

that the land

was

then taken

away by Mahomet.
understand, that this
as
it is

From Ahmed Ben Jofeph we

violence was urged againft
ally

Mahomet,
;

actu-

urged by Prideaux's author

for
it.

and that

therefore

Abubeker paid
had demanded for
clares the

it

the

money, which
this reef on
fairly

the owners

For

Al Jannabi

de-

ground to haye been

of the
cafe,

purchased.

And,
real

as

this

appears to be nearly or wholly the

date

from

Mahomet's

living

ten years after

he had feized the ground, and buik

his

9
his

Review of Gibbon's

Hi/lory,

mofque upon

it

\ and from Abubekcr's then fucall

ceeding Mahomet, and then paying the

the whole
reflects

the difgrace

that Prideaux had caft

money fo upon Mahomet, upon him for it. Mr. Gib;

bon thus appears unfortunate again, in the honour of Mahometanifm Nor

!

his zeal for

is
it

worth
in
c

while perhaps to notice his confufednefs of ideas,

all this.
*

His

text

fpeaks of the land being

ac-

quired by gift or purcbafe.' Yet his note endear vours to difprove all c gift,' by proving the whole

purchafe.'

And, even though he brings

feveral

authorities, for a price

being either offered or given

for the land; he intimates the land to

be worth no

price at
fays
<
is

all,

as

the dejolate ftate of the ground,' he

defcribed by Abulfeda.'

the

Mahometan

here confounded the

So much has critic, in Mr.

not

Gibbon
c

friendly tribe, inftructed

(I know

how)

in

*
'

the art of fieges, fupplied

tering
five

him with

a train of bat-

rams and

military engines,

with a body of

hundred

artificers

V He mould
and

have

faid in
f

propriety, juft as the

* c e 1 c

Mod. Univ.
in

Hift. fays,
all ether
;

with

battering rams,

catapults,

military

machines employed
with the moft

fuch operations
to

together

Jkilful engineers

play themwith y

which he was fupplied by the

the moft

tribe

of Daws, the

famous of all the Arabs for fuch artificers '.' This would have refolved his difficulty at once, concerning the derivation of fuch knowledge to the

Prideaux's Life of Mahomet, p. 88.

Hift. 1. 185.

*p. 241.

'Mod. Univ.

tribe.

Vols.

U\

VI. 4/0,

97

tube.

It

was

common

to all the Arabs.

Only
for
it.

this tribe

was

the mofi

And
c

accordingly

famous among them Mahomet appears upon

{ c

another

occafion, and in another bijlory, to have

battered

the wall' of a town

fome
'.'

day's,

with his rams

and other military engines

P. 233.
*

Drams
c

of filver.' Mr. Gibbon has here,

and

in

246, &c. &c. &c. confounded a weight with

a coin.
m<e,

Thefe

drams
all

offilver'

were filver drach-

current

among

the orientals, and denomi-

nated dirhems by the Arabs \

Note.
tefted

The

diploma Jecuritatis A'denfibus

is

at-

by

Ahmed Ben

Jofeph, and the author Li~

bfi [pkndorum (Gagnier, Not. ad Abulfedam, p. 125)3 but Abulfeda himfelf, as well as Elmacin

(Hift. Saracen, p.

11), though he

owns Maho-

met's regard for the Chriftians (p. 13), only men-tion

pace

ano! tribute.

In the year 1630, Sionita

publifhed at Paris the text and verfion, of

met's patent in favour of the Chriftians
;

Mahowhich
tafte

was admitted and reprobated by the oppofite

of Salmafius and
Grotius
(Bayle,
its

Mahomet.
authenticity

Rem. AA).
fent of the

Hottinger doubts of

(Hift. Orient, p.

237)

Renaudot urges

the con-

Mahometans

(Hift. Patriarch. Alex. p.

169)

-,

but Moflieim

mews

the futility of their oit

pinion,

and

inclines to believe

fpurious.

Yet
treaty

Abulpharagius
with
lioL

quotes

the

impoftor's

the

Neftorian patriarch (Affeman.

torn.

Bib-

Orient,

11.

p.

418),

but

Abul-

Mod. Univ.

Hilt. I. 152.

* Ibid. 1. 118,

194,223, &c.
'

pharagius

98
*

Review of Gibbon's

Hijtory,
1
. 3

pharagius

was primate of the Jacobites

this

have cited
rudition,

long note with

all its

pomp

of e-

in order to exhibit
to be exhibited;

Mr. Gibbon

jujl as he

would wifh

would
trifling

not wifh to

what he have pointed out, the folemn

to point out
is

and

of all.

What
and
?

the conclufion of this parade

?

of

authorities,
tell

this

Who can

Is the

pageantry of arguments diploma genuine or fpurious

Reafon encounters reafon, authority dallies with authority, and c man drives man along.' This is
very ridiculous
in
itfelf.

But

it is

more

ridiculous,

when we confider the intention of the note. It was drawn up in order to decide. And it is flill more ridiculous, when the note was to decide in favour of
the text,
*

and

to corroborate

what

it

had

faid.
c

'

To

his Chriftian fubje&s,' fays the text,

Mahomet
and
for-

readily granted thefecurity of their perfons, the free-

'
e

dom of
prove

their trade, the property of their goods,

the toleration of their worfhip*

as the text afferts.

The

note was then

to

But Mr. Gibbon

got
ing.

his purpofes, in the

predominance of

his learn-

The

note

left

the text in the lurch.

And,

oppofing the text by alleging Elmacin and Abulfe-

da

for only

peace and tribute,

it.

it

produces nothing
is

ultimately in favour of
ly

The
is

text

undoubted-

wrong, and the diploma

undoubtedly fpurious.

Mr. Gibbon, amidft

There
*

all his

authorities

and reafons,

has forgotten to produce a decifive one of either.

is

particular in
c

it,'

fays

Prideaux concerning

the diploma,
It

which manifeftly difcovers the forgery.

the fon of Abu Sophian, to be

makes Moawias,

'P-245<

the

Vols.
' f

IV. V. VI. 4*0.

S9

xhtjecretary to the impoftor,

ment; whereas
father

it is

certain,

who drew the infiruthat Moawias, with his

;

'

Abu

Sophian, was then in arms againft him

till

e
1

and

it

was not

the taking of
in

four years after, that they came

their lives

Mecca, which was unto him> and to fave

V But let me more decifive perhaps, that it is dated in the fourth month of the fourth year of the Hegira, or flight of Mahomet; when the Hegira was not made an asra of computation, till eighteen years
*

embraced the impofture

add what

is ftill

after the flight

4
.

The
!

inftrument

is

thus proved to

be a forgery, by
gery,
fore,

thofe ftrongeft fignatures of a for-

two
is

falfe

dates

Mr. Gibbon's
and

text, there-

entirely overthrown,

his note is

com-

pletely
this
*

fuperfeded.
c

His remark

too, concerning

diploma, from

Abulpharagius

quoting the
*

impoflor's treaty with the Neftorian patriarch

his reply to
it,

and
c

from
f

Abulpharagius being
is

the primate of the Jacobites;'

all

confufion.

Abulpharagius was not

primate of the Jacobites.'

3 .

He

v/as

merely uphyfician among them

of this diploma
4
.

And the

treaty with the Neftorian patriarch,

ter the date
c c

was fix years af-

The perpetual independence of the Arabs has been

the

theme

ofpraife,

among fir angers and

natives

and the

arts

of controverfy transform

this fingular

event, into a

prophecy and a miracle,

Some

in favour

of

* *

the pofterity of Iihmael.

neither
*

exceptions, that

can
this

be difTembled nor eluded, render

Prideaux's Life of

*
3

Mahomet, p. 157158. Compare Prideaux's Life, p. 158 with p. 78.

Ibid. Letter to Deifts, p. 153.

Modern Univ.

Hift. 1. 205, 206.

mode

oo

Reviezv of Gibbons liijhry,

'
t

mode of
ous.'

reafoning as indifcreet as

it

is

iuperflu-

He then mentions

the exceptions, and adds

yet ihefe exceptions are temporary or local; the

f
(

OF THE NATION HAS ESCAPED THE YOKE OF

body THE

MOST POWERFUL MONARCHIES

tris

the aims of Sefof-

c
1

and Cyrus, of Pompey and Trajan, could never

atchieve the conquejt of Arabia; the prefent ibve-

c
c c

reign of the Turks

rifdiction,

may

exercife a
is

fhadow of juto foticit

but his pride

reduced
it is
'.'

the

friendfhip of a people,

whom
to

dangerous

to pro-

Thus does Mr. Gibbon, like a child at play, knock down his own But, as he Fabrication of cards with his own hand
1

voke and

fruitlefs

attack

adds in a note,
c

a nameleis doctor (UniverfaJ Hift.

Vol.

X X.

oclavo edition) has formally demcnflrat-

* ed the truth
f
f

of Chriftianity, by the independence

of the Arabs.
fa6l,'

critic, beiides

the exceptions of

which Mr. Gibbon has already allowed to

local,
l

be only temporary and

main body of the people ;

and not to

relate to the

might difpute the meaning

12.),'

'of the
1

text

(Gen. xvi.

when he
his

allows the
c

fail to be flriclly confonant to the -interpretation,

extent of the application,'
this,
lie
'

die

when
it,

own

allowance

mews
when
affirm

and the foundation of the pedigree,'

does not dare to deny

and when the very

Hill

Arabs themfelves have always affirmed, and do

it.

Mr. Gibbon, we

fee,

could not be quiet

becaufe he was beaten.

fault the baffling writer,

He therefore returns to afa fecond time. He thus a

own
rage,

fecond time proclaims

his

and betrays

his

own

convictions, in the

fame

inftant.

And

the fer-

P.

178-179.
pent,

Vols.

IV

V.

VL A io.
file,

iot
ftiil

pent,

flill
it,

gnawing upon
his

the

and

unable to

break
fhrinks

expofes his folly in his feeblenefs, and

into

hole

covered

with blood

and

fhame.
*

The

writers of the

Modern Univerfal Hiftory

in

(Vol.

I.

and
life

II.)

have compiled,

850

folio

pages, the
caliphs.

of

Mahomet and

the annals of the

They

enjoyed the advantage of reading,

the Arabic texts
;

and Jometimes
not

correcting)

yet,

notwithftanding their high-founding boafts,

find,

canthat

after the

conclufion of

my

work,

they have afforded much (if any) additional infor-

mation.

The

dull mafs

is

not quickened by a
;

fpark of philofophy or tafte

and the compilers and

indulge the criticifm of acrimonious bigotry, againft Boulainvilliers,

Sale, Gagnier,

all

who

have treated Mahomet with favour, or even juftice\" The author of this arraigned portion of
the

Modern

Univerfal Hiftory,

can inform the

public,

was the fame who

afferted the
a

independence
;

of the Arabs,

in lb fubftantial

manner

the late

Mr. Swinton of Oxford.

Mr. Gibbon
;

is

angry

at

both thefe works, for the fame reafon

able zeal for Chriftianity and
for

the honourthat per-

truth,

Yet in the Mahometan hiftory, it feems, Mr. Gibbon has not derived much) if any, inIf he has derived formation from Mr. Swinton. any, he has certainly ficlen it fcr he has made no acknowledgments. That he has however derived
vades them.
;

much)

am

inclined to think
1

from

his

own

expref-

P- z 75-

H3

fions.


io2
fions.

Review of Gibbon's

Hiftory,

And

indeed

how

can

it

be otherwife, when

(according to Mr, Gibbon himfelf) Mr. Swinton

had
f

the advantage of reading, and Jometimes cor-

retting, the

Arabic text V

many
In p.

paflages, in

But I could mention which Mr. Gibbon has apparent-

ly copied

Mr. Swinton. I fhall haftily cite one. 221 Mr. Gibbon uies the word ' vizir/ as an

appropriate term

among

the Arabs, for a deputy and

'

fupporter; and fays in the note, that he

c
c

endea-

vours to preferve the Arabian idiom, as

far as

he

can

feel it

himfelf

in a

Latin or French

tranflation.'

But he had the idiom preferved

adopted

before, and the

word
in i.

m
j

an Englifh hiflory.

Mr. Swinton

47

48, at this

very point of the hiflory, had ufed

the term

and even fubjoined a note to explain the

i

meaning.
followers,
c *
{

Who,'

fays

Mahomet

there to his few

will be

my

wazir or

afliftant

and

be-

come my brother and my vicegerent ?' and ( the word wazir or vifir> adds a note, ( properly
Agnizes a porter or carrier of burdens j but, in a

*
4

more noble

fenie,

it is

taken for a privy

eounjellor,

or rather a prime mini/ler,

who

is

the perfon that

'
'
(

bears the whole burden of the administration.'

At
the

the

commencement of the Turkifh empire,

of
vif.r

office

was

finally eftabliihed,

and conti-

nues to this day.

None of

thoje authors

who have

favoured the public with

to

a hiftory

of wazirs, feem

'

have traced thisfuperemwent

dignity to its original

alfo

'

fource.'

But

could point out

hiflory, in

many paflages
I

of Mr. Gibbon's

which he might have

have

borrowed to

his

advantage from Mr. Swinton.

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4/0.

103

have actually pointed out a remarkable one before. And upon the whole, and after examining both the
hiftories, I

am

compelled to fay

that

tlie

darknefs,

the abruptnefs, and the unfairnefs of

Mr. Gibbon's,

render the reading of Mr. Swinton's abfolutely neceffary, to the inveftigation

of the hiftory and the ac-

quirement of the truth.

Mr. Swinton indeed does take

and to repel the effrontery

pains, to expofe the folly

of

Sale, Gagnier,

and Boulainvilliers, thole half-re-

negadoes from Chriftianity and from reafon.

This

was

requifite to the

purity of the hiftory.

inftances of his

But

could produce
fairnefs.
I

many

candour and

have actually produced a ftriking one

c

.before.

And, as to his acrimony,' I am glad that Mr. Gibbon feels and I am lure that he retorts> it. But that hiftory, it feems f is not quickened by a
>

'

fpark of philofophy and

tafte.'

It

certainly

is

in vivacity and fentiment. Mr. Swinton was weak enough, to give us fubftantial criticifms for ' tafte,' and to fubftitute folid truths for philo-

wanting

<

fophy.'

And, with

all this

weabiefs, he has actu-

ally given us a body of hiftory, that wants indeed

fome nice proportions, fome graces of movement, and fome brilliancy of afpecl and that yet will be
;

furveyed with profit and iatisfaction, when the dreffed and painted dolls of the prefent day, will be caft

away with the fantaftic faihion that produced them. I have more than once before noted the ftrong turn of obJcenity t that runs through Mr. Gibbon's
hiftory.
I
I

have too much occafion, to notice

will venture to cite a couple

it

here

again,

of pafTages.

Seventy-two

104'
f

Review of Gibbon's

Hiftory,

Seventy-two hcuris, or black-eyed

girls/ fays

Mr.

Gibbon concerning
hometans,
'
'

the fenfual paradife of the

Macre,-

of refplendent beauty, blooming youth,

virgin purity, and exquifite fenfibility, will be

'
? (

ated for the ufe of the meaneft

believer

mo-

ment of pleafure
years,

will be

prolonged to a thoufand
be increafed an hundred

and

his faculties will

'

them worthy of his felicity '.' Mr. Gibbon, we fee, dwells upon the piclure with pecuI even fufpect him to have added frcm liar relifh.
fold to render
his

own

pencil,

two of the ftrongeft ftrokes

page he returns to
his feaft

in* it.

But
'

in the next
c

of (en-

fuality.

Ufelefs

would be the

refurrection of the

body/ he

fays in his

own

character or in that of

a Mahometan, and perhaps the difference is very c unlefs it were reftored to the poffemon and little
;

exercife of

its ivorthieft

faculties

and the union of

to com-

fenfual

and

intellectual enjoyment

is requifiie>

s *

plete the happinefs

of the double animal^ the perfect

man.' This

is

iufficient for a talle

I

of Mr. Gibbon's
quota-

libidinous fpirit.

need only

refer to a flight

tion of obfcenity in p. 253, and to a very impudent

quotation and paffage in p. 254.

And Mr. Gib-

bon feems
of ftiewing

to be equally happy, in any opportunity

his infidelity,

and

in

any occafion of ex-

his lafcivioufnefs. hibiting; *s

Chapter
or
fifcy-firft.

fourth
fome premto*

In

this chapter, after

jy matter,

we have
5

the reduction of Perfia by the

P. 218.

Saracens

Vols.

IV.

V. VI. tfo.

io$

Saracens (p. 283

295),
the
f '

a point of hiftory, totally

fall

foreign to the decline and

of the

Roman

empire;
that
c

and
'

ftill

more

foreign (if pofiible) to a

work

is

to confine
portant,'

itfelf to

circumftances/ the

im-

and even
this decline

the moil' important, in the

account of

and

fall.

We

have then the

reduction of Syria (p.

296331), and of Egypt

We have next their 349), by them. (p. 331 conqueft of Weftern Africa, to the Atlantic (p. 349

363);
364

all

-as foreign as that of Perfia,

it

becaufe

the hiftory of

was

finifhed,

career of the weftern empire.

ly the reduction

when we clofed the And we have final-

of Spain, equally foreign with both

381); and fome remarks at the clofe, to (p. fhew the triumph of the Arabick religion over that

Had Mr. Gibbon of Chriftianity (p. 381 391). materials, he would fwell every chapter of digiefilon
into a

volume

and expand and

fall

dilate the hiftory

of

the decline and

ry.

of the empire, into a large librathis

Give

me

but a foot to ftand upon, fays

I

hiftcrical

Archimedes, and

will fhake

and agitate

the whole globe at

writes,

my

pleafure.

And he writes, and

hiftorical

and

digrefles,

and includes one

fa-

renthejis

within another, in an almcft infinite

p.

feries.

276 to p. 296, we never think of the empire or emperor at all. In p. 303 we have the firft mention of the latter. We then find him in
'

From

his palace

cf Conftantinople or Anlioch.'
4

And

we

fee

him, like the reader,

awakened*- to a fil-

ing for the empire.

Jiiftory rifes

In p. 296 331 the fun of and ihines upon the empire. But it
th?n

io6
then finks

Review of
in the weft.

Gibbon's Hiftory,

And

it

goes to fhine

in o-

tber worlds.

There
hiftory.

is

alfo great confufion, in the feries

of the
is

The

reduction of Perfia comes firft, and

placed by Mr. Gibbon himfelf in p. 290, 'A. D. 637 651.' are next prefented with f the conc queft of Tranfoxiana,' as p. 294 tells us, ' A. D.

We

710.'

But we have

then

the invafion of Syria,

A. D. 632/

We thus,
c

like a crab,

go backwards

in our courfe.

And what
303,

fhews the abfurdity of

fuch an irregular arrangement at once,

we

fee the

emperor

in

p.

awakened by

the invafion of

Syria, the lofs of Bofra,

and the danger of Damafof the hiftory, eto

cusj'

when,

in the previous part

vents a thoufand times

more formidable

him have

happened, and the whole empire of the Perfians has

been fubdued by the Saracens.

Contradictions.-P. 287.
c
(

The

walls of Ctefi-

* c

phon or Madayn, which had refilled the batteringrams of the Romans, would not have yielded to Mr. Gibbon forgets, the darts of the Saracens.* them battering-rams
once;
that

that he has already given

and he knows not

twice.

he ought to have given them

But this ftrange forgetfulnefs concerning himfelf, and this grofs miftake concerning the Arabs, who had all the Greek engines o{ war j as we have already feen them, and fhall fee them ftill
more, having the Greek
through
his
coins

among them;

runs
co-

whole hiftory here, and lends a

falfe

louring to

it.

Thus he
:

fays in p. 305, concerning

the fiege of

Damafcus

'

the art, the labour, the mi(

litan

Vols.
f
f

IV. V,

VI

4to

107
fel-

litary engines',

of the Greeks and Romans, are

in the

dom

to be found

fmple, though fuccefsful,

j

* * c

operations of the Saracens

it

was

fufficient

for

them, to inveft a city with arms rather than with

trenches, to repel the fallies of the befieged, to at-

' c

tempt a ftratagem or an

affault,

or to expect the

progrefs of famine or difcontent.'

Yet he himby the Sarais

felf in p.
(

307 Elmacin notices the ufe of

fpeaks thus, concerning this very fiege

Bali/l*

'

cens (Hift. Saracen, p. 25, 32).'

This
ftill

in

A. D.

634.
to
'
*

And A. D. 638
that
'

he notices

in oppofitio^

all,

the military engines, which battered

the walls' of Alexandria, the art and labour

may be imputed of Syrian allies' (p. 335J.

*

to

We
We
p.
*

have already (ken Mr. Gibbon, making

fhrange miftakes about the coins of the Arabians.

fee

him making
c

ftill
c

more, in

this chapter.

P. 289 he fpeaks of

twenty thoufand drams?

p.

293 of

drams of filver,' and

1

280 of

'

drams
faid,

or pieces of filver/

when he ihould have

!

drachma or dirhems of filver P. 327 he mentions s two hundred thoufand pieces of gold-,' and p.

279

'

five pieces

of

gold-,'

when he ihould have

1
.

mentioned
notices
*
(

as

many

dirhems of filver

P. 338 he
four millions
p.

two

pieces of gold/ p,

349

three

hundred thoufand

pieces

of gold/

n%%

' c

thoufands of pieces of gold/ p. fand pieces of gold/ and p. 325

294

two thou-

three hundred

thoufand pieces of gold/ when he ihould have fpoken more fpecifically, have turned his pieces of
f

Mod. Univ.

Hift. 1, 433,

* Ibid.

1.471 and 379.

gold

10S

Repieiv of Gibbon's Hifiory,

',

gold into denarii or dinars

refpondent value
in

and given us the cor-'

Englifh money.

We fhould then
;

have had fome idea of the iums intended been

left,

and not

as

we now
in p.

are, totally in the

laft

dark about

them.
fie
*

And

381, at
c

recovering the fpeci^

name, he reckons

twelve millions and forty

c

five

thoufand dinars or pieces of gold,' to be

a-

bout fix millions of Iterling money;' when the dinar appears to have been about 13J. 6d. in value \
'

and the fum confequently

is

above

eight millions.

P. 345. Mr. Gibbon notices a point, as notdifcovered by c the felf-fufficient compilers of the

Modern Univerfal Hiftory.' This But it cannot ftroke at Mr. Swinton.

'

is

another

hurt his re-

putation.
for facts,

may

very fafely lay

ltill,

that for truth,

and jbmetimes even

refer to

for charallerijlic facts,

;

Mr. Swinton though, for bril<liancy and pointednefs, we muft go to Mr. Gibbon.. And I cannot refrain from marking with, furprife,
the charge of
as
f

we muft

felf-fuffkiency'

from fuch a writer

.in his
;

Mr. Gibbon.
fills

He who
air

comes forward

text,

with fuch an
his notes

of fuperior obfervation

he

who

with an hundred references, quo-

tations,

fneers,

farcafms,

and caricatures; and he,

text, like

who appears
felf;

in his- notes

and

another

Bri-r
it-

dreus, wielding his

hundred arms againfl heaven

felf-Jufficiency

even he taxes the

of Mr. Swin-

ton.

And

the fact

preients us with a

wondeiful
aurci denarii,'

IVIod.

Univ. Hift.
Hilt.
1.

1.

488,

Renaudot, 334
1

'

Mod. Univ.
1.

433, Ibid.

1,

76,

2000

dinars,'

and

ibid.

455.

* Ibid. 1.

196.

picture^

Vs% IF;
picture,

-V.:

VL

4/*.

109
the

of the blindnefs incident to

human

mind v and of the partiality fcftered in the human heart. Mr. Gibbon would otherwife have never
prefumed, to
ling fin.

charge another with his

own

dar-

The giant, in compliment to himfelfi would have fpared the pigmy. And Sir John Cutthat king of mifers,

ler,

would norhave had the

for verfions

ef-

frontery to accufe a prudent ceconomifl, of avarice.

P. 344.
c
c

Renaudot anfwers
This gives us an
references.

of the

Bible,
(

Hexapla, Catena Pair urn. Commentaries

inftance,

p.

170).'

of what I

have previoufiy dwelt upon, the unfaithfulnefs of

Mr. Gibbon
in
Italics

in his

He

has

the

Italicifed

words above.

marked Yet thefe

very words are not in Renaudot, p. 170. fage runs thus

:

The pafcomcon;

Verfionum

facrce fcripturas,

mentariorum, hexaplorum,
lucubrationum.'
all

et aliarum

ejufmodi

And

this ferves ftrongly to

firm,

that

have

faid

of

Mr. Gibbon
as this,

before

fucli a falfification

of the paffage

being either

merely the

refult

of his habitual carelefTnefs, or the

f

wilful fuggeftion of his farcaftic genius.

P. 299.
c

The

text

mentions
l
:

the

ringing of

bells.'

But

the note fays

much

doubt, whetext of

ther

this,

expreflion can be juftiried,

by the

'

Al Wakidi or

the practice of the times.'

So

far

note the paflages, only to fhew the contradiction

between them.
ed,

But the contradiction

is

heighten-

as the note goes on.

it,

And
c

wifh to afcertain

the point denied in

and

fo to vindicate the text

in oppofition to the note.

Ad

Grascos, fays
c

Du-

cange

1
e '

10

Review of

Gibbon's Hiftory,
et in fin.
[infinite]

cange (Gloflar. med.

citat.

Gr&-

torn.
tranfit

I.

p.

' * *
'
*

rius

[tran/foV],

774) campanarum ufus feet etiamnum rarifiimus.

which we can is of the year
that
in

The
the

oldeft

example,
writers,

find

in
;

Byzantine

1040

but the

Venetians
at

pretend,

they
the

intro-

duced

bells

Conftantinople,
is

ninth

century.'

This

a ftriking fpecimen of that

fpirit

of learning, which overlooks the object directits feet,

ly

under

while

it is

gazing for

it

among

the

ftars.

At

the very furrender of Jerufalem to the

articles
is

Arabs, one of the

ors
'

impofed by the conquerj

on the

Chriftians,
toll,

this

that,
'.'

they mall not

ring,

this

Very foon after event, one Kais being afked by the emperor
but only
their bells

concerning Mahomet,

how

at the

time he had per'

ceived himfelf infpiredj faid that

' *

fometimes he
bell,
c

heard a found
ing of

refembling that of a

but

ftronger and fharper

bells'
is

Then comes

the ring-

in the text,

at the fiege

of Bofra.

And, what
text,

a remarkable conclufion to the whole,

only fix pages after

Mr. Gibbon has adopted

of

in the
bells

and refuted

in the note, this early ufe

and

in his account

of the clofely following fiege of

1

Damafcus j he himfelf fays, that c the fignal was ' given by a ftroke on the great bell .* P. 312. Mr. Gibbon in the text fpeaks of c the
*

fair

of Abyla, about

thirty miles
c

from Damafcus.'
after retrenching

'

Dair Abil Kodos,'

*

fays a note,

Mod. Univ.
307.

Hift. 1. 429.

* Ibid. 1.

449450.

3 P.

the

Vol.
c

IV. V. VI. 4/*.

holy
;

in
the

the
bila

laft

word, the epithet

I difcover

A-

c
* c

of Lyfanias, between Damafcus and Helio;

polis

the

name

{Abil fignifies a vineyard) con-

curs with the fituation to juftify

my

conjecture

(Reland Paleftine.

torn.
is all

525

527).'
is

This

11. p. 307, a feries of errors. The

1.

p.

torn.

place

not a town.

It is only a monaftery.
*

Mr.

Gibbon's
'

own

narrative fhews this plainly,

*

The
in

hermit ,' he fays himfelf p. 3 1 4,

was

left alive,

the Jolitary fcene of blood and devaluation.'

Dair
Abilci
if it

Abil Kodos, therefore, cannot be the town of

Lyfani<e,

mentioned by Ptolemy
Gibbon did not
c

Even

could,
(

Mr.

cover the dif

Abila of

name of Abil; D'Anville's map of the country difcovering it for him, by making the modern name of Abyladys,' to be c Abel/ Nor does the name fignify the Holy Dair or Houfe of
Lyfanias' in the
'

Abila, but the houfe of the Holy Father-, the words

at full
elifion

length being Dair Abi Al Kodos, and only

contracted into Dair

AbH Kodos.

by And, even

if the prefent vines

its

of Abila could anyways relate to

fignification of Abil, a vineyard,
;

ancient

name, the
c

can have no relation to the monaftery

confefTedly lying
1

the town

between Damafcus and Heliopothirty miles

*

lis,'

and

is

about
is

from the former;

and the mo-

when Abil

not

more than
it,

twelve-,

'

najlery being,

not between Tripoli and Harran,'

as

Mod. Un.

Hift. places

an interval of region
I

too large for any local difcrimination, but (as

fup-

pofe was intended to be faid) betwixt Tripoli and

'Lib.v.p. 160. Bertius.

Scurura

Review of Gibber?s
Hiftory>

X i

Scurura or Caraw, and being probably the prefent monaflery of Der Mar Taccb to the well of Caraw,

and
I

far to the

north of Abila

'.

have noticed before, the mean and wretched

objeenity

love of
learn,

in

Mr. Gibbon.

He

has yet to

That want of decency

is

want of feme.

And he
in p.

in this chapter

in upon all decency, wounding the delicacy of his reader 278, with a long and impudent quotation in

mofl fhamefully breaks

;

Latin, concerning a fcene of

Senfuality
c

Mahometan

fenfuality.

is

the

life

and foul of Mahometanifm.

In the eyes of an inquifitive polytheift/ fays

that very reafon, I

Mr.
mufl

Gibbon for
c c c

doubt not,

it

appear worthy of the

ture

human and
becaufe
it
'

the divine na'

It

mud

appear'
;'

peculiarly

the

human

worthy of
nac

nature

reltores' this

ture even in paradife, as

c c

we have

feen before,

to

the pofTeffion and exercife of

ties

its

worthieft facui-

There

is

an

air oiobfeurity in the narration too, that

frequently diffracts the reader.

We

cannot under-

Hand

the hiflory, unlefs

it.

we
c
.

are previoufly acquaintlies alfo, in flngle

ed with
he
'

This obfeurity often

and detached fentences.

fays,
{

Perhaps the Perfians,'

who have been

the matters of the Jews,

would

afiert the

honour, a poor honour

I

of being

'_

their mailers

V
1
.

give the paffage as the prefs

Mod. Univ
p. 382.

r
.

Hlft

392

394.

'

C'AnvLle's map, and map

by the
4

in Pococke, vol. 2d; corrected, the one

l 3 p,'2.i9-.

other.

P-3 8 J-

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4/0.

is

113
clear,

gives

it

me.

Nor

the context
is

more

than

the extract.
it ?

And what

the poflible

meaning of

Once
is

the proverb of a

diamond cutting a
hifijory.

diamond,

very indifcreetly ufed in the

is

But
by
' c c c

the vulgarity

at

once covered and betrayed,

c

this

pedantry of learning:

it

was a maxim among

effectual
f

the Greeks, that, for the purpofe of cutting a dia-

mond, a diamond was the moft

the

In

name of

the city,' Jerufalcm,

the profane

prevailed over the facredY

He mould
the

have faid
c

in propriety, that the

modern and

Roman preJerufa-

vailed over the ancient and the Jewifh.

s

lem was

known
the

to the

devout Chriftians

but

c c

the legal and popular

appellation of Atlia

has

Romans to the Arabs.' The name of Jerufalem was known equally to the Arab.Sj as to the Chriftians. Nor was the appellation of^EUa* the legal and popular one. The town indeed is calpaffed

from

led

only JEKdi
5
.

in
it

Omar's fecund addrefs

is

to the

patriarch
in

But

called

iElia or Jerufalem/

his firfi 4 .

And
is it

as in the nocturnal
it is

journey of

Mahomet, we apprehend
lem only
s
-,

denominated Jerufa-

fo

certainly

denominated only Jeru-

falem by the

Roman

hiftorian

Ammianus
6

Marcelli-

nus, about two centuries and an half after Adrian

had

impofed the name of JElia upon

fore
1

it

Mlia

there-

was the
3*7-

legal

name, but Jerufalem the popular

2

P3
s

P- 3 2 1.

Mod. Univ.

Hift. i. 43 1.

4 ibid.

450.
Hift.
1.

Prideaux's Life, 54 and 64, and

Mod. Univ.

Cy

and 77.
6

L.

xxiii. c, 1, p.

350. Vatefii

<

apud Hiefoiblymam templum.'

one;


H4
one;

Review of Gibbon's

Hiflory,

among the very Romans firft, and quently among the Arabs afterwards.

confe-

We
c

have feveral inftances difalje langudgc,

c
:

in this

chapter
fent

p. 349, and of the twelfth century, are circumfcribed

is,

two authentic

lifts,

of the pre-

c
c

within,' that

contain only,

the

refpectable
villages

number of two thoufand feven hundred

and towns' in Egypt;
tioch,' for the
p.

*
*

325

the luxury of Anc

luxurious
c

Antioch,

trembled and

'

obeyed;'

p.

327,

bidding an eternal farewell

to Syria, he

abfolved the faith of his fubjects/

faid,

or, as he

mould have
;

he abfolved his fubjeels

c

;'

from
*

their fealty
'

p. 3 1 8, they

overturned,' for 0p.

verthrew,

detachment of Greeks;'
cities

355,

the

well-known

of Bugia and Tangier

define,'

for
p.
'

mark

the

limits

of the Saracen victories

372, ' the maritime town of Gijon was the term of the lieutenant of Mufa;' and p. 375, ' from
his term or

'

column of Narbonne he
alfo

returned.'

We
r
1

have

one

contradiclion.

P. 374.

'The

Goths were purfued beyond the Pyrencan mountains.'

c

So
I

fays the text.

But

the note doubts

this.
1

much queftion,' fays whether Mufa ever palled the

;

the

author there,

Pyrenees.'

And

yet the text in p. 376 repeats this

affertion
s

much

queftioned

and fays pofitively,

Pyrenees.'

he was preparing to

r<?-pafs the

The

deftruction of the Alexandrine library,

is

partly denied and partly excufed.

If

it
c

was only
a philofo-

a library of divinity,
4

it

is

excufed; as

pher

may
3

allow with a fmile, that

it

was
*

ulti-

mately

Vols.
c

IV. V. VI. 4/*.

the benefit

115
of mankind'.'

mately devoted to

Into what a

mere Vandal and

writers,

Goth,

does
!

the
It

leaden weight of infidelity link

is

Mr. Gibbon

denied,

becaufe two

both Chriftian, both

himfel

Egyptian, and both

earlier than the relater

one of whom too has amply defcribed the reduction

of Alexandria; have not noticed the

negative

fact.

But a

argument

is

of no moment,

in oppofition

The fact is poficively related, and to a pofitive one. by an author of unqueftionable merit, Abulpharagius.

No

accumulation of teflimonies merely ne-

gative, can countervail this.

faid

Nor

is

the deftruction

by him

to have

been done, at the reduction of

Yet, as Mr.
c

Alexandria, butfome time afterwards.

Gibbon
f

farther argues, this deftruction

is

repug-

nant to the found and orthodox precept of the

a weak argument in itfelfj own allowance immediately afterwards, that * a more destructive zeal may per* haps be attributed to the firfl fucceffors of Mahoc

Mahometan

cafuifts

;'

and annihilated by

its

met.'
f

In

this inftance*

however, adds Mr. Gib;'

bon,
*

the conflagration

would have fpeedily expired

when, even acthe
;

in the

deficiency of materials

cording to his
library

own account from Abulpharagius,

parchment were
multitude,
that

was not burnt

in any general conflagration

but
c

the volumes of paper or

di-

tributed to the fix thoufand baths of the city, and,

c
c

fuch

was

their

incredible

fix

months were barely

fufficient for the

confumption

'Page 343345.
I

<

Of

1 1
c

Review of Gibbon's
this

Hiftory,

of

precious fuel

;'

and when the parchment or

lighting the
fires,

paper was ufed only for

not for

forming them, and

therefore lafced fo long a time.

The Roman
c

writers too, fays

Mr. Gibbon,
vi.

lus Gellius

(Nocles Attioe,

17),

AuAmmianus
c

'
c c

Marcellinus (xxii.
15),
all

16), and Orofius

j

(L.

vi.

c.

fpeak in the pafi tenfe

and the words

of Ammianus are remarkably ftrong, fuerunty &c.

this
is

But

only another inftance of that difhoneft ma-,

nagementy with which Mr. Gibbon garbles his quotations and references.
ly,

All thefe writers fpeak onin

of the library defiroyed

well therefore fpeak
f
'

Cafar's time.

They
Gel-

may
'

in the paft tenfe.'

lius (vi. 17), fays,

ea

omnia

bello priore

Alexan-

drino
c

incenfa
,

fiint.'

Orofius fays

(vi. 15), that

the
far;
c

regia
c

claiTis'

was ordered to be burnt by Casmillia

ea flamma
v

quadraginta
Marcellinus

librorum
adds, in

exuh

it.

And

(xxii.
c

16)

the words cited by

f

Mr. Gibbon,
et loquitur

bibliothecse fue-

runt in-seftimabiles/ or innumerabileSy as

c

Mr. Gib-

bon reads them j * tcrum concinens

But
fays,

fides,'
?

&c.

monumentorum veWhat does this con-

fenting teftimony fay

c

it.

Mr. Gibbon chafe to fupprefs voluminum millia*. 1 fub diclatore Qefare conk agraffe.' Mr. Gibbon thus quotes the authors for the later library, when they
it

feptingenta
1

fpeak only oftHe former

fuppreffes the very

and, in Marcellinus, wilfully

they did.

words that would have betrayed Another library was formed after the
this.

deftruction of

Epiphanius, Tertullian, and

Chiyfoftom,

Vols.

IV. V, VI. Ato.

its

117
T

Chryfoftom, prove decifively

bulpharagius fhews us
its

exiftence

as

Athe

termination.
latter,

And
c

evidence of fuch an hiftorian as the

c

an au-

thor of eminent note in die Eaft, as well

among

Mahometans

as

Christians

V
it
;

the coincidence of

his teftimony with that of

Chrylbftom, Tertullian,

and Epiphanius

the vacuity that there

its

would be
to

in

the hiftory, from the want of

its

pointednefs, and

circumftantiality

leave us

no room

doubt of

the fweeping deftruction, that thefe friends and favourites of

Mr. Gibbon's,

thefe fanatic

Goths and
literature

Vandals of Arabia, made of the collected

of the world,

Chapter fifth,

or fifty-fecond.
count, of the

In
i

this

chapter

we have

an ac-

firft

fiege

of Conftantinople, and of the

fecond, by the Arabs, and of their failure in both

(p.
(p.

392

405) 405 41
civil
all

of the invafion of France by them

2), a point quite foreign to the fubjeel:

of the
416),

wars

among

the Saracens (p.

412
;

equally foreign as 'particular hiltory

of

the revolt of the Saracens in Spain from the caliphs

(p.

416

418),
on

equally foreign; of the magnifi-

cence of the caliphs (p. 418

420),
s

and

its

confe-

quences
(p.
1

their

private

and public happinefs

of the introduction
p.

421

422}, equally foreign

See a very ufeful note in Reimar's Dion Caflius,

327; and

another as ufeful in A. Marcellinus, Valefii, p. 343.

a

Prideaux, Letter, p. 15.

I

and

Review of Gibbon's
Hiftory,

1 1

and progrefs of learning among

(p.

the

Saracens

42343 1 ),

equally foreign

of

their invafion

of the empire and reduction of Crete (p. 431 436); of their reduction of Sicily (p. 437 438),

equally foreign
(p.

of their expeditions againft

equally foreign
(p.
;

Rome

438443),

of their invafion
the diforder-

of the empire again

linefs

443

447);
(p.

of the guards of the caliphs

;

447

449),

equally foreign

the rife and progrefs of the Carthe Saracens (p.

mathians
ly foreign

among
;

449

452), equalfrom the ca-

the revolt of the provinces

liphs (p.

458), equally foreign j and the fucceiTes of the empire over them (p. 458 463). Mr. Gibbon is ftrangely (lumbering in this chapter,

452

over his

own

fcope and aim in the hiftory.

is

He

for-

gets, that he
fall

writing the hiftory of the decline and

of the eaftern empire.

He

dreams that he

is

writing a hiftory of the Saracens, and tracing the caliphate to

its

decline and

fall.

And,

in

confequence

of

this

delufion, out .of feventy-two pages in this

chapter, there

are

only twenty-eight, that have a

hiftory.

connexion with the

The

reft is all the

very

impertinence of digreffion.

The

hiftory

of the introduction and progrefs of

the Saracens,
is

learning

among
c

endeavoured to be
this

connected with the general hiftory, by

argu-

we are told ' became kfs formidable, when their at the clofe, youth was drawn away from the camp to the colment.
the Saracens,'
c

The fword of

lege

But, bad

this

been the

cafe, the introduc-

'P.431.
tion

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4to.

119
noticed,

tiort

and the progrefs fhould have been onlv

not dwelt upon.

the face of

And

it

is

not the cafe,

hiftory.

even upon
For, on re-

Mr. Gibbon's own

fuming the narrative

as

after this account,

we

find not,

we have

a right to expect, this obfervation

exemfind

plified in the

conduct of the Saracens.

this.

We
;

indeed the reveife of

pofing a tribute upon
peror
c

"We

find

them more
even imc

triumphant than ever, over the empire

it ',

even infulting the emthe

moil giofsly \
3

and even imp: efiing

coin of the tribute with the image and fuperfcription/ of the caliph
.

'

Crete and Sicily, toe, are

*

fubdued by that very king

'

Almamon,' who was

of foreign fcience

engaged

in the introduction
alfo defeat the
*.

The Arabs
nefs

army of

the empire, in

a grand battle afterwards

And

of the caliphs
himfelf^ to
f

is

actually

weak' afcribed by Mr.

the future

Gibbon
'
c

the difordefs of the

Turkilh

guards

to

'

the rife and progrefs of the Carc

mathians

and to

the revolt of the provinces

With
ceed

fuch a Humbling pace does

in his hiftory
!

Mr
:

Gibbon proI

He
*

fays thus concerning Crete

'

cannot con-

ceive that mountainous ifland, to Jurpafs> or even

to equal) in fertility the greater part of Spain

So fpeaks
the text
calls
*

the note.
us of

But, in the very next page,

Spanifo Arabs,

tells

fome

band of Andalufian volunteers

4

whom he "V that

434-

P-

432-

P-

433-

P6

4
P7

434 43 8

P8

P-449 45 2

p.

444445452456.

P9

447 44 8

P-435*

" P-435I

they

20

Review of

Gibbon's Hijlory,
fertility

they faw, they tafed, they envied, the

Crete.'
c 5

of

In

the

city

of Mopfueftia,'

fays.

the text,
c

two hundred thoufand Modems

,

were

deftined to death or flavery

a furprifmg degree
at
lead: include the
',

of population, which muft

l
:

inhabitants of the dependent diflricls

But the

note adds
i

yet

cannot credit
c

this

extreme poit

puloufnefs.'
?-

Then why
are
told,

did he infert in
that

his

text
c c c

We

the
in

liberal

Alma-

mon was
fcience

fufficiently

engaged

the

reftoratin

of domeftic peace, and the introduction of foreign

told, that,
f f

y and in the very next words are further c under the reign of Almamon, the

idands of Crete and Sicily were fubdued by the

Arabs
c

Y
breathed at Dorylasum, at the diftance
5

They

of three days

j'

that

is,

three

days after their

c

flight
f

they refted at Dorylaeum.

Their

retreat

exonerated the quarrel of the townfmen and mercenaries

as

that

is,

occafioned a quarrel between

of none exifling before.
phyficians,

them,
4

we

have heard

fome Elmacin and the Arabian high two dirhems may be deduced'V dinars

From
is,

as
it

as

that
?

may

be

deduced that
pieces of gold
6
'

there

were fuch.
thoufand
dinars,'

Three thoufand

fhould be as in
three

Mr. Swinton, we apprehend,

c

pounds weight of gold

7 .'

The

gold

which the Saracens now coined

"p. 460.
397 ?Mod. Univ.
.

in their

own
461.

mints,

p. 435.

3p-444* p.

4 p.

s p.

395.

Hift. 11. 78.

?

may

Vols. IV.
f

V. VI. 4/0.

2l

may
ling

be

equivalent to eight millings of our fler:'

'

money
at
this

when
;

there are nine very fine di-

nars,

time preferved in the Bodleian col-

lection at

Oxford
f
;

and there was another

lately in

that

of the Rev. Mr. Brown, fellow of Trinity col-

lege there
prefsly,
f f
'

whofe

value,

fays

Mr. Swinton ex'

according to weight, amounts to about

thirteen /hillings

and fixpence,' Englifh money \

pieces,'
*

have reckoned the gold

to

meaning
eight

(as he
3

Jhould have /aid) the dinars,

at

fliillings

when he ought
c

have reckoned them

f

at leafi,

for

thirteen ihillings

and fixpence.

One

million of
dinars.,
;'

pieces of gold,'

he mould again have faid

about four hundred thoufand pounds

fifty

fterljng 4

a-

bove feven hundred and

thoufand pounds.

And
c

a perfon

'

conjecrates

fum of two hundred

thoufand
lege at

pieces of gold, to

the foundation of a col-

Bagdad, which he endowed with an ample

fifteen

revenue of

thoufand dinars

;'

when

the

dinars and the pieces of gold are the

fame

in reality,

though they are diftinguifhed

fo

much by name.

Chapter sixth,
or fifty-third.

This chapter contains an account,

of the
*

royal volumes of Conflantine Porphyroge(p.

nitus'

464

468),
^8.

and of

the

Legatio

Liutprandi, Epifcopi Cremonenfis ad Nicepho1

p.

397

Modern Univ.

Hift. 1. 196.
*

p. 419.

*p.

p.

424.
f

rum


12.2
(
[

Review ofGilbotfs

Hiftcry,

rum Phocam'

(p. 468), as the fources

of

intel-

ligence for

Mr. Gibbon's

prefent chapters of the

prefcnt ftate of the provinces of the empire (p. 468 470) ; of the general wealth and populoufnefs of

the empire (p. 471

of the revenue of of Peloponnefus (p. the empire (478479); of the pomp and luxury

472); of 472 478);

the particular ftate

of the emperors (p. 479 483 ); of the honours and titles of the imperial family (p. 483 485) ; of the tides and names for the officerG of the palace, the army, and the ftate (p. 485 487) , of the ado-

ration paid to the emperor, recepticn cf ambafTa-

dors, procefiions, and acclamations (p.

487

490)
(p.

marriage of the defers with foreign nations, imaginary law of Conftantine forbidding
tion, fecond, third,
it,

firft
;

excep-

&c.

(p.

490

494)

defpotic

power and coronation-oath cf

the

emperor

495

496)

military force of the Greeks, Saracens,

(p.

and Franks
ter

of the Greeks
Latins
tics (p.

496 499) j tactics and character 502) tactics and charac(p. 500 of the Saracens (p. 502 504) j the Franks or

(p.

504

506);

their character

and tac-

506 508) 3 the difufe of the Latin language 508 511); the period of ignorance (p. 511 (p. 512); the revival cf Greek learning (p. 512 515); decay of tafte and genius (p. 515 517),

and want of national emulation

(p.

517

518).
I

Thefe
ject,

are points,

fome more proper

fo wildly

for a

note

than the text,

fome

devious from

his fub-

and

all

fo petty

and uninterefting ; that

need

only contraft

them

with the often cited promife, of

giving

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4to.

*

123

giving merely
f

the circumftances/ the

impor-

tant' circumftances,

and the

mod

important,*

of the decline and

cannot cenfure

fall

of the empire.

And we

of digrefiions and minutiae with more fe verity, than by thus contrafling

this labyrinth
it

and the promife together.

Objcure.
'

At

length the approach of their hof-

tile

brethren extorted a golden bull, to define the

'

rights

' '
'

gi

'.'

and obligations of the Ezzerites and MilenThis is darker than the Delphic oracle.

Yet
by a
?

the

maxims of antiquity are ftill embraced monarch formidable to his enemies ;' who is
by a republic refpe&able
this
?

this

<

to

her

allies

;'

which
c

is

The

Franks, the Barbarians,

5

and the Varangi or Englifo

not and

;'

who

are thefe

We
4 $'

know
'

we cannot
title

guefs,

till

we come two

chapters afterward, to find

fome Scandinavian pirates

faluted with the

till

of Varangians or corfairs

and
1

page following we fee, that * the new Varangians were a colony of Englifb and Danes, who
in the

fed from
alas
!

the yoke of the

Norman

conquer or

V
and

'

This fcholar mould be likewife a Quintus Icilius is no more

this,
till

foldier;

V We under(M. Guifcam-

derftand not

we come
that
f

to a very diftant
Icilius

page
*

where we

find

Q.

chard)' analyfed the operations of Cxfar's

7
.

paigns in Africa and Spain

So

flrangely does

Mr. Gibbon

write, to ufe Angular

and extraordinary
and then to

appellations without any explanation,

'p. 473.
5

P-479-

3 7

p.

486487.

p.

561.

p. 562.

p. 467.

p. 6l6.

re-ufe

124
re-ufe

Review of Gibbon

s Hijfory,

them with

one.

His
its

hiftory

is

thus like a

glow-wormy and
Falfe Englijh.
'

carries

light in
'

its tail.

He

mentions

a golden bull to

define the rights and obligations of the Ezzerites

and Milengi, whofe annual tribute was

c

defined,*

for fixed,
is,
*

at twelve

hundred pieces of gold

that

dinars,
this
<

fomething more than our old marks.

By

impious alliance he

accomplifhed,' for com-

pleated,
* 1

the meafure of his crimes

1

'

No coni

fideration could difpenfe from,

read with,

the

law of Conftantine

Difcern and opprefs the

'

hjfitude of their foes

Contradiction.

V
of Hugo's

After various intimations in the

text, concerning the fcandalous conduct

family
tions
five

and

after feveral references to

and quotaa deci-

from Bifhop Liutprand

authority
at

in the note., as

for

them ;
by
this

Mr. Gibbon

fweeps

away
of
*

once the note and the text from the face

dafhing ftroke at the
forgot, that the

authentic hiftory,
c
j

clofe

yet

it

muft not be

Bifhop

of Cremona was a lover of fcandalY Such an unin

lucky hand has Mr. Gibbon,

fetting afide his

ewn

authorities,

and

in

overthrowing his own naiv

rative

Chapter

seven tr
'

or fifty-fourth.
,J

This

chapter propofes to be

fome
?
f

inquiry into the doctrine

and

flory,'

of whom

of

'

P-473P 504-

*P-492.
s

3 ibid.

P- 4931

the


Vols. TV.
*

V.

VI. 4/*.

125
c

the

Vautumns'
apoftle

(p.

510).
f

Thefe,

am

confi-

dent,' fays
f

Mr. Gibbon,

gloried in their affinity to

the

of the Gentiles' (p. 521).

He

ac-

cordingly recounts their origin (p.

tures
lics,

(p.

522); 523); their not worshipping images, re-

their fcrip-

or faints; their confidering the true crofs as a

mere piece of wood, and the body and blood of Chrift as mere bread and wine (p. 523); their quaker-like rejection of baptifm and communion
(p.
as

condemning the Old Teflament, the invention of men and daemons (p. 524);
523)
;

their

their allowing the

fonality,
ritual,

godhead, but denying the per-

of Chrift; giving him a body merely fpi-

that

was not bound and could not be cruci;

fied (p.

524)

and holding a god of goodnefs and

a god of malignity (p. 524); their loofely fpreading

over the provinces of Afia Minor (p. 525), the perfecution of them (p. $26 528), their revolt

(p.

52S

530),

their decline
their

in

one part of the

empire (p.

530), and

tranfplantation

from

another (p. 531); their continuance in their

new

fettlement (p 53 1 S33)> their difiemination from Weft thence into the (p. $33 534)) their perfecu-

tion there (p.

534

S3^)> anc^ their being the be;

ginners of the Reformation (p. $36)

at the end of
all,

with an efTay

on the charadter and confequences

(p.

of the Reformation
fo far as

536

540).
and

This

is

obvi~

oufly fuch a detail of

it

little

infignificant points,
at all
;

relates

to the

empire

and fuch
all

a mere diifertation on ecclefiaftical hiftory, in

the great remainder
5

as

is

equally contrary to his

promife,


126*

Review of Gibbon's

Hiftory,

promife, and repugnant to his purpofe.

The pope
ad
fpiri-

claims
c

all

temporal authority

in ordine

tualia.'

And Mr.

Gibbon,

like

an

infallible

moprohif-

narch in hiftory, abfolves himfelf from the obligations of his promifes, abfolves himfelf
prieties

from

all

of conduct, and arrogates every part of

or civil
;

tory,

ecclefiaftical

in order to the

hiftory
its

of the
cline

Roman
fall,

empire, the hiftory only of

hiftory only

de-

and

and the

of the molt im-

portant circumftances in either.

c

We cannot be
in
;

furprifed, that they

mould have
offended,
the
in

c
*

found
trinity

the gofpel, the orthodox myftery of the

rational

the
God;

Chriftian

waS'

'
'
9

that the

Paulicians

fhould dare to violate

truft

unity of

their belief and their

human
c
1

was

the Father, of Chrift, of the

foul,

and of

'

the invifible world /

it is

This feems to

contradictory, as
' '
c

abfurd.

me

as

They

likewife

held the eternity of matter, a ftubborn and rebellious fubftance,

ciple,

the origin of a fecond prin-

of an

active

being,

who

has

created

' this vifible

world/

&c\
?

Is the ftrangenefs here,

the refult of folly in thefe Paulicians, or of injudicioufnefs in their hiftorian

Chapter

eighth
the tranfac-

or

fifty-fifth.

This

chapter relates

tions of the Bulgarians with the empire (p.

542

*p.

5 2 4*

* ibid.

547)

vols.

iv. r. vi. A to.

127

551) and Bulgarians (p. 551 553); the inroads of the Hungarians into Germany, Eaftern France, and Italy (p. 553 556), all

547)

the origin of the Hungarians (p. 548

the tadlics of the Hungarians

foreign to, the hiftory of the empire, and doubly fo-

reign to the hiftory of its decline and

fall

the

Hunup

garian reduction of the Bulgarians, and

to the gates of Conftantinople
pulfion of the Hungarians

inroad

(p. 546); the exfrom Germany (p. 556

559),
(p.

all

equally foreign; crigin of the Ruffians

563), geography and commerce of Ruffia (p. 563 566), the wars of the Ruffians with the 566 574), and the converficn of the empire Ruffians to Chriftianity 574 579). The chap560
(p.

(p.

ter therefore contains

fiighteft

many

parts, that

have not the

fubjecT.

connexion with
in

Mr. Gibbon's

And, even
of hiftory
is

fuch as have a connexion, the thread

evidently fpun too fine and long.

to the dtfquifitions.

The

faffs bear little proportion

large fabric

is reared upon a flender pillar. And Mr. Gibbon's vaft fyftem of hiftory, like that of the univerfe, moves for ever upon an imaginary pole.
1

If in

my

account of this interefting people

c
*

the Saracens,' fays

Mr. Gibbon,
of

I have
my

deviated

from
or

the fir iff

and

original line

my

undertaking,
tranfgrejfion,

*
f

the merit of the fubjecl: will hide

Jolicit
*

my

excaje\

have already fhewn him

to

have
alfo

deviated' moft wildly

c

from

the ftrict/

and

from the

original, line

of his undertaking.'

He

here acknowledges in effecl, that he has.

But

'P-541-

he


ia
he hopes
his
c
c c *
c

Review of Gibbon* s
his
c

Hiflory,

tranfgreffion' will be hid, or at leafi

c

excufe' will be

foliated, '
f

by

the merit of
c

the fubjecV

Yet
his
c

his

excufe'

may be
ftill

foli-

cited/
hid.'

and

tranfgreffion' will
f

not be

He

has even pleaded

the merit and mis-

fortunes of Ali and his defendants' before, for

f

confefTedly
c

anticipating

the

feries

of the Saracen

caliphs

But no

merit of a fubjecV can alter

the unchangeable law of propriety.

And

what-

ever Mr. Gibbon may wifh to fugged

tion of his conduct, that has carried
it
is

in extenua-

not one particular fubjecl:

;

him

off in a parabola

it is

many ari
power
ftrong.*

one,
in

it is

almoft every one.

The

centripetal
is

him

is

very weak.
is

The

centrifugal

very

And

he

perpetually flying off in a tangent, and

running away into the wilds of (pace.

Contradictions.
'
c

Text.
a clofe

The Hungarian
affinity to
c

lah-

guage

bears

and clear

the

idioms of the Fennic race

the learned Bayer

Note.

read in

*
*

that although the

Hungarian

has adopted many Fennic words (innumeras voces),

it ejfentially

differs,

toto genio
(

et

natural

Where
affij'

then
*

is,

or where can be, the

in
it
'

clofe

and clear

nity,'
(

to the idioms of the

Fennic race
is
*

when
c

the whole genius and nature' of that

ef-

fentially' different

from

this ?
f

Falfe language.
c

P. 552.

Their fole induftry was

\,

the hand of violence and rapine

fettlements extended
*

p.

beyond
2

554

their

the meqfure/ read

founds,

of the

Roman

province of Pannonia / p*

p.

256271.

P-55'

557*


Vols.

IV. V.
VI. 4J0.

129

* prevent their fecond difcharge by the career 57, c ;' ' Otho difpelled the confpiracy / of your lances

p. 558,
'
(

the rejcurces of difcipline and valour

<

were

fortified

ftantinople

by the arts of fuperftition;' p. 574, Conwas ajiomfhed to applaud? read with afiof

foment applauded, ni
c
c

the martial virtues of her fovec

reign

j'

and

p.

577

a religion

different from
made 3

the worfhip of their native idols/ worftip

I

religion

Chapter ninth,
.and fifty-fixth. This gives us the wars

of the Greeks,
all

Latins, and Saracens in Italy (p.

reign
;

580

587),
all

fo^

the wars of the

Normans

with
all

three in

the fame country (p.

587

594),

equally fothe Latins

reign

the wars of the

Normans with

only (p. 594 598), ftill more foreign ; the pedigree and character of Robert Guifcard the Norman
(p. 5.98
tins,

601)
601

his general fuccefs againft the in

Laand
parfo-

the
(p.

Greeks, and the Saracens,

Italy
ftill
j

Sicily

603),
in

ftill

foreign, as

within

the ground of the late empire of the

ticular fucceffes
Italy

Weft

his

(p.

603

604),

ftill

reign

the learning of Salerno, one of his

new ac-

quifitions (p.

604), a digreflion upon the back of a

digreflion
quifitions

the trade of
(p.

Amalphi, another of his acanother digreflion upon

605

606),
;

the back of the

the Saracens
ftill

firft

the conqueft of Sicily

from

by

his brother

Roger

(p.

606

609),
ftill

620);

foreign j Robert's invafion of the empire (p.

the expedition of
againft

Henry
621

the

609 emperor of
fo-

-Germany

Rome

(p.

623),

reign


130
reign
;

Review of Gibbon's

Hi/lory,

626)5
fans,
in
;

Robert's re-invafion of the empire (p. 623 the conduit of Robert's brother Roger,

againft his

Norman

brethren, the pope, and the Pi-

Sicily
his

reign

and Italy (p. 626 629), ftill fofucceffes over the Saracens in the Weft

of Africa
taly

(p.

629

631),
631
(p.

ftill

foreign; his invafion

of the empire
the
(p.

(p.

633); the invafion of I-

by the emperor
laft

633 637), ftill foreign; invafion of the empire by the Normans

and the wars of the Normans and
in Italy

63%

644);
The

Germans
foreign.
ture,

Sicily (p. 638 644), again chapter thus gives us a lively picfpirit

and

of the digrefhonal

of the author.
I

Out

of the feventeen points which

rated, five only relate

have here enumehis fubject,

even diftantly to

and twelve are the mere fupplement of injudicioufnefs

and extravagance.

And Mr.

Gibbon's hiftoof Norway,

;

ry

is

become
is

like the great whirlpool

that

fo terribly

denominated

the navel of the fca

and fucks

into

its

eddy, bears, whales, fhips, and

every thing, that come within any poffible reach of

its

engulphing ftreams.
Falfe language.

P. 612.

The
p.

provtfions

were
ve-

either

drowned or damaged;'
and
c

631,

the

c
1

nerable age of Athens

cruelty;'
p.

was violated by rapine and

the afcendant of the eu-

639,

nuchs/

for the principal of

them.
conferred on
c

Contraditlicn.
c

The pope
all

Robert and
apojiolk

his

poflerity

the lands,' &c.

This

Janclion

might
1

juftify his

arms, but',' &c.

The

P. 601

602.
text


Vols. IV. V. VI. 4/0.

13
f

text thus fays pofitively,

thefe
c

that the

pope did confer

adds,
that

lands.

The

note

accordingly

Baronius

has publifhed the original a".'

Yet,

after all,

Mr

Gibbon remarks with equal weaknefs

c

and contradietorineis, that Baronius,

c
c

profefTes to

have copied
the

it

from

a Vatican M.

S.';'

but that

names of Vatican and Cardinal awaken the

of a proteftant, and even of a phiiofo-

c
c

Jujpicions

pher.*

Mr. Gibbon thus jujpfts

the truth,

of
he

what he himfelf has

have ken. before,
Indeed be

afferted peremptorily.

And

often throws in a dafli of his fceptical pen, as

in this

we

felf-confounding manner.

may

well doubt the evidence of others,

who

is

often doubting the teftimony of himfelf

Chapter tenth,
or nfty-leventh.

This exhibits

to us the hiftory

of that greateft of the Turkifh princes,

who

reign-

ed in the eaflern provinces of Perfia, and fubdued

Hindoftan (p. 645 651), all foreign as -particular hiftory; general manners of the Turkmans, eaft

and weft of the Cafpian

of the eaftern to
653),
all
ftill

(p.

651)

nrft

emigration

their reduction
;

of Perfia (p. 652

foreign
foreign
5

their hiftory in Perfia (p.

654
of

656)

their

conduct to the Saracen caforeign

;

liphs (p.

656

658),

ftiii

their invafion

the empire (p.

6^666);

the death of their fo-

vereign (p. 666

667);
K
2

the general fuccelTes

of

the next fovereign, in Turkeftan, in the Tartary ad-

joining

132

Review of Gibbon's

Hiftory,

joining to China, in Arabia Felix, and in the empire

(p.

667

669),

ftill

foreign for every part but the

laftj

the manners of this fovereign (p.

669

670),

his death (p.

pire into three parts (p.

particular
(p.

670 672), and divifion of his em672 673), all foreign as reduction of Afia Minor by the Turks

673

677);

and

ftate

of Jerufalem under the

(p.

caliphs and under

the

Turks

foreign, as reflecting a city that

677 684), ftill had long been rent

perfifl

from the empire.

Thus does Mr. Gibbon

it.
f

to the end of the volume, in that extravagant fpirit

of rambling with which he began

1

He
the

promifed

indeed at his outfet, to give us only

mod

imof

portant circumftances' of the decline and

fall

the empire.

He

promifed

alfo,

at

the

commence-

ment of

this

volume, not to fpin fuch a prolix and

flender thread of hiftory, as he had fpun through the

four volumes preceding.

And

he has kept both his

promifes, by giving us the moil w-important cir-

cumftances

in that

of the empire, by giving us the

fall

circumftances of the decline and

pire connected with
hiftory
ftill
it,

of every emhis

by fpinning

thread of

more

flender

and more prolix, and fo

cenfure

making

his

very reformation the caufe and cover of

greater tranfgreffions.

Nor mull we
He

Mr.

Gibbon very
fure his

fharply,

however fnarply we may cencannot help

it.

hiftory,

for this.

He

has a clear and ftrong judgment.

This fhews him

the right line, in which he ihould move.

But he
is

has a powerful principle within him, that

carrying

always

him

off from

it,

and twifting

his courfe into

obliquities

Vols, IV. V*

VL
and

4*0.

133
curvatures on

obliquities

upon one

fide

into

the other.

And

his right line,

as traced

by a

critiis

cal eye through the long range of his volumes,

nothing but a

feries

of zigzag3.

CHAPTER THE FOURTH.

AVING
lumes of

gone over the fourth and

this extenfive hiftory,
laft.

fifth

vo-

we now come

to the sixth and

Chapter first,
or fifty-eighth.

In

this

we have

the preaching
i

the

up of the pope

firit

crufade by Peter the Hermit,

a council to
5

3
5

calling

promote
8
;

it,

his calling a fecond council,

the juftice of the crufade, 8

tives to
it,

11

14^

an inquiry into

1 1 ;

the fpiritual

mothe

the temporal,

14

17;

march of

the vanguarcl of crufaders to Conftanti-

16

nople,
i

16

21;

the leaders of the

this to

main body, 21

the

march of

Ccnflantinople,

26

32; the conduct of the emperor towards them, their doing homage to him, 34 37; the infolence of one of their officers to him, 37 38

3234;

the numbers, nations, and character of their army,

when reviewed

in Afia,

40; K?
38

Nice, the capital

of

134

Review of Gibbon's

Hiftory,

of the Turks, taken by them,

of the Turkifh

fuitan,

4042 their defeat 4244; their march through

;

Afia Minor, 44

45

one of them founding

a prin-

cipality beyond the bounds of the empire,

45

their re-

duction of Antioch, 46
in
it

;
;

48

their being befieged

themfelves, 48

49
49
;

their fallying out

their difirds

and deconfe-

feating the befiegers,

Tallied

before they
in
5

out,

49

51

their Tallying out

quence of a pretended miracle, 51

feating the

53

their dethis

Mahometans
the

in

confequence of

and

another,

5354;
fiction,

former endeavoured to be
;

proved a

54

55
;

the ftate

of the Turks
;

and Saracens

at this period,

55

56
;

the flow pro-

ceedings of the crufaders, 56

57

their

march

to-

wards J erufalem, 57 their fiege and reduction of Je6 r ; their appointment of one of them rufalem, 59 to the throne of Jerulaiem, 61 62; their defeating
the Saracens of Egypt, 62; the extent and ftrength of
their
,

kingdom of Jerufalem, 63 66 66 67 67 68 determining by combats, 68 70 Syrian 70 71 70

its
;

feudal te-

nures,

its

feudal courts,

its

modeof
court of

fuits
;

its
;

burgcfTes,

its

fubjedts,

and

its

villains

and

flaves, 71.

From
all

this detail, therefore,

the chapter appears to be

a firing

of digreffions.

In a hiftory of the crujades, perhaps

in a full hiftory

of the empre or of Mahomet anifm,

Mr. Gibbon

lar narration.

might allowably take this ample iweep of particuBut in a hiftory of the decline and falj
of the empire, he
greflion
;

is

only adding digrefiion to di-

and piling one mountain upon the head

t-har.

cf another,
6

he
.

may

lofe himfelf in the clouds.

None

Vols.

IV. V. VI. tfo,

135

None
cline,

pire.

fymptom of deor fhews any tendency of falling, in the emThey all indeed unite to note the very reof thefe accounts marks any

verfe.

The

empire,

the

extinction of

which was
is

threatened in the danger of the capital,

refcued
threat.

from every danger,

and faved from every

The narrow dimenfions of the empire are enlarged. The loll provinces are recovered, by the homagers of the empire. The internal power of it is augmented, by ftrong colonies of foreigners. And the
two great kingdoms of the Mahometans, that had menaced the deftruction of it, are now humbled by the armies of its fpirited auxiliaries from
fucceffively

the Weft,
ftantial

Yet

all this

is

related,

with a circum-

minutenefs of narrative, and with digreflion-

al difiertations

concerning the juftice of the expe-

dition,

its

fpiritual

and temporal motives, the

it,

fali'e-

hood of one of
ftrength of the

the miracles in

the extent
it

and

kingdom

erected in
;

at

Jerufalem,

and

its

laws and cuftoms

in

a hifcory, that pro-

fefTes to

give us only the decline and fall of the

em-

pire,

and that promifes to produce merely the imof

it.

portant circumftances

The

decline of the

empire
is

is

ihewn

exhibited

in die reftoration

of

it.

The

fall

in the enlargement.
is

And
totally

the apdifferent

pearance behind the mirrour,

from the
fade.

figure before

it.

Mr. Gibbon

inquires into the juftice of the cru-

He

urges, that the Chriftians of the

Weft

might equitably preferve the endangered empire of

Conftantinople, and relieve their opprefted brethren

ot

1^6

Review

of'Gibbon's Hijlory,
'

of
'

the

eaftern churches

but

this

falutary pur-

pofe might have been accomplifhed by a

rate fuccour
;

modewhich

' '
1

and our calmer reafon muft difclaim

and depopulated
Europe.'

the innumerable hofls and remote operations,

overwhelmed Afia
as

Their refolution
wild one, he adds
'

alio to
:

recover Jerufalem, was a

'

Pakftine could add nothing

to the ftrength

and

fafety

of the Latins, and fana-

'
c

ticifm alone could pretend to juftify the conqueft

of that

diftant

and narrow province

V And
as

he

farther adds, that the

Mahometans had
in the

good a

right to their conquered territory in the Eaft, as the

Weft both With thefe arguments dees Mr. Gibbon mean to condemn the
Chriftians themfelves

had to theirs

being equally the refult of conqueft.

crufades.

He

who,

at the eruption

of the Saracens

from the

deferts of Arabia, inftitutes

no inquiry in-

to the juftice of their proceedings, and throws no

formal ftain upon the honefty of their arms

tutes one of

infti-

condemnation againft the Chriftians.

But

the crufades

may

be

juftified,

upon

the plaineft

principles of honeft policy.

A
pean

nation had burft from the wilds of Tartary,

had embraced the

in the courfe of a
fide

of Afia,

Mahometanifm, had all the Euroand now menaced the immediate

religion of

few years reduced

deftruction of the empire.

In thefe circumftances

of alarm and danger, well might the nations of the

Weft be apprehenfive for themfelves. They had recently feen their, own folly in their own fuffer^
P.

5-xi.
ings.

Vols,

IF. V. VI. 4/*.

137

ings

thefe

when they had permitted the firft flight of Mahometan locufts, to make the fame fettleunrefifted.

ments
Africa,

The

Saracens had then reduced

;

to

its

weftern frontier

had fubdued

Sicily
Italy.

and Spain; and had ravaged France and

The Turks were

religion, their

the Saracens revived, with their

enthufiafm, and their victorioufnefs.

fure to refult,

And

the

fame confequences would be

from the fame inattention to

nations of the Weft.

their progrefs in the

Thus

reflecting;
if

and they

could not but

at all;

reflect in this

manner,

they thought

they muft naturally wifh to prevent the re-

invafion of Europe,

by

difpofTefiing thefe formidable

Tartars of their nearer conquefcs in

Afia.

The
back

long

line

of coaft, that ranges from the Euxine to

their object.

Egypt, would be

And

to beat

thefe fanatic favages into the inland countries, per-

haps beyond the Euphrates, and perhaps into Tar-

They would thus think Hannibal acted, with the fpreading conquerors of Rome. So indeed every man muft act and think, who has distary
;

would be

their wifli.

as

Hannibal

thought, and thus act as

cernment enough,
folve

to

apprehend clearly the future

re-

from the part ; and who has vigour enough, to

upon preventing

the evils

by

his refolution,

which he cannot but

forefee in his fagacity.

Even

Mr. Gibbon objects not to the principle. He only makes exception to the numbers, with which it was purfued. But the exception is furely a very poor
one, the petty effort of a mind, that would ceptions though
it

make exprinciple

could not object.

The

1 35

Review of Gibbon's
this

Hijfory,

of Hannibal's warfare, on
j

was equally juft and wife but fuch a large army with him,
his

mode of reafoning, why fhould he carry

of

for the execution

His falutary purpofe' of keeping the K.omans from Africa, by invading their own coun{ might have been accomplifhed by a try of Italy j moderate fuccour' to the Gauls of Italy. And
views
?
<

our calmer reafon muft difclaim

operations' of
perations'

;'

not indeed, as
(

Mr. Gibbon
* (

difclairns in die crufaders,

the remote
'

Hannibal

in Italy,

becaufe the
'

o-

there

would be equally

remote,'
;

either with a large or with a

moderate army

but

the innumerable hofts' of Africans and Spaniards,

with which' he
f

overwhelmed' the regions of I-

taly,

and depopulated' thofe of Carthage.

applied to

truly ridiculous does

pear,

when

So Mr. Gibbon's exception apan expedition, projected upon

a fimilar principle, and executed nearly in the fame

manner.

Yet

the refolution of wrefting Paleftine out of the

hands of the Mahometans, adds Mr. Gibbon, was

very fanatic.
ready fhevvn.
or by accident,
It

was not
if it

fo in

itfelf,

as I

have

al-

And,
it

was

elder brothers in

was made (6 by the leaders made very ufefully. Thofe fanaticifm, the Saracens, who had
fo

become
Turks,

fo truly formidable
;

from the military genius

younger brothers, the

of Mahometanifm

and

their

who had imbibed

j

their fpirit,

and were

treading in their fteps

could only have been en-

countered by an equal principle of fanaticifm or of

religion, in the

endangered kingdoms of the Weft.

Nothing

"

Vols.

IV.

V.

VI. 4*.

T39
this,

Nothing

lcfs

than fuch a ftrong principle as

which by the novelty, the grandeur, and the affectingnefs of its object, would ftrike powerfully upon
the foul, pufti with a vigorous fermentation through
all

the iubftance of

its

hopes and

fears,

and even

roufe

them

to an energy unfelt before; could pofllthis.

bly have done

And

the introduction of reco-

vering Paleftine from the Mahometans, and refcuing

the fepulchre of our Saviour out of the polluting

hands of the
pieft ftrokes

infidels;

was

certainly one of the

hap-

of policy, or one of the luckieft inci-

dents of chance, that could

rational policy.
vivified the
It

come

in aid

of fuch a
fpirit,

became

the active

that

whole 'mafs. In vain would the remote concerns of futurity have been held up, to the generality of the world. They would have heard,
have been convinced, and
ger.
ftill

flept

over the dan-

But when an object of

it
;

their religion

was ex-

hibited along with

in

when

the fepulchre of

Him,
all

whom

they

all

believed, and from

whom
them,

they

hoped

for falvation,

was exhibited
was confidered
of

to

as pol;

luted by the hands of his and their enemies

and

when

to refcue this

as an act

of high

religion, a glorious exertion

faith,
all

and a deed of

Chriftian heroifm

all

were ftruck,

were wrought

upon.

The wicked had ftill their

was facred

inward reverence,

for all that

in their religion. in its

This revefiring.

rence was

now

touched

tendered

It

vibrated therefore very feelingly from the impulfe.

And

the heart, which

would not be holy

ftill

in or-

4er to gain heaven, and yet

foftered the vain

hope

?40

Review of Gibbon's Hi/hrjf

hope of gaining heaven without holinefsj readily

caught
at this furer

mode

of righting

way of gaining it, by the eafier Nor was this delufive for it.

fee kind of reafoning peculiar to thofe times. in our own external deeds ; the fame continually

We

fubftituted for internal rectitude.

But the good

felt

the impulfe

much more

powerfully.

Their practice
any offered

continually cherifhed the vital flame in their heart.

Their

fpirits

were ready to kindle,

at

incentive of religion.

And

Shakefpeare has ac-

cordingly ftated in an age of

commencing

proteft-

antifm, this motive for a crufade in fuch a

as
is felt

manner j

(we believe) by our own age, and was

probably
in his

more

felt

therefore, friends,

As far as to the fepulchre of Chrifr. (Whofe foldiers now, under whofe

blcffed crofs

We

are imprefled, and

engaged

to fight)

Forthwith a power of Englilh

(hall

we

levy

Whofe arms were moulded

in their mothers' wombs.

fields,

To. chafe thefe pagans in thole holy

Over whofe acres walk'd thofe blefied feet, Which, fourteen hundred years ago, were nail'4
For our -advantage, on the
bitter crofs.

Yet Mr. Gibbon

no more right

objects, that the Chriftians

had

to difpolTefs the

than the Turks had to

Turks of Palestine, deprive them of their domitheirs,

nions in the Weft; and that they fanatically fup-

pofed Paleftine to be
viour's fufferings
in
it.

becaufe of their Sa-

So fuppofjng, they were

nefs

only thinking with a portion of that over-religiouf%

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4*o.

requifite to the

4!

nefs or fanaticifm,
ral

which was

genethe

undertaking.

This was only a

mark of

height, to which the neceflary fpring-tide of religion

was rifcn. Nor was there any injuftice in it. The Turks had no right, and the Saracens had none except what the fword of conqueft had given them. To this right of theirs, might with equal juftice be oppofed the right of a new conqueft. But the only
nation befides, that claimed the country, the

Ro-

mans, urged more equitably againft

porTefiion, their recent lofs,

it

their long

and

their prefent claim.

On

this footing

Hand

all
j

the national rights in the

world.

Take away

this

and the world becomes

one great fcene of national fcrambles, without right,

or
the
pofiibility

of right, in any of the nations.

And

Romans solicited

the afiiftance of their brother

Chriftians of the Weft, for the prefervation of the

empire and the recovery of

ran, can pretend to
to afilft the

its

provinces.

What

then, but the rank and fcetid fanaticifm

of the Ko-

doubt the right of the Chriftians,

its

reduced empire, and to wreft back

?

provinces from the plunderers

On

thefe folid
this

and

fubftantial

grounds cf

juftice,

and with

ftrong body of policy animated with

;

that lively foul of religion

did the nations of the

Weft come

gallantly forward to the

cm fade.
of

Their

conduct forms a very wonderful

objecr.

curiofity,

to the philofopher, the politician, and the hiftorian.

The

difunited

Weft, that

kingdoms of the late empire of the had been overwhelmed with a deluge of

barbarians from

Germany and the Bakick

that

had

however

142

Review of Gibbon's
this
it

RifiorJ,
foil*

however fubdued

wild accefilon of foreign

its

had incorporated
rifen at
it
;

into

own

fubftance, and had luxui iant

laft.

the ftronger and the

more

from

now

united into a kind of loofe republick again,*

ecclefiailicr:!

under the feeming fovereignty of the

king of
ftore the

Rome

too,

and

in

order to relieve and re-

remaining half of the empire,

They
all

thus

fhewed an attention to that grand principle of modern policy, of which we

progrefs of the
feel

the want in

the

Roman

arms, and which

we

vainly
days*

fancy to be

the refinement of thefe

their

latter

They

alfo carried

attention

to a length, to

which the poor and feeble policy of modern times

has never been capable of going.
ordinary difplay of policy, and
tion of religion, unite to

And

this extra-

this aftonifhing

erup-

make one of the moil lingular epochas in the hiftory of human nature; and ferved, with wifdom and with juftice, to fave the empire of Conftantinople for ages,

and

to

keep the

Turks out of weftern Europe

*
c

for ever.
firft

If the reader will turn to the

fcene of the
fee in

Firft

Part of Henry the Fourth, he will

c c
'
*

the

text of Shakefpeare the natural feelings

;

of

enthufiafm

and

in the notes of

Dr. Johnfon, the

workings of a bigotted though vigorous mind,

greedy of every pretence to hate and perfecute
thofe

who diffent from his

;

creed
let

V The reader has

turn to the

already turned to the text

notes.
fays
c

him now

The

lawfulnefs and juftice of the holy wars,'

c

Dr. Johnfon,

have been much difputed

9.
c

but

'P.

perhaps

Vols.
'
'

IK

V. VI. 4h\

143

perhaps there

is

a principle,

on which the queftion

If
it

may be
religion
1

eafily

determined.

be part of the

' *

of the Mahometans, to extirpate by the

other religions
;

word

all

it is,

by the law of felf-

' '

defence, lawful for

and

for

Chriftians

men of every other religion, among others, to make war

*
' c

'

upon the Mahometans, fimply as Mahometans, as men obliged by their own principles to make war upon Chriftians, and only lying in wait till opportunity fhall promife them fuccefs.' Are thefc
all
'

then
<

the workings of a bigotted though vigo-

rous mind,' that

we were
f

to fee here

Is this
refer-

then that ftriking evidence to which

red, for
f

we were

Johnfon being

greedy of every pretence, to

hate and perfecute thofe

who

dijent from his creed?*

it.

The And

charge recoils forcibly upon the bringer of

the bigotry , the hatred, and the perfecution, are

beaten back in the face of the accufer.

Mr. Gibit

bon evidently caught

the dead lion, for the

at this

opportunity of infulting

many triumphs which

had

made
nefs.

in its life,

over the proltrated carcafe of in-

fidelity.

He thus defeated his purpofe by his eageris

There

not

much

vigour,'
c

in the

fhort

paffage.
c

Nor

is
f

there one particle of

perfecution,' in
it.

bigotry,'
is

of

hatred,' or of

There
c

on-

ly
*

one miftake,

in

fuppofmg

it

to

be

part of the

religion of the

Mahometans,

to extirpate

by the

fword

all

other religions.'

This indeed was actutheir religion.

ally praclifed,
'

on the

firfi

ground of
himfelf,

Under the reign of Omar' Mahomet, fays Mr. Gibbon

the fecond fuccefTor of

c

the Jews of
(

Chaibar

144
'
c
c

Review of

Gibbon's Hiflory,
to Syria
;

Chaibar were tranfplanted

and the caliph

in his

alleged the injunction of his dying matter, that

one

and

the true religion fliould

1

be profeiTed

native land of Arabia

.'

But the Mahometans

it,

necejjarily refrained

from praclifing

in their

other
al-

conquefts.

And

Dr. Johnfon only produces the

legation as a conditional one, though

Mr, Gibbon
it

choofes to confider
*

it

as pofitive.

If

be part of
c

the religion of the

Mahometans,' he
let

fays,

to ex-

* tirpate,'

&c.

But

us change the

word
c

extirpate
abfo-

intofubdue, and then the allegation

lute,
'

may become
As

and the argument

c

will

be decifive.

it is

part

of the religion of the

fay,

Mahometans/ Dr. Johnfon

by the fword
all

would then
c
c
c

tofubdue

other reli-

gions

it is,

by the law of felf defence, lawful for

*
* * c

men of every other religion, and for Chriftians among others, to make war upon Mahometans, limply as Mahometans, as men obliged by their own principles to make war upon Chriftians, and
only lying in wait
till

opportunity mall promife

them
c

fuccefs,'

And Mr. Gibbon

wary they

himfelf allows
a divine and
*.'

us,
*

that, in peace or

affert

indefeafible

claim of univerjal empire

thus

yindicate the character

and the reafoning of Dr.

I

Johnfon, from die abufe of a writer, who,

at once hated and dreaded

know,
lee a

him

in his life-time.

In

all

this hiflory

of the

firft

crufade,

we

ftudied defign to

made

the glory of the Chriftians,

to place their failings and vices in the fulleft point of

light,

and to break
*

into the great order

of narration

Vol. v. p, 237.

Vol. v\t p. jo.

witl*

Vols.

IV. V.

VI. 4to.

145
fee

with the view of leffening their victories.

all this

We
firfl

particularly exemplified, in the hiftory

of the
a ge-

fiege and battle of Antioch.

We

have

neral

and rapid account of the fiege; too general

to catch the attention

much, and too rapid

is

to reft

upon

it

long.

Inftantly as this

ended, without

paufjng one

moment upon

the grcatnefs

and im-

portance, of winning fuch a

town

after fuch a refiftit,

ance

we

fee the

Chriftians within

furrounded
good-for-

by

a large

army of Mahometans.
relieve
it

The

tune of having entered the town, before the

Maho-

metans came up to

is

not touched upon.

To have
head.

done

fo,

would have betrayed fome fympChriftianity

in

toms of remaining

Mr. Gibbon's
is

And

he could not be capable of fuch a

the deliverance of the Chriftians,
their danger.

weaknefs.
as fudden out,
(

But
(

and Ihort as
in a fingle

They

<

fallied,'

and

or difperfed

memorable day annihilated the hoft of Turks and Arabians.'

points at
'

Mr. Gibbon then

their victory.
1
c

the

human

caufes' of

Their fupernatural

allies,'

he

fays,

fhall

proceed to confider' hereafter.

He
upon

thus
this

deprives us of the pleafure, of dwelling

victorious battle of the Chriftians.
back, to tell us

of

their

For he haftens intemperance from plenty,

their vicioufnefs

of

their diftrefs

from famine, cf
c

a:

the fiege of the town, and during their blockade in

it *
'

by the Mahometans.
duced,' he
either
fays,
f

The
'

Chriftians

were

ie-

by every temptation that nature

re-probates
j'

prompts or
'

when

his

own note

P- 5-

to


X46
Review of
Gibbon's Hiftory,

to the paffage
not of luft
'

mews
c

only one fugle incident, and that

nature reprobates/ but of
*

which

an

archdeacon of royal birth

Syrian concubine
;'

playing at dice with a

this ferves to refute

'

and when

the infamous calumny in that. a pretended miracle, that

their

He

then

tells

us of
;

inipii ited

the Chriftians
;

of

marching out to attack the Mahometans

in their

and

of another miracle being fuppofed to be feen by

them,

march.

But, juft as

we

expect fome

account of the charge, the

its

battle, the victory,

and

glorious confequences

we

are inftantly turned

firft

off with one inquiry, into the reality of the

racle,

mi-

and with another into the

ftate

of the Turks

and Saracens, &c. &c.

its effect

And

thus artfully loft in

upon

the reader, by being broken into frag-

ments, the battle being feparated from the victory,

and the interval

conquerors
4
;

filled

up with

invectives againft the

and thus difgraced by falfehoods more

'

than Mahometan, againft thefe

barbarians of the
'

Weft,' as he prefumes to
at

call

them

the hiftory

mult be fpurned
truth, to honefty,

with difdain, by every friend to

Chriflianity.

and to

Indeed in

all

the narrative of this chapter,

fo

we

fee the

Mahometan

rampant

in

Mr. Gibbon; and

him, fo

the love of anti-

chriftian falfehoods in

much

ftronger than a

regard to himfelf and a reverence for honour, thofe

two

pillars

of heaven and of hiftory

for a

truft his

word

that we cannot ; moment, and we cannot but de-

fpife his fpirit continually.

'

The mother of Tancred was Emma

*

fitter

of the

P- 55*

great

Vbls.
c
c * 4

IV
It

V.

VI.

40.

147

great Robert Guifcard; his father, the

Marquis

Odo

the

Good.
1

is

fingular enough, that the

family and country of fo illuftrious a perfon iliould

be unknown

.'

This

is all

a miftake, I appre-

Tancred was not nephew to Robert GuifHe was the fori of Roger, card, and fori to Odo. Count of Apulia, nephew to Bohemond, Prince of
hend.

Tarento, and grandfon to Robert Guifcard.

a letter of

This

Bohemond's own fhews.

There, he remarks,
of

quotes
c

it

himfelf.
j

Mr. Gibbon c Tancred is

ftyled

jfr/Mtf

'

nor of

Bohemond
it,

becaufe Godfrey
brothers in
c

whom? certainly not of Roger, V And on this account, and of Bouillon and Hugh are called
I

fworn~brothers y
letter.'

fuppofe

he

calls it

a very doubtful

But we have another from

Roger.
to
f

Bohemond
it
(

to his brother
f

fuppofe you,'

fays

from Antioch,

have underftood by the

c
j

letters

ol your fonne Tancred,' &c.

I allure

much

of the valour of your forme Tancred

you This

fettles at

once the unknown

family and country'

of Tancred's paternal anceftors.

accordingly called the nephew of
1

And Tancred is Bohemond, c Tana very reipectable

credus nepos

Boamundi ;' by

hiftorian of the time 4 .

(

At

the fiege of Antioch,' fays

Mr. Gibbon,
of three

*
e

Phirouz, a Syrian renegado, had acquired the fa-

vour of the Emir and the

1

command

p. 25.

* p. 43.

3 Knolles, 19.

William of Malmefbury,
'

p. 79, edit. 1596.

'

So

alfo in fol.

85 concerning him and Bohemond,

nepos.'

haud pudendus avunculo

c

towers.

14S
c

Review of Gihforfs

Hijiory,

towers.
interejiy

fecret correfpondence, for their

mutual

was foon

eftabliihed
;

between Phirouz and

the prince of Tarento

and Bohemond declared

in the council of the chiefs, that he could deliver

the city into their hands.

But he claimed the

fo-

vereignty of Antioch, as the reward of his fervice

and the propofal, which had been ejected by the

i

'

envy,

was

at length extorted

from the
'

dijirefs,

of his

' f

equals.'

The town was

to furrender

taken.
;

But the

citadel

dill refufed

and the victors them-

were jpeedily encompaffed and befieged' by the Turks '. Here are feveral miftakes, which a
felves
letter
c

of the time decifively corrects.

lays

'

King Cafthe
time

fianus,'

Bohemond

himfelf concerning
f

Turkifh governor of Antioch,

c

had required a

of truce,' a circumflance totally

c
-,

omitted by Mr,

Gibbon
f

during which ourfoldiers hadfree recourfein-

to the citie

without dangerJ a ftriking feature in the

thefe crufades, that
;

complexion of
ticed
'
'

is

equally unno-

by Mr. Gibbon

untill flaine

that

by the death of
yet feemed an

Vollo a Frenchman,
truce

by the enemie, the

it

was broken.

But, whilft
citie,

hard matter to winne the

citizen

one Pyrrhus, a

c
c

of Antioch, of great authority, and much devoted unto mee, had conference with me concerning the yeelding up of the
citie
;

yet upon condi-

Hon, that the government thereoffjculd be committed

to
I

'

me, in

whom

he had repofed an

efpeciall truji.

'
1

conferred of the whole matter,

with the princes

eafily

and great commanders of the armiej and

1

P. 4S.
f

obtained.

Vols.
1

IV. V. VI. aJo.

149

obtained, that the government of the citie was by

their generall confent allotted

unto me.

So our

armie, entering by a gate opened by Pyrrhus, tooke

the
citie.

'

Within a few dales

after,

the towne

A-

'

return was by
lofTe

us affaulted, but not without

to

fome

and danger
I

our perfon, by realon of a

'.'

'

wound

there received

Here we

fee,

that the

correfpondence between

Bohemond and Pyrrhus

be-

gan, in the extraordinary intercourfe permitted by

the
truce,

and then Pyrrhus had fhewn himfelf

to

much devoted
not carry
it

Bohemond

that

Bohemond
;

did

on

for his 'private intereft

that Pyrrhus

made

it

an exprefs ftipulation of his opening the

gates to the Chriftians,

Bohemond
;

fhould have the

government of it afterwards
fluenced by

that he did this, unin-

Bohemond, and purely

he being a
to retain
it

confidering his

own

intereft,

citizen of great authority,

and wanting

under
in

governor, to

whom
ef-

he was much devoted, and

fected trujl
;

whom

he repofed an

that

Bohemond mentioned
rejected

the propofal

and the
latter
f
4

ftipulation to the other generals,

not
c

and the and

c

was

by

their envy,'
diftreis,'

'

at

length extorted from their

lv obtained'

but was

eafi-

from them
the

and

that, after

taking the

town and
wounded
c

before

coming up of
attacked,

the Turks, the

town of Aretum was

in the affault.

and Bohemcnd was

Such

number of miftakes
!

have we here,
I
c

in this fnort paflfage

have been urged to anticipate on the ftory of

p.
1

the crufades,'

293

their portable treaftires

Knoilcs, \^.

was,*


150
c

Review of
p.

Gibbon's Hiftory y
firft

was,

29

c
;

had almoft reached the

c

term

c
c '

of his pilgrimage/ p. 30.

I

In feme oriental tale

have read the fable of a fhepherd,

or at

ruined by the accomplifhment of his

who was own wifhes

apprehenis

<
4

fuch was the fortune,

lion,

leaft the

of the Greek emperor

This
hiftory.

the ftyle

of a

diflertation,
is

and not of a

Gibbon

perpetually confounding the

is

But Mr, two ideas.

more, than
*

And
*

his

whole hiftory hitherto

fays
'

little

one extenfive and amplified

himfelf inverted,'
frequent obfeurky,
c

diflertation.

He was
very

Mr. Gibbon

in his
title,

with that ducal

which

has been improperly transferred to his lordfhip of

f c
1

Bouillon in the Ardennes,' p. 11

c
>

they overran

the
53
;

hills

and fea-coaft of

Cilicia,

from Cogni to

the Syrian gates,' p.

449

&c. &c.
*

Abulpharagius
p.

is

again

the Jacobite primate,'

when he was only

a phyfician

cobite Chriftians.

In

among the JaJews, cal-

his firft

volume Mr. Gibbon,

from the
led

littlenefs
'

of his

fpite againft the

them

the moft defpifed' portion of the Afiy,

rian flaves
for

when he had no

authority but his fpite,

all.

faying they were defpifed at

In the fame

petty malice of infidelity he fays here, that Jerusa-

lem had when its

e
<

derived /owe reputation from

its

fieges

fieges are the

moft memorable

in hiftory,

Conrad's
tions,

wife

confeffed the manifold proftitu-

to

which fhe had been expofed by a hufof her honour and his
'

band, regardlefs

own.'

3o

fays the text p. 4.

Yet

it

ihould feem,' adds,

p. 32,

*P-57

the

Vol IV. V. VI.

the note,
1
c c

4/0.

151

that the wretched

woman was tempted by

fome infamous
It ftoouldJeem

the priefts, to relate or

flories

iubfcribe

of herfelf and her hufband.'

is

then, that the charge in the text

net true, or at leaft

the afferiion in
e

it is

doubtful

Their

fiege,' fays

Mr. Gibbon,

p. 59,
c

concern-

ing the crufaders before Jerufalem,

s

was more rea-

fonably directed againft the northern and weftern

fides

'
(

of the

city.

Godfrey of Bouillon erected

firft

his

ftandard on the
is

fwell of
'

Mount
the

Calvary,'

which
is

on the north- weft

c

c
;

to

left,'

which
fide

therefore to the
lies

eaft,

as far as St. Stephen's gate,'

eajlern

which
*
f

about the middle of the

the line of attack

was continued by Tancred and

eftablifh-

the

two Roberts; and Count Raymond

citadel,'

ed his quarters from the

fhall

which was (as

c

we
c
*

(hew immediately) on the fouth-weft,

to

the foot of

Mount
in party

Sion, which was no longer

m-

eluded within the precincts of the city/ was not

ally

but was

even
5

in great part,

and lay to
of confu-

the Jouth of Calvary

fion

What

a labyrinth
is

have we here

The

attack

directed only a-

gainft the northern

and weftern

(ides.

Godfrey ac-

cordingly encamps on the north-weftern.

the attack
is

But then

diverted by
to the
left,

from the

right

Mr. Gibbon's miftake, and from the weftern to

as

the eaftern fide.

"Yet we
for the

inftantly find, that this eaft;

em was meant
tack
1

weftern

the line of at-

is

continued round by the Jouth-wefty to the

Plan,
a

See Pococke, 11. Part

1. 7.

Pococke.

Pococke,

Jouth,

152
Jouth.

Review of Gibbon''s

Hiftory,
lies, is

Where

indeed

<

the citadel'

not ex-

plained here

Two

pages afterward he

by Mr. Gibbon. But it is makes it to be

little

hereafter.

the Pifan

Caftle,

which was a

to the north of the fouth-

weftern angle \

And

as

we can know
;

the true hif-

tory of reducing Antioch and Jerufaiem, not from

Mr. Gibbon, but only from Knolies

confufednefs of
c

Co

we may

obferve the accuracy of Knolies contrafted with the

Mr. Gibbon,
c

in this

very pafTage.

The

Chriftians,' he fays,
citie,

with their armies apbefore

it

proching the

encamped

on the
it

'
c

north; for that, towards the eaft

and Jouth,

was

not well to be beficged, by reafon of the broken

rocks and mountaines.

Godfrey the

Next unto the citie lay duke, with the Germanes and Lobefore the weft gate lay

ranois ; mere unto him lay the Earle of Flanders and

Robert the

Norman
c

Tan-

cred and the Earle of ThouloufeY

At
4

this fiege,

the fcanty Jprings and hafty tor-

rents
thirft

were dry

in the

fummer

feafon; nor

was the

f
*

of the befiegers relieved, as

cifterns

in the city,

by

the artificial fupply of

is

and aqueducts

This

not true.
it
'

A letter of the
not to be
fo.

time, as given us by
c

Knolies, ihews
fays the writer,
{

After long

travel),'

having

firft

taken certaine towncs,

citie
is

we came
with high

to Jerufalem;
hills,

which

environed

without rivers or fountaines, except-

ing onely that of Solomon's,

and that a verie

* JCnolles, p. 22.

little one,

Fococke.
P- 59-

<

In

Vols. IV. V. VI. 4/0,

( *

153
is

In

it

are

many

cefterns,

wherein water

kept,

both in the citie

and

the countrey thereabout'.'

In florming Jerufalem, fays Mr. Gibbon, ever

eager to lay load upon the crufaders,
*
c
*

a bloody fa-

crifice

was offered by
in a

his

miftaken votaries, to
j

the

God

of the Chriftians
c

they indulged them-

felves three days

promifcuous maffacre/

note adds, that

c

the Latins --are not ajhamed of the

mailacrej' but pretends not to point out any of

c

them.
' ' ' '

After feventy thoufand

c

put to the fword,' &c.

Modems had been Tancred alone betrayed

'

fome fentiments of companion.

lenity of
fafe

And

the felfifh

Raymond

granted a capitulation and

conduct, to the garrifon of the citadel.'

Note

adds, that this was

and

the

named Tower of David 1

Caftellum Pifanum/
It

'

was, as

have no-

ticed before,
city;

near the fouth-weftern angle of the

and confequently upon

city.

Mount

Sion, the feat

this pafTage,

of David's

But
it

have produced

in order to collate

with that original letter of the

in part

time, which
'

have cited
citie,'

before.

'

In the

aflault
(

of the

fays

Godfrey of Bouillon

himfell

felf,
(

I firft
lot

gained that part of the wall that

to
ailaile,

to

my

and commanded Baldwin to

' c

enter the citie; who, having (lain certaine

com-

panies of the enemies,

broke open one of the

gates for the Chriftians to enter.

Raymond had
fpoile,

c c
c

the

citie

of David, with
But,

much rich

yeelded

when we came unto the temple of Solomon, there we had a great conflict, with
unto him.
1

Knolles,

24.

p.

60

61.
<

fo

154
e

Review of Gibbon's

Hijiory,

(o great {laughter

of the enemie, that our

;

men
of

flood in blood above the ancles

the night ap*

c *
e

proching,

we could

not take the upper part

the temple, which the next day was yeelded, the

Turks
citie

pitifully

crying cut for mercie: and fo the

c e

of Jerufalem was by us taken the fifteenth of

:

July

befides this, the princes with one con-

fent faluted

me
is

(againft

falem.'

This

the

my will) King of Jerumod authentic account of

it
is

the ftorm of Jerufalem, that the nature of hiftory

can pofilbly furnifh; becaufe

a cotemporary

one, given by an eye-witnefs, and drawn up by the

grand actor and conductor of the whole.

aftonifhingly does
aiierted
'
'

Yet how
!

it

differ

from Mr. Gibbon's

not afhamed,'

The
c

mafiacre of three days,' of which

*

the

Latins' are faid to be

falfe

is

fhewn to

be abfolutely

by the very general of the Latins.

The
of

ftorm of Jerufalem was like

many

other florins

cities,

a progreflive fcene of righting and blood

ftreets,

through the
riah.

up

to the level of

Mount Mothe
prefent

There had

flood the

temple of Solomon.
temple,
it,
c

There

now

flood
*

another

mofque, with
*
*

colonades' to

which have a

grand appearance, and are of very good Corinthian architecture

It

was therefore a Chriflian

as

church before, built in the time of the Romans;

and had been turned into a mofque,

turned again.
tired

it is

now

To

this

ground, as to the mofl reof

the

and defenfible
into this

part

whole town,
the

and

Turks

retreated.

mofque upon it, had many of Here they were attacked by

1

the

Fococke,

14..

victorious

Vols.

IV. V. VI.

4-to.

155

victorious Christians.
c (
f

Inftantly there
f

was

a great
c

conflict.'

This was carried on

ancles.'

with fo great a
flood

flaughter of the enemie,

in

that' the aflfailants

blood above the

This

is

a ftroke moft

formidably pieturefque, to mark the flaughter of the

<

conflict.'

But the Turks,

though driven from

ftill

the interiour of the temple,

felves
tians.
'

maintained them-

upon the roof of

f

it,

and beat off the Chrifc

The

night approching,' they

could not
defifted
c

take the upper part of the temple.'

their attempts, for the night.

They
But

from

the next

day' they were preparing to

renew them.

The

Turks, feeing this, c pitifully cried out for mercie.' The roof c was Mercy was promifed them.
c

yeelded' up.

And

fo

the

citie

of Jerufalem

was by them taken,' without any more blood-

fhed.'

Such
then

is

the certain account of this ftorm the horrible

'

Where
f

is

maflacre' of
at
all.

three

days?'

There was no maflacre

There
always

was even no blood-fhed, except fuch

as is
lofts.

made
was

in a ftorm,
f

while the oppojition

It

Nor

this

for

three days.'

was

for

one only.

And

the very next morning,

when

the

Turks on
it

the roof of the temple cried out for quarter,

was

granted them.

What

then fhall v/e fay,

in
as

to the
?

bold
c

and daring falfhood

Mr. Gibbon
he actually

We

hope he
to,
*

was deceived by,

refers us

2^3)y Abulpharagius (Dynaft. p. 243), and M. de Guignes (torn, 11. p. 11. p. 99) from Aboulmahafen.' But at
p.

Elmacin (Hift. Saracen,

the belt, and fuppofing

him

not to

have

falfified their

reports 5 yet he has certainly been very credulous,

in

156
in leaning

Review of

Gibbon's Hi/lory,
authorities,

upon fuch/ecoudary
at hand.
is

when he
on

had fuch a primary one

the anti-chrijlian fide.

And

his credulity,

every one muft obferve,

never exerted except

is

Nor

this all his miftake,

In this defcription of the florin.

He
T

chofe again to

confound the natural courfe of the narration,

is
all

which

regularly

given

in

Knolles

in

order,

no

tloubt, to ferve the

fame purpofe

as before, of dif-

torting

the facts, breaking their unity, and dimi-

nifhing their force.

He

thus omits

all

mention

whatever, of the ftand at the temple or mofque on

Mount Moriah,
it.

of the bloody

conflict held in

it,

and of the mercy fhewn to thole upon the roof of

This grand and
fuit

mem

incident in the
hif-

ftorm, did not

tory.
f

with his views of writing

his
c

It

would have precluded

It

maffacre of

three days.'

was therefore fupprefTed.

Yet he

lays,

immediately previous to the parages above,

'

that
f

the

fpoils

of the great mojch, feventy lamps

filver,

and mafiy vafes of gold and

diligence

rewarded the

'

of

Tancred.'

And

he,

who

notices

the fpoils of the temple, and takes no notice of the

fharp conflict at
the latter.
c

it,

mult have

wilfully fupprefTed

But Raymond, he
This
is

fays finally >

'granted

a capitulation and fafe conduct to the garrifon

of

the citadel.'

evidently faid from

its final

po-

rtion, in order to fingle

him out
fact,
is,

as one,

who fhewed
happened
in

kindhefs amid the bloody

fpirit

of

his mafiacreing
it

companions.

Yet

the

that

the very beginning of the ftorm.

1

One

of the gates,

P- 23.

fays

Vols.

IF. V. VI. tfo.

<

157

fays Godfrey,
c

was

broke open
*

for the Chriftians

to enter:'

Raymond had
it,
c

the

citie

of'David, that

is,

all

that large part of

the

ground of which was

fpoile, yeelded
f

within the walls,

*
c

unto him

;'

but,

much rich when we came

with

to the

temple

of Solomon,'

&c.

That was not ftormed, but

yeelded to

him

juil as the

upper part of the tem-

ple was afterwards to the

reft.

And Mr. Gibbon

of the
that,
latter,
(

either diret\y precludes the yielding

and

the mercy fhewn at

'

it,

by declaring

of thefe

favage heroes of the crofs, Tancred alone betrayed

fome fentiments of companion,'

c

as

Raymond

did
at

of

felfifh leniiyj' or elfe alludes to the

mercy

the temple, in what he thus fays of Tancred, and

in
c

what he

alfo hints

of

the fpoils of the great

mofchdifplaying the
obfcurely,
reveal.

generofity

of Tancred
fully
all,

;'

and

fo glances
choje not to

at

what he
fully
it.

knew and
no doubt.

He

knew

Yet
fified

he chofe not to reveal

He

aclnally has fal-

the alleged evidence of the Latins.

And, on

the whole,

he appears

in

fuch a light upon the

prefent occafion, as muft blaft his hiftorical credit

with the

critical

world, and annihilate his perfonal

reputation with the Chriftian, for ever.

The

expulfion of the Greeks and Syrians' from

c

the holy fepulchre at Jerufalem,

{

was juftified by

the reproach of herely

and fchifm (Renaudot,

Hift. Patriarch. Alex. p. 479)'.'

before,

We

have {em

Mr. Gibbon

authority of this

making very free with the very Renaudot and even fixing
j
'

P-

6 3-

fbecbl

15S
fpecial

Review of Gibbon*s

Hi/lory,

ufed.

and marked words upon him, that he never* fee fomething like this literary leger-

We

demain, exercifed here.

rians'

The
are

of Mr. Gibbon,

neither

They are merely the Jacobite Mirum nemini elTe debet, ea clade tantopere perc culfos Mahomedanos fuifie, qui urbem celebrem c fanctitate, et ad quam Chrifliani ex toto orbe
confluerent,

Greeks and Syin Renaudot. Chriftians of Egypt.

c c
c

ereptam
fays

fibi

deplorabant.

Sed non

minor

fuit

Jacobitarum JEgyptiorum dolor

Inde
'

factum

eft,'

an author quoted by him

Coptit<e

ut

c
c

nos Chrifliani Jacobite

non amplius pere-

grinationis religiofe ad earn

'

cultatem

habeamus.'

urbem inftituendas faBut Mr. Gibbon has

and Syrians, and mulJacobites,

changed

his Copts into Greeks

tiplied his Jacobites

into Nejlorians,

and

Melchites.
'

Every reader converfant with

occafion,
i

the hif-

tory of the crufades,' fays

Mr. Gibbon himfelf

by the
Yet, to

upon another
c
c

will underfland

peuple des Suriens, the Oriental Chriftians, Melchites,

it

Jacobites, or Nejlorians'

(p. 70).

make

more

full,

Greeks to the Syrians.

Mr. Gibbon has added the And, all the while, his auThis
is

thor fpeaks only of Egyptians.

ftance of the foul play,

another inpractifes

which Mr. Gibbon

with his references; and the point, in juftice to the

publick, cannot be too frequently proved to the
reader.
c

William of Malmfbury (who wrote about the

c
c

year

H30)
X

has inferted in his hiftory

a narrative of the
firft

(1. iv.
:

130

154)

p.

cm fade
'

but
wifh

Vols. IV. V. VI. to.

159

e
{ c

wifli

that,

inftead

of liftening to the tenue

murmur

which had patted the Britifh ocean (p.

1

143), he had confined himfelf to the number of and adventures of his countrymen / families,
is

This
tive.

a very unjuft account of

Malmnbury's narraufeful matter

in this

in

it.

The Nor

latter contains

much and

has the former forgotten

his hiftory, to

and

other parts of

give us intimations

concerning the particular crufaders of England, their

<

families/ and their

e

adventures.'

Edgar

Atbeling,

he fays

fubfequenti tempore

cum

Roberto Godwino,
pertendit.'

milite audacifllmo,

Jerofolymam

The
at

Turks, he adds,
principally
*
'

then befieged

King Baldwin

Rama, who broke through

gladio

the hoft of befiegers,

by the gallantry of Robert, ' evaginato Sed dextra lsevaque Turcos csedentis.
ipfo
truculentior, alacritate

cum,

fucceffu

nimia

* ' '
f

procurrerct, enfis

manu

excidit; ad quern recolli-

gendum cum

fe inclinafTet,

omnium

incurfu op-

prelTus, vinculis

palmas

dedit.

Inde Babyloniam
nollet,

(ut aiunt) ducuis,

in

cum

Chriftum abnegare

medio

foro ad

fignum

pofitus, et fagittis tere-

* f

bratus,

martyrium confecravit.

Edgarus amiflb

milite regreffus,

multaque beneficia ab imperaet

' * * c

toribus

Gra^corum

Alemannorum adeptus
retinere

(quippe qui etiam

eum

pro generis am-.

natalis foli defithis

plitudine tentaffent),

omnia pro

derio fprevit

But he fpeaks again of

of the crufades.
in

Rore-

bert, in his hiftory

fays,
c

Baldwin, he

quinque militibus comitatus,

montana

p. 39-

* fol. 58.
c

pendo


160
c

Review of .Gibbon's
inlidiantes
elufit
:

Hijlory,
fuit

pendo
noftrae

militum imus
;

Roalfo

c
4

bertus Anglus, ut fuperius dixi

casteros notitias

fama

tarn longinqua occuluit

Y He

mentions Odo, Bifhop of Baieux and Earl of Kent,

as one of the

companions of

his

nephew Robert,
to

Duke
falem
c

of Normandy.

He

went with him

f

Jeru-

and died

at

Antioch.

Jerofolymitanam

viam ingrefius, Antiochia in obfidione Chri/liano* rum finem habuit Y And he hints at a large body of the Englifh going with Duke Robert c Ro:

c '

bertus

Normannorum Comes

habuit

focios

Ro:

bertum Flandrenfem, Stcphanum Blefenfem,' &c. parebant eis dngli, et Normanni,' &c. In his
J
.

narration too, he fays

fome of the crufaders march-

ed through TheiTaly and Thrace to Conftantinople,

but that many of the

c

common men
f

died of

want
the

and difeafe by the way, and

pro rapiditate
f

multi in vado, quod

diaboli dicitur, intercepti

At

liege of Nice,
c
f

exunimatorum cadavera Turci untrahebant, ludibrio noftrovel ablatis veftibus dejicienda/

cis ferreis

innumerum

rum

excarnificanda,

On
(

the furrender of Nice, the

emperour

juffit

diftribui

argentum

et

cereos inferioribus.'

aurum optimatibus, nummos At the fiege of Antioch omc

c
i
c

nes pariter proceres Jacramento fecere, oimdioni non

ponendas

ferias

quoad vel vi vel ingenio prenderec

tur civitas.'

But the Turks, putting many of the

baliftis et

citizens
(

of Antioch to the fword, were

petrariis capita interemptcrum in cafrra

Francorum
the be-

emittentes.'

A
a

famine came on

among

fol.

84.

fol.

63.

3 fol.

75.

*fol. 76.

fiegers.

Vols. IV.
iiegers.
*
'

V. VI.

ye

161

Nondum

furgentibus in altam fegetem

culmis,

quidam filiquas fabarum nondum adultarum

deliciis

'
'
*

pro fummis
jumentorum,
duos

ampledterentur

alii

carries

*
f

alii coria aquis mollita, quidam carparum coctos per abrafas fauces utero demittebantj quidam vel mures, vel talium quid deli-

ciarum,

pofcentibus

aliis

venundabant* et efurire
j

fuftinebat pro lato jejunus venditor auro

nee de-

'
1 e c

fuerunt qui cadavera cadaveribus infarcirent, humanis pafti camibus,

longe tamen et

in

montibus, ne
j

nidore carnis aduftas caeteri offenderentur

plures,

ipe reperiendse alimonia?, ignotis vagabantur femitis,

tur.'

c
*

et a latrunculis

viarum gnaris trucidabanand, to pafs

ftriking

Yet with a fpirit of refolution, which does high

j

honour to the leaders and to the men

over which, Mr. Gibbon fupprefles

all thefe

circumftances of the famine, a famine fo

uncom;

mon

in

an un-furrounded camp of befiegers

all,

the

Chriftians perfifted in fpite of

and took the town.

In taking
*
' *

it

Franci per funeas fcalas

node intemquod

pcfta in

murum

evecti, vexilloque Boamundi>

vermiculatum erat, vends

in fajligio turris expojito,

lignum Chriftianum

laetis
-,

fragoribus ingeminant,
et

'

Deus
ris

vulty

Deus

vult

Turci experrecti,

fopo-

'
*

penuria inertes,

dunt.'

fugam per angiportus invaThe Turkifh army comes, and furrounds

Diftrefs enfues in
it.
'

them
*

in the town.

Qua-

propter, triduano prius cum letaniis exacto jejunio,

legatus Petrus heremita mittitur ad Turcos.'

'

He

offers

them

the alternative, either to

move away from

fight

before the town, and return into Perfia, or agree to

62

Review of Gibbon's

Hi/lory,
c

fight
c

them the next morning;

fortem per duos vel

quatuor vel otto experiantur, ne pericuium ad toturn vergat exercitum.* Thisfingular,

wife propcfal, which recalls to

humane, and our minds an image

the

of the

earliefr.

times of the
in

Romans,
et

Turkifh
without

Sultan received
anfwering,
c
f

this

finking manner j
dentibus

Jcaccbis ludens,

infrendens>

inanem

dimifit.'

The

Chriilians then prepared

to attack the
leaft notice
is

Turks, the next day.

taken of the holy lance, fo

But not the

much

dwelt

upon by Mr. Gibbon, and even noticed by Florence of Worcefter, a writer cotemporary with Malmeibury '. Yet the appearance of St. George, and of St. Demetrius (inftead of St. Theodore and St. Maurice), is noticed by Malmefbury though, unnoticed

by Florence, and

is

even affirmed to be

true.

The

oider, in which the Chriilians

is
is

marched out of
incident

the town,

particularly told.

Even one

of the

battle

noticed, to the

honour of two Englishc

men.
* c
c

Robert, eldeft fon to the Conqueror,

vic-

toriam pulchra experientia nobilitavit.

Turci

Nam cum

fubito terrefacci, fugas fe dediffent, nof-

trique palantes

vehementer impeterent; Corba*

'

nach Dux,' the commander of the Turks,

nuinas virtu tis
vit,

ge-

c f
c

memor,

retento
et

equo fuos

inclina-

famulos ignayos

annofarum victoriarum

oblitos vocans, nt viclores

quondam

orientis pa-

' c

terentur fe ab advena et pene inermi pcpulo finibus

excludi.

Quo

clamore multi
et

refumentes

ani-

mum,

Francos converfi urgere

1

propiores caede-

p.

467. Edit. 1592.

c

re

Vols.
c
c
* c

IV. V. VI. 40.

163
et hoftes fe~

re ccepere

Corbanach fuos animante

riente, ut imperatoris et militis officium

probe ex-

equeretur.

Turn vero Normanmis

Comes, et Phi-

lippus cleric us filius

rico,

Rogerii Comitis de Monte Gomecaftello

'*

et

Warinus de Taneo

Cenoman-

c ' c
c

nico,

mutua

vivacitate fe invicem hortati, qui fi-

mulata ante fuga cedebant convertunt cornipedes,

et qui/que

Juum comparem

incejfens

dejiciunt.

Ibi

Corbanach, quamvis Comitem cognofceret, folo

tamen corpore mcnfus,' Robert being

f

(as

Malmefmorte

Jbury fays before) of a fmall ftature,

*

fimul et fu-

gere inglorium arbitratus, audaciam

propinqud hit

congrejfils

vitali ftatim fpiritu privatus.

Cujus

* c

nece

vifa,

Turci, qui

fpe recenti exinaniti

jam gloriabundi ululabant, fugam iterarunt. In eo tuRobertus cum

Philippo

*
c c f

multu Warinus

cecidit,

palmam

rctulit.

Philippus

hac militia pr^cluus

(ut fertur) bono fine

[prasclarus], Jed Jerojolymis

funcius

-,

piaster exercitium equeftre Uteris clarus

fact,

This very extraordinary

ly unnoticed

the

killing

of the

Turkifli general with Robert's

own

hand,

is

wholwillies

by Mr. Gibbon.

Yet he

Malmefbury had given us fome accounts, of the

c

adventures' of our countrymen.

And

though he
all j

has given us fome,

Mr. Gibbon omits them

Chriftians thus

either ignorant of their exiftence> or unwilling to

dwell upon them.

the Turks,
'

The

defeating
in illo-

reverfi vero in

predam, tanta

rum calms

reperiunt,

quas

cujuflibet avariflimi

'

exercitus fatietatem poffent vel temperare vel ex-

Fol. 86.

tinguere/


164
'

Review of Gibbon's

Hi/lory,

tinguere.'

Yet

all

thefe circumftances are omit-

ted by

Mr. Gibbon.
Chriftians

The

now advance by

Tripolis, Beri-

thus, Tyre, Sidon, Accaron, Caipha, and Casfarea;

there leave the fea-coaft to the right

and penetrate
let

through Ramula to Jerufalem.

fubjoin a circumftance, that
is

But here

me

omitted equally by
is

Mr. Gibbon and by Malmefbury, but

characleriftick of the
(

peculiarly

fpirit

of thefe crufaders.
c

Marching from Ruma,'

fays Knolles,

and draw-

ihg neere to Jerufalem, they in the vantgard of

crying of the holy the armie, upon tbefirfi def
citie,

*
4'

gave for joy divers great fhouts and outcry s, which

with the
like

applaufe

of the

-whole armie,

was fo

*
*
4

doubled and redoubled, as if therewith they

would

have rent the verie mountaines and pearced the highejl

heavens.

There might

man

have ieene the

devout paflions of thefe moft worthie and zealous

Chriftians, uttered in right divers

manners: fome

'

with their

eies

and hands

caft

up towards heaven,

'
'

called aloud upon the

name and helpe of Chriji Jejus ;

their faces, kiffed the ground,

fome, projlrat upon

as that whereon the Redeemer of the worldfometime

<

walked;

others joyfully Jaluted thofe holy places,

fo

*
1

which they had heard

beheld
:

much of and

then

firft

in briefe, everie

man

in fo?ne fort exprejfed

the joy he

had

conceived of the fight of the

Holy
This
itj

Citie, as the

end of

their long travell

V
it

paflage carries fuch a lively affedtingnefs with

that I well

remember
1

the impreflion which

made

Knolles, p. 21.

tipon

Vols. IV.

V.

VI. #0.

165

upon

my mind, when
ago.

I lafi

read

it,

and nearly half

a century
hiflory,
if this

And

jfurely

fiich

circumftances as

thefe fhould

be caught

at

with eagernefs, by every

by the

philofophy

of hiftory particularly,

philofophy means any thing beyond the pet-

tinefs

of oratorical parade, or the monftroufnefs of inas

fidel credulity;

what peculiarly catch the manwhile they are

rifing,

ners of the
flect

moment
In
fo

and re-

them back
firft

in all their vivacity

and vividnefs to

pofterity.

finking a

way

did the crufaders

view of Jerufalem. They befiege it. Nor was the thirft of the befiegers relieved,' fays Mr. Gibbon ; nor were there any trees for the but, as Malmefbury, with a more ufes of {hade
act at the
* *

judicious appofitenefs to the months of June and

July, obferves,
1 c

nee quifquam

fibi obfejfor

verebatur
uvas

in cibatu vel in potu,

quod merles

in agris,

in

vineis,

maturaverant; fola jumentorum cura

erat

miferabilis, quae

pro quaiitate loci et tem-

'

poris

nullo fuftentabantur irriguo.'

their polls.
*

The comturris

manders take
*
(

Raimundus vero
:

Davidic< impiger afiiftebat

hasc
fere

urbem muniens, ad medium

dratorum lapidum plumbo

ad occafum Jolis tabulatum qua-

infujo cempaginata,

om-

'
1

nem metum
bus
repellit.'
;

obfidentium paucis intus defendenti-

The

befiegers

however
*

afTaulted

the
*
1

town

not, as

Mr. Gibbon

lays,

in the fanatic

hope of battering down the wails without engines,

and of fcaling them without ladders
*

;'

but

'

for-

calls ereclis tentarunt, in refiftentes volaticas xxxndxnf

'P. 59

moliti

1
c

66

Review of Gibbon's

Hijlory,

molitijagittas*

They were beaten

fays,
'

as
e

Mr. Gibbon again

they burft the
firft

off, not though* by dint of brutal force

barrier

$'

but

quia erant fcaLe

pauae et aicendentibus damnofe.' They then quod noftri made two moveable turrets, one f Suem, veteres Vineam vocant.' This he defci ibes, and adds, c protegit in fe fubfidentes, qui, quad e more fuis, ad murorum fuffbdienda penetrant fune The other, f in moduna redificiorum damenta c fatla, Berefreid appellant ', quod fafligium muroe
'

rum asquaret.' The aflault begins. This is deimbed by Malme/bury, with a particularity and fpirit that are very engaging, and that we in vain
'

look for

in

Mr. Gibbon.
the-

This author referves his

particularity for
fpirit for

vices of the Chriftians,

and

his

the victories of the Mahometans.

fauit

continued one whole day, without

it

effect,

The afThe
fuccefs.

next morning

was renewed, with more

particular and fpirited.

Malmefbury
tians

is flill

He

fets

caufes and effects, plain before our eyes.

The Chrif-

under Godfrey and the two Roberts, gain the

city.

wall and enter the

Raymund

learns the fact,

from hearing the clamour of the enemy, and feeing them throw themfelves headlong over the walls. He enters the town. Quingcntos qucque sEthicpas3
'

qui, in arcem
1

David

refugi, claves

portarum, pol-

falfe

reading for Bdfrid, fee

5

Bu

Frefne's Glofiary, Sene-

dicYme edition

our prefent

belfrcy for a church-fteeple,

and the

French

belfrey for a fteeple

and a turret;

name, not communi-

cated from the turret to the fteeple, as

as the former half of the

~Di. Johnfon fuppofee, but, name, and the previous ufe of bclls s

concur tp fhew, derived from the fteeple to the

turret.
%

licita

Vols.
'

IV. V. VI. A to.

167

licita

to

membrorum itnpunitate, tradideraht, fpefbaprasfentis pads commodo incolumes Afcalonem

Then, fays Malmefbury, but not with
as

dimifit.'

ftrict propriety,

we have

feen before, and fhall

in-ftantly fee

here again, the

Turks had no

place of
-,

refuge,
'

nee ullum erat tunc Turcis refugium

a

ita

et fupplices et rebelks,'
ftill

word

that (hews the opc

pofition to have
<

continued,

infatiabilis

vic-

torum

ira

confumebat.'

Ten

thoufand took re-

fuge in the temple of Solomon, and were flain there;

c

decern millia

interfecla.'

Then,

'

peft hasc,' the

dead bodies were collected and burned.

This took

up
c

the

army two or

three days, after the grand day

of the ftorm.

Ita c^de infidelium exfiat a urbe, fe-

'
f

pulchrum Domini, quod tamdiu defideraverant, pro quo tot labores tulerant, fupplicibus cordibus
et corporibus petierunt.'

Yet, adds Malmefbury,

c

concerning the day of ftorming the town, and the

days of burning the dead,
*

illud infigne continentise

fuit;

in

omnibus optimatibus exemplum

eo
die,

quod

* c

nee

nee cenfequentibus, quifquam refpectu

praxlae avocavit

'

rentur,
It

triumphum.'

animum, quin cseptum perfequeThere was only one excepand praifed by him
c

tion.

was made by Tancred, the very hero of

hiftory,
this

Mr. Gibbon's
'

for his

generofity'

on

very occafion.

Solus

Tan-

'

credus, intempeftiva cupidine occupatus,

quasdam

precioliflima de templo Salomcnis extulkj fed

poftmodum
loco

fua confeientia. et aliorum conventus

[convictus] colloquio, vel

reftituit.'

eadem

vel appreciata

And

this

fufpenfion

of
j

all

the

ftrpng feelings of avarice, for fever al days

a victorious

4,

68

Review of Gibbon's

Hiftsry,

rious

army

abftaining

from touching the

vafl booty
j

under their hands,

in the

very moments of rapine

fteadily to abftain,

and continuing calmly and

and
fo

till

they had cleared the city from the flaughter in

it,

had been able with propriety to make that

which they had always intended,

religious procefiion,

to the

tomb of their Saviour ; forms one of the mod

man, and
is

ftriking pictures in the hiftory of

worthis

thy of celebration by the tongue of the philofopher,

and the pen of the

hiftorian, for ever.

f

When

was
*
* *

all

over, and not before,

turn

quicunque egeconvicium, fed

nus vel

domum,

vel aliquas divitias, invafit, nun-

quam
is

ulterius ullius locupletis tulit

in jus adoptavit

femel pofTelTa
the
full,

hsereditarium.'

Such
of the

the lively, and the curious hiftory

firft

crufade, in
is

thoroughly unjuft,
tion againft
it
1

William of Malmefbury So Mr. Gibbon's flighting infinua!

He willies Malmefbury had 7/0/ given

fancies

it,

when eveit.

ry reader muft thank him very cordially for

He

Malmefbury had only liftened, to the < tenue ' murmur' which had pafTed the Britifh fea. How could he fo fancy, when Malmefbury has given us
fuch a particular and pointed account of the crufade?

But

at the

end of

this general

account,
it 3

Malmefbury

propofes to enlarge and continue

c

to give the parti-

cular hiftory, of each leader in this

and the future

crufades.
'?

Singulorum procerum facia et exitus

c j

fcripto infigniam,' he fays

tati,

c
* *

nee quicquam verifecundum relatorum meorum credulitatem,

:

fubtraham

nullus vero,

cui

amplior provenit

geftorum

notitia,

me

pro incuriofo arguat ; quia

'

trans

Vols.
4 {

IV. V. VI. 4/*.

169

oceanum Britannicum abditos, vix tenui murmure, rerum Afianarum fama illuftrat Y He
trans
in this minute

thus apologifes for the future flendernefs of his materials,

and fucceeding

hiftory.

And

he

accordingly gives us directly, the ipecial hiftory of

Godfrey, King of Jerufalem, of Baldwin his brother

and

fucce/Tor,

and of the fecond Baldwin, the fuc;

ceffor of both

declaring that he takes his account

'

of the former Baldwin,

*
'
'

fidei foliditate

accommocapellanus

data

dictis Fulcherii Carnotenfis, qui,

ipfius, aliquanta
agrefti, fed

de ipfo

fcripfit, ftilo

non equidem
fcribe-

(ut dici folet) fine nitore ac pakeftra,

c
s

etqui

alios

admonere potuit ut accu.atius

then proceeds to the hiftory

ofBohemund King of Antioch, and of Tancred and Roger, his refpective fuccefibrs.

rentY

He

The

account of Rai-

mund
whole
.not to

follows next, and of his fons

William and

Pontius, fucceflively kings of Tripolis.

clpfes with the private adventures,

And

the

of Robert

Duke of Normandy.
as if they

Malmefbury
effusions

therefore

means
(len-

cenfure his preceding and general accounts,

were only the

of a

flight

and

der report.

They

are evidently fometning, infinitely

I

fuperior to this.

Indeed,

muft fav

it

in juftice to

the truth, that they are even Jwperiour to

Mr. Gib-

bon's

being not bent by the force of

philofophy,*

into all the little frauds of writing,

preflion,

the artful fup-

the dexterous
-

diftortion,

and the

wilful

falfehood

and exhibiting the heroes of the crufade,

fol.

Fol. 80.

81.

in

170

Review of

Gibbon's Eiflory,
all

in their native

colours and juft proportions, in

their romantic majefiy

of character.

Malmefbury,
'

fays

the year 11 30.'

clufion of his fifth

2,8 th

Mr. Gibbon, * wrote about But he wrote earlier. The ten book is dated by himfelf in the
Firft,

of Henry the
f

according to one copy,

and
*

in the 20th,

according to the

common and earlier

Anglorum
in

copies.

Hasc habui

de

geftis

qure

dicerem,' he fiys to Robert Earl of Gloucefter,

ab adventu eorum in Angliam ufque

faelicifiirrii

annum

vicefimum

regni patris veftri

.'

Henry began

his reign in

Auguft

100,

And, as Malmefbu-

ry wrote the hiftory of- the crufades in his fourth

book, on or before
ty-two years only

1 1

20, and about twenty or twen-

after the

ftorm of Jerufalem.

As
he

a cotemporary and a

dignified writer, therefore,

ought
of

to

have been

felccted by

Mr. Gibbon,

for

one

his principal authorities in the firft crufade.

We

have already feen fome errours that Mr. Gibbon would have avoided, and many beauties that he might have adopted, by doing fo. His fiege of Jerufalem would have been particularly improved, by
the act
;

and

his

ftorm of Jerufalem have been favit is

ed from that accurfed calumny, with which

polluted.

now

But he chofe

to infert the

calumny.

He

chofe to take for his authors, Elmacin, Abulpharagius,

and

M.

de Guignes from an unknown Aboul-

Fol. 98.

So

in fol. 87,

concerning Robert
the Firft in
i

Duke

of Nor-

mandy imprifoncd by Henry

io6, one copy fays

utrum aliquando
'

fit

exiturus, vero vacillante, in dubio/

and

another,

nee uncjuam ufque ad obituin relaxatus.'

mahafenj

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4/0.

171

mahafen
tends
c

becaufe they

had
of

it.

Yet,

alfo chufe to take Abulfeda with them

why did not he who exj

their

maffacre
j'

three

days' over

'

whole week

and makes the Chriftians to

in

flay

feventy thousand perfons

the temple or mofque on

Mount Moriah \ when we know for certain from Malmefbury that there were only ten thoufand, and when thefe furely are fufRcient for the garrilbn of a fmgle mofque ? He was afraid to ftretch the improvable faifehood
incredibility.

of that, to fuch a {training length of

The

feventy thoufand perfons in the

;

mofque too, he thought proper to overlook and makes them the amount of all, that were flaughtered He thus deviates from Abulfeda, jn the whole town
'.

while he follows authors not fuperiour in reputation;

and corrects him though he

ragius,

cites

him

not.

And he

chofe to wander, in the train of Elmacin, Abulpha-

and the unpublifhed Aboulmahafen, for the

length of the flaughter and the

number of
which

the flain;

rather than follow the beft authority in the world,

the

letter

of Godfrey himfelf,

ftiews

the

{laughter to have continued only for one day and

during the refiftance

and rather than copy the next

of a judiciletter

beft account in the world, the narration

ous cotemporary, which coincides with the

tirely,

en-

proves the laughter

1

in the ftreets to

have been

only during the florin and the refiftance, and ftates

the

number

flain

at the

mofque

to

have been only

ten thoufand.

To the teftimony of a very refpectable

cotemporary, and to the concurrent evidence of an

Mod. Univ.
* p. 60.

Hift.

iii.

304.

eye-witnefs,

172

Review

of Gibbon* s Hijfory,
j

eye-witnefs, an aftor, and a

commander he prefers the authority of Elmacin, who lived near a century and a half afterwards, of Abulpharagius, who wrote
near three centuries from the time, and probably,

though uncited, of Abulfeda, who died near threl centuries and a half later than the fact '.

Having
is all
'

faid this, I will

is

annex the account of this

given us by Knolles, and
I

part of the ftorm, which

conformable to what

have

faid.

In this
if

confufion/ fays the truly refpectable author,

is

refpectabiiity

attached to veracity in preference to

falsehood,
* '
*

a wonderful

number of the better

fort

of

Turks,

retiring unto

Salomon's temple, there to

do

their laft devoire,

made

there a great and ter-

rible fight, armed with defpaire to endure any

*
* 4
' *

thinge

and the victorious Chriftians no

after the

leffe dif-

darning-,

winning of the

citie,

to find

there fb great refinance.

fiicl:,

In this delperat con-

fought with wonderful obftinacie of mind,

fell

many
on

on both

fides

but the Chriftians came

*
*

fo fiercely with defire

of blood,

that, breaking

into the temple, the foremofl of them were by the that followed after, violently thrufl upon the
flaine.
it

* prejfe
* c
' '
'
*

weapons of their etmnies, and fo miferably

verj fought

Neither did the Turks, thus opprefTed, give

but,
it

o-

as

men

refolved to die,

defperatly

out with invincible courage, not at the

gates of the temple only, but even in the middefl

thereof alio

where was

to

be feene great heapes,

Prideaux's Letter to aDeift, p. 163, 153, and 1541

both

Vols.
' *

IV. V. VI. 4/0.

173
indif-

both of the vigors and the vanquijhed, Jlaine

ferently together.

fwam

zvith blood

All the pavement of the temple in fuch fort, that a man could not

'

Jet his feet,

but either upon fome dead man, or over

'

thefhooes in blood.

Yet, for

all that,

the obftinate

'

enemie

(till

held the vaults and

top,'
*

meaning the
being, as

arches within and the roof above,

'

of the temple
it

when

as the night

came
*

fo faft

on/

Knolles has faid before,

midday' when the ftorm

began,
c f
'

that the Chriftians

were glad

to

make an
The

end of the (laughter, and to found a

next day (for that proclamation
to

retrait.

be /hewed unto

allfuch as

was made, for mercie mould lay downe their

them/elves,

weapons) the Turks, that yet held the upper part

*
'

of the temple, came down and yeelded

Thus was
thefe
is

the famous citie of Jerufaiem with great

far

' 4

bloodfhed, but

greater honor, recovered

in the yeare
is

by

worthy Chriftians,
the hiftory, which
j

1099

'.

And

fuch

given us by the pen of

Chriftian probity
is

the very oppofite of that, which

held out to us by the hand of

!

Mahometan kna-

very

Text.
f

'

The northern monarchs of Scotland, Den-

mark, Sweden, and Poland, were yet ftrangers to

the pafiions and interefts of the fouth

Note.

*
c
' *

The

author of the Efprit des Croiiades has doubted,

difbelieved, the

and might have

crufade and tragic

death of Prince Sueno, with 1500 or 15000 Danes,

who was
1

cut off by Sultan Soliman in Cappadoa

Knolles, p. 23.

p. 21.

cia,

74
cia,

Review
but

of Gibbon's Hi/lory,
'

who

ftill
1

lives in the
).'

poem of Taflb
were

iv. p.

1 1 1

(torn.

Yet Mr. Gibbon

in a diftant
in the

page
fade
e

inconfiftently fays, that there

c

cm-

bands of adventurers from Spain, Lombardy,

diftant

and England; and from the and favage

like

bogs and
but unwar-

* c c c
c

mountains of Ireland or Scotland, iffued fome naked

fanatics, ferocious at
1

home
c

abroad Note fays, that William of Malmefbury exprefsly mentions the Weljh and Scots, &c. ;' and that Guibert notes c Scotorum,
.'

c f
c
c

apud
the

fe

ferocium,
intetlum

alias

imbellium, cuneos,' where

cms

and

hifpida chlamys

Highlanders, but the finibus apply to the Irifh bogs/

to

uliginofis

may fuit the may rather

f

The

Scotch of Guibert

may feem
c

be the

Irifh only,

from the

finibus

uliginofis.'

Nor would
contrary.
drefs,

the drefs be any argu-

ment

to the

The

Irifh

at

this

period

wore the fame

with the Highlanders.

But

the Scoti of Guibert are what their the prefent inhabitants of Scotland,

name
it

imports,

and the fame

with the Scots of Malmefbury.

as

And

was then

common
its

with foreigners, to difcriminate Scotland

it

by

bogs, as

now

is

with ourfelves to denote Ire-

land.

This

is

evident from the circular letter of

Frederick Emperour of Germany, to the nations

around
is in

on the wild
in p.

irruptions of the Tartars.

It

M.

Paris, p. 498,

and

is

quoted by Mr. Gibthe writer fpeaks of

bon himfelf
c *

304.

There
agili

cruenta Hybernia
tia*

cum

Wallia, paluftris Sco-

&c.

And,
1

as

Mr

Gibbon might have faved

p 39 4
-

at

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4?o.

175
Im-

at

once the uncertainty and the contradiction,

,

itating the truth

fo he fhould never have run into

the
<

new
c

contradiction,

of aficrting thofe to
the

be

naked' in die text,

whom

he covers with a rough

in

mantle,

hiipida chlamys,'

note.

This

is

bringing back that poetical bull of Blackmore's,.

which

(I understand)

is

fupprejfed in the late edition

-,

or editions of the

poem

A pointed

veft

Prince Vortiger had on,

Which from

a naked Pitt his ffrandfire

won.

Nor

is

Mr. Gibbon's conduct

lefs

remarkable, in

other points.

He

intimates that Scotland fent

adventurers to the cruiade.

bury,
for

Yet he

cites

no Malmefand
cites

Scotland actually

fending
fent.

fomej

Guibert, for the character of the

He
in

Guibert
for

in the note, as

confirmed by Malmefbury,
the text
let

the Scots

actually going; and yet

Iriili.

ftates

them

to be either Scots or

But

us

alfo obferve

Mr. Gibbon's conduct about Denmark.

no men
to the

This,
fade.

we

are told, equally fent

afterwards.

cm-

Yet

Mr. Gibbon
it
till

cites a paffagc

from Malmefbury, that proves

Fie however quotes only

did fend fome.

he comes to the proving

words, and then laps up the fentence with an &c.

'William of Malmefbury
c

exprefsly mentions the

Welfh and

Scots,

&c.
in

This pregnant &c. prof

:

duces thefe words

c

William

tunc Wallenfis

venationem faltuum, tunc Scotus familiaritatem

pulicum, tunc Danus contlnuationem potimm, tunc
c

Norkus

176
'

Review of Gibbon

Hi/ory,

Noricus cruditatem reliquit pifcium

V
own

And

the

whole gives us a remarkable proo of Mr. Gibbon's aftonifhing inattention to his

affertions

and evidences.

The

Norwegians, the Danes, and

the Scots appear as crufaders in the very pafiages to

which Mr. Gibbon has referred, in the very quotations which Mr. Gibbon has produced, and in his

own

notes and text.

this
laft

But Mr. Gibbon's managereference fhews

ment of
more.
to

us fomething

He

cites

Malmefbury

for the Weljh

going

the crufade; and then, either ftrangely omits

them in his text, or more ftrangely comprehends them under the Englijh. In this paflage alfo, Malmefbury fpccifies the Dane and the Norwegian as equal crufaders with all. Mr. Gibbon, however, in his quotation from it, Ihuts them flops fhort both out of his note, and excludes them both from his text; becaufe he recollects what he has faid
before of
fees

Denmark

fending no crufaders, and fore-

the

authority clafhing with his afTertion.

He

thus fhews us his

probity.

memory,
it

at the
reft

expence of his

And
j

he keeps the

of the paflage un-

der his thumb, becaufe

has faid before

will encounter

what he
falfe

and fuppreffes the contradicting auand correct the

thority, rather than turn back,

afTertion

by

it.

Nor is

the ftry of

Sueno

the

Dane,
and

which the author of Efprit de Croifades

doubts,

which Mr. Gibbon

fays

dijbelieves,

improbable in
fact.

itfelf,

or unfounded (I apprehend) on a

In

Norway
et Si-

Malmefbury,
'

* filii

ultimi

Magni, Haften

Fol. 7$.
1

wardus

V
Vols.
*
f

IV. V. VI. 4/0.

:

177

wardus, regno adbuc divifo imperitant

pofterior adolejcens fpeciofus
et

quorum
eft

audax, non multum

navigavit
;

quod Jerofolymam per Angliam

et

innumera

f
c

praclara facinora contra Saracenos con/unmans,

praefertim in obfidione Sydonis, quae pro confcientia

Turcorum immania
is,

in Chriftianos

fremebat

This

in all probability,

the very hero of Taffo.

He

was indeed a Norwegian.

But Norway having

2 fome time before been reduced by Denmark , the Dane and the Norwegian would eafily be confound-

ed

in the South.

We

have indeed an aclual King

in the

of Denmark, engaged
at fea before

crufade

>

but

lie
c

died

he reached Jerufalem.
adiit
all

Henry,

Je-

rofolymam
muit

medioque mari fpiritum evoferves to

V And

fhew the

exiftence, in

the frequency, of Danifh and

Norwegian crufaders*

very decifively againft Mr. Gibbon.

Chapter second

or fifty-ninth.

This gives us the fuccefs of the

his

Greek emperor with

in

own

troops over the Turks*

confequence of the crufade, 72

at the

73;

the anger

of the crufaders
73
;

emperor, for leaving them*

one of

their leaders palling

back

into

Europe
his inef-^

for fuccours againft the

emperor, 73
;

74;
j

fectual return with

firft

them, 74

a fupply fent to the

third, 7 5
j

crufaders, 7 5

fecond crufade, 7 5

the general

numbers and character of each* 75

*
fol.

77

Fol. 60.

59.

fol.

60.

the


178

;'

Review cf Gibbon's

Hifleky,

the conduct of the

emperours towards them,

77
80

80
81

the general hiftory of the fupply fcnt to the

crufade,

firft
j

80

that of the fecond crufade,

that 'of the third, 81

in the crufades,

Europe
St.

Bernard, 83

845

82 82 83;
;
;

the perfeverance of

the character of

his

fuccefs in preaching
fuccefs
;

up

the fecond crufade,

84 85
84

of the Turks

againft the crufaders,

87

the character of

him
the

who was

the caufe of their fuccefTes,

37 88

89}
cens,

taking of Egypt from the Saracens by the Turks, 88

the calling in of the crufaders

by the Sara-

faders,

89; the expulfion of the Turks by the cru89; their return, 89 90; their fecond ex-

pulfion,

90;
;

their return

and reduction of Egypt,

the

90

91

the revolt of

Egypt from

Turks un-

der the

commandant of their

mercenaries, 92

93

the general fuccefs of his fon, Saladin, over the Saracens, the crufaders,

and the Turks, 93

the cha-

racter of this fon,

94

95

his reduction
;

of the holy

land up to Jerufalem, 95

lem, 97

ioo;
oft
it,

97
;

his

taking Jerufa-

the third crufade,

100 101

his
;

being beat

from Tyre by the crufaders, xoi

Acre,

their befieging

10 1

their battles with Salait,

din before

102;

their taking

103; the con-

duct of the kings of France and England refpectively

in Palestine,

103104;

the particular exploits of

the king of England,

105

107

his

treaty with

Saladin and departure for England, 107

civil

108

the

wars
;

among

the

Turks on

Saladin's

death,

108

108

109;
j

the character of Innocent III.

Pope of Rome,
fifth

author of the fourth and

crufades,

109

an account of the fourth referved for the next

chapter,

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4I0.

fifth,

179
109;
its
ill

chapter, 109; an account of the

fuccefs,

and the reafbns,

III.

under Frederic

109 no; a new crufade Emperor of Germany, no

in;

his general fuccefs,

though oppofed and be-

trayed by the eaftern Chriftians,

in 113;

the

irruption of the Carizmans into Paleftine,

fixth crufade, that

113; the
his

character,
cefs,

115
St.

113 114; 116; the feventh

Louis,

of St. Louis into Egypt, 113; his

his forces,

114;

ill

fuc-

crufade,

the fecond

under

n6j
in

his

death at Tunis, 117;

1

the ftate of Egypt under the

Mamalukes,

17

18;

our Firft Edward

almoft
ftate
all

Paleftine,

118; reduction of
fiege

Paleftine

by the Mahometans, 119; the

left,

of the only town

Acre, 119;

its

by

the

120.
let
I

Mamalukes, 120; and its furrendery to them, Such are the contents of this chapter. Nor

readers be too much ftartled, when him from his dream of reading, by telling him j that this was to be the hiftory of the eaft> ern empire's decline and fall. That it was to be, and this it is. And the reader, who has been awake

any one of

my

rudely awaken

to the digrefiions

from the beginning of the chapter,

muft have gone on ftep by ftep in the turnings and windings of the whole labyrinth, expecting that
every turn would be the
laft,

and that he fhould

then recover the original line of the hiftory.

Yet
ano-

he has found himfelf to

in the
ther,

his
;

amazement,
in

ftill

going on

winding courfe

one turn coming

after

till

he has been involved

mazes upon mazes,

and obliged to adc

loft in the inextricable labyrinth,

vance with
*

his

author and with

confufion worfe

confounded/ to the end of the whole.

7.

In

So

Review of Gibbon* s,

Hiftory,
totally irrelative

In this hiftory of events, either

to the hiftory of the decline and

fall

of the eaftern

empire, or affecting

it

only

in

'point or

two of the

whole
tal

Mr. Gibbon

has parTed over

fome inciden-

touches of the times, that are peculiarly pleafing

in themfelves,

and ought to have been ftudioufly Concerning /agar fays Pliny

fert,

felected
c

by him.
et

Saccharon

Arabia

fed laudatius India

eft

'
{

autem mel in harundinibus collectum, gummium modo candidum, dentibus fragile, ampliflimum nucis avellanas magnitudine, ad medicine tantum
ufum

But

this

plant had been brought in the

days of the crufades, into other countries of Afia.

Baldwin the fecond, King of Jerufalem, marched

by Antioch
v/as

to

Laodicea towards Jerufalem

by the want of proviftons,
f

but

much
vero

diftreffed in the

way between Jerufalem

&x.

and
c

Laodicea,

At

famem

nonnihil levabant,' fays an hif-

torian of the times,

f
<
f

arundines mellitas continue dentibus terentes, quas Cannamellas> compofito

ex canna et melle nomine, vocant:

a
Tripolitanis
et

fie

hi,

omnino
was

Cafarienfibus

immenfo

aEre neceftaria nacli, in

all

Jerofolymam venere V
the
firft

And

this

probability

time, that the

fugar-cane, hitherto applied only to medicinal purpcfes,

was now

ujed as feed

and the juice of

-

it,

which now
the
in

cenftitutes fo important an

article

in

food of the weftern Europeans, began

all

probability,

from

this

to be fo adventure of the cru-

Nat. Hill.

xii. 8.

Malmefbury,

fcl.

81.

faders.


Vols.

IV. V. VI.

4it.

Si

faders.

This eaflern honey-cane was now brought

into

Europe, was afterwards carried by the Portu-

guefe to Madeira with thofe vines which confcitute

the great

commerce of that

ifland,

and was thence

tranfplanted to the grand nurfery of the cane for

Europe
guefe,

at prefent, the

fays a
in

Weft Indies. The Portuwrote in Italy about the who Jew

difcovering Madeira
{

year 1502,
c

in

ea planta-

runt

cannas fro meilel he

f

ufmg

nearly the very

language of Malmefbury,

ad faciendum facchaet

rum,

et

vinea ex vitibus Candi<e

CypriV

The

origin of that corrofive difeafe in Europe, which,

for thefe three centuries nearly,

has

been

fo ftrik-

ingly

the

fcourge
;

of

GOD

upon promifcuous
the the

whoredom is much difputed. Long before Weft Indies could pofTibly have compenfated
cruelties

of Europe, by imparting

this peftilential

bane to the European nations; evident fymptoms

of

its

commonnefs among

us,

appear

in the

regu-

lations

of our licenfed broihels.

And
it

that higher

ftage of this diforder, which

makes

act as a cancer
is

upon

all

the

affected parts of our frame,

now

fuppofed therefore to have been the only part of

the plague, which
Indies.

was imported from the Weltthis

is

Yet even

not true.

The

difeafe
this

appears to have been in Europe,

fharpeft acrimony of
it;

and with

ages before the difcovery

of America.

This

a very

remarkable paffage

in

a cotemporary hiftory of the ciufades, furriciently

Peritfol's Itinera p.

Mundi,

latinized

by Hyde. Oxon 1691

113114. ad

179.

fhews.

82

Review of Gibbon's

Hi/lory,
'

ihews.
*
'
'

Baldwin abovementioned married.

Ad

legitimum connubium non multo pofl

Siciii<e

Comitiffa

Jerofolymam venit

et tunc

quidem illam
Aiunt
this

thoro recepit, fed non multd poil dimifit.

c 4

incommodo ta5tam>

quo ejus genitalia cancer,

lady
the pofdiforder

morbus incurabilis, exesit V And as came from Sicily, which had long been in feffion of the Arabs ; we apprehend the
which the fmall-pox
is

to have been derived from the fame quarter, from

known

to

have been, even

that,

from Arabia-, and

fo to

have formed with

two of the curfes which Mahometanifm inflicted upon Europe, which perhaps have outdone in mifchief the ravages of
its

arms, and have certainly

furvived them in their confequences.

rical

This

hifto-

argument, too,

is

apparently corroborated by

the relative appellations, with which thefe two difeafes are diftinguifhed

by us Europeans
and
c

the great

and the/mall pox,

la grojje'

la petite verole,'

&c.

plainly denoting the one to be co-temporary with

the other, in the knowledge of Europe.

The

black
is

woolly hair of the natives on the coaft of Guinea,

a very flriking circumftance in the aipect of them.

The
far

general blacknefs of their appearance they fo

ihare in

common

with others, as not to be

blacker than their fouthern neighbours, and to be

only a degree or two blacker than their eaftern.

But their woolly hair is the (lamp of nature, by which ihe has marked them as diftincl from all.
Thefe
heter oolites

of the

human

race,

were unknown

Malmefbury,

fol.

84.

to

Vols.

IV. V.

VI. sjo.
;

183

to the

Europeans

in general

till

the Portuguefe,

beyond the middle of the

and difcovered them.
paffage

fifteenth century,

puihed

their navigation along the weftern

coaft of Africa,
a curious

And

yet

we have

in Malmeibury's hiftory of the crufades, which pointed them out very ftrongly to the eye

of Britain particularly
half before.

-,

about two

centuries
fays,

and a

marched from Jerufalem to Afcalon, then turned up into the mountains in purfuit of the Turks, beat them out
Baldwin the fecond, he
of their caves by fmoke, directed
Arabia,
(

his courfe

towards
Sea.

and went by Hebron to the Dead

Evadentes ergo lacum, venerunt ad villam fane

locupletiffimam, et mellitis pomis quae dactylos

' f

dicunt

fecundam

;'
c
:

dates from the neighbourcsetera timore

ing palms of Jericho

(

incolarum

abrafa,

praster aliquantos ALthiopes

ferruginea
Their
that

capillorum lanugine fuliginem

prcetendentes.'

Thefe were evidently the blacks of Guinea,

name of
channel,

Ethiopians, alfo, points out diitinctly the

by which they had been derived from

In 651 the
ib harraffed the

diftant coaft.

Mahometan Arabs of
he agreed
tribute,
c

Egypt
' 1

king of Nubia' or Ethiopia,

that'

who was
her of

a Chriftian

to fend the

Arabs annually, by v/ay of a

Nubian
a tribute as this at that time

a vaji num-

or Ethiopian flaves into

Egypt.

Such
then
this

'

was more
-,

agreeable to

*
1

the Khalif,

than

any

other

as

the

Arabs

made

no fmall account

of

tkofe /laves'.'

At

Mod. Univ.

Hift.

i.

525.

time

84

Review of

Gibbon's Hi/lory,
in

time therefore, began that kind of traiBck

hu-

man

flefh,

Which

fpoils

unhappy Guinea of its

furnifh
'

fons.

Compelled

to

a vaft

number' of
;

flaves

every year, to the Arabs of Egypt

the king of
this

Ethiopia naturally endeavoured to feed

drain

great

upon

his fubjefts,
;

from the natives of the

ranged accordingly into
all

neighbouring countries

upon the map of the world, the fpreading bofom of this ample continent j
that vaft blank of geography

and even pufhed through

ties

it

to

its

farthefl

extremi-

in the

Weft.
firft

He

thus brought the blacks of

Guinea

for the

time, into the fervice and fa-

milies of the Eaft.

All thefe

flaves,

whether de-

rived from the nearer neighbourhood of Ethiopia,

fetched from the Mediterranean regions of Africa,

or brought from the diftant fliores of the Atlantickj

denominated Ethiopians, from the country by which they were conveyed to the Arabs

would

all

be

of Egypt.
trained

The Arabs

therefore appear to have

up blacks

for the ufes

of war, as we do a
fifers

few occafionally for drummers and

regiments
j

to

our

and even

to

have thrown them into

large bodies of foldiery

as the fiege of

by themfclves.

So
in

early

Jerufalem by the crufaders

when

the Arabs of

Egypt were now

it

in poiTeffion

1099, of

the city, having recently taken

from

their

Maho-

metan brethren the Turks

five

there were no lefs than

hundred Ethiopians
it

at

the ftorm,

that took

refuge from

in

the

Tower of David, and

there

furrendered to the crufaders, on condition of being

allowed

Vols.

IV

V. VI. 4/0.
'

185
and, in the fol-

allowed to march out to Afcalon

lowing year, the crufaders met with fome Ethiopians near Hebron, that are diitinguifhed from the

former by their woolly heads, and were therefore the blacks of Guinea. So much earlier did the purchafe

of the inhabitants
ever imagined
laid
;

for (laves

commence, than has been

of Europe.

even ages before the Portuguefe

the inhabitants were as reguftates

open

their country, to the intercourfe

Even
larly

after they had,

purchafed for flaves by fome of the

ad-

joining, as they are

now by

the maritime Europeans.

all

The Arabs
of Africa,

of Egypt having reduced

the north

and carrying with them

their

love of

black fervants, would be fure to open a ready

com-

munication for themfelves to their country.

certainly

They
They

had one

fo

early

a.s

15 12,

and before

the Europeans had any, for

that purpofe.

went from Barbary by a route, that was fo much pracc tifed, as to be denominated exprefsly the way of
'

the

Camels.'

Meeting together
c

at

the
it,

town of

Cape

Cantin,' that of Valadie near

the

com-

mercial caravan traverfed

the vaft deferts,' thole

of Sarra which run, like the Tropic of Cancer over

them,
'

in a

long

line acrofs the

country

to

a place or

of great population called Hoden,' the

of our maps, and a
little

Waden

Hoden
the
left,

to the fouth-weft

of Cape Blanco.

From Hoden
c

they diverted on

and pufhed directly into the inteaiours of

Tegazz;:,' the Tagazel or
lying nearly eaft of

rhe continent, to reach

Tagaza of our maps, and

'

Ho-

M:;lnc!bury, p. 80.

den.

86

Review of Gibbon's

Hi/lory,

den.

Here

afiuredly they did, as the caravan dees

;

certainly at this day

and added to the other wares

upon

their camels, a quantity

fair,

mines of rock
ried, as they

of fait from thofe which are extraordinary enough

to be noticed as rocks in our maps.

ftill

This they car-

carry

it,

to

Tanbut,' the

TomAit

but of the maps, and a town in the heart of the

frican continent.

And

from

this

town they turned

on
in

the right for the fea-coaft again, and reached

*

the great

maps,

to the fouth of the

it

kingdom of Mele,' the Melli of our Gambia, and juft at the

were) of that grand arch of
fea,

fpringing (as

which curves
and
Melli and at
for

fo

deeply into the body of the land,

conftitutes the extenfive

Gulph of Guinea.

At

Tombut

they received a meafure of gold

a meafure offait.

The

caravan collects gold at

Tombut,
pebbles.

to the prefent time.

But

at Melli

they

purchafed gold, and

alfo fifoer, in pieces as large as

And

at

Hoden

they had a great mart for

flaves

the blacks being brought thither from the

countries adjoining, and bartered

ers \

away

to the trad-

Such was the Slave Coaft and the Gold Coaft,

!

of former days
den,
is

only transferred

The ftaple commodity of Honow to Whidah and diverted

;

from the Arabs of Barbary, to the Chriftians of Europe.

And

fhould any thing fo wildly incredible

all

happen, as that

the nations of Chriflendom, in

one
1

common paroxyfm
122

of philanthropy,

fhould

Peritfol, p.

25,

and maps for Mod. Univ.

Hill.

Peritj

wrote (as I have obferved) about 15 12, in general (p. 179) but after 1534, in one particular, p. 91.
fol

abandon

Vols.

IV.

V.

VI. \to.

187

abandon

this

commerce
all

in fervants,
all

which has been

religions
;

profecuted in

ages and under

they

pofTefTed of

it to thofe, who were originally who ftill penetrate into the country, and who even pufh up to Gago at the very head of

would only abandon

it,

the Slave Coaft

and leave the wool-headed natives

in preference to ChriJ-

of it,
tian.

to

Mahometan matters

Under fuch

matters they were in Judea, at

the time of the crufades.

Nor had any European

This
is

eye then feen one of theje blacks.

plain
*

from

what immediately follows

'

in
c

Malmefbury.
noftri

Quo-

rum

casdem,' he adds,

sftimantes infra

virtutem fuam, non eos

irsL,fed rij'u, dignati funt

And

an army of Europeans, finding a number of

left

Guinea blacks
end of Judsea
;

in

town, near the fouthern

flrtt

feeing thefe blacks for the

into
;

time;

and burfting out

at the fight of

a general

fit

of laughter,

them

forms one of the moft curious

Sketches in hiftory.

In the arrangement of the parts of

this chapter,

we have great

confufion.

In p. 75
firft

we have an

inti-

mation of a fupply

fent to the
third.

crufaders, of a fe-

cond crufade, and of a

count, of the general

We

then have an ac-

numbers and character of each,

80
of the
;

75
77

77; the conduct of the emperours towards them,

;

80
83.

the general hiftory of the fupply,

fecond crufade,

80

81

and of the

third,

81

82

and of the perfeverance of Europe in thefe crufades,

82

And,

after all,

we come back
to

in

83

84.tot.he

character of St. Bernard, and his fuccefs in preach-

ing up

new crufade,
1

be

fure.

But

let

not the

Fol. 83.

reader

88

Review of Gibbon's

Hijlory,

reader prefume too freely on propriety, in Mr. Gib-

bon.

The

crufade,
is

which

St.

Bernard
It

is
is

now
one
It
is

preaching up,

one of the
of diem.

foregoing.

of thofe which we have already difpatched.

not even the
ftrangely are
laft

It

is

the fecond.

So

we moving
in
alfo

fornetime backwards and

!

fometimc forwards,

the conrfe of the hiftory

it.

But

there

is

a grand omiffion in

In p. 73
fol-

we
*

are told, that

Bohemond and

his

Norman

lowers were inefficient to withftand the

the Greeks and Turks.'

hojlilities of But what had provoked

the hoftilities of the Greeks, whether actual or ap-

prehended, between

this

Norman
?

and the Greek emperor

prince of Antioch This Mr. Gibbon has

for

moil ftrangely concealed. And,

cefTary information, the reader

want of
in the

this

nea-

is all

dark

bout the meaning of the movements before him.

He
c

fees

Bohemond

embracing the magnanimous

Antioch
to his

refolution of leaving the defence of

kinfman,

the faithful

Tancred;

of arming the
;

* f

Weft

againft the Byzantine empire

and of exe-

cuting the defign,

lefibns

which he

inherited

from the

and example of his father Guifcard.'

But

what the caufe, real or pretended, of this refolution

Mr. Gibbon does not tell us. We then behold Bohemond f embarking clandeftinely' for Europe,
is
;

received in France with applaufc, married to the

king's daughter,
(

and

returning with the braveft

fpirits

of the age.'

ali this is^

tory, for

Yet ftill what the ground for And his hifGibbon never tells us. Mr. want of this intelligence, becomes a mere
movements without any and operations without any im;

fcene of puppet-fhow to us

moving

principles,

pelling

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4/0.

189
told as,

pelling caufe.

Mr. Gibbon fhould have

that the emperour required Bohemond to hold the fovereignty of Antioch in dependence upon him ; a point, to which Mr. Gibbon himfelf, however ab-

furdly with his previous fupprefTion of

direct reference in p. 74,

it,

makes a
:'

when, on terminating the

clearly ftipulatcd

quarrel, he fays

the

homage was
even

that

Bohemond

refuied,

claimed

Laodicea

from the emperour as a part of his principality of Antioch, and even went fo far as to feize it ; another
point to which
the

Mr. Gibbon himfelf alludes, when,

fays
c

at

fame time, he
f

the boundaries' of his prin:'

cipality

were

ftrictly

defined

and

that, in confe-

quence of

this rebellion againft

and attack upon him,

by one of the chief of the crufaders; the emperour attacked and defeated a Meet of new crufaders,

coming from the Weft'.'

a full light

Thefe incidents throw upon the darkened narrative. We fee the defigns of Bohemond, and the hoftilities of the
Greeks, clearly elucidated.

And

the fcene of

pup-

pet-fhow becomes, a picture of living manners and

of human tranfaclions \
f

The

principality of

Antioch was

left

without a

head, by the furprife and captivity of

his

Bohemond

ranfom had oppreffed him with a heavy debt

all this

What

means, no one

fhall

know from Mr.

Gibbon.

He

muft

refer to

other author, to be his

1

Malmefbury or fome commentator upon Mr. Gib-

xvii. 151. remarkable, that Malmefbury has equally omitted impelling incidents.
* It is

Ant. Univ. Hill.

t'.efe

*P- 73-

bon.

1^0
bon.
'

Review of Gibbon's Hifory,

From Malmefbury he will then learn, < Boamundum- captum et in catenas ejectum, a quodam Danifman gentili, et in illis terris potenti ;'
{

that
c

pollicitus

Boamundus continuam

gentili
it,

con-

cordiam,' and not, as

c

Mr. Gibbon dates

paying

a ranfom,
c

revertit

Antiochiam, argent eos compedes

quibus illigatus fuerat deferens fecum

This

is

another inftance, of Mr. Gibbon's dark

mode of
other in-

writing the hiftory, where he thinks himfelf obliged

to be brief.
ftances to

And

thefe unite with

many

fhew

us, that this hiftorical painter

not

how

to give us the features of the times,

;

prefled into a miniature piece

and that

knows comhe can work

only upon figures nearly as big as the

'

life.

The

fword, which had been the inftrument of

*
c

their [the crufaders] victory,

title

was the pledge and

It does not

of their juft independence.

ap-

c
c

pear, that the

folete

emperor attempted

to revive his

ob-

claims over the

kingdom of Jerufalem
faid

*
*

but the borders of Cilicia and Syria were more

recent [he fhould

have
'

more

recently\

in

his

pofremon.'

Note.

The

kings of Jerufalem

'
'

fubmitted however to a nominal dependence, and

in the dates

of their infcriptions (one

at

is flill

legible

' c '

in the

church

Bethlem) they refpectfully placed

before their own, the

name of

the reigning

empeagain

rour

Y We here fee
The
c

again what

we mull

call,

the natural confufednefs

of Mr. Gibbon's undertold,

ftanding.

fword of the crufaders, we are

the pledge and
title

became with them

*

of

their

Fol. 82

and 85.

*P-73-

'juft

Vols.
c

IV

V. VI. tfo.
with, this

191

juft independence,'

Yet

fword

in their

hands, and in their moft powerful kingdom,

they actually refigned their
c

we

find,

juft independence,'

and
rour.
*

fubmitted to a

dependence'
is

upon the empehave been

This dependence
;'

faid indeed to

nominal

but what did the emperour afk more, or

their

what more did

fword refufe to allow him

When

the difpute with the

minated by the
tells us,
'
'

kingdom of Antioch was teremperour, as Mr. Gibbon himfelf

were
ftrictiy defined,'

the boundaries

and

the

homage was
was
all.

clearly flipulated.'

The homage,
not a nominal,

therefore,

This was a
fuch,
it
it

real,

dependence.

As

was

infilled

upon by the

emperour

and, as fuch,
It

had been refufed by Bo-

hemond
paid
fufed
it,

before.

was

as real, as the definition of

the boundaries was.

The

kings of Jerufalem always

flrft

we/i/, though the

i

king of Antioch re-

it

becauje there

was no difpute between them

was between the empeaccordingly

and the emperour,

rour and him.
that

as there

And

we

find alfo,

from

moft authentic of all evidences, a formal

inferip-

upon a church by them; that they fkpuoed their real dependence upon the emperour, in the moft ftriking way in which they could own and ftiew it, by { refpectfully placing before their
tion fet

and owned

own
the

the

name of

the reigning emperour.'

Yet
c

it

does not appear,

we

are told

by

Mr

Gibbon,

that

emperour attempted

to revive his obfolcte claims

It certainly

'

over the

does

kingdom of Jerufalem.' appear from Mr. Gibbon himfelf.

this

It

appears

from

very infeription.

He

not only attempted

to revive his claims, but actually revived them with-

out

192
out fefifiance.
refiftance,

Review of Gibbon
Yet,

s Hifiory,

becaufe Mr. Gibbon finds no

he

ailerts there

was no revival; and the

exiftence.

unrefifted
fiders

acknowledgment of the claim, he conan evidence againft

it's

as

So
howwhat

ftrangeiy does his understanding wrefl cbje&s, from

their natural

and obvious propriety

At

laft

ever he found an apparent and a pofitive proof, of

their

dependence.

He

did not then

correct

he had faid before, by what he had difcoyered now.

No He

he was too indolent, or too prefuming, for that.

makes

this

new

difcovery to bend and

afferts the

warp
if

with his old ideas.

He

new-difcovered de-

pendence, to be merely nominal; when even,

minal,
it

noit is

goes againft
real.

his

afTerticn,
finally

and when

apparently

And

he

places this

new

difcovery at the foot of the old aflertion, muffled in-

deed by

this diilimftion

of a nominal dependence, and

yet fpeaking loudly againft the aflertion.

But we have not done with

lem,
is

this paffage.

The
is

claim of the emperotir over the kingdom of Jerufafaid

to

be

obfoiete.'

This therefore

urged as an argument, irhy he did not attempt to

Yet he revived it, as Mr. Gibbon has already fhewn us, over Antioch. In what
revive his claim.
year, then, was Antioch reduced by the Saracens,

and

in

what Jerufalem

Jerufalem was reduced in

himfelf, and Antioch,

637, according to

Mr

Gibbon

according to Mr. Gibbon

alfo, in

638 \
;

Yet

the

emperour's claim of homage from Jerufalem, was

never revived becaufe
1

it

was obfolete

and was not too

Vol.

v.

320 and 323.

obfolete

Vols. IF.

V,

VI. 4to.

193

obfolete, to

be revived over Antioch.

So much efin annihi*

ficacy has the difference

of a fingle year,
!

lating and
c

preferving rights

But the

borders of

Cilicia

and Syria were more recent

in his pofieffion,*

than Jerufalem.

Was

not Antioch, then,

?

on the

borders of Syria towards Cilicia

Syria, according to

It certainly

was. All

Mr. Gibbon himfelf, was reduced

638
'

by the Saracens
'

in

and,

to the
in

north of

Syria, they parled

c

margin,
c

63 9, lays the and reduced to their obedience the province

mount Taurus,'
l

of Cilicia
were
!

Y
c

So much more

recent' in their pof-

fefllon

the borders of Cilicia and Syria,' than

Jerufalem
This, in

They were even

of recollection,
is

one or

two years. and

Mr. Gibbon's

forgetfulnefs of facts

indiftinctnefs

made

equivalent to

one or two ages. And, what aggravates very greatly

the contradiftorinefs of
all

this,

he has

laid it all,

concerning the

objoletenejs

of the emperour's claim

over the kingdom of Jerufalem in the province of

Syria, concerning his not attempting to revive
it,

and and
tells

concerning the borders of Cilicia and Syria being

more recent than Jerufalem

therefore

in his poiTefiion,

claimed by him

when he
f

previoufly

us in the molt explicit terms, that

*

-perpetual claim fiill

ria

and Egypt

his ancient and embraced the kingdoms of SySuch a chaos of confufion, fuch

a mafs of fighting and warring elements, dees ths

hand of contradiction work up,

Gibbon's hiftory
a

in the pages of

Mr.

'

Vol.
P-

v.

326

Vol. v. 330.

34

Text.

94
Text.
c

Review of Gibbon's

Hiftory t

The
its

Seljukian dynafty

of

Roum'
f

had,

after the lofs of

Nice' to the crufaders,

capital'

Cogni or
the

'

Iconium for

Note.

'

See, in

' c

learned

work of M. de Guignes

the Seljukians of Iconium

the hiftory of

as far as

may

be colletled

<

from

the Greeks, Latins,

and Arabians.

are ignorant or regardlefs of the affairs

is

The lafi of Roum V

In

This

very extraordinary inftance of contra-

diction, in

two near and neighbouring

c

pofitions.

proof that

the Seljukian
its

dynafty of

Roum' had
is fuffi-

Iconium
in

for

capital,

we

are referred to a hiftory

M.

de Guignes.

In proof that this hiftory

cient evidence,

we
it

are told

it

is

collected

from
are

the Greeks, Latins, and Arabians.

finally told, that

And

then

we

cannot be collected
f

from the AraText.

bians, becaufe the Arabians are

'

either ignorant or

regardlefs'

of

this part

of the hiftory.

c
f

Iconium, an

obfcure

and inland town.'

as

Note.

I-

conium
ttoAk,'

is

mentioned

a ftation

by Xenophon,
title

'

and by Strabo with the ambiguous

or the city-village.
place
a multitude
f

of Kw^o-

'
* 1

Yet

St.

Paul found

in

that

(zrXrftoq)

of Jews and

Gentiles.
it is

Under
is

the corrupt

name of Kunijah,

defcribed as a great city

(Abulfeda Y
)

Thus Iconium

pronounced an
is
;

obfcure town.

The
It

"Evidence for this

as

one authority, which fpeaks of it

mere

Jiation

two
;

authorities,

that

make
it

great and populous town

and a fourth, that trims becalls

tween the oppofed teftimonies, and

and a village
1

a city

in one.

We

thus advance by regular

P- 74-

P-

74-

fteps

Vols.

IV. V. VI. \to.

195

fteps

from an obicure and

ftationary town, to a city-

like
city.

kind of village, and to a populous and large

And

three out of the four references, contrafirft

dict at once the

4

and the
for

text.

Text.

Only

one man was left behind

mulieres
hiftorian

feven widows.'
V The pene

Note.
of the

'

Pene jam non inveniunt quern apprehendant feptern

unum virnm
is

primary

made

only in the fecondary,

and
faw

the text violates the truth of the note.

in the lart

We

volume, that Mr. Gibbon made a grand

attempt, to prove the nocturnal journey of

Mahomet
but

from Mecca
only

to Jerufalem,

and from Jerufalem to

for a reality,
in

heaven, not intended by

a dream.
I

Mahomet

particularly

produced

proof to

the contrary, that the general of

fucceffor of

Omar,
it

the fecond
a reality

Mahomet, confidered

as

becaufe he urged the furrender of Jerufalem to

him, as the place, from the temple of which

Mahoalfo

met afcended

in

one night to heaven.

might

have added, that, in the very fame year, one Kais Ebn Amer, an old man who had been particularly
converfant with
foner before the

Mahomet, being brought

as a priinter-

Roman

emperour, and being

rogated by
c

him concerning Mahomet, anfwered;

performed a night- journey to heaven,

that he really
affually

'
f

converfed there with

God

himfelf,

and
1 .'

received feveral institutions immediately from

to

him

And,
that

my agreeable

furprife, I find in this

volume,

Mr Gibbon now is entirely of my opinion. The Mahometans at Jerufalem, he fays, were allowed to
*

P. 85.

Mod. Univ.

Hiit.

i.

450.
f

pray

96

Review of Gibbon's
in the

Hiftcry,

'

pray and preach

faid,

fhould have
'
*

in the

mofch of the temple' [he mofch or temple], ' from

his noElurnal journey to

whence the prophet undertook

heaven*. '

So

litrle

impreflion do

Mr. Gibbon's

own arguments make upon himfelf even in points important to his caufe of Mahometanifm, and laboured with particular care by
forgets
his

pen

that he foon

them, relapfes back into the opinions that he had refuted, and fhews the triumph of nature evident
over the fophiftications of art.
In the two preceding volumes,
I

have pointed
fpirit,

out the frequent recurrence of Mr. Gibbon's

to ideas of lafcivioufnefs
purity.

and

to intimations

of imthis,

We
my

have

another

inflance
is

of
I

in

the prefent volume.

before
I
\

This

fuch as

can lay

readers, without offending their delicacy.

fo.

mail therefore do
left

Text.

'

Only one man was

of feven widows.'

behind for the

'

conjolation

Note.

Pene

jam non

inveniunt quern apprehen-

dant feptern midieres

hint

unum virumV
the
is

Here

is

no
of

about widows ;

paffage fpeaks only

women.

The

conjolation alfo

adminiftered merely,

by the prurient pen of Mr. Gibbon.

And,

to

crown
*

this fally,

Mr. Gibbon adds

is

this

to the note

We muft be careful
So apt
at the

not to conftrue

-pene as

a fub-

ftantive.'

Mr. Gibbon

to take

fire in his

fancy,

flighted approach of a fenfual idea;

and fo ready to twift and torture an innocent word,

in

order to gratify his fenfual luxuriance of tafte

Mi/quotations.
'

In

the

caliph's treafure were

* p. 85.
*

113.

found

Vols.
'

IV. V. VI. 4/0.

97

found a ruby weighing feventeen Egyptian drachms

-(Renaudot,
are thefe
' c
:

'

The words in Renaudot p. 536) V Rubinorum majorum, qui drachmarum

feptemdecim

Egyptiacarum
Hnea>

pondus

sequabant,
.

a firing of rubies, not a fingle ruby.

*
c f
f

The moft numerous portion of the inhabitants was compofed of the Greek and Oriental Chriftians, whom experience had taught to prefer the Mahometan before the Latin yoke (Renaudot, p.

545 )

*'

Renaudot's words are diefe

;

Mox Sa-

ladinus Hierofolyma obfedit

nee cepifTet abfque

civium difcordia
ditione.

et Chrifiianorum

Melchitarum pro-

'
1

Nam

per quendam Jofephum Elbatith

ex eddem fetid, qui negotiandi caufa mukoties in

urbem receptus erat, eos ad excutiendum Fran* corum jugum, quos numero fuperaban:, incitavit.' Here we have no intimation, whatever we may have in Mr. Gibbon, of f experience having taught' the
f

old and Melchite Chriftians of Jerufalem, to prefer

the

Mahometans

to the Latins for mailers.

fear

of the
relief,

fiege, a feeling of its terrours, a dtfpair of and a promife of favourable terms, might
all

each or
tion.

induce them to clamour for a capitulahas again loaded the credit

And Mr. Gibbon

of Renaudot, by faying from him what he does not

fay himfelf.

p. 88.

p. 98,

Chapter

198

Review of Gibbon

s Hijlory,

Chapter third,
or Sixtieth.

This reprefents

to us the

Greeks

arrogating to themfelves the knowledge of divinity,

and the Latins defpifing the

in
it,

fubtilty

of the Greeks

122; the differences between theeaftern and

22-1 23
the ufe of leavened or un-lea1

weftern churches, concerning the procefTion of the

Holy Ghoft,
vened bread

in theeucharift,

23 ; the eating of things

flrangled and of blood, failing on Saturday, eating

milk and cheefe

in the

dulging the weak

firft week of Lent, and inmonks with fleih, 1 23 concern;

ing the ufe of animal

oil

inftead of vegetable in the

unction of baptifm, referving the adminiftration of

this

unction

to

bifhops,

decorating
priefts,

the

bifhops

with rings, fhaving the faces of

ing, infants

and baptiz-

by a

fingle

immerfion,

124; and con-

cerning the fupremacy of the patriarch of

ftantinople and the

ConPcpe of Rome, 124-126; the

in

mutual hatred of the Greeks and Latins

crufades,

the

126-127

many

Latins,

who were
;

fettled

at Conftantinople, mafTacred,

127-130

the reign

of Ifaac Angelus emperor of Conftantinople, 130131

;

the revolt of the Bulgarians and Wallachiar.s

from the empire and

1

church

of
his

Conftantinople,

3 1- 13 2;

Ifaac depofed

by

brother Alexius,

132-133; the fourth crufade preached up, 134135; the perfons engaged in it, 135-136; their
application to the Venetians
for ihips,

136-137;
137-139; and Veat

the general hiftory of Venice to this time,

die confederacy between

netians,

the

crufaders

139-141; the crufaders affembling

Venice

Vols.

IV. V. VI. tfo.

199

141-144; again diverted towards Conftantinople, by Alexius a part fon to the depofed emperor Ifoac, 144-145
;

nice and being diverted into Dalmatia,

of the army, on
nople, landing at

this,

leaving the reft and going for

reft failing for
it,

Jerufalem, 146; and the

it,

Conftanti-

befieging

admitted into the

town on the
plundering

reftoration of Ifaac, again befieging the

Ifaac, taking,
firft

town on the fecond depofition of

it,

and

146-173.
is

All the

part of this

chapter, therefore,
differences

a ftring of digreflions.

The

between the two churches, had either no

all,

influence at

or a very flight one, in this attack

of the Latins upon the Greek empire.

not feem to have had any
at all.

They do
if

Or,

they had,

they were only as the duft of the fcale in addition

to
the weight within
it.

And

they ought not,

if

the flighteft attention had been paid to propriety

by

Mr. Gibbon,
nefs

to unity

of defign and to refponfivef

of execution; to have been once thought of in

is

a work, that
c

to give us only the

important,' and

the moft' important, circumftances of the hiftory.

But nothing can flop Mr. Gibbon's predominant

love, for theological diftertation.

He

burfts
it.

every

band, that would

then he

tie

him up from indulging

of

And

riots in the ufe

his liberty, like the full-

fed ftallion of the Iliad.

Eiw?wj tezo-Qui

euppEiog Tudlafj.oio^

Kyeraw
ZIuqh;

ia{,jj

3e

*ap) zyth

a(*<P l

xa ^ai
\.cp.ov

ato-crovlai' o o
e

ay>a\r)!pi
r
1
fjt la

ote;^,
nnrw.

P i,u.

yzva

<pspti

t v$zx kcu

And

2co

Revie-zv of Gibbon s Hiftory,

And

the hiftorian

is

transformed into the theologue,

in
all

merely to exhibit the former

in all the common-place futility

the confident

impertinence of digrefiion, and to expofe the latter

of unbelief.
'

The
c
e *

Latins are faid to have

defpifed in their

turn the reftlefs and fubtle levity of the Orientals,

the authors of every herefyj and to have blefTed
their

own
as

fimplicity,

which was content

to hold

*
' ' c

the tradition
yet,'

of the apoftolic church'.*

And
c

we

are told in the very next words,

fo

early as in xhzfeventh century, the fynods of Spain,

and afterwards of France, improved or corrupted

the

* '

Nicene creed, on the myfterious

fubjec"fc

of

the Third Perfon of the Trinity,' by adding that

he proceeded from the Son as well as the Father.

The

fecond fentence
firft.

is

an incomparable proof) of the

Latins Jhewed their confubtle
levity'

po-Otion in the

The

tempt
c

for

the reftlefs

and

of the
f

Greeks, and proved their

tradition

own adherence

to

the

by adopting the very creed of the Greeks, and even by adding to it. One could
;'

of the church

hardly think

it

pofllble for a rational being, to put

fo clofe together.

two fuch contradictory fentences

nefs

All muft be attributed to a ftrange want of clear-

and

diitinctnefs, in

Mr. Gibbon's powers of

fo

difcernment.

We

have feen

many

inftances of

the fame clafhing of ideas before, as can leave us

no

room

to doubt of this fatal defect in his underSpirited, vivid,

ftanding.

and ingenious, he

is

cer-

tainly very confufcd.

His mind fhoots out

1

in vi-

P. 122,

gorous

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4/0.

20

gorous

Tallies

of thought occafionally, but cannot

It
is

purfue clearly a fteady train of operations.

by the very fuch with operation. And, an unhappy Jecond difpofition of underftanding, it is no wonder that he
fometimes confounded,
as
it is

here,

is

an

infidel.

How

could he be expected to

com-

prehend the grand fyftem of Chriftianity, to fee

parts harmonizing with parts,
tion uniting into a regular

and every complica-

whole j who cannot ar-

range his

own

thoughts with precifion,

who

is

per-

petually recoiling from the very line which he has

prelcribed to his

own

motions, and confounding

himfelf by the contradietorinefs of his

own
this.

ideas

Nor

let

us overlook another, though (lighter, inIt

is

ftance of this contradictorinefs.

text fays, that,
'
{

The
em-

in the

freedom of the

table, the gay

petulance of the French fometimes forgot the

'

peror of the Eaft

V And the note

;

adds, confirm-

ing to
'
1

weaken the pofition

that
it

if thefe

merry

companions were
trade

Venetians^

was

the hifolence of
in

and a commonwealth*

Could any thing

infidel

nature, but the

derangement of an

under?
c

Handing, generate fuch contrarieties as thefe

Falfe or harjh language.
*

P.

122. Text.
;

The
&c.

Roman
*

pontiffs affected

moderation

they?

Note.

Before the fhrine of St. Peter, he placed,'

'

&c.
* c

P. 127.

The

pafifage

of thefe mighty armies

P. 151.
c

were rare and perilous events.'

The
com-

four fucceflive battles of the French were

manded

by,'

&c.

Sop. 153,
1

The

fix battles

P-157<

of

ioi
(

Review of Gibbon

s Hiftory y

of the French formed

f

their

encampment

>'

and

p. 155,
(

he found the

fix

weary diminutive

battles

of the French, encompafifed by fixty fquadrons of

the Greek cavalry.'

'

Here the word

battle is

ufed in

an acceptation, that
writers.
It
is

is occafionally given it by our old But it is an acceptation very harm and violent.

thus ufed as an abbreviation for battle-array ,

for battle
j

and means a divifion of an army arrayed

juft as
it

feems to be ufed for battle-axe in this unof the Pfalms,

{

noticed paffage
*
*

there brake he

the arrows of the bow, the

the battle.'

Jloield,

the /word, and

And

as the ufe in a

of battle for battle-axe

writer,

would be very harm

countenanced by
this

modern

however
in

and perhaps other pafTages

our old authors; fo the adoption of battle for the

divifion of an army,

however fanctioned by a numis

ber of our old authors,

p.

very violent.

But

in

ancient fource.
4

154 we have another word derived from this The numbers that defended the vantage-ground] meaning not a real elevation of
'

ground, but the height of the ramparts,

'

repulfed

and

opprejjed the
is

adventurous Latins.'
in military
;

And,

as

cpprejjed

very improper

language, and

mould be
is

prejfcd or overpowered
itfelf,

fo vantage

ground

equally improper in

and

in its application.

Nor

can

we

too

of a writer,

much wonder at the injudiciouihefs who could here take the momentary
compleady modern language
;

fancy, of fprinkling his

with any antiquated terms of hiftory

and of

felecl:-

ing Juch only, as were obvioufly improper in their

antient ufe,

and are doubly improper now

in his.

We

may

fpeak, and

fome wi iters have fpoken, of

the

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4/a.

203

the

vantage of ground.'

But the prefent modes of

call it

elegance certainly require us, to

s

the

advanvantage
vantage

tage

of ground.'

And

both elegance and ufe

c

unite to interdict us,

'

from talking of the

ground' with Mr. Gibbon.

battle,

The words

ground and

as

here ufed> are indeed

fuch a

barbarijm in one of them, as

we mould never have Mr. Gibbon, and fuch a Jolecijm in the other, as we mould laugh at in any writer. Text. Pope Innocent the Third Mi/quotation.
expected
in
*
c

accufes the pilgrims of refpecting, in their luft,

neither age nor fex
1

.' But the Pope, as quoted by himfelf Gibbon the Mr. in note, is by no means fo compi ehenfive and general, as Mr. Gibbon makes

him.
c

He

ipeaks not of the pilgrims at large.

f

He
this

notices only fome of them.

Quidam
&c.
free or

(fays Inno-

cent-) nee
is

religioni

nee

setati,'

And

furnifhes another inftance,

how

how

carelefs

Mr. Gibbon

in the application

of

his authorities.

Nor does
either
1

the

Pope mean what Mr. Gibbon's words

Pie fays,
astati
is

import when he fpeaks even of fome not iparing

age
or fex.
indeed,
that
thefe

nee religioni nee

his

nee fexui pepercerunt.'

reftricted,
{
;

But
*

meaning

fufficiently

by

his

words immediately following

adulteria, inceftus in ocul
s

fed fornicationes,
exercentes,'

omnium
c

&c.
*

And Mr. Giobon

himfelf ftates the fact in

fornication,

oppofition to his language, to be that

adultery, and inceft
tncefti

to

the original
1

Even as author means no more what

were perpetrated.'
p.

i6Q.

his


204
his tranflator

Review of Gibbon's

Hifiory,

means by

inceft,

than he does what the

all

other fignifies by/ex.

The

impurities were

with

women.

But the
'

fornications

and

adulteries

were

with widows and with wives.

And

the incejl

was

with nuns.
*

Non

folum maritatas et viduas, fed

et

matronas et virgines

Deo

dicatas, expofue(I fear)

runt,*

&c.

to infinuate

And, as more than he dared

Mr. Gibbon

meant

to

avow, fo he
all,

has certainly fixed the vicioufnefs upon

it

when

apparently belonged only to fome.

Chapter the fourth

or
fixty-firft.

This {hews

us the nomination of an

emperour by the Latins, 174

177

the divifion

of the provinces of the empire among them, 177 180 j the provinces (till (landing out againft them,
j

80

183

the difcontent of the Greeks at

Con-

ftantinople,

183

184;
184
;

the confpiracy of the Bul-

garians with them,

85

the Greeks marTa-

creing the Latins, 185

garians,

the approach of the Bul-

185

the Latin
j

emperour defeated and

186

taken, 185
little

186

the Latin empire reduced to

more than
189

the capital,
1

188

the fecond

Latin emperour,
fucceffes,

S3
;

his

191
j

his

189; his admifiion of the Greeks

misfortunes,

into offices, 191

other parts of his conduct, 191

192;

the

third

Latin emperour,

Frenchman,

crufhed with
fhmtinople,

all his

army

in

marching towards Con-

192

1945
8

the fourth Latin

empepie,

rour

equally a Frenchman, reaching Conflantino-


Vols.

IV. V.

VL

4/tf.

205
the
fifth

194; his misfortunes, Latin emperour, 196 197

pie,

194
;

195;

his fuccefs againft the

Greeks of Nice and the King of Bulgaria, who befieged Conftantinople, 1 97 ; the fixth and laft
Latin emperour, 198; his misfortunes, 198
his

mortgaging the holy

relics,

200

202

199;
;

the

Greek empire of Nice gaining

greatly

upon him,

204 upon 211 ; and f a digrefiion on weftern Europe, 206 the family of Courtenay,' from which fome of the

202203
206
;

furprizing Conftantinople

itfelf,

the general confequences of the crufades

Latin emperours were derived, 211

220.
excuje.*

This
c

acknowledged
*
*

digrefTion,' fays

Mr. Gibbon,
or

the

purple of three emperours,

Conftantinople,
will

who have

reigned at

authorije
his

Mr.

Gibbon has

fo vitiated

understanding by the

habit of indulgence, that he can

no longer difcern
Blinded by the

the groffeft abfurdity of digrefiion.

blaze of the fun which has been fo licentioufly gazed

upon, the eye

mountain.
to

is

no longer able

to

behold an oppofed

And

the addition of a genealogical eflay

is

the hiftory of this chapter,

effufions

one of the moft

wanton and whimfical

that even the

of injudicioufnefe,
I

prefent produftion can furnifh.

that the very purport

need not

fay,

of

his

work,

and the very profeffions of his preface, confine him

to

the hiftory of the

its

Roman

empire, reftrain
fall,

to the hiftory of

decline and

and

tie

him him
of

down
either.

to

the

moft important
is

circumftances
fingle

There

no need of a

argument,

upon

206

Review
point.

of Gibbon s Hiflory,
digreflion fpeaks fufficiently,

upon the
for
its

The
all

own

intrufivenefs and effrontery.

And

this

moil ridiculous of
hiftory,

ridiculous

digreflions, this

clumfily ftitched-on affumentum to the records of

awkwardly protuberant botch upon could not, even in the judgment the mantle of it of Mr. Gibbon, enflaved as his judgment is by the perpetual practice of digreflions, have been deemed
and
this
;

capable of any excufe,

if

another principle
zeal of

much lefs of any fanction had not come in to delude him.

betrays his vanity.

The

Mr. Gibbon

He

has fome real or pretended connection,

not, with the family

we doubt

which he blazons

fo ftudioufly.

For the fake of gratifying

rian of the world
annalift
is

this petty pride, the hifto-

content to fink into the

;

humble

of a family
his

the purblind
,

critic

takes care

to

fruit

eyes entirely

and the race-horfe, that

was perpetually Striking out of the courfe, reiblves

to quit
it

with a bold leap at once.

to

And

all

ferves

ftrongly

imprefs

full

conviction upon

our

minds of the weaknefs of Mr. Gibbon's judgment,

when
it is its

it

comes

to druggie with

-his

habits,

and to

contend with

his pafiionsj

and of its readinefs when

reduced into fervitudej to efpouie the caufe of

c

mafters, to
in
its

excufe'

what

it

would
to
f

heartily con-

demn
I

free ftate,

and even

authorife' the
it.

moft favage intemperances of tyranny over

have already juftiued the crufades
principles of policy

fufficiently,

upon
bity.

and upon grounds of prointimations

Nor

fhall I

now examine any new

Vols.

IV. V. VI. aJq.

207

tions againft them, in

Mr. Gibbon.

Only

can-

not but notice the very violent zeal of

Mr. Gibbon,

which has incidentally charged the crufaders with a This is no lefs an enor?nofi extraordinary crime.
mity, than working,
Paffion
*
f

not

upon Sundays but

in

Week.

Such was the pious tendency of

and the margin adds

the crufades,' he fays at the fiege of Adrianople,

that they employed the holy week/
f
;

March
' c

in pillaging

the country for fubfiftence,

and
c

in

framing

engines

for the definition of their

fellow Chriflians'.'

The

empire, at once in a ftate of childhood

<

and caducity

This

is

worfe than the worft of

It
is

Johnfon's Jefquipedalian words.

alfo

abfurd.

Caducity forms no contraft to childhood.

lity

And feniwas
alle-

fhould have been the latinized word.

c

Text.
*
1

viated,

by

The poverty
the
the
alienation

of Baldwin

of the marquifa&e of
of Court enay.'

Namur

and

lordfhip

Note.

Louis IX. difapproved and flopped the of Courtenay V This is very ftrange.
fo

alienation

But we

have ieen

much of

the ftrangenefs in the text

and notes already, that even thefe moft amazing of

all

contrarieties

lofe their effect

upon

us,

and conIn

tradictorinefs

becomes

familiar in

Mr. Gibbon.

every other author, the text and the notes go on

in loving

fellowfhip together.

The

note indeed

always plays the parafite to the text.

3

p. 186;

p. 1S7.

p. 199.

Quicquid

208

Review of Gibbon's
id

Hijlory,

Quicquid dicunt, laudo;

rurfum
:

fi

negant, laudo id quoquc;

Negat

quis

nego ;
;

ait ?

aio

poftremo imperavi egomet miki,

efl

Omnia

adfentari

is

quasftus

nunc

multo ubenimus.

But Mr. Gibbon repeatedly breaks in upon this parafitical humour, and deftroys this loving fellowHis notes are behaving like impudent varlets fliip. to their matters, and giving them the lie dirett*
This does, we
yet
fee,

in

the boldeft manner.

And

we

find

the cattle of Courtenay' actually alieit is

nated afterwards, becaufe

c

faid to

be

'

profaned

by a plebeian owner V So, with an equally obvious though much lefs remarkable contradiction,

Mr. Gibbon makes

c

the

millings fterling in

nummus aureus about ten value Y when he has previ-

oufly
c

made it, c equivalent to eight millings of our fterling money'/ Both unite with the embojfed difhew
digreflions
;

greflion above, to

and contradicand to mark by

tions continuing to go on together

their union

the natural unfixednefs of

Mr. Gib-

bon's

fpirit,

and the habitual unfteadinefs of Mr*

Gibbon's judgment.

p. 215.

p. 200.

vol. v.

397.

Chapter

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4tc.

299

Chapter the

t h,

and lixty-fecond

Here

we

fee the private hiftory

of the empire of Nice, before Conftantinople was

recovered ftom the Latins, 221-222
-,

in the

conin

duct of the
that

firft

and fecond emperors, 222-224;

of the

third,

224-225

in that
;

of the guarin that

dians of the fourth, 226-231

fifth

and

of the

to

the taking

of Conftantinople,
is all

231-232.
(

So much of the chapter

c
*

digreflicnal.

In the
I

decline of the Latins,' fays

briefly

Mr. Gibbon,

have
;

expofed the progrefs of the Greeks

the

f
c

prudent and gradual

advances of a conqueror,

who,

in a reign of thirty-three years, refcued the

till

provinces from national and foreign ufurpers,

lie

preffed on
faplefs

all fides

the imperial city, a leaflefs

fall

'
*

and

trunk which rauft

at

the

firft

ftroke of the axe.

But
ftill

his interior

and peaceable
notice

adminiftration

is

more deferving of

and praife
decline

V He
fall'
c

therefore purfues the fubjedfc.

He
*

thus digreffes widely from the hiftory of the

and

of the

Roman
c

empire,

more

widely from the

important' circumftances of either,

the molt important.*

and

dill

more widely from

he
lb

But
4

his digreflion

does not confift merely, in exedigrefiionally propofes.

in his

cuting what
interior

and peaceable adminiftration,'

1

The am-

P. 22

Z.

pKfying

Review of Gibbon's

Hiftory,

plifying hands,

becomes a

hiftory.

And

it

is

not

the hiftory merely, of the conquerour here alluded

to
:

it is

the hiftory of his fon, of his fon's fon, &c.

digreflicn

Thus does one

back of another,

come

riding

upon the

Velut undo, fuper<venit undam.

The

chapter then goes on to fhew us the entrance,

of the guardian of the Greek emperour into Conftantinople,

232-233
his

h* s

conduct

towards

it,

233-234
this,

depofing

and blinding the young

emperour,

234; the difcontents of the clergy at 235-237 j his recovering fome provinces of
his at-

the

tempting to unite the eaftern

church,
in

empire from the Latins, 237-238 ; and the

vain,
Sicily being

weftern

and

238-242; the King of Naples formidable to the Greek emhiftory,

perour,

243;

his

243-244;

his

defighs

againft the
lion,

emperour, 245 ; prevented by a rebel&c. in his own dominions, 245-248 fome

;

of the troops that had been fighting

into the emperour'* pay, 248-250
;

in Sicily

taken

their fuccelTes

againft the

Turks, 250

their diforderly

behaviour

to the fubjecls of the empire,

to

250
;

their infolence

the

emperour,
of the

250-251

their

defeating
their

the

troops

empire,

251-252;

feizing

of Athens, 255-256.

Athens and Greece, 253-254; and the prefent ftate Here we have fome vtry

extraordinary digreffions.

Such

is

the account of

attempting to unite the eaftern and weftern chinches,

by reducing the

faith

of the eaftern to the creed of

the weftern, and by iubje&ing both to the fupre-

macy

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4/0.

It
is

211

macy of
fiaftical

the pope.
hiftory.
It

purely a point of ecclethe civil

has no relation to

hiftory of the empire. hiftory of

ble,
its

It has lefs, ifpoflible, to the

fall.

decline

and

And

it

has, if pofii-

ftill lefs

to a narration of the important

circuman ex-

ftances in them.

We

were told before,

as

cufe for entering into a long labyrinth of theology;

that
* f

the fchifm of Conftantinople, by alienating

her

mod
fall

ufeful allies,

and provoking her mofl empire

the

'
*

dangerous enemies, has precipitated the decline

and

of the

Roman
allies

in

Eaft'.*

We

then faw thefe

and thefe enemies, re-

ducing Conftantinople, and giving feveral emperours to

it.

Here
But,
it

then, of courfe, terminated for

the reign of the Latins, this feparation of the

two

churches.

feems, this feparation was not

cured, even by the Latins.

So

little

was the union

it

an object of the Latin attempt, that

was never

made though
the

they

fucceeded.

Accordingly

we

find the Genoefe afterwards

forming an alliance with

;

Greek emperours of Nice

'

againft their Latin

brethren of Conftantinople*.
hear, that
c

Even
5

afterwards

we

the reign of the Latins confirmed thefe.'

'paration

of the two churches

And we

fee that

feparation

now

attempted, ferioufty and formally, to

be taken away.

So

utterly infignificant, even

from

Mr. Gibbon's own narration, does the union or

the feparation of the
incident
!

churches appear, as a civil

So

utterly indefenfible,
is

even from

his

ruon ftate of facts,

Mr. Gibbon's long excurfion

3

p. 121.

p. 203.

'

p.

207.

before

Review of Gibbon's

HiJIory,

before into the regions of his

nity
!

own romantic
own

divi-

And

fo wildly

wanton again does

the face of his

his prefent.

digrefTion appear,

upon

hiflory
flill

But he

clofes

the

chapter with a digreffion,

this.

more

wildly

wanton than

The

hiflorian af-

fumes the
hiflory.

traveller.

He

leaps out of the orbit of

He

lights

upon the ground of Athens.

fpirit,

He
nay.

thus exceeds the

of concluding his

laft

chapter with the genealogy of the houfe of Courte-

And

he concludes his prefent, with defcribing

it is

the ilate of Athens as

at this moment.
all

He
his

has
for-

thus formed a digrefiion, that overtops

mer, that

recoils

with a compleater energy from the

courfe of his hiflory, and wanders

aflray from the path of propriety.
*

more

glorioufiy

The

caufe was decided, according

to the

new jit'.'

prudence of the Latins, rif

by

fingle

combat

This

is

very injudicioully afierted.

The
at

caufe was tried

and the combat undertaken, not

after the

Conflantinople
its

re-eftablifhment of the empire at

an-

tient

capital,

but even while

it

yet continued at
fitu-

Nice.

In fuch a ftate of the empire, and in a

ation of continual warfare with the Latins of

flantinople,
it is

Conwas

abfolutely impoflible for the jurifIt

prudence

to

be borrowed from the Latins.

undoubtedly a part of the antient and original jurif-

prudence of the
fiery ordeal in

eeks.

Accordingly we

fee the

Mr. Gibbon
in

himfelf, equally ufed at

the

fame time and

1
.

the

fame place by the

in another

Greeks

And we
*

even

fee both

page

p. 225.

* p.

226

27.7.

of

Vols. IV. V. VI.

#o.

2T3

the fame place, and

of Mr. Gibbon, abolifhed by the fame Greeks at ftill before the recovery of the

old capital
furedly
lie'ft

from the Latins

Both

refulted aft

from the judiciary proceedings of the earwaters ofjealovfy among the Jews, the principle to a very remote antiquity.

ages.

The

carry

The cuftom
fo late as the

of the Germans upon the Rhine, even

days of Julian, in trying the chaflity

of

their
;

wives by throwing their children into the

river

has a near affinity with the Jewiih

ftill

mode of

purgation, and a

nearer with the water-ordeal

o{ our own country.

Thefe ferve
of divination.

fufficiently to

mew

at once, the antiquity

and the extenfivenefs of

thefe judiciary kinds

The Greeks

would be

fure to have them, as well as the Jews,

And
'

the

two

incidents here noticed

by Mr. Gibbon,

fhew evidently that they had them.

By

the Latins the lord of

corruption

a perfect
call the
if

Thebes was flyled by Megas Kurios or Grand Sire .' This is riddle. In what country would the Latins
7

Latin lord of Thebes, by a Greek

title

Or,
this

they did, in what country

.

may we pronounce
xupio?
?

a corruption

And

in

what country

will grandfirg

ftand, for a tranflation

of psyaj

D;c quibus
*

in terris, ct en's mihi ?nagi::is Jpolto^

It

would not be
Athens,
*

eafy,'

he fays concerning the

prefent
*

in the

country of Plato and De-

moflhenes, to find a reader, or a copy, of their

5

'works

.'

This
229.

is

fatire

overcharged.

The

pre -

p.

p.

253.

p 2S s.
,

fent

214

Review of

Gibbon's Hifory,

fent Athenians are not fo inattentive to the writings

of their

forefathers.

The
as

late

Mr.

Wood tells

us in

his Effay

on Homer,

we remember,

that he read

Homer
*

with a Greek fchoolmafter at Athens.

factious nobles

The

were reduced or opprefied

'

'

by the

afcendant of his genius

.'

For

afcendant

read noflro periculo afcendancy.

Chapter the sixth,

or fixty-third.

This contains the difputes of the

patriarch,

emperour with the

circumftance of the decline and

257-259, certainly no fall of the empire j

the character of John Cantacuzenus as an hiftorian,

259-260, a point improper in die text of any hiftory, and peculiarly fo in the text of this ; difputes

of the emperour with

his

grandfon, 260-262
rebellion,

the
j

grandfon breaking out into

forcing the emperour to

262-263
;

abdicate,

264-265
fon's

his

own

reign,
j

265-267
the

his

young

guardian,

267-268
ftill

guardian

ill-treated,

268-270
;

breaking out into rebellion, but defeated, 270-271

maintaining the rebellion, 272; at
lafl

victo-

272-275; the young emperour foon taking up arms againft him, 275-276; the guardian again driven victorious and now feizing the throne, 277 from it by a revolt in favour of the young emperour,
rious,
;

277-278 an account of the divine light cf Mount Thabor, 278-280, an amazing digrefiion, being a differtaticn on fome wild notion of the Quietifts,
;

and introduced merely from the dethroned guardian

*

P. 229.

writing

Vols. IV.

V.
it

VI. 4to.
;

215

writing a

book concerning
clofe

the (late of the

noefe
their

fettled

to

Conftantincple,

Ge280-283
283of

breaking out into fuccefsful

;

rebellion,

285

the Venetian fleet called in to the aid of the

;

empire, 285

and the Genoefe beating the

In
this

fleets
all

both, 286-287.

chapter, allowing
in

the

other articles to

be circumftances and
fall

the hiftory

of the
tant

decline

of

the

empire,

impor-

circumftances,
lefs

and very important too; yet

fo grofsly digrefllonal,

we have no

than three apparently digrefiional.

is

The
that

lafl
it

of thefe indeed

ferves with others preceding, to

totally
I

fhew the
decency.

aurhor

void even of

all

critical

Nor

can

too

much
it is

expofe

this

bold immouefry

of writing, becaufe
critics
;

it is little

noticed by the herd of

all

becaufe

deftructive of

regularity in

compofition and forms a kind of Gothic edifice, a

mafs of

parts, but

no whole.

And

the author was

feduced into the

feeblenefs

laft digreffion,

by the un-refifting
in

of a judgment that has fo long given

his
fpirit,

way; and by a ilrange fondnefs

prancing over the
lightnefs
fields

for

of theology, lhewing the

of his heels

in the giddinefs

of his motions,

and betraying the ignorance of

the
c

his inexperience in

w anton mettle of his blood. Nor were the flames of hell

r

lefs

dreadful to his

fancy, than thole of a Catalan or Turkifh

I
firft

war

V
So

When
printer

read this fcntence,

lefs

fuppofed the
for more.

had fubftituted
any

by miflake

mud

man have
1

written,

who

believed

the

P. 257.

exiftence

a ;

Review of Gibbon

s Hijlery,

exiftence of heil.
fake, does not.

But Mr. Gibbon, we This pafiage fhews too

thus, with a bold
feelings

fear for his

plainly,

he

And common fenfe and common

dees not.

defiance of the

of mankind, he

makes
awe

the terrors of eternity, of which every

good

and every wife

;

man muft

think with the deepeft

to be UJs formidable in themfelves,

than

hoft of Catalans or an

army of Turks.
his

Note.
c

The
is

ingenious comparifon with Mofes

and Casfar,

fancied by
as

French
it.

translator

?itefs What this means we o J

we read
*

But we fcon
obferved' of
lines

find that

we

gueffed wrong.

It

is

Cantacuzenus, fays Mr. Gibbon a few

c

lower

in the text, than the place referred to in the note that, like

Mofes and

Cnsfar, he

was the
fays
this

principal

aftor in the fcenes which he defcribes.'

fee,

And we
compaby the

now
rifon

that

when Mr. Gibbon

it

was fancied, he means

f

was fuggefted

fancy.

The

vaft filence

of the palace

"We

thus find that boyifm y which

Mr. Gibbon

has bor-

rowed from Tacitus, affronting ou; tall? again. ( She was regenerated and crowned in St. Sophia .' His vigorous govern He means re-baptijed.
3

'

'

ment
limits

contained the Genoefe cf Galata within thofe

'.'

'

Here

the ufe of the

word

contained^

is

more Latin than

Engiifh.

Chapter
and fixty-fourth.
general conquefts
1

Seventh

The contents of this are, the of the Mogul Tartars under Zinp.

p. 259.

264.

p. 267.

4
.

p. 281.

Vols.
gis,

IV. V. VI. 4to.

;

217
his

289-290

his

code of laws, 290-292

China,

par-

ticular conquefts in

292-294.;

in

Carizme,

and fomc independent parts 294-296; the conquefts of his four firft fucceflefs in China, 297-299; in the countries in adjoining to China, 299; in Perfia, 299-300 in Kipzak, Armenia, Anatolia, &c. 300-301 RuiTia, Poland, Hungary, &c. 301-304; and in SiTranfoxiana, Perfia,

of Tartary,

beria,
tar

304-305 the change of manners in emperours upon this fuccefs, 305-306

; ;

the the

TarTarthe

tars in

China adopting the manners of the

;

Cftinefe,
;

306-307

yet expelled by the

Chinefe, 307

other conquefts becoming independent of the

perours, 307
;
;

em-

308 the 308-310 and

;

many becoming Mahometans, 307efcape of the Roman empire from their arms,
the decline of their power, 3 10. All

this

is

evidently a chain of continued digrefiions.

is

There
pire.

only one article out of feventeen, that has

full hifbory

any connection even with the

of

the.

em-

The

hifbory

of the

decline

and fall of the

it,

empire, has no more connection with

tory of the revolutions in the
sical

than a hif-

moon,

or of the phy-

convulfions in our globe.

Mr. Gibbon him;

felf

acknowledges, that
of the

it

has not

in

the noticed

ejeape

Roman
is

empire from the Tartar arms*

plan and his pro-

This therefore
tive, that

the only point of the long narrain juftice to his

ought,

mifes, to have been noticed at

all.

Yet under
them upon
a:

his

conduct the Tartars, like Cato, enter the theatre*

and then
jtage, as

go out again.
Homer

He

brings

the

brings half his heroes,

merely to
the dole of the

be knocked upon the head.

And

21
the whole
totally
1

Revuw
we

of Gihbons Hijlory>

are told, after the Tartars

had proved
;

innoxious to the

Roman

empire

that

'

the

decline

of the Moguls gave a

free fcope to the rife

and frogrefs of the Ottoman empire.' He thus empire of the Tartars, to fweep it away erects the

with a

brum of

his

hand, and to
the

raife
;

the empire

of the

Ottomans upon

ground

and two-and-

twenty pages are employed, when two would have

been too many.

origin of the

The

chapter then goes on to the

;

Ottoman Turks, 310-311

the fuc-

cefTes'of their founder

Othman

againft the empire,

3 1 1-3 1 2
rope,

i
;

the fuccefles of his fon the

fir ft

312-315 315-316; Orchan's marriage with a daughter of the Roman emperour, 316-317; the eftablifhment of the Ottomans in Europe, 318-319; their

pafTage of the

Orchan againft it, Turks into Eu-

making Adrianople
ment of

their capital there,

;

319;

their

reduction of Bulgaria, &c. 3 19-320

the Janizaries,
;

their appoint-

their reduction 320-321 Theflaly, Macedonia, and Greece, 322; the chaof

racter of the conqueror, 322-323; his invafion of Hungary, 323 his defeat of the Hungarians and his conduct of his French capFrench, 323-325
;
;

tives,

325-327 327-329; the

fleet

the dhTentions

among

the Greeks,

diftrefs

of the empire, 329;

Con-

ftantinople

befieged by the Turks, 329; relieved

;

by a

of French, 329-330

again befieged by

the Turks, and again relieved accidentally by

Tavery

merlane, 23'
chapter,
is

Thus, more than half of the whok

it.

entirely foreign to

Yet,

in this

chapter,

Mr. Gibbon can fpeak of

as

the hiflory of
is

Chalcondyles,
q

one

whole proper fubject

f

drowned

Vols.
*

IV. V. VI. 410.

219

drowned in a fea of epifode.' So keen is Mr. Gibbon to difcern the faults of another, and fo blind to the view of his own, even when he is juft come
from the particular commiflipn of them.

We
forth

are

not acquainted with the hiftory of Chalcondyles.

But no words can more appofitely picture

Gibbon's.
c

Mr.

His
in a fea

'

proper

fubject

is'

actually

drowned

of epifode.'

And

he has dafhed

off his
other.
fays

own
I

character very happily, in that of the

have long fince

to

afferted

my

claim/ he
the Tartars

on preparing
c

wander away with

fall

above,
' *

to introduce the nations, the

immediate
events/

or remote authors of the

pire
j

of the
f

Roman em-

nor can

refufe myfelf to thofe

the conquefts of the

'
1

Tartars,

which, from their

uncommon
mind

magnitude, will
hiftory

intereft a philofophic
'.'

in the

of blood

This

is

Mr.

Gibbon's apology, for rambling over half the globe

with the Tartars.

He

fulpected he was going to be

devious, and thought to deceive himfeif and his

reader by an apology.
juft difcern light

The

eye of the mole can

enough, to

know

he

is

expofing
in-

himfeif to the danger of being feen.

flantly dives, to avoid his danger.

But he

And Mr. Gib-

bon
{

fees, excufes,

and runs into

it.

He

has long

afferted his claim to introduce the nations, the

im-

*
%

mediate or the remote authors of the

fall

cf the

Roman
diatej

empire.'

He
own
c

therefore

introduces a nac

*'

tion,' that, hy his

account,

was not

the imme-

was not even

*

the remote, author of the

p.

288.

fan:

2.20
*

Review of Gibbon's
This
(

Hiftory ,

fall*

is

a glaring proof of
*

Mr. Gibbon's
the

powers of reafoning.
acids,

Nor
not

can
as

I refufe myfelf he
in

to thofe events,'

chain of
faid,
fall
-*

thought and of propriety he ought to have

which
but
i
i

relate to

fome

fpecial

authors of the

which, from their uncommoyi magnitude^ will Ina fhikfofhic mind in the
hiftory

terejl

of blood.*

Mr- Gibbon evidently faw

greffion, but
'

the abfurdity of his di~

3

could net refufe himfelf to

it.

The

paroxyfm of rambling was upon him, and he could His mind is ever ready to catch at not refift it,
any 'event: cf
reign they

uncommon may be to his

It

magnitude,' however foplan,

and however conat

trary to his promife.

was

fo,

his

outfet in

the hiftory.

It

is

now

a thoufand times

more

fo}

from

his

long habits of digreffion. And, from both,

it

unable to withftand the temptation, yet fenfible

was a temptation, he throws the duft of an apology but wilfully turns in his own eyes and the reader's
j

off in

it

from

his natural courfe

of ideas, which would

th&faifenefs

have led the reader and him to detect

the apology,
*
{

of

Inftead of reprefenting the Tartars, as

<

authors' in any degree

of the

fall

of the

Roman

empire
(

;'

he reprefents their tranfaclions as events,

that
*

will mtereft a philofophic

mind

in the hiftory

of blood.'

He

thus acknowledges, very plainly,

3

the epifodical nature of his Tartar hiftory here

deferring the

by

ground of

juftification,
it

which he had
could be juf-

taken
riiied
3

firft,

and on which alone

and turning off to a ground, upon which

juftify the hiftory

he niighr

of any active nation, or

account of

my

turbulent empire,

upon the

face

of the earth,
S

Contradiolicns n

Vols. IV.

V.
c

VL

4$,

*
1

The Khan of the Keraites, who, under the name of Prefter John, had correfponded'with the Roman pontiff and the princes The Khans of the Keof Europe,' &c. Note.
Lontraditlicns.

Text.

raites

were moil probably incapable of reading the

epiftles

pompous
Neftorian

compojed in their
'.'

name by
*

tht

*
1

miffionaries

Text.

In the at*

tack and defence of places' by the Chinefe and

f

Tartars,
c

the ufe of gunpowder in cannon and bombs

V
Note.
c

appears as a familiar practice

depend

on the knowledge and

bil,

fidelity

of the Pere Gau-

who

tranflates the

Chineje text of the annals

So (p. 71, 93, 153).' hand with hand in goes the text, 'then far the note
a flight doubt concerning the veracity of the text,

of the Moguls or

Yuen

intrudes
'

upon us

c
:

but

am

ignorant,

at

what

time thefe

annals

were compojed and publijhed'

Yet, upon the credit of thefe very annals,

Mr.
have

Gibbon has
been
c

afferted the ufe of

gunpowder,

to

a familiar practice' at

that particular time.

He

then advances into higher than doubts.

He

brings a ftrong argument of prefumpticn, againfi

both their veracity and

c

his

own.

The two
in

uncles

of

Marco Polo, who

ii.

ferved as engineers at the

(1.
ii.

fiege of Siengyangfou
torn.

c.

61.

Ramufio,

See Gaubil,

p.

and
and

related the effecls

their filence
is

155-157), mv.ft have felt of this dejtrucl'rce powder ,

* (

a weighty }

and

almofl

decifve,

objection.'
'

Mr. Gibbon has

thus brought an ob^

againft the

jection

weighty, and almofl decifive,'

p. 2 8 ;.;* 2.90.

p.

298.

truth

22*
truth of his

Review of Gibbon's

Hiflory,

own

afiertion.

And

he arraigns himfelf

and

his text o{faljhoody

at die

bar of his notes.

Chapter
or fixty- fifth.

Eighth
hiftory

This contains the private

his gaining the

of Tamerlane to
foxiana,
Perfia,

royalty of

Tran-

331-335, all digrefiional ; his conquefls in 335-336, equally digrefiional; his reduction of Ormuz, Bagdad, Edefta, and Georgia, 336-23"/',
equally digrefiional
;

his

fuccelTes

in

Turkeflan,

Kipzak, and Rufila, 338-339, equally digrefiional ; and Aftrachan, his reduction of Azoph, Serai,

338-339, equally

digrefiional

his

conquefls in In-

dia, 339-341, equally digrefiional; angry letters between him and the Turkiilt emperour, 342-345,

equally digrefiional
fcfied

by

equally

his invafion of Syria, now pofMamalukes of Egypt, 345-347, digrefiional Ms march into the Turkifh do;

the

minions, 348-349

his defeat

351

his reduction
'

of

all their

of the Turks, 349dominions in Afia,

351-352', n

reception of the Turkifh emperour,

digrefiional; the ftory of his putting

352-353, again

him

in

an iron cage examined,

;

digrefiional

his

353-3567 equally making the Roman emperour

his fuccefies againft ether
his

fwear to pay him the fame tribute, which had been

paid to the Turks, 357
feflivity
;

powers, 359, again digrefiional;

after
all,

triumph and
digrefiional;

359-360, equally

his preparations

for

invading China, 360, equally

digrefiional

hi death baffling his defigns,

;

equally digrefiional
his

his character

360-36 1, examined and

fional

merits

afcertained,

361-364, equally digref;<

Vols.

IV. V.

VL

4/0.

523
de-

iional
feat,

the hiflory of the

Turks

after Bajazet's
;

364-36 7, equally
the

digreflional

the Genoefe af-

fifting

Turks of Afia

to reduce the
;

Turks of
the Hate of

Europe, 367-368, equally digreflional

the

Roman

empire, 369; the emperour offending

;

both the rival kings of the Turks, 370-371

Conpay a
the
the

ftantinople befieged by the victorious rival, but beat-

ing

him

off,

37

1 ;

the

emperour fubmitting

to

tribute as before,

and to relinquiih almoft

city,

all
;

country without the fuburbs of the

hereditary fucceflion of the royalty

371

among

the Turks,

cipline

372-373, again digreflional ; the education and difof the Turks, 373-375, equally digreffional j and an efiay on the invention and ufe of
as prac~cifed in

gunpowder,
stantinople,
articles,

the late

fiege of

Con-

375-377.
lefS

Thus, out of twenty- {even

no

than nineteen are merely digreflional j

having only a general connexion with the full hiftory

of the empire, having none

of its
decline

at all

with the hiftory

than none (if

and fall, and having

lefs

pofiible)

with the important circumfhnces of either.

at the flighteft thread that

But Mr. Gibbon catches

is

floating in the air, in order to waft hi mfelf

along
the

in quell

of

his prey.

If the

Turks be
of

foes to

empire, he

wili

give us circumftantial If the

accounts

of the be fees
equally

Turks.
to

Tartars
the

Tamerlane
he
will

the foes of

empire,

be

circumftantial

concerning

the

Tartars..

And

inftead of a really general account, that fhall

juft Jketch

out their hiftory to the period of their

connection

224

Review cf Gibbon's

Hi/lory,

connexion with the empire, and then dwell upon

it

particularly

-,

he gives us bis general hiflory, reanecdotes,

is

plete

with

particular

and

fpreading

through a variety of pages g and

tial

as circumflanit.

before

the connection, as after

hiflory of Zingis
their tranfactions

We

have

feen this, in the

and

his Tartars

before
tive

though

had only a nega-

connection with the empire, and the account

their not affecting the
it
:

of them concludes with

pire at
all.

em-

We

here fee

again, in the hiflory of

Tamerlane and
Hellefpont,
;

his Tartars
is,

where the only fpiders

die

thread of connection
after

that they advanced to the

having reduced
the

Turks

in

emperour vow the homage, Afia and promife the tribute, which he had paid to the
and made

Turks
and
gis

before.

this fixteen.

Yet that is twenty pages in quarto, Thus, becaufe the dread of Zinand the

prevented the Swedes and Frizelanders, from

;

going to the herring-fifhery of England

Engli/h, having
all

the fifhery to themfelves, lowall

ered the price confiderably in

the

markets of

England
if

from

this

almofl invifible filament of air,

he was writing the hiflory of England, he would

jufliried,

think himfelf
tial abflract

in

giving us his circumftanin

of the tranfactions of Zingis, even

fuch a hiflory.
fkipping deer.

No
And

fence can ferve to keep in this

his

whole
at

hiflory flrongly re-

minds, us of the ifland

bridges to
it;
it,

Rome, which

has two

and a church and a monaflery upon

and yet was formed originally, of Tarquin's

/heaves of corn.

The

hiflory of the decline

and

fall

of

Vols.

IV. V. VI\ tfo.

is

11$

of the

Roman

empire,

thus formed by accretions

full

and

deterrations,

from the

hiftory

of the em-

pire, and from almoft every other hiftory in the

world.
fing, to
fions.

Nor

has the author the difcretion in digrefall

keep off

fubordinate and acceflary digrcffull

He

indulges himfelf in the

and

free

li-

cence of digreflions upon digreflions.

led

When

he has

Tamerlane by the hand, to the

defeat of the

Turks ; he muft fuperadd

a particular one by the iron cage of Bajazet.

to his general digrefilon,

the way, in a difiertation about

Nor

has he even the

prudence, when he has brought

tory to that point
it;

down

thisjide-hif-

of

his

own, for which he wrote

digreflions, to leave

there to terminate

all his

the bye-road by which he had been rounding about

to the

main one, and now

!

to purfue the

main road
it

fteadily for a while.

No He

ftrikes directly acrois

the

main road

again, and

diverges from

on the

other fide.
after all his

And when

he has made Tamerlane,

conqueib, to reduce the empire into

it

die fame fubmiffion and tribute, which

the

had paid

Turks; he does not then

clofe his divarications

with Tamerlane, as

we

expect even the

mod

im-

pertinent of digrefifcrs to do, becaufe he has reached

the grand goal of

all his digreflions.

He

goes on

in his excurfions, to give us

Tamerlane's fuccefles

againft

other powers,

to

paint his triumph and

feftivity after all,

nay to

tell

us his preparations for

invading China, to baffle them by his death, even

then to examine his character formally, and to ascertain

his

merits

precifely.

Mr. Gibbon muft

thus

Q^

226

Review of Gibbon's
with
every

Hiftory,

thus appear,

allowance

that can

be

made him, and with every fobriety that can be

ufed in confidering his conduct
;

the moft aftonifh-

ing digreflbr that ever pretended to write hiftory,

even when he has fome

tion,

little

femblance of connechis digrefiions.

between

his

hiftory

and

Mr. Gibbon has

'

gravely adopted a wild ftroke of

Oriental bombaft, as his

own

c
:

whole

forefts

were

cut

down

to fupply fuel for his kitchens '/ at a

particular

feaffc.

Contraditlions.

Text.

It

is

believed in the

emhim-

pire and family of

felf compofed
f

Timour,

that the monarch

the

injlitutions

of

his

government

Note,
1

Shaw Allum,
but cannot
ancejlor.'

the prefent

mogu], reads,

values,

imitate,

the injlitutions of his

afferts

great

The

text

the

exiftence

of Tamerlane's
belief

injlitutions,

only as

an object of

The note indirectly mounting much higher in

and turning belief into
tually
'

contradicts the text,

by

the fcale of affurance,

Shaw Allum acwork ' of his c great anceftor' Tamerlane. Yet we have ftill doubts thrown out immediately, as if Shaw Allum was not fo good a judge as Mr. Gibbon, what is
certainty.
c

reads,' actually

values,' this

really the composition

* ' *

of his great anceftor/

f

The
on

Englifh translator,' as the note adds,

their internal evidence
arife of fraud
;

relies

but, if any fufpicions Jhould

and

ficlion,

they will not be dijpelled

by Major Davy's
x

letter.

The
*

Orientals have never

P- 352.
5

P- 352-

cultivated

Vols.
*

IV. V. VI. 4/0.

227
is

cultivated the art of criticifm.*

Thus, what
is

no-

ticed in the text as only believed,

then afterted in
is left

the beginning of the note to be certain, and

laft doubtful.

at

edly refers to the

believed,
fceptick,
as

And, work

after all,

Mr. Gibbon

repeat-

as not doubtful, as

more than
a

certain again.

The judgement of
fuppofe
;

may become

fo vitiated

and debilitated
as not to

by the
fettle

exercife of fcepticifm, I

peremptorily upon any point, to fluctuate be-

tween certainty and doubt on the plained, and to

be fometimes doubtful, fometimes certain, and yet
doubtful
{till.

Scepticifm
is

is

thus

to

the

mind,

what opium
fpirits,

to the

body; an enlivener of the

in a

and an illuminator of the underflanding,

the excefs

very moderate degree; but dangerous in the ufe,

and

fatal

in

enfeebling the nerves of

the foul, defhoying the tone of the thoughts, and

reducing the unhappy

tick in intellect.

man

into a

drunken paraly-

Text.
fays,

'

Timour

that

Note Arabfhah makes Timour run away:

flood firm as a rock
'.'

and adds concerning the very author, from

he has afferted
c c

whom

Timour
(1.

to ftand firm as a rock;

iii.

perhaps Sherefeddin
his courage.'

c.

25) has magnified

'

He

therefore, perhaps, did not

ftand

firm as a rock,'

though the text

*

alTerts pofitively

that he did.
'

Text.

The Mogul
fpoil

foidiers

were enfurs, of

riched with an

immenfe

of precious

\ the linen of Antioch,

and cf
p- 336.

ingots of gold

and

fil-

Q^2

*.

ver.'

228
'
c

Review of Gibbon's Hifory,

'.*

ver

Note.

'

The
f

furs of Ruflia are

w*

cre-

dible than the ingots

;'

when both
But

are reprefented

above to be ccrtahu
'

the linen of Antioch has

y

never been

famous; and Antioch was

c

in

ruins.

The

/#tf therefore fpeaks fdfely.

f

fufpecl:,'

he

that it was fome manufacture of Europe, adds, * which the Hanfe merchants had imported by the ' way of Novogorod.' Yet he exprefsly calls it

the linen of Antioch.

And what

rnuft

be the

in-

toxication and palfy of a mind,

from the opium of

itfelf

fcepticifm

that can thus give

the

lie,

in

one

breath aver a point boldly and confidently, and in

the very next find fufficient reafon to reprobate
its

own averment?

Chapter the
or fixty-fixth.

ninth,
detail

We
to

have here a

of the

Greek emperours, applying

and
offering

for relief to the

Weft,

unite the
s

eaftern

and

weftern

churches,

378-384

the perianal

vifit

of one of

them, for the fame relief and with the fame offer, 385-387; that of another for relief only, 387-390 ;
the defcriptions of

Germany, France, and England,

as given by the attendants of thefe emperours, 390393 ; application again for relief with the old
offer,

394-395
j

the ftate of the imperial family,

the corruptions of the Latin church, 395-397 fchifm in the Weft from the co the 397-398;
1

P-

338339exiflence

Vols.

IV. V. VI. tfo.

;

29

exiftence of

two popes, 398

;

the councils of Pifa

and Conftance, 398

the council of Bafil,

400

this

council inviting the

399emperour and his

embafTadours re-

patriarch to

come

to

it,
it,

ceived honourably by

400 400 ;
to

his

the council and

pope

being at variance, the place of meeting fixed by

the

pope's
;

management
fitting

be

at

Ferrara,

400-

401

both

out gallies for fetching the

em-

perour, but the pope's taking

him on board, 400;

402

the emperour's train,

402-404

his arrival

at Venice,

404-405

his arrival at Ferrara,

the form of the council there,

cil

adjourned,
;

406

the

405 405-406; the counemperour flaying in Italy,

at

406-407

the

council re-afTembled
it

Florence,

407

the debates in

on the points of union be-

tween the churches, 407-410 ; die points fettled, 410-414 j the flate of the Greek language at Con-

414-416 ; the Greeks and Latins com416-417; the Greek learning revived in Italy, 417-418; the fludies of Barlaam thofe there, 418-419; thofe of Petrarch, 41 9-420 ofBoccace, 421-422; the knowledge of the Greek
ftantinople,
in

pared

learning,

language

423-424; a fuccefTion of Grecians teaching Greek there, 425-426 ; their

fettled in Italy,

426-427 ; the fludy of the Platonic philofophy, 427-428; the emulation and progrefs of the Latins, 429-431 ; and the ufe and
faults

and

their merits,

abuie of antient

learning,

thus a flrange kt of articles,

have 431-433. forming the fubflance

We

of

this chapter.

The

applications of the

emperours
cations

for relief,

and

their

endeavours to back their appli-

Qjj

23
cations

Review of Gibbon's

Hiftory,

by

offers

of uniting the churches, might

;

perhaps be properly noticed

felt

as evidences

of the

and acknowledged

debility, to

which the eaflern

empire was
in

now

reduced.

But, as they terminated

in

no

relief,

they

mould have been noticed only

a flight manner.

Two

or three pages would have

been

when fix-and-thirty are employed. But Mr. Gibbon has fuch a loquacioujuejs in writing, .hat he mufc talk on when he has got upon a fubfufficient,

ect.

Nothing can flop

Labitur,
et

the torrent of indifcretion.

labeiur, in

omne

njolubilis a^'vitm.

Beginning thus with the application enforced by the

offer,

he turns afide with the

offer,

goes on to the

corruptions of the Latin church, the anti-popes in

it,

the councils, &c. &c. &c.

And

he dwells upon

all

thefe digreffional points, with the fame amplitude

of defcription and the fame circumftantiality of incident, as if the

whole formed a very important

fall

part in the decline and

as

of the empire.
of
how

He
-,

is

much

at

home
is

in

every the moft diflant digrefhis fubjecl;

fion, as

he

in the regular line

and

Then he
equally

will talk,

good gods

he will talk

upon
his
all,

a point that has only the flighteft rehiftory, or as

it.

lation to

even upon one that has

that has the clofeft con-

none
fions,

at

upon one
In the

nection with

leaji

excurfive of his digref-

he will

make
i

a flight and almoft imperceptij

ble point, the central pin of a large formation

juft
as

Vols. IV. V. VI. 4/0.

a 31

as a fmgle grain

of fand becomes the nucleus to an

the

ample Hone,
in the

in

human

body.

We
c

fee this

long detail of the prefent chapter, concernBut, in others of

this

ing the union of the churches.

his
f

excurfions, he fcorns

even

difcretion in
pin.

running mad.'

He

afks for

no central

He

rolls

round no

nucleus.

But he
this

paftes on his matter

at

once.

We

have feen

exemplified feveral
fee
it

times before.
defcription

And

here

we

again, in the

of Germany,

France,

and England,
f

given by the attendants of the emperours.

c

It

may

be amufing enough,'
to

we

are

told

-perhaps

c 1
c

inftruclive,

contemplate the rude pictures of

Germany, France, and England, whofe ancient and modern flate are fo familiar to our minds V
are thus to be amufedy at the expence of every

We
by
this

propriety.

We
is

are

perhaps' to be

inftru&ed,'
after all,

the violation of every decency.

And,
it is

epifode

nearly as petty as
in

impertinent.
is

But Mr. Gibbon,

nals.

modelling

his hiftory,

like

an engineer conftruting one of our navigable ca-

He

endeavours to draw every lively brook in

the neighbourhood, into his

voir.

own

capacious referturns,

Like a wild one

therefore, he

and

twifts, and doubles the line of his canal, in queft

of it.

And
upon

in

fome point of
in

his courfe,

where he
in

fees a fine quantity of water, he commits every vio-

lence

nature,

railing

vallies,

finking

mountains, and in toffing up a whole river by the

1

p- 39i-

Qj.

aid

13 2

Review of Gibbon''s
that he

Hiftory>

aid of machinery,

may have

the ufe of

it.

Mr. Gibbon having

goes on to what
is

finifhed his ecclefwftkal hiftory,

equally impertinent with his

Grecian defcription of England, France, and Ger-

many

to the revival of the antient learning of the

in the

Greeks,

weft of Europe.

This he purfues,
quarto

through a train pages

;

of eighteen or nineteen

and

in little differtations,

on the

ftate

of the

Greek language at Conilantinople, on the Greeks and Latins compared for learning, on the revival of the Greek literature in Italy, on the ftudies of Barlaam, Petrarch, and Boccace there, &c. &c. &c. Such digreflions as thefe flare fo full in the face of criticifm, that I hardly know at which I mould wonder moft, the aftoniihing monftrofity of them, or
the eafy

acquiefcence of the publick under them.

I

There never was,

as this.

believe, a hiftory written fince

the creation of the world, ib monftrouily digreflional

And

cannot refrain from declaring, that

nothing, but fomc wild extravagance of underftand-

ing in

Mr. Gibbon, could have generated

fo

many

monfters of digreflions as thefe.

Chapter
or fixty-feventh.-

tenth
434

This gives us a general account

at this period,

of Constantinople
pofition in the

437
j

the op-

Greek

chjjrch to the union fettled with

;

the Latin,

437

440

the reign of Amurath the Se-

cond emperor of the Turks, 440

443
;

the Poles and

Hungarians engaging

in

war

againft the

Turks, 443
a peace.

445

their fucceffes,
1

445

447

their fwearing to

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4to.

133

a peace, breaking their oath, and renewing the war,

447
life,
1

448;

their

defeat,

448

451

the family,

and death of him who perfuaded the perjury,

452 ; the family of him who commanded the 45 army, his life to his defeat, his life afterwards, and
his
fon's,

452
j

454;

the birth and education of

;

Scanderbeg,

454456
his valour,

his revolt

from the Turks,

;

459;

456 457

457

458

his death,
laft

458

the accefllon of Conflantine, the

of the

emperours, to the throne of the empire, 459 460 j 462 ; and the embaflies of Phranzafor him, 460

the (late of the Byzantine court,

fhort chapter of not

of digreflions.

462 463. This more than thirty pages, is full Mr. Gibbon is fo much in the hathat he cannot
refill

bit of digrefiing,
tion.

the tempta-

And

the naturally (lender fhape of his hiflory,

requires to be fluffed out with

to the bulk wanted.

wadding and wool

is

The

account of the oppofijuft as digrefIt has

fall,

tion to the union in the Greeks,

fional
;

as the narrative of the union before.

It

no

relation to the hiflory.

it

haflened not the

before

was accomplished.
It has

It

delayed not the

fall,

afterwards.

no influence upon the by

civil hif-

tory

at

all.
is

Not

a pin or a v/heel in the political

it.

machine,
ceeds to

affected

But Mr. Gibbon pro-

flill

worfer digreflions.

He

gives us the

hiflory of the Poles and Hungarians, in their wars

with the Turks.

He

adds the hiflory of Scander-

beg, in his revolt from the Turks, and in his wars

with them.

He

dwells

upon

both, with

all

the cir-

cumflantiality of particular hiflory.

And he

fuperlife,

adds to the former, an account of the family,

and

234

Review of Gibbon's

Hijiorjj

and death of him,

who

perfuaded the Poles and

in the prefent

Hungarians to renew the war; of the family of him,

who commanded
former war ;

their

army

of his life to his defeat,

and the even of his life

Yet, in both

afterwards, and even of his fon's too.

thefe wars,

concerned
c

how is The

the decline and

fall

of the empire

Polifh and Hungarian wars,

we

are exprefsly told, the

emperour

'

feems to have

promoted by
thefe,
c

his wifhes,
f

During
but,
c

he

and injured by his fears'.' engaged to guard the Bofphorus 1 ;'

according to fome writers,

had
V

been awed
all
it

or feduced to grant the paffage

This was

his concern in the bufinefs.

If this could

make
its

proper to fhew the debility of the empire, in

ing
c

be-

awed or feduced'
;

to

break

its

own

ftipula-

tion in the alliance

then the war fhould have been

noticed flightly, in proportion to the flight concern

of the empire in

it.

But indeed
It

it

fhould not have

c

been noticed
c

at all.

was

not

one of the

imof

portant' circumftances, in the decline

It

and

fall

the empire.
*

was

flill

lefs

one of

the mofi

imfor

portant.'

And none

but thefe were to be noticed.

Mr. Gibbon however advances an argument,

mentioning
Poles and Hungarians united
' * *
;

the wars of Scanderbeg, and of the

that
*

they are both

entitled to our notice, fince their occupation of the Ottoman arms delayed the ruin of the Greek em-

pireV f Entitled to our notice* they may be. But are they to a particular and circumftantial
1

P. 445-

* p. * P-

445-

P-449-

454-

defcription

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4to.

235

defcription
that.

This he gives, though he talks only of

thefe wars,
it

Yet

is

alleged, diverted the

arms of the Turks and delayed the ruin of the empire.

On

notice,

the fame principle however, he might and even defcribe, every war in which the

Turks were engaged,

people, and even

every negociation in

which
their

they were concerned, every commotion

every
fever,

among

or

every pleafure,

which detained
cordingly

their fovereign

from war.

And

ac-

Mr. Gibbon defcribes to us in this very Amurath the Second emperour of the Turks, becauje he did not attack Conchapter, the reign of
ftantinople, during the abfence

of the emperour in

the

in p.

Weft when this very point had been noticed 402 before, when it is merely negative, and when he might as juftly have given us the hiftory
;

of all the furrounding nations.

duce digreflions.
viting- hiftories

But digrefTions proand the Hungaftill

Refigning himfelf up to the in-

of Scanderbeg's

rian wars, he feels himfelf allured

farther.

The
to

more he defcends from

of the precipice
;

the natural road, at the top

it

he

feels

the

more

difficult

reftrain his courfe,

and goes on with the more headcould not but defcribe the
-previous to his

long violence.

He

birth

and character of Scanderbeg,

with the Turks.
ly

wars

He

could not but defcribe the famioccafioned the

and

life

of him, who

fecond war of

the Hungarians and Poles with the Turks.

not but defcribe the family of him,

He
j

could

who

conduced the
his life

Poles and Hungarians in both thefe wars

before the defeat
his
-,

even

his

life

after

it ;

and even

very yew's too.

And

he has thus clapped a large

and

1$

Re-view of Gibbon's Hiftory,

his

and coloured badge upon the patched mantle of

hiftory, that ferves to
trefs,

mark

its

poverty, and bis dii-

to every eye.

There
it

are therefore only four

articles

out of fixteen in
;

this chapter, that

have any

juft connection with

the

firft,

concerning Con-

ftantinople
ceflion

concerning the acof Conilantine to the throne, the embaffies

;

and the three

laft,

which he

fent,

and the

ftate

of

his court.

Three

even of thefe are hardly to be reckoned, among the 1 moll important circumitances' of the decline and
fall

of the empire.

But

the intermediate points, are

entirely the very wantonnefs

digreflion.
'

and whimficalnefs of

Voltaire

admires

le

philofophc Turcj would

'

he have beftowed the fame praife on a Chriftian

prince, for retiring to a monaftery
?

*
'

In his way,

Voltaire was a bigot, an intolerant bigot

this pafiage,

V We

have produced
fairnefs

in

order to honour the

cf

it.

It

is

indeed an aftonifhing proof of

It
is

fairnefs, in

Mr

Gibbon.

a vivid flafh of inge-

nuoufnefs, breaking through the deep

anti-chriftian prejudices.
it
is

gloom of his

with wonder, and

the

And we therefore behold mark it with applaufe. But it more aftonilhing, when we confider the chaMr. Gibbon
himfelfj
feverity,

racter to be equally adapted to

as to Voltaire.

The keen

atmofphere of

which continually wraps Mr. Gibbon round when

he fpeaks cf Judaifm
them.

and of Chriftianity

fhews

clearly the inclement rigour of his fpirit towards

The

faucy {train of authority too,

with

P. 442.

which

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4/0.

237

which he prefumes to dictate upon points of divinity i to penetrate with a glance, through all the
folds

of the

mod complicated
his

doctrines

and to de-

cide in

an inftant upon myfteries, that he has never

familiarifed to

mind 3 marks
fluff

plainly that high

conceit

and overweening confidence

of opinion,

which always forms the

fecutor.

and fubftance of a per-

And
men
any

the imperious tone of infolence with

which
vince
;

lie

fpeaks of divines, even in their

likely to

own profrom nafure to

have

as

good
of

talents

ture, as

infidel in the

kingdom ; men,
their

improve them
fion,

in the bufmefs

own

profef-

by the general habits of a fcholaftick education,

their particular attention to their profefllonal

and by
ftudies ;

and men, actually Alining

in

every depart-

ment of fcience, and peculiarly eminent in their own, as all the world can witnefs is not merely to infult the common-fenfe of mankind, but to betray
:

the violence of the inquifitor under the moderation

of the philofopher

beneath the

gown and

furs

of

religious apathy, to difclofe the flame-coloured veil

of perfecution
' '

and to prove Mr. Gibbon

f

bis

way/

to be equally with Voltaire in bis,

a bigot,

an intolerant bigot.'

Chapter
1

eleventh
this

or

fixty-eighth.
II.

In

are the

character of

Mahomet
his reign,

466

emperour of the Turks, 464 466 ; 468 j his unfriendlinefs towards the

Roman

empire, 468

469

his

avowal of intended
hof^lities,


23 8
hoftilities,

Review of Gibbon's

Hijiory,

469 470
;

the hefitating conduct of the

empire, 470 ~~ 471

the provoking and hoftile be-

haviour of the Turks, 471

473

the preparations

of the Turks

475

of Conftantinople, 473 the great cannon, 475 477 ; the preparafor the fiege

tions of the

Greeks
;

for the defence

of Conftanti-

nople,

477

478

Mahomet
;

advancing and begin-

ning the fiege, 478

the forces of the

479;
48
1
j

Turks, 478
;

thofe of the Greeks

479 480

the

em-

perour having previoufly fought for aid from the

Weft, by an offered union of the churches, 480

a Latin prieft that officiated at St. Sophia's,

having railed a great ferment

among

the Greeks,
in the
firft

481

483
;

the behaviour of the

Greeks

part of the fiege,

484;

that of the

Turks, 484

485

the effect of the Turkifh batteries,

advance of the Turks to the ditch, 485

attempt to
fill

485 486
;

the
their

486 the Turks attempting mines, but again baffled, 486 other expedients tried by them, 486 487 a breach made, at night but the Turks beat off for the day, 487 veffels fome breakbuilt up again, the breach 487
the

ditch baffled,

ing through the whole Turkifh

fuccours,

fleet,

and bringing

487

490

Mahomet

inclining to difconeffort,

tinue the fiege, but relblving

upon another

490

tranfporting his navy over land into the har-

bour, 49 1 i attacking the wall of the city there, 492 j the city reduced to diftrefs, 492 ; being in diffenfions,

493

493 495
496

the

Turks preparing
morning, 495
;

to give the affault,

the Greeks preparing for the expected

affault

of the

496

the

affault

given,

498

the

Turks gaining

the walls,

498

499;

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4/0.

(lain,

239
j

499;
tants,

the

emperour

499

500

the

Turks
502;

entering the city,

500
j

the -confufion of the inhabi-

500

501

the Greeks

made

captives,

their treatment,

502

504
his

505

503

the pillage of the city,

it,

Mahomet
508

entering into
;

behaviour 507

ing the city,

510;
its

508

his repeopling

505 507 ; and adorn-

the future hiftory of the

extinction,

Imperial family to
refolution

511

514;
j

made

in the

Weft

for a crufade againft

the Turks, but ending in nothing,

514

516

even
In

though Mahomet invades

this interefting chapter,

Italy,

516

517.

everlafting difgrace of

we meet with little of that Mr. Gibbon's chapters, the

There
I
it.

impertinence and abfurdity of digreffions.

is

ib little, that I

(hall not notice

And

am

happy

to clofe

the afiual narrative of the eaftern

empire, in a chapter fo juftly connected with the

hiftory,

and forming fuch a regular conclufion

f

to

it.

Falfe language.

regret the

map

or plan'

[he

fhould have
'

plan']
nifter

'

want of the map or which Tournefort fent to the French mifaid,

f

regret the

of the marine'.'
{

'

To approve'
'

|_he

mould
and

have
c
f t

faid,

to

make proof of]

their patience

long-fuffering

That Conftantincple would

.'

be the term of the Turkifh conquefts

wifh

I
c

could

to prolong the term

of one night
s
.

The

'

Greeks,

now

driven from the vantage ground,

c

meaning
*

the top of the walls

The

term of the

hiftoric labours

of John Sagredo
2
s

V
3

p. 469.

p. 47Q.

p.

490.

p.

491.

P-499-

?-5i7I

have

240
I

Review of Gillon's

Hjfiory,
fpite

have noticed before the mean and vulgar

It
c

of Mr. Gibbon, againft the Jews. remarkably again, in this chapter.

*

breaks out
ufe or

What
fome

merit,'

he fays concerning a Turkifh emperor,

learning
c
;

who
*

was

Chaldaic

with

other

languages

could

recommend

to the ftatefman or

fcholar, the uncouth dialetl of his

Hebrew

jlaves \?

'

The fpite of Mr. Gibbon here is pure frenzy.. But let me now afk at the clofe, What is the caufe of
this

marked refentment
his
firft,

againft the Jews, that runs

?

through
it

whole hiftory

naturally attributed

at

to that union of character and of intereft,

to

which Judaifm has the honour

tianity.

mare with ChrifI

Yet, on revifing the whole,

is

lee the re-

fentment
fuch
a

too violent, to be merely the refult of

collateral

connection.

operative than any principle

Something more of unbelief, muft have

it

occafioned

it.

therefore believe

to be this.

Mr.
been

Gibbon,

have other reafons

for thinking, has

fufficiently

acquainted with the ufurious part of the

modern
this
is

Israelites, to

deeds of oppreffion in his

have fuffered Jome of their ufual own perfon. The feeling of

conftantly floating

upon

his

mind,

fuppofe,

and
tions

is

conftantly giving a

pungency
I

to his fpecula-

of diilike.

And

this has united with his prin-

ciples in the prefent

inftance,

believe, to

work

him up

into a frenzy of

illiterate fanatic ifm, againft

the whole race.

Yet we
nefs, that

fee in this chapter a ftroke

of ingenuouf-

ought to be ranked with the remarkable

*

p.

4 6 5-

one

! ;

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4to.

241

c Thefe annals,' he fays concerning one before. of Cantemir, ' unlefs we are annals Turkifh the e

Jwayed by

antkhrijiian prejudices, are far lefs va-

luable than the

Greek
to

'.'

This

is

another flafh of

ingenuoufnefs, not fo ftrong and vivid as the former,

but very fimilar

too, I believe,
is

it.

The

flroke of this lightning

equally with the force of that di-

rected at the head of Voltaire.

Mr. Gibbon aplively,

pears to
for

have conceived a moffc un-brotherly hatred,

an hiftorian

who

is

very like himfelf,

infidel.

ab-

lurd, a falfifier,

and an

He

is

not fuch an

impertinent digrefifor as

Mr. Gibbon,
is

apprehend;

and Mr. Gibbon,

cialift in

prefume,

not fuch a fuperfi-

once, I rical

hiftory as he. Mr. Gibbon therefore had know, a very natural fympathy for the hifto-

character of Voltaire.
f

Yet he has now a

See Voltaire
,'

pointed averlion to him.

fays in this very chapter
'
c
:

he

he

was

ambitious of uni-

verfal monarchy

and

the poet frequently afpires to

the name and jiyle of an afironomer, a chymijl,

*

&c V

In another page he adds, that

c

the pious zeal of

Voltaire

is excejjive,

and even ridiculous*.'

But how

nicely does
trait
c

Mr. Gibbon again dafh out

this
is
l

the very por-

of himfelf, in

fecond character of Voltaire

He' too
and the

ambitious of univerfal monarchy

frequently afpires to the
;'

digrejfor

name
and,

and

ftyle

of an aflronomer, a chymift, &c.

*

very frequently too,

1

the pious zeal of

Mr.

Gibbon

is

exceffive,

and even ridiculous.'

So

juftly has

*p. 47 i.
3

p.

4-6.

P495-

Mr.

242

Review of Gibbon's

Hi/lory,

Mr. Gibbon given us his own face, in his angry attempts to draw the deformed one of Voltaire This
!

vain old

man

of Ferney, the perpetual prater of invifitants,

fidelity to his

difrefpect to
retreat

numerous Mr. Gibbon

his choler.

had ihewn fome

loft

(I

fuppofe) during his

his pride,

into Switzerland,

had flung
at times,

and

had provoked

And Mr Gibbon
we
Such
are

himfelf

becomes half a Chriflian

oppofition to Voltaire.

fee, in

mere

the principles
in philofophy
!

and practices, of thefe mock-dotlors

But

let it alfo
is

be obferved, that Mr. Gibbon's aniit is

mofity

as prudent, as

ftrong.
till

He

attacks not

Voltaire in this bold manner,

the conclufion of his work.

he comes near to

And

Voltaire, as well as

Dr. Johnfon, was dead; before the hero prefumed

to afTault him.

Such

is

the gallantry of a writer,

who would

crouch before the living lion, and trample

!

upon the dead one

Contradictions.
f 1 1

Text.

Mahomet
Note.
*

removed the

caufe of fedition, by the death, the inevitable death,

of his

infant brothers

'.'

Calapin, one of

thefe royal infants,

wzsfaved from
is

his cruel brother'

What was
bon

un-avoidable
is

actually
again.

avoided, and

what was dead

raifed to

life

Mr. Gibto

very properly appeals,

in

oppofition

the

fcepticifm and chemiftry of Voltaire,

fact in

to a fingular

Baron de Tott's Memoirs. Yet, when he has done this in the note and text, he adds finally
to
c

the note thus

does not poffefs

c
:

but that adventurous traveller

the art of gaining our confidence

'P. 467.

P 47 6.
.

And


Vols.

IV. V.

VI

tfo.

243

And Mr. Gibbon

f

thus countermines himfelf.

and

His

fon,'

whom
c

the

Mr. Gibbon tells us concerning a youth, Turkifh emperour wanted to abufe unc

naturally;

this

preferred death to infamy,

was (tabbed by the royal lover

confirms
it
c
;

V The
'

note at

firfi
*

peremptory account.

See Phran*

za,'

fays concerning the

his

very father of this

pofitive.'

youth
4

expreffions

are

He
,

then
e

quotes

them.

And,

after all,

he fays thus

yet

he could only learn from report the bloody or

* f

impure
of the

fcenes, that
feraglio.'
is

were acted

in the

dark

recelTes
in

Like Sampfon, blind

his

ftrength, he
tect himfelf,
his

tugging at the very

pillars that

pro-

and going to tear down the

edifice

upon

own

head.

We
we
the

have now purfued the hiftory of the eaftern

its final

empire, to

extinction in the

reduction of

Constantinople by the Turks.

find

Yet, to our furprife,

it

Mr.
of
it.

Gibbon's hiftory of
is

not compleated.

His tragedy
tail

ended, but he claps an epilogue to

He

has no

lefs

than

of hiftory more.
the

But what

can he find to fay

digreffions
to

three chapters upon

the right

fubject, after fo
left,
?

many

and

and with fuch a fweeping conclufion to the

This Appian way, having run many a lofty, the admiration of numbers,
all
;

whole

league, broad and

and the theme of

ufeful, a

but more confpicuous than

vanity and oftentation

monument more of

in the conftruttor, than

of fervice and benefit to the

53-

P-

world 5

^44

Review of Gibbon's

Hi/lory,
in its

world; and having turned afide repeatedly

that were not in

progress, to take in towns and to traverfe regions,

its

natural line, and are

now
itfelf

deferted

by

all

who
its

purfue that* at lad lofes

courfe,
c

near the

end of
c

by plunging into the body of a

final extinction,' fays

great bog.

The
laft

Mr. Gibbon,
in

of the two

dynafties

which have reigned

in the Eaft

1 *

Constantinople, Jhould terminate the decline and

fall
it

of the

Roman
f

empire

It Jhould,

but

will not.

For

in the very next paragraph

he

goes, to the
lofs

grief and terror of Europe,'

f

upon the

of Constantinople.
c

As

am

now,' he adds

in another page,
*

taking an everlajling farewell of'the

Greek empire j' he fubjoins a fhort note concerning fome of his authors \ And, after an everlaftl

ing farewell'of his fubject, what can even

?

this

uni-

verfal gleaner find to collect

He
It

finds matter, that

mull

furprife every reader.

thoroughly aftonifhhis

ed me, ufed
hiflory,

as I

was to the rambling genius of

when I firfl beheld it. Much as I have dwelt upon his ftrange excurfions before, and much
as I prepared myfelf for a continuance or an enlarge-

ment of them,
excurflon as
prized,

did not expect fuch a wildgoofe

this.

Nor

will the reader

it is.

be

lefs fur-

when

I tell

him what
*

Pie cannot pofflare,

iibly conjecture.

And
fays

he muft look, and

and

wonder, when he hears.

*

Nor

fhall I

difmifs the

prefent

work/

Mr. Gibbon,

as

he

firfl

difI

clofes this
c

amazing

codicil to his

long will

till

have reviewed the fiate and

P. 511.

revolutions of the

Ro-

P- 5

?"

'

MAM

Vols.
c

IV. V. VI. 4fo.

14$
late capital

man

city,'

meaning Rome, the

in the

of

the late empire of the Weft, the hiftory of which

was terminated
clofe
c
c

reduction of the capital, at the

*

of the third volume;

which' city of

Rome

acquiefced under the dominion of the popes, about

the

fame time that Ccnftantinople was enflaved by the Turkifh arms V The poor, feeble, and
tacking- on
is

petty pretence, for

fu ch

a
fee
in

hiftory
;

to

the hiftory preceding,

merely,

we

that the

main point of

it

is

almoft coincident

time,

with

the concluding point of the other.

Never perhaps
wantonnefs, with

did digreflicn attempt to cover

its

fuch thin and ragged

fhi

eds before.

Yet with

thefe

does Mr. Gibbon go on, through a cumbrous epilogue of no

lefs

than one hundred and twenty -eight

I

pages

in quarto.

fhall therefore
I

excufe myfelf,

from reviewing
the others.
each,
this

thefe chapters as

have reviewed

I fhall

only give

my

ufual abftract of

that

my

readers

may

not take

my

words for

enormous and exorbitant

it

digreflion, but

may

fee

themfelves; and that they

it

may
it

not compre*
in all its full

hend

merely

in general,

but

mark

and affecting

detail.

The

contradictions, the ribaldry,

and the

mifiakes, I fhall pafs

over entirely.

For who
meteor
is

can ftop to count the ftars,

tzreaming before his eyes
?

when

a large

519.

!n


24-6

Hijtory,

Review of Gibbon's

In Chapter the
or fixty-ninth,

twelfth,

we fee the French and German emperours of Rome, 519 the turbulence of 520 the Romans towards them, 520 521 the authoof rity the popes in Rome, 521 523; the turbulence of the Romans towards them alfo, 523 -526 ;

particular inftances of

this,

526

528

the general

character of the

a revolt at

Romans at this period, 528 529; Rome. 529 S3 2 tne revolters reduced,
>

53 2 ~ 533 tne ld republican government revived 533 535 ; the capitcl fortified, $35 536; the coinage of money given to the fenate, $36 537; the prefect of the city appointed by the fenate and the people, 537 538 the number and
in part,

choice of the fenate, 538

of Rome, 539 540 an account of one, Brancaleone, 540 541 j of another, Charles of Anjou,
;

539

the office of fenator

541

542

of another, Pope Martin IVth, 542

to one of the

of another, Emperor Lewis of Eavaria, 542; the

addrefs of

Rome
;

German emperours,

542 544; another

addrefs to another empercur,

544545
march
to

the reply of the latter,

in favour

Rome

546 545 of the pope, 546

his
his
;

-,

befieging Rome, and being baffled, 546 547 the wars of the Romans with the neighbouring

towns,

547 549
;

the election of the popes by the

fenate and people,

550

by the

cardinals alone,

551

the mftitution of the -conclave, 551

550 552;
553-,

the people claiming a right to elect,

552

but

Vols.

IF. V. VI. 4to.

it

247

but

finally

giving

up,

553; the abfence of the

;

popes from Rome, 553 ~555 the holy fee to Avignon, 5$$of the jubilee,

their tranflation
5$~:
i

of

the inflitution

557 560
,

the nobles or barons of

Rome, 560 561

\

the family of Leo, &c.

561

562; of the Colore, 562 565 and of the UrfiThis chapter of near forty pages, n y ^^^66.
;

is

obvioufly upon the face of the abftract, almoft

it is

as abrupt as
is

digrefiional,

and

as frivolous as

it

devious.

In Chapter the thirteenth

or feventieth,

we have an

account, of Petrarch,

570
zi at

567
57
1 j

his poetic

coronation at

Rome, 570

birth, character, and patriotic defigns of one Rien-

Rome, 572 5745 his affuming the government of Rome, 574 576 his taking the title of his new regulations, 576 573 tribune, 576 the
;
-,

freedom and profperity of

Rome
in

580

his

being reflected

under him, 578 Italy, &c. 580 581

his vices

and

follies,

581

ed and crowned, 583

585

583
;

his

being knight-

the rifing

envy of the

people againft him, 585 j the nobles confpiring againft him, 585 586; his feizing, condemning,

pardoning, and rewarding them, 586

rifing in

587
588
j

their
;

arms againft him out of the

it,

city,

587

at-

tempting to enter

but beaten

off,

Rienzi

more, 588 589; being excommunicated by the pope, and abdicating the goalienating the people

vernment, 5905 feuds again

at

Rome, 590591

again


248

Review of Gibbon's
;

Hifiory^

again a revolt, 591

his adventures
his

Rienzi's return to power, 591s

after

being

made
his

he had abdicated, 591 S93> fenator of Rome, 593 ; his conduct,

593
59S

594;

being maiTacred in a tumult, 594

Petrarch's inviting and upbraiding the

empe-

rour Charles IV. 595

their leaving
it,

$9&i

his

requefting the
;

popes to return to Rome, 596

597

their return,

597
601

Rome
;

again, and finally return-

ing to
j

597

599;
601

a pope and anti-pope,

calamities of

a fchifm,

Rome,
;

601

599

602

-,

negotiations for union,

603

inflamed,

coinage of
;

604 605 at laft healed, 605 -606 ; the money refumed by the popes, 606
;

604
;

the fchifm

Rome, 607 laft coronation 607 of a German emperour at Rome, 608 the governthe
laft

revolt of

ment and laws of 610 a confpiracy

>

Rome
laft

under the popes, 608

of

againft the popes,

610

612;

is

but crufhed, 6 1 2

diforders of the nobles

Rome, 612
lute

613; the popes acquiring the abfodominion of Rome, 613 615; and the nature of the ecciefiaftical government of Rome* 616

618.

This chapter of more than

fifty

fages,

merely a military cheft of the old Romans, a paymafter's hoard of brafs farthings.
that can attract our attention at
all,

The

only parts,

are the internal

fo infiglately fo

convulsions of
nificant in
fignificant
-

Rome. But Rome is now itfelf, and become fo from being

that,

though

its dififenfions

are nearly on
its

as large a fcale as thofe,

fcate,

which embroiled

infant
its

yet they are nothing to the mind, in this

fe-

cond infancy.

And

after all

the grand events, that

this hiftory,

have been brought into the compafs of

like


Vols.

IV. V. VI.

4/0.

249
moft

like the wild beafts into the pit

of a

Roman amphi-

theatre

fome from

the neighbouring regions,

from
and

the diftant and fequeftered parts of the globe, to exhibit themfelves in heir boldeft attitudes
;

all

before us

the fquabbles of a

town

in Italy, that

had

fome ages before been

merely the
capital

the capital of the world,

had

then become the capital of the Weft, and was

now

of a

diftricl:,

are

little

better to

the raifed conceptions of the reader, than the dif-

putes of the ruffs and the reeves

among

the birds.

In Chapter the
or feventy-firft,
in

fourteenth

is

a view of

Rome

from the capitol

;

the fourteenth century,

of the ruins

620 two hundred years

621

an account

before,

622
623

623

one of four caufes of

another,

their deftruction,

626

628;

another, 628

632;

626;

another,

635 637; the games 637 639; its injuries, 639 640; the ignorance and barbarifm of the Romans, 640
of

632635;

the Colifeum,

Rome
j

in

it,

643

the reftoration and ornaments of the city,

;

643
645

^645

646.
pofing

and the

final

conclufion of the work,

is

This chapter of forty'-fix pages,

in
its

digref-

fion rioting

own

digrefTivenefs,

digreffion

mounting upon the fhoulders of digreffion, and exits general abfurdity the more by its particu-

lar excefs.

And

it

ferves with

moft admirable
to a point of abfurdity,

congruity of

folly,

to put a finifhing clofe to mis

it

ftrange digreffion, and to reduce

250
furdity,

Review of Gibbons
which
all

Uifioryy
all

fnall

fee

and

fhall

acknov/-

ledge.

In reviewing the whole work before, we have frequently been obliged to (top, and paufe, and reflect
;

to interrogate ourfeives

what we were reading,

title

to recur in our

minds

to die

and preface of the

whole, and to compare the current pages with both.

Had we
opinions,

not done

fo,

we

fhould have been

loft, like

the author, in the progreflive labyrinth of facts,

and remarks.

So,

we

believe,

have

many
glided

of

Mr. Gibbon's

readers been.

They have
the
left,

down

the ftream of the hiilory, turned in

with

it

to the right, then

this point,

turned out to
;

doubled
flecting

and rounded that

without revoyage,
their

on the promifed direction of

their

and without confidering the actual tendency of

motions.

They muft have been

fo

ftartled at length
line

however, to find themfelves

wide of the

ex-

pected by themfelves, and fo diftant from the end to

which they propofed

points,
ftill

to

go

frill

turning round

new
di-

running

down new

reaches,

and
river.

ftill

verting from the

main channel of the

But,
;

though

ftartled,

they have been overborne

per-

fuaded that their conductor was rambling with them,

yet not prefuming to rely
ftifling

upon

their

own judgment;
be-

their perfuafions

with their modefty,

lieving againft alTurance, and confiding againft conviction.

And,

after

all

their circumnavigations
at

when they were

which
their

arrived

the very ground, to

views had been

;

fo

long and Co mortify-

ingly directed

and when they had even moored

fall

Vols.

IV. V. VI. 4to.

251

faft at

the very wharf, to

which they were going,

all

and were now to terminate

ments, by ftepping upon

their difappoint-

the land; to find their

fit

captain throw off the fattening in an additional

of
to

wantonnefs, to fet
carry

away with them

again, and

them round fome of

repeatedly
fee, in

the very

capes,

which they had that they might

doubled before, merely

fuch an enormity of

what condition they were

loft;
is

fince they vifited

them
2.

wantonnefs, fuch

jwperfstation of impertinence, as
his admirers to

muft make even the molt drunken of

flare

with aftonifhment.
arifes
feels

All indeed

from Mr. Gibbon's redundancy

of ideas.

upon him.

He He

them
his

continually overflowing

feels

brooks fweiling into

feas,

ri-

vers, his rivers

widening into

and

his feas

ex-

panding into an ocean.

of mind,
which,

And

the

fame organization

unchecked by judgment, made hirn a wild infidel j uncontroulabie from indulgence, renders

him

as wild a digreflbr.

He

can-

not confine his thoughts within any circumfcription

of order

or reduce

them under any

difcipline

of

propriety.

He

has therefore rambled through hif-

tory, with all the excentric;ty of one,

who

Is

of imagination
#

all

compact.
# #

Tb'

hiftorian's eye, in a fine

frenzy rowling,

Has glanc'd fromheav'n

# #

to earth,

from earth
*

to heav'n.

Such tricks hath ftrong imagination!

But

452
But
all
it

Review of Gibbon's

Hiftory,

concludes with one trick, that greatly exceeds

reft.

the

We have feen the

after a

two empires of Eaft

and Weft,
weftern

tedious illnefs and a lingering

death, fucceflively buried under the earth.

The

we have
fet

particularly buried,

ten centuries

ago.

Yet, to

fome nine or our amazement, we

of

are

now

by Mr. Gibbon
and to

to dig into the grave

the

latter,

to hunt for the poor and periihing reit,

mains of
allies

collect the little handful

of

its

from

their old repofitory.

is

tory of

Rome

placed before

The modern hifus, becaufe we have

Mr. Gibbon
tour of
ancient

had the

ancient.

We

are even to take

for our Ciceroni>

Rome
becauje
'
*

becaufe

and make the antiquary's we have been reading its

in writing the
fifh

hiftory.
f

Juft
a

fo,

annals of a king,

man may
a

with the

worm
'

that hath

eat of the king,

and eat of the fifh that hath fed

of that

worm i'

mad Hamlet would

was dead,
'

fhew you,

*
*

how

the king,' after he

went a pro-

grefs through the guts of a beggar.'

But no words
of fuch

can

fully expofe, the aftoniihing devioufnefs

this.

a digreftion as
like
It is
it

Never,

believe, has any thing

been attempted before,

certainly a flight

in the

world of

hiftory.

beyond the moon.

And

it

marks

in the ftrongeft colours,

the progrefs of ima-

gination in the mind, and the operation of digreffion in the hiftory, of

Mr. Gibbon
its

-,

of imagination
ideas,

kindling with the motion of

digreflion

own

and of

growing
;

licentious
rifing

from the exercife of its

a lefier

own

liberty

both

gradually from

folly to a greater,

adding impertinence to impertinence,

Vols.

IV. V. VI. $to.

253
the head
in a full

nence, and accumulating abfurdity

upon
laft,

of abfurdity;

till

they have clofed at

confummation of enormity and wildnefs.

CHAPTER THE FIFTH.

H AV E thus reviewed the three
this hiftory,
laft

volumes of
but

with a circumftantiality, which has

;

hardly ever been ufed upon a work before

which the
clusions,

prefent,

from
I

its

peculiar quality, deto

manded of me.
This
It
is is

And

am now

draw

my

con-

from the whole.

a

work

of a very extraordinary nature.

not in the

common

rank of publications, aim-

ing at a moderate mare of reputation, and content

to reft in a mediocrity of character.
It

muft

either

be highly cenfured or ftrongly praifed,

or praiied
It
is

and cenfured with an equal degree of energy.

indeed a production, that has a thoufand beauties

and a thoufand blemifhes.

comprehenfive and

It

fhews a large and

comprehenfive range of erudition, a range amazingly

large.

But the author

tiian

is

even more oftentatious of his learning,

obfcures what he writes by

Milton

himfelf ; and, even oftener than Milton, clouds and

it.

His notes

are fo

frequent in themfel
ter,

/es,
is

and

fo full

of foreign mat-

that the reader

perpetually drawn off from

the Subject of the text, and his

mind

is

diftracted
in

254

Review of Gibbon's

Hiftory,

in an endlefs variety; being toffed

forwards, between hiftorical

backwards and narrative and critical

obfervations, the deeds of the actors on the ft age above, and the characters of the writers in the
'

cellarage' below.

And

all

forms luch a compli-

cation of incongruous parts, that the one counteracts the other in

its

impreffion upon the mind, and

the clafhing of both deftroys half the energy of

either.

The

language of Mr. Gibbon

alfo,

is

fre-

quently harfh from the foreign idioms, and from

the affectation of vigour, in
it.

The

harfhnefs

is

that of one of Dr., Johnfon's differtations, utterly in-

compatible with the native eafe and the familiar

dignity of hiftorical language.
is

The meaning
it.

too

repeatedly obfcure.

This

arifes

generally from

the quick and fhort allufivenefs of

Mr. Gibbe

bon's ftyle thus becomes like Tacitus's, too rapid

to be clear, and too
readily intelligible.
failing
fore.

fantaftically

infolded to

Yet

much more

formidable

than thefe, has evidently been detected be-

The

felf-contradictorinefs of

Mr. Gibbon

is

very wonderful.
his hiftory,
it

In diftant, in adjoining parts of

too apparent.
text,

is

And

the oppofition

of the notes to the

and of one part of the note

are ftriking proofs of his

or of the text to the

reft,

confufednefs of judgment.
rtions fighting, like fo

We

have feen

his

poj

many

gladiators, before us

and deftroying one another.

But we
greflions.

are

ftill

more

difgufted in reading this

its

work, with the length and the frequency of

di-

Two

thirds

of the whole, we

may

fairly

fay,

Vols. fay, are

IV. V. VI. 4*7.

it.

is 5
digreflions too

quite foreign to

The

continue to

grow

in length,

and to

rife in

abfurdity,

to the very end.

Indeed they are fo abfurd and fo

hardly any images in nature can
to

long
fully

at laft, that

reprefent them,

the imagination

of our
relin-

readers.

And
its

one of the Jatellites of Saturn,

quilhing

mafter-orb, and running the round of

;

the folar fyftem

or the

moon,
earth,

deferting her duty

of attendance

upon our
;

and lofing herfelf in

the wildernefs of fpace

can alone image forth the

ftrange excurfivenefs of Mr.

Gibbon
I

in hiftory.
is its

But
I

the grand fault of the whole,

fulnefs.

believe,

unfaith-

There

is

no dependence to be made,
have {hewn

ap-

prehend, upon any one reference, or even any one

citation, in
it.

This

fufficiently
It

be-

fore, I think,

by fome
in

fpecial inftances.

could
na-

not be expected, that

ture
full
I

an examination of

this

could be more particular.

Yet
not,

have done

enough, to tempt the curiofity or to urge the

zeal of others.

And

doubt

but the more

all his

Mr. Gibbon

is

followed clofely through

quothem.

tations and references, he will the

more be found

either negligently, or difhoneftly, doubling in

Thefe

are

broad fpcts upon

this hiftorical fun.

They require no critical telefcope to view them. They come forward to the naked eye. But the laft,
from
as
its

very nature,

is

fatal to the

whole.

And,
fiyle

Mademoifelle de Keralio has very

c

juitiy obferv-

ed,
*

on peut

etre eloquent >

on peut avoir un

Jeduijant

et ncble,

mais

n'eft -pas hiftcrien.'

is

Mr.
piece,

Gibbon's

hiitory, therefore,

only an elegant froft-

256
piece,

Review of Gibbon's

Hijiory,

the production of a night;

which

glitters

to the eye, plays

upon the

fancy,
;

and captivates
but diffblves in

the judgment for a ihort period

the frailty of
air,
its

fine materials,

and fades away into

as foon as the fun begins to fhine

upon

it.

But what
its

are thefe faults, to the wickednefs that

?

pervades the whole

Obfcenity

ftains it
it

through
with
all,

very fubftance.
love modefty,
in their fouls

This mufl

difcredit

who

who

cultivate

a fpirit of ele-

gance

and of delicacy

in their

language,

and are not compleatly vulgarized by

inftincts.

their

animal

In his preface to thefe volumes

truly informs us, that he
;'

Mr. Gibdefcend-

bon very
c

is

now

ing into the vale of years

and the volumes themall

felves aflure us, that

he

is

defcending with

the

grofs lafcivioufnefs of unblufhing youth about him,

How
heart,

full

mufl be the fountain of impurity

the ftream
the page
is

in the

when

is
?

foaming and frothing

fo

much through
of wantonnefs
fidelity.

Yet even

this

bold note

exceeded, by the daring tone of inall

Mr. Gibbon comes forward with

it

the

rancour of a renegado, againft

tramples upon
at firft,

Cliriftianity.

He

with the cloven-foot of

it

Heathenifm.
dirty tail
dity,

He

dungs upon

at laft,

from the

of Mahometanifm.
glaring,

And
a

literary abfur-

however
of
this

even practical profligacy,

loft for

however flaming, are both

fenfe
piety.

moment

in the

volcanick eruption of antichriftian in-

The
may

friends

of

literature,

then,
like

may
this.

equally

triumph and lament,

at a

work

They
of

triumph, when, with the ufual perfunctorinefs

Vols. IV.

V.

11.

ArtO.

257

of criticifm, they confider the wide range of reading

in
it,

the fplendour of the fentiments,

the depth of

the reflections, and the vivacity of the

language.

But they muft lament, when they come to fcrutinize it with a ftricter eye, to mark the harfh and the falfe
language, the diffraction occafioned by the parade

of reading, the obfcurity

tradictorinefs
digreflions,
in

in the

meaning, the con-

of the parts, the endlefs labyrinth of

carelefs or wilful unfaithfulnefs

and the

the narrative.

The
all.

fiends of religion

alio,

muft grieve with a jufter forrow, over the defperate

profligacy

of

But

let

not one friend to

religion be

weak enough
arm of

co fear.
in the

There

is

not a

particle

of formidablenefs

thoufand ftrokes,
has been laying
fhieJd
is

that this blafted

infidelity

upon
if

the fhield of Chriftianity.

segis

That

the

immortal

of wifdom.

Againft fuch a cover,

we
is

are not feared with the glitter,

dread the edge,

we need not to of Mr. Gibbon's fvvord. Mr. Gib-

bon

only angry at Chriftianity, becaufe Chriftiani-

ty frowns

upon him.

He

has been long endeavour-

ing to fliake off the terrours, which his Chriftian

education has impreffed upon him
j

but he cannot

do

fo.
'

He

fcorns them, yet they

awe him.'

He
bull

is

therefore acting towards Chriftianity, like a

;

caught in a net

making every
ftill

defperate effort,
j

to break the cords that

{training every nerve
in

encompafs him

and

an agony of exertion, to
wilds of animal

burft

away

into the undifquieted

enjoyment.

1$%

Review of Gibbon' s

Hiflory,

&c.

enjoyment.

And

think

cannot better conclude

my
this

review of his hiftory, than by applying to him as, equally in the praife character in Milton
;

and

in the cenfiire, truly defcriptive

of him.

On
Belial, in atl

th'

other fide up rofe more graceful and humane

loft

A fairer
For
But
all

perfon

not heaven

he leem'd

dignity

compos'd and high

;

exploit,

was falfe and hollow

though his tongue

ivorje

Drcpt manna, and could make the

appear

The

better reafon,
;

to perplex

and dajh

Maturejl counfels

for his thoughts

-noble

were low,

To

vice induftricus, but to

deeds

Timorous and flothful ; yet he pleafcd the ear,

And with perfuafve

axcent thus began.

FINIS.

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