Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Richard Hyman
LondonSchoolofEconomics,UK
Abstract
ItiscommontoarguethatAngloSaxoncapitalismdiffersfundamentallyfrom thatofcontinentalEurope,andthatthiscontrastresultsinincompatiblesystems ofindustrialrelations.Thispaperoutlinessomeofthekeyargumentswhich suggestthatBritainandtherestofEuropeoratleast,continentalwestern Europerepresentincompatiblevarietiesofcapitalism,andexploresthisfurther byconsideringsomeofthemeaningsofthatelusiveconcept,theEuropeansocial model. Thepaperlooksatthecomplexinterconnectionbetweeneconomicintegrationand social(orlabourmarket)regulationwithintheEU.Itgoesontoexaminehow EuropeanregulationhascontributedtothetransformationofBritishindustrial relationswhichhasoccurredoveralmostfourdecadesofBritishmembership. Finallythepaperindicatessomepossibleinfluencesinthereversedirection, leadingtothequestionwhetherBritainisnowspearheadingthetransformationof continentalEuropeintoanAngloSaxonvariantofcapitalism. ThispaperwascommissionedbyIESaspartofitsVisitingFellowsscheme.It helpsmarktheInstitutes40thyearanniversary.
Introduction
In1969theyeartheIESwascreatedCharlesdeGaulleresignedasPresidentof Franceafterhisproposalsforconstitutionalamendmentsweredefeatedina referendum.DeGaullehadvetoedthefirsttwoBritishapplications,madebythe MacmillanandWilsongovernmentsin1961and1967,foraccessiontothe(then) EuropeanEconomicCommunity(EEC)orCommonMarket.Hissuccessor,Georges Pompidou,indicatedhiswillingnesstoacceptenlargementoftheEECfromthesix signatoriesoftheoriginalTreatyofRomein1957,pavingthewayforthethirdUK applicationundertheHeathgovernmentandaccessioninJanuary1973. BritainsrelationshipwithwhatisnowknownastheEuropeanUnion(EU)has alwaysbeenregardedasuneasy.TheUKdidnotparticipateintheconstructionof theEECin1957,partlybecausegovernmentssawmembershipasathreattonational autonomy;insteadittooktheleadincreatingthemuchweakerEuropeanFreeTrade Area(EFTA)in1960,providingthefirsttwosecretariesgeneral.Howevertherewas achangeofmindwhentheEECappearedasuccess;inconsequencetheUKapplied tojoinaclubwhoseruleshadalreadybeendefinedmostnotably,perhaps,inthe CommonAgriculturalPolicywhichconsumedthebulkofthelimitedcentralbudget. Andformuchoftheperiodofitsmembership,Britainhasbeenregardedasthe awkwardpartner(George1990),actingasabrakeonfurtherintegration, particularlyinthesocialandpoliticalsphere. ThetensionsbecameparticularlyclearfollowingtheelectionofMargaretThatcheras primeministerin1979.InmarkedcontrasttoherpredecessorasConservativeleader, EdwardHeath,shewassuspiciousofallattemptstostrengthentheregulatory competenceoftheEuropeanlevelattheexpenseofnationalsovereignty,and particularlyoftheideaofEuropeaninterventioninthelabourmarketwhichmight reversethederegulatoryeffortsofherowngovernment.Wehaventworkedall theseyearstofreeBritainfromtheparalysisofSocialismonlytoseeitcreepin throughthebackdoorofcentralcontrolandbureaucracyfromBrussels,sheinsisted atherpartyconferencein1988.TheUKgovernmentrefusedtosignthe(non binding)socialcharterof1989,insisted(underThatcherssuccessorJohnMajor)on anoptoutfromthesocialchapterofthe1991MaastrichtTreatyandrefusedto participateineconomicandmonetaryunion(EMU).Thoughthegovernmentof TonyBlairreversedbothoptouts,heequivocatedonentrytotheeuroandresisted muchnewEUregulation.In2000theLabourgovernmentblockedtheincorporation ofthenewCharterofFundamentalRightswithintheNiceTreaty;whileratification ofthesubsequentillfatedConstitutionalTreatywasmadeconditionalonthe outcomeofareferendum.GordonBrownsigneduptotheLisbonTreatywithout suchconditions,butdemandedanoptoutfrominteraliaanyapplicationtoBritish industrialrelationsoftheCharterofFundamentalRightswhichitincorporated.
Inhispressconferenceexplaininghisoriginalveto,inJanuary1963,deGaulle insistedontheincompatiblecharacteristicsofBritainandthemembersofthethen EEC.ThelatterwereContinentalswithcommonprinciplesofsocialandeconomic organisationandincreasinglydenserelationsofmutualdependence.Britainby contrastwasdetachedfromtherestofEurope,politicallyandeconomicallymore closelyconnectedtotheCommonwealthandtheUSA.Thisviewwasparalleledin theargumentsofmanyBritishopponentsofmembership:theinterestsand obligationsoftheUKlayprimarilyoutsideEurope,notinalliancewiththeEEC.And euroscepticismhasofcourseremainedstrong,notonlyingovernmentalcircles;as Eurobarometerstudiesconsistentlyshow,publicsupportforEUmembershipin Britaintendstobethelowestofallmemberstates. Doesthisreflectaclashofcivilisations,astruggleofcapitalismagainstcapitalism (Albert1993)?ItiscommontoarguethatAngloSaxoncapitalismdiffers fundamentallyfromthatofcontinentalEurope,andthatthiscontrastresultsin incompatiblesystemsofindustrialrelations.InthispaperIwillfirstoutlinesomeof thekeyargumentswhichsuggestthatBritainandtherestofEuropeoratleast, continentalwesternEuroperepresentincompatiblevarietiesofcapitalism,and explorethisfurtherbyconsideringsomeofthemeaningsofthatelusiveconcept,the Europeansocialmodel.Iwillthendiscussthecomplexinterconnectionbetween economicintegrationandsocial(orlabourmarket)regulationwithintheEU.Iwill goontoexamineinmoredetailhowEuropeanregulationhascontributedtothe transformationofBritishindustrialrelationswhichhasoccurredoveralmostfour decadesofBritishmembership.FinallyIwillindicatesomepossibleinfluencesinthe reversedirection,leadingtothequestionwhetherBritainisnowspearheadingthe transformationofcontinentalEuropeintoanAngloSaxonvariantofcapitalism.
individualsandrejectsocialtheoriespredicatedontheideathathumanbeings understandthemselvesonlyaspartofcohesivesocialgroups.OfcourseBritainis nottheUSA,notleastintermsofthesystemsofwelfareprovisionandlabourmarket regulation.Neverthelessthereareimportantsimilaritiesintermsofapproachesto industrialrelations,andIoutlinefiveofthese. ThefirstlinkscloselytothetraditionalBritishlegalsystem,withitsemphasison freedomofcontract(andtheassociateddoctrineofrestraintoftrade)andits difficultiesinadmittingtheideaofcollectiveactors(except,interestingly,forthe capitalistcorporation;judgeshavehadfewproblemsintreatingthisasasortof largescaleindividual).Commonlawsystems,asLaPortaetal.(1998)have demonstrated,tendtogivehighprioritytotheprotectionofpropertyand correspondinglyweakerrightstoemployees.Marketforcesaretreatedasprimary; theroleofgovernmentinterventioniscorrectiveratherthandirective. Asecondcharacteristicisvoluntarism:thenotionthattheemploymentrelationship isinlargemeasureunconstrainedbytheexternalimpositionofnormsbylegislation orothermodesofstateintervention.InBritain,voluntarismis(orwasuntilvery recently)adeeplyembeddedtradition,sharedbyunions,employersand governmentsalike(Hyman,2001).IntheUSA,therestrictedwillandcapacityof governmentstointerveneinthestructuringofthelabourmarkethassimilarly helpedshapeindustrialrelationsasasphereofrelativeautonomy.Such, incidentally,wasthebackgroundtotheemergenceandconsolidationofacademic industrialrelationsasafieldofanalysislargelydetachedfromthebroaderagendaof socialscience. Third,oneexpressionofvoluntarismisthatcollectiveassociationsaretreatedas essentiallyprivateentities.Thisimpliesthatthereisnoqualitativedistinction betweenanemployersassociationortradeunionontheonehand,asportsclubor residentsassociationontheotherthoughofcoursetheremaybeimportant differencesofsizeandresources.Publicstatusiscontingentratherthanformally assignedwiththenotableexceptionoftheChurchofEngland. Afourthfeatureistheprimacyoftheindividualcompanyorworkplaceasthe terrainofindustrialrelations.Thislinkstoarathernarrowconceptionofthe employmentrelationship.InBritainforthepastquartercentury,asintheUnites Statesthroughoutitshistory,collectivebargaining(whereitstilloccurs)is overwhelminglycentredontheindividualcompany.Industrialrelationsisthus primarilyamicrolevelprocess(asisalsotrueofJapan). Fifth,thereisastronginstitutionalseparationbetweenindustrialrelations,the regulationofwagesandothercoreconditionsofemploymentbycollective bargainingor(increasingly)unilateralmanagementdecision,andotherdimensions ofsocialprotectionandcitizenship.Thereareclearboundariesbetweenindustrial
Second,AngloSaxonvoluntarismhasmorelimitedresonance(thoughcertainly moreinScandinaviathanfurthersouth).Thelabourmarketisseentobesocially constructedanddelimited:itistakenforgrantedthatthestateisdirectlyimplicated inindustrialrelations.Inmostcountries,lawandcollectivebargainingaretreatedas complementaryratherthancontradictory(Supiot,2001:958).Thisperspectiveis equallyinfluentialforindustrialrelationsactorsandpolicymakersandforacademic analysts:itisrecognisedthatindustrialrelationspracticeistoanimportantdegree politicallyconstructed. Third,thereislittlesenseofthecompanyorworkplaceassegregatedsocieties. Employersolidarityandmultiemployercollectivebargainingcontrastwiththefar greaterdecentralisationinAngloSaxoncountries(andalsoinmostofeastern Europe),sothatmultiemployercollectivebargainingremainsanimportantpractice evenif,increasingly,companylevelbargainingoccursinparallel.Aconsequenceis thatthecoverageofcollectivebargainingtendstobehigh,evenincountrieswhere unionmembershipisfarlower.Thereexiststandardisednationalsystemsof workplacerepresentation(establishedbylaworpeaklevelcollectiveagreement,or both),whichentailthatemployeesarecollectivelyrepresentedwhetherornotstrong unionorganisationexistsintheirenterprise.Tradeunions,thoughinsomecases stronglyrootedintheworkplace,haveamuchbroadersocialidentity;andtheirrole oftenextendstodetailedengagementintheformulationofpublicwelfareandlabour marketpolicyandtheadministrationofsocialbenefits.(Insomecountries,suchas FranceandperhapsalsoItaly,thismaybemoresignificantthantheirroleas collectivebargainers.)ItmaybesymptomaticthatinmostEuropeancountriesthe ministriesresponsibleforindustrialrelationshavetitlessuchasLabourandSocial Affairs.WemayalsonotethatelusiveelementofEurospeak,espacesocial:usually translatedasthesocialdimension,butalsomeaningmoreprosaicallythesphereof industrialrelations. Fourth,conflictandcooperationarewidelyregardedasinterdependent:economic dynamicsgenerateconflictswhicharemoremanageablewhenovertlyexpressedand collectivelyrepresented.Thelanguageofsocialpartners,sopuzzlingtomostnative Englishspeakers(Iincludemyself),seemstoreflectaconsciousnessofthe precariousnessofsocialorderandthepotentialforeconomicantagonismstoexplode intodestructivewarfare(thefateofmuchofEuropeinthefirsthalfofthetwentieth century).Conflictmanagementisregardedasanartwhichrequiresstablecollective organisation;inthissense,socialpartnershipisvirtuallyequivalenttotheEnglish conceptofjointregulation,thoughitimpliesasignificantlybroaderagenda. YetiftheorganisedcapitalismsofwesternEuropeshareimportantcommonfeatures intheirindustrialrelationssystems,therearealsomajordifferences(Ebbinghaus, 1999).Crouch(1993)hasindeedarguedthateverynationalsystemofindustrial relationsisdistinctive,inthatthehistoricalevolutionofemploymentregulationhas
beenshapedbyspecificnationalstatetraditions;andTurnerhaswritten(2002:165) thatthereisnooneEuropeanandsocialmodelbutmanydifferentnationalmodels commononlyatthelevelofobjectivesandbroadapproaches.Tosimplifythis diversity,onemightsuggestthatmainland(western)Europeseemstoencompass threesubsidiarytypes(thoughwithmanymixedcases):aMediterranean(or southern)model,withelaboratelegalregulationofsubstantiveemployment conditions;aGermanicmodel,inwhichtheactorsandproceduresofindustrial relationsarejuridicallydefined,withvaryingdegreesofsubstantiveregulationof employmentconditionsbutabiastowardsfreecollectivebargaining;andaNordic model,morevoluntaristthantheGermanicsystemsbutbasedonstrongcollective organisationoneitherside,reinforcedbyinstitutionalintegrationinparastate labourmarketregulationbodies.ThismeansthatthemuchcitedideaofaEuropean socialmodelisdeeplyambiguous.Giventhegreatdiversityinboththeextentand theinstitutionalformoflabourmarketregulationacrossthememberstates,thereare remarkablyfewcommonfeatures.SocialEuropeisthusamenufromwhichthose whoadoptthetermcanpickandchoosewithsubstantialdiscretion.Cruciallyalso, thedifferentEuropeansocialmodels[have]differentperformanceintermsof efficiencyandequity(Sapir2006:370)akeypointforanydiscussionoftheneed forreformandmodernisation. Suchcrossnationaldifferenceshavealsomadeitverydifficulttoharmonise institutionsandprocesseswithintheEU.However,Britainisclearlyanoutlier:it possessesneitheratraditionofextensivestateregulation,norstrongcentral organisationsofunionsandemployers;inconsequenceitisscarcelypossibleto speakofanationalsystemofindustrialrelations,sincethereislargescopeforeach companytoestablishitsownemploymentregime.
10
11
Thisquestionoverlapswiththerelationshipbetweeneconomicandsocial integration.Whatwasestablishedin1957wasaEuropeanEconomicCommunity,or commonmarket,andmarketintegrationwasintheeyesofmanyobservers(both supportersandopponents)thebeallandendall.However,thereweresomefears thatcountrieswithinferioremploymentconditionswouldgainanunfairadvantage inthecommonmarket(whatwouldlaterbedescribedassocialdumping).Forthis reason,theoriginalTreatyofRomeincludedArticle118(now137)onthe harmonisationofworkingconditionsandArticle119(now141)prescribingequal payforwomen.Inthe1970s(whencentreleftgovernmentswereinpowerinmany memberstates)thereweremoreambitiouseffortstoadoptdirectiveswhichwould ensureupwardsharmonisationofemploymentregulations.Butthiswashaltedwith ashifttotherightinEuropeanpolitics(notablyThatcherselectioninBritainin1979) andthemoregeneralpostKeynesianenthusiasmforlabourmarketderegulation. AnewphasebeganwhenJacquesDelorsbecameCommissionPresidentin1985.He helpeddrivethesinglemarketproject,butalsoinsistedthatgreatereconomic integrationmustpossessasocialdimension.Thisdevelopedintotheinitiativefora Europeansocialcharter(formallytheCommunityCharterofFundamentalSocial RightsforWorkers),eventuallyadoptedbyelevenmemberstatesinDecember1989 (withtheUKdissenting).Thishadnobindingstatus,butgaveagreenlightfor furtherCommissioninitiatives.Thiswasfollowedbythesocialchapteragreedat MaastrichtinDecember1991,withprovisionfortheUKoptout.ThisenlargedEU competenceintheemploymentfield,andextendedtherangeofissuesonwhich directivescouldbeadoptedbyqualifiedmajorityvoting(QMV).Maastrichtalso establishedthesocialpartnersroutetoEuropeanregulation.Aswellasbeing guaranteedconsultativeinputduringtheframingofCommissionlegislative proposals,thesocialpartnersatEuropeanleveltheEuropeanTradeUnion Confederation(ETUC),theemployersconfederationUNICE(nowBusinessEurope) andthepublicsectoremployersbodyCEEPacquiredanewrighttoopttodeal withanissuebymeansofEuropeanlevelagreements.Suchagreementscouldbe implementedeitherinaccordancewithproceduresandpracticesspecificto managementandlabourintheMemberStatesor,atthejointrequestofthe signatorypartiesandonaproposalfromtheCommission,byaCouncildecision. AfterMaastrichttherewasaconsiderableaccelerationinemploymentlegislationby theEU,butfromthelate1990sthepaceslowedagain.Manyarguethattheaccession ofthenew0fromCentralandEasternEuropehasnowcreatedalargeblocwithout thetraditionsofsocialEuropeandwithacompetitiveinterestinpreventingnew employmentregulation(thoughtheyhavebeenrequiredtoadopttherulesalready inplace).MoreoverthewholearchitectureofEUdecisionmakingcompoundsthe obstacles.LegislationinvolvescomplicatedinteractionbetweentheCommission (whichhastheprerogativeofinitiatingtheprocess),theCouncil(whichineffectcan vetoanyinitiativeunlessthenecessarymajoritycanbeconstructed)andthe
12
EuropeanParliament(EP),whichpossessesfarfewerpowersthananynational legislaturebutcanneverthelessprovideanadditionalvetopoint.Muchdelicate manoeuvringanddiplomacyisinvolvedbeforeanyEuropeanlegislationcantake effect.Itshouldalsobenotedthatthemaininstrumentofregulationisthrough directives;thesearebindingastotheresulttobeachievedbutleavethemethodof implementationtomemberstates,allowingconsiderablediscretionastothenational legislationwhichresults.Atleastintheemploymentfield,itiscommonlyargued thatUKgovernmentsadoptaminimalistapproach. Isthesocialdimensionsimplyafigleaftomakeaneoliberaleconomicprojectmore acceptable,orisitathingofsubstance?Howfarhastherelationshipbetween economicandsocialchangedovertime?Ifthewholeideaofasocialdimensionis littlemorethanrhetoric,thepossibilityofsignificantEuropeanlevelemployment regulationisminimal;ifithasrealmeaning,thentheEuropeanisationofindustrial relationsseemsmorefeasible.IntermsoftheEUconstitution,theSingleEuropean Act(SEA)prescribedalargeagendaofeconomicintegration,withdisagreementsin manyinstancesresolublebyQMV,ratherthanunanimitywhichwaspreviouslythe generalrule.TheTreatyimposedfarfewerobligationsconcerningsocialregulation, andmostdecisionsstillrequiredunanimity(thoughtheMaastrichtandAmsterdam TreatiesincreasedthescopeforQMVonemploymentissues).
13
Working time
Historically,Britishlawhasregulatedworkingtimeonlyforspecificcategoriesof employee(womenandyoungworkers)andinoccupationswithsignificantsafety implications;whereasinmostcontinentalcountries,maximumworkinghoursforall employeeshavelongbeenprescribedbylaw.EUregulationinthisareahastherefore beencontentious.TheSEAprovided(article118a,nowpartofarticle137)for legislation,whichcouldbeadoptedbyQMV,inpursuitofimprovements,especially intheworkingenvironment,asregardsthehealthandsafetyofworkers.Yetwhile workingenvironmentseemstocovermostaspectsofemploymentconditions, healthandsafetyseemsmuchnarrowerinscope.TheCommission(whichhasthe discretiontochoosetheTreatybaseonwhichitmakesanyproposalforlegislation) arguedthatitwasentitledtouseabroadinterpretationwhichwouldenablethe UKvetotobebypassedintheCouncil.Wedderburn(1990)hasreferredtothisasthe Treatybasegame. The1989socialcharter(which,asnotedabove,hadnobindingeffect,butlegitimised manysubsequentCommissionproposalsfordirectives)includedaclauseinsisting thatapproximationoflivingandworkingconditionsmustbepartoftheinternal marketprocess,asregardsinparticularthedurationandorganisationofworking time.Therewasspecificmentionoftheneedforaweeklyrestperiodandannual paidleave,thedurationofwhichmustbeprogressivelyharmonisedinaccordance withnationalpractices.Adraftdirectivewaspublishedin1990,andwasadoptedin 1993againsttheoppositionoftheUKdespitethedilutionofanumberofits provisionsinresponsetoBritishobjections.Keyprovisionsincludedamaximum workingweekof48hoursincludingovertime(thoughthiscouldbeaveragedovera referenceperiodof4months);amaximumof8hoursnightworkonaverage;a minimumdailyrestperiodof11consecutivehours;arestbreakwheretheworking dayislongerthan6hours;aminimumrestperiodof1dayperweek(inprinciple Sunday)plus11hours;andminimumannualpaidleaveof4weeks.Theworking timedirective(WTD)allowedforvariationinthisprovisionsviacollective agreements,andforworkinghoursabovethe48hourmaximumwithanemployees
14
agreement.Thedirectivedidnotapplytoanumberoftransportsectorsortojunior hospitaldoctors;butthesegroupswerecoveredbyextensiondirectivesin2000and 2004. TheUKchallengedthevalidityoftheQMVtreatybasis,arguingthatworkingtime wasanissueofsocialpolicyratherthanhealthandsafety.Thischallengewasalmost whollyrejectedbytheECJinNovember1996(ironically,thiswaswidelyseenas strengtheningthehandoftheCommissionbyconfirmingthebroadscopeofArticle 118a).TheConservativegovernmentthenpressedforthedirectivetobedisapplied fromtheUK,beforedraftingregulationswhichfellshortofthedirectives requirements.TheLabourgovernmentelectedin1997acceptedthedirective,and issuedregulationsinOctober1998whichtookfulladvantageofthederogationsand exemptionsintheWTD.Inparticular,theUKwastheonlymemberstatetoinclude ablanketprovisionforanindividualoptout.Itsrestrictiveinterpretationoftheright toholidayentitlementwassuccessfullychallengedintheECJ(Geyeretal.2005:131). Atthestartof2004theCommissionlaunchedaconsultationprocessontherevision ofthedirective.Keyquestionswerewhethertheindividualoptoutshouldbe retained;whethertimespentoncallshouldcountasworkingtimeastheECJhad ruledin2003;andwhatshouldbethereferenceperiodoverwhichworkingtimeis averaged.TheCommissionsubsequentlyissuedproposalswhichwouldretainthe optout,narrowthedefinitionofoncalltimewhichwouldcountasworkingtime, andextendthereferenceperiodfrom4to12months.TheETUCconsideredthis veryunsatisfactory,andin2005theEPproposedmajorchangestothe Commissionsdraft.Currentlytheissueisstilldeadlocked,thoughinJune2008the CouncilofMinistersagreedonproposalsbroadlyinlinewiththeearlierCommission draft. WhatisthepracticalsignificanceoftheWTD?Inmostmemberstates,the48hour ceilingisabove,orequalto,themaximumnormallypermittedundernational workingtimelawinmostcountries,whilecollectivelyagreedlimitsareusually significantlylower.IntheUKbycontrast,thedirectiverequiredtheintroductionofa completelynewstatutoryframeworkbecauseoftheabsenceofanyuniversal legislationonworkingtimeissues.AndbecauseoftheBritishovertimeculture,the averageworkingweek(forfulltimeemployees)isconsiderablyabovetheEuropean norm.Yetbecauseofthewidespreaduseofindividualoptouts(andtheweaknessof enforcementmechanisms)theimpactofthedirectiveseemstohavebeenminimal. Officialstatisticsshowthatinthefirstsixyearsaftertheregulationstookeffect,the proportionoftheworkforcenormallyworkingover45hoursaweekdiddecline (from37%in1998to31%in2004)butthefigurehassincestabilised.Whetherthis reductionwasactuallycausedbytheregulationsisuncertain:asurveybytheCIPD (2001)aftertheregulationshadbeeninplacefortwoyearsfoundthatthemajorityof workerswhohadbeenworkingover48hoursaweekwerestilldoingso,whileonly
15
16
markets.NowhereistheconfusiongreaterthanintheUK.Thoughrecentrevisions ofthedirectiveandtheRegulationshaveclarifiedsomeoftheuncertainties, complexitiesremain;nevertheless,theARDhascertainlyimposedsignificantlimits ontheabilityofemployerswhetherintheprivateorthepublicsectortouse subcontractingasasimplecostcuttingmeasure.Inthisrespect,aliberalmarket economyhasbecomemorecoordinated. Thetreatmentofatypicalemploymentusuallyunderstoodasinvolvingcontracts whicharenotfulltimeandpermanenthaslongbeenacontentiousissueintheEU. Onerationaleforregulationhasbeentheargumentofalevelplayingfield;if atypicalworkershaveinferiortermsandconditionsofemploymenttostandard workers,andifsuchcontractsaremorecommoninsomememberstatesthanothers (bothofwhichareindeedthecase),competitionwillbedistorted.Anotherconcerns equalopportunities,particularlyinthecaseofparttimework,which disproportionatelyinvolveswomen;forthisreasonIdiscussthisaspectinaseparate section.TheCommissionfirstproposedtheregulationoftheconditionsofparttime andtemporaryworkersprimarilyinrespectofstatutoryandcontractual employmentrightsin1982,butwithoutsuccess.Theinitiativewasrevivedasa packageofthreedirectivesonatypicalemploymentin1990,ofwhichonlythe healthandsafetyelementwasadopted.SubsequentlytheCommissionconsultedthe socialpartnersonaproposedinitiativeonflexibleworkingtimeandsecurityfor workers.NegotiationsbetweenthesocialpartnersbeganinOctober1996separately (atUNICEinsistence)overparttimeandtemporarywork.InJune1997theyreached anagreementonparttimework(seebelow),andinMarch1999onfixedterm contracts;theCounciladoptedbothagreementsasdirectives. TalksonadirectiveregulatingtemporaryagencyworkbrokedowninMay2001;the CommissionissueditsowndraftinMarch2002,butthiswasblocked,mainly becauseofoppositionbytheUK.However,inMay2008anagreementwasreached betweentheTUCandCBI,inpartbrokeredbythegovernment.Thisreflectedan assessmentthat,withinthehorsetradingprocessesoftheEU,theUKgovernment wouldonlysustainthe48houroptoutifitwaswillingtoagreeadirectiveon agencywork.Thekeypointsintheagreementwerethatafter3monthsinagiven job,anagencyworkerwouldbeentitledtoequaltreatmentatleastasregardsbasic employmentandworkingconditionswithdirectlyemployedworkers.The followingmonththerewaspoliticalagreementintheEuropeanCouncilonequal rightsoncoreemploymentconditionswithoutanywaitingperiod,andtheseterms wereapprovedbytheEPinOctober2008,pavingthewayforformaladoptionofthe directive. ThefixedtermdirectivehashadarelativelylimitedimpactintheUK,wherethe proportionofsuchcontractsisonlyabouthalftheEUaverage.Thisreflectsthefact linkedtothecontrastbetweenvarietiesofcapitalismthatpermanentcontractsof
17
18
theprecedentsetbythevoluntaryestablishmentofprototypeEWCsinsome (mainlyFrenchandGermanowned)companies.TheCommissionproposalof December1990requiredunanimity;itwentthroughtheinitialstagesofthe legislativeprocedure,butoppositionbytheUK(andalsoreservationsonthepartof Portugal)preventedadoption.Prospectsweretransformedbytheratificationofthe MaastrichtTreaty.Sincemeasuresadoptedunderthesocialchapterwerenotdirectly applicableintheUK,Britainhadnoformalroleinthelegislativeprocess;and directivesconcerninginformationandconsultationofworkersweresubjecttoQMV amongtheelevenothermemberstates.UndertheMaastrichtprovisions, consultationofthesocialpartnersledtotalksabouttalksbetweenETUC,UNICE andCEEPabouttriggeringnegotiationsforaCommunitylevelagreementon transnationalinformationandconsultationproceduresinsteadoflegislation.Talks brokedowninMarch1994(partlybecausetheBritishCBIstiffenedUNICE resistance).AnamendeddirectivewasadoptedbyCouncilinSeptember1994, applyingtoallmembersofthebynowenlargedEU,exceptfortheUK,plusthethree othermembersoftheEEA. TheaimoftheEWCdirectivewastocoordinatenationalprovisionsinordertocreate aEuropeanlegalframeworkfortransnationalinformationandconsultationwithin communityscaleenterprises(withatleast1000employeesintheEEAcountries, including150inatleasttwoofthese).Onarequestbyemployeerepresentatives, companiesweretosetupEWCsortransnationalinformationandconsultation procedures.Therewasconsiderableflexibilityforthenegotiationofcompany specificarrangements,butthedirectivedefinedastandardEWCpackageasa defaultoptionintheabsenceofagreement.ThisprovidedforanEWCofupto30 membersdrawnfromexistingemployeerepresentatives,todiscusstransnational issuesinanannualinformationandconsultationmeetingwithcentralmanagement. Theoperatingcostsweretobemetbytheenterprise.Inlinewithsubsidiarity, memberstatesweregivenconsiderablescopeforensuringthatthatlegalframework forEWCsreflectednationaltraditionsandpractices. TheeffectoftheUKoptoutwasonlypartial:theUKgovernmentdidnothaveto implementthedirective,butUKbasedmultinationalswithrequisiteemployment figuresintheothercountriesconcernedwerestillobligedtoestablishEWCsin respectoftheirnonUKoperationswithintheEEA.Insuchcasestherewas inevitable,andusuallysuccessfulpressuretoincludeUKrepresentativesvoluntarily intheEWC.FollowingtheelectionoftheLabourgovernmentwithacommitmentto endtheMaastrichtoptout,anextensiondirectivewasagreedinDecember1997. Enlargementin2004and2007hasextendeditsscope. WhatdoEWCsmeaninpractice?Streeck(1997)arguedthattheywereneither Europeannorworkscouncilsbutmeretokenmechanisms,lackingthepowersof nationalrepresentativeinstitutionsandtypicallyancillarytonationalproceduresin
19
thecompanieshomecountry.Subsequentresearchhasrevealedaslightlymore nuancedpicture.First,thecomplexityoftheprocedureforestablishinganEWC(and thescopeforhostilemanagementstoobstructtheprocess)meansthatonlyjustover athirdofthecompaniesthatmeetthesizethresholdsinthedirectiveactually possessanEWCthoughcoverageoflargermultinationalsisfargreater. Interestingly,theproportionofUKownedfirmswithanEWCisabovetheaverage. ThereisevidencethatmostEWCsareeithermarginalisedbymanagement,orelse incorporatedintoaprocessofinstillingcompanyculture.Problemsoflanguageand ofdifferentnationalindustrialrelationsbackgroundsinhibitcrossnationalunity amongemployeerepresentatives,andintimesofrestructuringandredundancy, representativesareoftenpreoccupiedwithprotectingtheirnationalinterests. Nevertheless,thereisevidencethatinaminorityofcases,EWCshavedeveloped intogenuinetransnationalactorswithaquasibargainingrole(Fitzgeraldand Stirling2004;Lecheretal.1999;Whittalletal.2007).Inanyevent,theEWCgave roughlyathousandUKemployees(mainlytradeunionists)andalsomanagers theexperienceofcontinentalrepresentativemechanismswhichwerepreviously unfamiliar(Marginsonetal.2004). TheETUChaspushedforadecadeforstrongerpowers,moreresources,anda loweringoftheemploymentthresholdfortheestablishmentofEWCs,butwithout success.InFebruary2008theCommissionannouncedanewconsultationprocesson possiblerevisionofthedirective,andissueddetailedproposalsinJuly.Onthis occasion,thesocialpartnersatEuropeanlevelwereabletoagreeacommon positiononatleastsomeelementsofrevision;buttheUKgovernmentappearstobe lobbyinghardtoblockorminimiseanychanges. PotentiallymoreradicalinitsimpactontheUKisthe2002directiveestablishinga generalframeworksettingoutminimumrequirementsfortherighttoinformation andconsultationofemployeesinundertakingsorestablishmentswithinthe Community.ThiswasproposedbytheCommissioninNovember1995asarevival oftheinitiativesonthisthemelaunchedinthe1970s,and(afternegotiationsbetween thesocialpartnersfailedtotakeoff),adraftdirectivewasissuedinNovember1998. TherewereconsiderabledifferencesofopinionwithinCouncil,withstrongUK oppositioninparticular,reflectingapowerfulcampaignbytheCBI;butpolitical agreementonarevised(anddiluted)textwasreachedinJune2001.TheEPpressed foramendments,aconciliatedtextwasagreedinDecember2001,andthedirective wasadoptedinMarch2002. Thedirectiveappliestoundertakingswithatleast50employees,withaphased introductiontofirmswithunder150employeesincountrieswithoutestablished informationandconsultationarrangements(theUKandIreland).Itcreatesan obligationtoinformandconsultemployeerepresentativesonrecentandforeseeable developmentsinthefirmsfinancialsituation,employmentandworkorganisation;
20
withopportunitiesfortherepresentativestorespondandseekagreementbefore implementationofchanges. Inpractice,theUKwasthemaincountrywheresignificantinstitutionalinnovation wasrequiredthoughafterEUenlargementin2004mostofthenewmemberstates alsohadtointroducenewmechanisms.Thegovernmentbrokeredan (unprecedented)agreementbetweentheTUCandtheCBIonthedetailed arrangementsfortransposition,andlegislationwasimplementedbyregulations issuedin2004,whichtookeffectinApril2005.Thisprovidesthatarequestby10%of employeescantriggernegotiationstoestablishaninformationandconsultation procedure.Afallbackmechanismisprescribedforcaseswherenoagreementcanbe reached,andpreexistingagreementsareprotected.Inlinewiththerequirementsof thedirective,theemploymentthresholdforapplicationoftheregulationswas reducedto100in2007and50in2008. Informalterms,theinformationandconsultationlegislationentailsamajor institutionalinnovationintheUK.Thepracticalsignificanceisfarhardertoassess. Certainlytheproceduresspecifiedinthedirectivefallfarshortoftherightsof employeerepresentativesinmostofwesternEurope,andtheUKregulationsmake extensiveuseoftheflexibilitywhichthedirectivepermitsindeedsomeconsider thatitfailstocomplyfullywiththerequirements.Inthedebatesbeforetheadoption ofthedirective,someobserverssuggestedthattheelectionofemployee representativesmightprovideabridgeheadforunionisation,whileothersonthe contrarysawthisasameansforantiunionemployerstobypassunion representation.Atthisstagethereislittleindicationthateitherscenariowillbe common.Oneofthefewstudiesoftheimplementationofthenewprovisions(Hallet al.2007)indicatesthatthemainoutcomehasbeentoprovideacommunication channelformanagement.
Equal Opportunities
EqualitybetweenwomenandmenistheareaofsocialpolicywhereEUlawhashad themostsustainedandprofoundinfluence.Asnotedabove,theTreatyofRome embodiedtheprincipleofequalpayforequalworkthespringboardforall subsequentdevelopmentsinthisarea.However,foralmosttwodecadestheformal commitmenttothisprinciplehadlittlepracticaleffect.Thischangedinthe1970sand 1980s,withtheadoptionofdirectivesin1975prescribingequalpayforworkofequal value,andin1976banningsexdiscriminationinallaspectsofemployment.TheECJ alsoplayedapathbreakingrolewithaseriesoflandmarkrulingsinterpretingand developingECequalitylaw.InsomecasesitruledthatTreatyprovisionsandcertain aspectsofdirectiveshadadirecteffect:inotherwords,theyshouldinformnational judicialdecisionsevenifnationallawhadnotbeenbroughtintoconformity.
21
ThishadasignificantimpactonthedevelopmentofequalitylawintheUK.The1970 EqualPayActwasadoptedbeforemembershipoftheEECbutafteraccession negotiationshadcommenced,andtheneedtocomplywithforthcomingTreaty obligationswasoneargumentforthenewlaw.The1975SexDiscriminationAct anticipatedthedirectiveadoptedthefollowingyearHowever,theUKfailedto implementtheequalvaluerequirementsofthe1975EqualPayDirective.The governmentsargumentthatequalvaluecouldbedemonstratedonlyifan employerhadundertakenasystematicevaluationofgradingprocedureswhichno employerwasobligedtodowascontestedbytheCommissionandfirmlyrejected bytheECJin1982(Kilpatrick,1997;StoneSweetandCaporaso1998:1245). Accordingly,theThatchergovernmentfounditselfobligedtoamendthe1970Actto takeaccountoftheruling,resultinginaseriesofsuccessfulequalvalueclaims (Schofield1988). Inthe1980stheCommissionintroducedaseriesof5yearActionProgrammeson EqualOpportunities,containingdetailedproposalsforlegislativeandother measurestopromotetheintegrationofwomeninthelabourmarket.In1990the NOWprogramme(NewOpportunitiesforWomen)waslaunched.Anannual Commissionreportonequalopportunitieshasbeenpublishedsince1996. Directivesconcerningequalitybetweenmenandwomenwithregardtolabour marketopportunitiesandtreatmentatworkwereearmarkedforQMVunderthe Maastrichtsocialchapter,makinglegislationeasiertoachieve.Adirectivewas adoptedin1992coveringmaternityleave,prohibitionofdismissalongroundsof pregnancy,maternitypayandhealthandsafetyprovisionfornewandexpectant mothers,andoneonparentalleavein1996followingthefirstCommunitylevel agreementbetweenthesocialpartners.TheUKgovernmentlimitedtherightto parentalleavetochildrenbornafterthelegislationtookeffect,butafteralegal challengewaseventuallyobligedtoremovethisrestriction.Anotherdirective,onthe reversaloftheburdenofproofinsexdiscriminationcases(puttingtheonusonthe employertorebutaclaim),firstproposedin1988,wasadoptedin1997underthe Maastrichtsocialchapterprocedures;andextendedtotheUKinJuly1998.The socialpartnersagreementonequaltreatmentforparttimeworkwhich particularlyinvolveswomenwasimplementedasadirectiveinDecember1997. ThiswasparticularlyimportantfortheUK,where44%ofwomenworkersarepart timeaproportionexceededonlyintheNetherlands.Anotherproposal,tooutlaw sexualharassment,wasinitiatedin1996butmadeslowprogress,eventuallyleading toanamendmenttotheEqualTreatmentDirectivein2002. The1997AmsterdamTreatyradicallyextendedtheEUsformalcommitmentto equalopportunities,authorisingappropriateactiontocombatdiscriminationbased onsex,racialorethnicorigin,religionorbelief,disability,ageorsexualorientation. AframeworkdirectiveonequaltreatmentwasadoptedinNovember2000,covering
22
age,disability,race/ethnicityandsexualorientation;andin2006aConsolidated EqualTreatmentDirectivewasadopted,strengtheningsomeoftheprovisions againstgenderdiscrimination,inparticularintermsoflegalremediesinnational courts.TheUKwasoneofthefewmemberstateswithatraditionoflegislation againstracialorethnicdiscrimination,datingbacktothe1976RaceRelationsAct; whiletheDisabilityDiscriminationActhadbeenpassedin1996;butthreenewsets ofRegulationswererequiredtomeettheotherantidiscriminationrequirements.At thetimeofwritingachallengetothe2006AgeRegulations(issuedalmostthree yearsaftertheimplementationdeadline),whichpermitemployerstomaintaina mandatoryretirementageof65,hasbeenreferredtotheECJ. TheCharterofFundamentalRightscontainsachapteronEqualitywhichismore comprehensivestill:anydiscriminationbasedonanygroundsuchassex,race, colour,ethnicorsocialorigin,geneticfeatures,language,religionorbelief,political oranyotheropinion,membershipofanationalminority,property,birth,disability, ageorsexualorientationshallbeprohibitedThiswouldhowevertakeeffectonlyif theLisbonTreatywereadoptedandeventhen,thelegalityoftheUKoptout wouldneedtobetested. EqualopportunitiesiscertainlytheareaofemploymentrelationswheretheEUhas hadthemostsubstantialimpactinmemberstates.Achievinghardlawonequality issueshasbeenslowandpartial,butneverthelessthereisanextensivebodyof regulation.Asinsomanyotherpolicyareas,onecanaskthequestion:istheglass halffullorhalfempty?Inthecaseofgenderequalitythehistoryofregulationislong enoughtomakeareasonableassessmentofitsimpact.Asnotedabove,UK governmentsofbothpartieshavebeenforcedreluctantlytochangenationallawto meetEUrequirements.Somecriticsarguethatthemainfocusofregulationhasbeen onformalequalitywithinthelabourmarket,ratherthanonthesocialinstitutions outsidethelabourmarketwhichpreventmostwomenfromparticipatingonequal terms.AsMsesdttir(2006)putsit,mostEUinitiativeshavebeenconcernedtogive womenthesamerightsasmeninsofarastheybehavelikemenonthelabour market. Butrealadvanceshavebeenmade,andatfirstsighttheextentofcurrentEU regulationissurprising.GiventhestrengthinmanyEUcountriesofideologies definingdomesticresponsibilitiesasessentiallyfemale,thewiderangeoflegislation ongenderissuesisnoteworthy.Andthedegreeofprejudiceonquestionsofsexual orientationmeansthatmanycountrieswouldnotvoluntarilyhaveadoptednational legislation.Soonecouldaskwhysociallyconservativegovernmentshavesignedup tosuchregulationatEUlevel.Inmanyrespects,equalopportunitiesisanissueon whichacoordinatedanddeterminedcampaigncanexertasubstantialimpactonEU policy,intheabsenceofasimilarlyorganisedcountermovement.Somespeakofan advocacycoalition(Sabatier1987)involvingwomenCommissioners,theEP
23
24
25
fromtheUKgovernmentforderegulationandflexibility.TheAmsterdamTreaty, andthesubsequentjobssummit,gavetheEESaformalbasis:theCommissionwas todraftannualguidelinesforemploymentpolicy,andmemberstateswereto producenationalactionplanswhichwouldbereviewedbytheCommissionand Council,whichcouldissuerecommendationstoindividualgovernments.The LuxembourgjobssummitinNovember1997adopted19employmentguidelines withfourmainpillars:employability,entrepreneurship,adaptabilityandequal opportunities.Thesewereradicallyrevisedin2003,andthewholestructureofthe EESwastransformedin2005.Thepredominantfocusonsupplysidemeasures closelymatchedtheprioritiesofthenewBlairgovernment. TheEESwasamplifiedattheLisbonsummitofMarch2000,whichfamously declaredthatEuropeshouldbecomeby2010themostcompetitiveanddynamic knowledgebasedeconomyintheworld,capableofsustainedeconomicgrowthwith moreandbetterjobsandgreatersocialcohesion,andrespectfortheenvironment. Here,inanapproachwhichIhaveelsewheretermedthecompositeresolution (Hyman2005),essentiallycompetingaimsweresubsumedinamannerwhich delegatedthechoiceofprioritiestoadministrativediscretion.Lisbonalsointroduced theconceptoftheopenmethodofcoordination(OMC),wherebyinformation exchange,peerreviewandthehighlightingofbestpracticewereexpectedtoguide nationalpolicywithouttheneedforcoercivesanctions:anapproachconsistentwith theUKgovernmentspreferenceforexhortationratherthanregulation. AfurtherboosttoUKgovernmentconceptionsoflabourmarketflexibilityderived fromtheEuropeanEmploymentTaskforceunderformerDutchpremierWimKok, whichwasappointedbytheCouncilinMarch2003andreportedthatEUpolicies shouldfocusonincreasingadaptabilityofworkersandenterprises,attractingmore peopletothelabourmarket,investingmore,andmoreeffectively,inhumancapital andensuringeffectiveimplementationofreformsthroughbettergovernance.The currentCommissionunderJosManuelBarrosohasintensifiedthepressurefor flexibilitypresentedinthenowfashionablelanguageofflexicurity.ItsGreen PaperModernisingLabourLaw,issuedinNovember2006,placedcentralemphasis onthisconceptbutwasfarmoreconcreteinitsprescriptionsforflexibilitythanin thoseforsecurity(KeuneandJepsen2007).IndeedAshiagbor(2007:110,113)has remarkedthatthefinalversionoftheGreenPaperreflectedfiercecriticismsfrom MemberStates,inparticulartheUK,aswellasconcertedlobbyingfrombusiness organisations,aboveallUNICE.Sheaddedthattherearemarkedsimilarities betweenBritishdiscourseonlabourmarketpolicy,andEUleveldiscourseonthe needtoremovelabourmarketrigidities(113). Discourse....mattersmostinmomentsofcrisis(Schmidt2002:309),andchangesin thedominanteconomicdiscourseandinthebalanceofpowerbetweensocialand politicalactorscanhaveradicaleffectsoninstitutionalarrangements.Akeycurrent
26
developmentistheroleoftheECJ,whichhasbecomeincreasinglyautonomousinits rulings(Alter1998).ExpandedjudicialreviewintheEuropeanUnion simultaneouslyhasempoweredjudges,shiftedagendasettingpowersawayfrom thememberstatestowardtheEuropeanCommission,alteredthecharacterof discourseoverpolicyreform,transformedthekindsofpolicyinstrumentsthat decisionmakersprefertouse,anddramaticallychangedthevalueofpolitical resourcestraditionallyemployedbyinterestgroups(Pierson2004:109).Inthepast theECJuseditsdiscretionarycompetencetoenhanceemploymentprotections,but todayitisincreasinglyinterpretingtheTreatycommitmenttomarketfreedomsas overridingnationalemploymentprotectionrules(HpnerandSchfer2007).Its landmarkdecisionsintheVikingandLavalcasesin2007adoptedtheprinciplethat, irrespectiveofnationallaw,industrialactionwhichinterferedwithfreedomof movementwaslegitimateonlyifitsatisfiedaproportionalitytest(A.C.L.Davies 2008).Thiswasfollowedin2008bytheRffertandLuxembourgcases,whichset verystrictlimitsontheextenttowhichpublicauthoritiescouldprescribeminimum employmentstandardsiftheseinterferedwiththefreedomtoprovideservices(P. Davies2008). NooneisforcingtheEuropeanUniontobecomemorecompetitivethantheUnited Statesinnineyearstime,declaredFritsBolkestein(2000),whoasCommissioner responsiblefortheinternalmarketpushedfortheradicalliberalisationofservices. Butifthatiswhatwereallywant,wemustleavethecomfortablesurroundingsof theRhinelandandmoveclosertothetougherconditionsandcoldclimateofthe AngloSaxonformofcapitalism.ThoughBolkesteinfailedtorealisehisobjectives duringhisperiodasCommissioner,thebalanceofforceswithintheEUis increasinglyfavourabletotheagendawhichheincommonwithUKgovernments espoused.
27
Conclusion
TheBritishsystemofindustrialrelationshasbeenradicallytransformedoverthe pastfourdecades.Manyofthechangesreflectdomesticsocial,economicand politicaldevelopmentsintheUK.ButEUmembershiphasalsohadasignificant impact,astheprevioussectionshaveshown.Giventheresistanceofboth ConservativeandLabourgovernmentstostatutoryregulationofthelabourmarket, itisveryimprobablethatlegislationonworkingtimeandinformationand consultationwouldhavebeenenactedvoluntarily,andthesameistrueofmuchof thelegislationonemploymentsecurityandequalopportunities.Indeedthevirulence ofUKgovernmentsresistancetomostEUsociallegislation,andtheirminimalist approachtoimplementingthosedirectiveswhichareneverthelessadopted,indicates thatBritishlabourlawtodaywouldbeverydifferentbutforEUmembership.Over therecentdecades,Britishgovernmentshavebeenobligedtomoveclosertothe EuropeansocialmodelofindividualemploymentrightsthoughtheEUhaslittle capacitytoshapecollectiveindustrialrelations. TheEUhasclearlyaddedanewlevelabove,andinfluencing,nationalindustrial relationssystems:therearenewrules,newpressures,newactors,andanewagenda (MarginsonandSisson2004).Formostcountriesatleastbeforeenlargement Europeanisationhasprobablyhadlimitedimpact,exceptoverissueswhichwere previouslynotseriouslyaddressedatnationallevel.Thisismostobviouslythecase asregardsequalopportunities:here,theEUhasbeenthematrixofapolicy community(Falkner1998;HecloandWildavsky1974)whichhasdriveninitiatives whichwouldhavebeenfarlesslikelytoachieveresultsatthelevelofindividual memberstates.TheimpactofEUregulationhashoweverbeenmoreextensivein countrieslikeBritainandtoalesserextentIreland,wherethevoluntaristtradition hasmeantthatareasofemploymentrelationscontrolledbylawinmostof continentalEuropewerelefttoregulation(ornot)throughcollectivebargaining. TheUKhasplayedtheroleofcheerleaderforeconomicreformintheEuropean Unionforatleasttwodecades(HopkinandWincott2006:53).Theambiguousand multifacetedcharacteroftheEuropeansocialmodel(JepsenandSerranoPascual 2006)makesitvulnerabletoerosion;Britishgovernmentshaveshownsomeskillin exploitingthisvulnerability,andparticularlysinceenlargementhaveincreasingly foundalliesinothermemberstates.Thuswecandiscernaformofdouble movement.TheprocessesofBritishindustrialrelationshaveinsignificantmeasure beenEuropeanised,despiteoftenstrenuousresistancebybothConservativeand Labourgovernments.ButtheEuropeansocialmodelhasbecomeinkeyrespects increasinglyAngloSaxon.Completeconvergenceisunlikely,butitnolongermakes muchsensetospeakofaclashofsystems.
28
References
Adnett,N.(1998)TheAcquiredRightsDirectiveandCompulsoryCompetitive TenderingintheUK:AnEconomicPerspective,EuropeanJournalofLawand Economics6(1):6981. Albert,M.(1993)CapitalismagainstCapitalism.London:Whurr. Alter,K.J.WhoAretheMastersoftheTreaty?EuropeanGovernmentsandthe EuropeanCourtofJustice,InternationalOrganization52(1):12147. Anderman,S.(2004)TerminationofEmployment:WhosePropertyRights?inC. Barnard,S.F.DeakinandG.S.Morris(eds)TheFutureofLabourLaw:Liber AmicorumBobHeppleQC.Oxford:Hart,10128. Ashiagbor,D.(2007)StatementofWrittenEvidenceinHouseofLords, ModernisingEuropeanUnionLabourLaw:HastheUKAnythingtoGain?,pp. 1113.London:StationeryOffice. Bolkestein,F.(2000)TheFutureoftheSocialMarketEconomy. http://europa.eu/rapid/pressReleasesAction.do?reference=SPEECH/00/487&form at=HTML&aged=1&language=EN&guiLanguage=en Campbell,J.L.(2004)InstitutionalChangeandGlobalization.Princeton:Princeton UP. Campbell,J.L.andPedersen,O.K.,eds(2001)TheRiseofNeoliberalismand InstitutionalAnalysis.Princeton:PrincetonUP. CIPD(2001)WorkingTimeRegulations:HavetheyMadeaDifference?London: CIPD. Crouch,C.(1993)IndustrialRelationsandEuropeanStateTraditions.Oxford: ClarendonPress. Crouch,C.(2005)CapitalistDiversityandChange.Oxford:OxfordUP. Cutler,T.andWaine,B.(1998)ManagingtheWelfareState.Oxford:Berg. Davies,A.C.L.(2008)OneStepForward,TwoStepsBack?TheVikingandLaval CasesintheECJ,IndustrialLawJournal37(2):12648. Davies,P.(1993)TransfersAgain:ContractingOutandtheEmployeesOption, IndustrialLawJournal22(2):15163. Davies,P.(2008)CaseC346/06,RffertvLandNiedersachsen[2008]IRLR467 (ECJ),IndustrialLawJournal37(3):2935.
29
EbbinghausB.(1999)DoesaEuropeanSocialModelExistandCanItSurvive?inG. Huemer,M.MeschandF.Traxler(eds),TheRoleofEmployerAssociationsand LabourUnionsintheEMU,Aldershot:Ashgate,126. Falkner,G.(1998)EUSocialPolicyinthe1990sTowardsaCorporatistPolicy Community.London:Routledge. Fitzgerald,IandStirling,J.,eds(2004)EuropeanWorksCouncils:Pessimismofthe Intellect,OptimismoftheWill?London:Routledge. George,S.(1990).AnAwkwardPartner:BritainintheEuropeanCommunity. Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress. GeyerR,Mackintosh,AandLehmann,K.(2005)IntegratingUKandEuropeanSocial Policy.Oxford:Radcliffe. Hall,M.J.,Hutchinson,S.,Parker,J.,Purcell,J.andTerry,M.A.(2007)Implementing InformationandConsultation:EarlyExperienceundertheICERegulations. London:BERR. Hall,P.A.andSoskice,D.,eds(2001)VarietiesofCapitalism:TheInstitutional FoundationsofComparativeAdvantage.Oxford:OxfordUP. Hpner,M.andSchfer,A.(2007)ANewPhaseofEuropeanIntegration:Organized CapitalismsinPostRicardianEurope.Cologne:MPIfGDiscussionPaper07/4. Hopkin,J.andWincott,D.(2006)NewLabour,EconomicReformandtheEuropean SocialModel,BritishJournalofPoliticsandInternationalRelations8:5068. Hyman,R.(2001)UnderstandingEuropeanTradeUnionism:BetweenMarket,Class andSociety.London:Sage. Hyman,R.(2005)TradeUnionsandthePoliticsofEuropeanIntegration,Economic andIndustrialDemocracy26(1):940. Jepsen,M.andSerranoPascual,A.,eds(2006)UnwrappingtheEuropeanSocial Model.Bristol:PolicyPress. Keune,M.andJepsen,M.(2007)NotbalancedandHardlyNew:TheEuropean CommissionsQuestforFlexicurityin:H.JrgensenandP.K.Madsen(eds.) FlexicurityandBeyond.Copenhagen:DJFPublishing. Kilpatrick,C.(1997)EffectiveUtilisationofEqualityRightsinF.Gardiner(ed.),Sex EqualityPolicyinWesternEurope.London:Routledge,2545. LaPorta,R.,Shleifer,A.,Vishny,R.andLopezdeSilanes,F(1998)LawandFinance JournalofPoliticalEconomy106(6):111355.
30
Lecher,W.,Nagel,B.andPlatzer,H.W.(1999)EstablishmentofEuropeanWorks Councils:FromInformationCommitteetoSocialActor.Aldershot:Ashgate. McMullen,J.(1996)AtypicalTransfers,AtypicalWorkersandAtypicalEmployment Structures:ACaseforGreaterTransparencyinTransferofEmploymentIssues, IndustrialLawJournal25(4):286307. Marginson,P.,Hall,M.,Hoffmann,A.andMller,T.(2004)TheImpactofEuropean WorksCouncilsonManagementDecisionmakinginUKandUSbased Multinationals,BritishJournalofIndustrialRelations42(2):20933. Marginson,PandSisson,K(2004)EuropeanIntegrationandIndustrialRelations: MultiLevelGovernanceintheMaking.Basingstoke:Palgrave. Marks,G.,Hooghe,L.andBlank,K.(1996)EuropeanIntegrationfromthe1980s: StateCentricvsMultiLevelGovernance,JournalofCommonMarketStudies 34(3):34178. Milner,S.(1994)ComparativeIndustrialRelations:TowardsNewParadigms?, JournalofAreaStudies5:1933. Msesdttir,L.(2006)TheEuropeanSocialModelandGenderEqualityinM. JepsenandA.SerranoPascual(eds),UnwrappingtheEuropeanSocialModel. Bristol:PolicyPress,14566. Pierson,P.(2004)PoliticsinTime:History,InstitutionsandSocialAnalysis. Princeton:PrincetonUP. Piore,M.(1995)BeyondIndividualism.Cambridge:HarvardUP. Polanyi,K.(1957)TheGreatTransformation.Boston:Beacon. Sabatier,P.A.(1987)Knowledge,PolicyOrientedLearning,andPolicyChange:An AdvocacyCoalitionFramework,ScienceCommunication.8:64992. Sapir,A.(2006)GlobalizationandtheReformofEuropeanSocialModels,Journalof CommonMarketStudies44(2):36990. Sbragia,A.M.(2004)ShapingaPolityinanEconomicandMonetaryUnioninA. MartinandG.Ross(eds),EurosandEuropeans:MonetaryIntegrationandthe EuropeanModelofSociety.Cambridge:CambridgeUP,5175. Scharpf,F.(1999)GoverninginEurope:EffectiveandDemocratic?Oxford:Oxford UniversityPress. Schmidt,V.A.(2002)TheFuturesofEuropeanCapitalism.Oxford:OxfordUP. Schofield,P.(1988)RecentCases:EqualPay,IndustrialLawJournal17(1):2414.
31
Shrubshall,V.(1998)CompetitiveTendering,OutsourcingandtheAcquiredRights Directive,ModernLawReview61:8592. StoneSweet,A.andCaporaso,J.1998)FromFreeTradetoSupranationalPolity:The EuropeanCourtandIntegrationinW.SandholtzandA.StoneSweet,eds., EuropeanIntegrationandSupranationalGovernance.Oxford:OxfordUniversity Press:92133. Streeck,W.(1997)NeitherEuropeanNorWorksCouncils:AReplytoPaulKnutsen, EconomicandIndustrialDemocracy18(2):32537. Streeck,W.andThelen,K.,eds(2005)BeyondContinuity:InstitutionalChangein AdvancedPoliticalEconomies.Oxford:OxfordUP. Supiot,A.(2001)BeyondEmployment:ChangesinWorkandtheFutureofLabour LawinEurope.Oxford:OUP. Trigilia,C.(2002)EconomicSociology:State,MarketandSocietyinModern Capitalism.Oxford:Blackwell. TUC(2008)TheReturnoftheLongHoursCulture. www.tuc.org.uk/extras/longhoursreturn.pdf Turner,A.(2002)JustCapital:TheLiberalEconomy.Basingstoke:Macmillan. vanderVleuten,A.(2005)PincersandPrestige.ExplainingImplementationofEU GenderEqualityLegislation,ComparativeEuropeanPolitics,3(4):46488. Wedderburn,W.(Lord)(1990)TheSocialCharter,EuropeanCompanyand EmploymentRights:AnOutlineAgenda.London:InstituteofEmployment Rights. Whittall,M.,Knudsen,H.andHuijgen,F.eds(2007)TowardsaEuropeanLabour Identity:TheCaseoftheEuropeanWorkCouncil.London:Routledge.