COMMENTARY

The Muscular Monk

Vivekananda, Sports and Physical Culture in Colonial Bengal
Amitava Chatterjee, Souvik Naha

Swami Vivekanandas thoughts are a complex and multidimensional interplay of Indias ancient and medieval past and his 19th century milieu. He was an ardent advocate of masculinity and sports. This article discusses the inuential contributions to theories of masculinity which provide a framework within which Vivekanandas physical activities and gendered notions can be situated. His belief that football is not insignicant reveals his concerns for the development of manliness among the so-called effeminate Bengalis. He himself practised a number of colonial sports and expressed profound interest in golf though these sports were not seen as a form of leisure. The lessons of physical culture not only strengthened his body but empowered his mind against inequality and perils. Vivekananda appeals to the Hindu sources for his construction of the body and mind of the spiritual aspirant as a site delimited and shielded.

O Thou Lord of Gauri, O Thou Mother of the Universe, vouchsafe manliness unto me! O Mother of Strength, take away my weakness, take away my unmanliness, and make me a Man! Swami Vivekananda [1899]1

Amitava Chatterjee (bubaiapu@yahoo.com) is with the Ramsaday College, Howrah, West Bengal and Souvik Naha (souviknaha@gmail.com) is a research scholar, Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
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wami Vivekananda was an ardent advocate of masculinity and sports. While his famous dictum that playing football was more divine an activity than reading holy books has attracted commentary, his actual playing experiences and their possible impact on his philosophy remain unexplored. We discuss the inuential contributions to theories of masculinity which provide a framework within which Vivekanandas physical activities and gender notions can be situated. Thereafter, we look at Vivekanandas experiences with various sports as distinct from leisure and conclude by contextualising these exertions in the formulation of his critique of colonialism and local debilities. In his outline of the nature of masculinity, Pierre Bourdieu emphasised the deep-rooted character of patriarchy, which produces and reinvents itself through not only social relations and cultural media but also embodies habits and practices of everyday experience. In his account, masculinity and particularly the habit of masculine domination has been hard to challenge, because it has been bound so closely both to social power and to just how things are.2 It is a primary example of history turned into nature, of an ideological practice cloaked as inescapable necessity. Historians of masculinity have rightly drawn upon cultural representations of manhood, masculinity, honour and the like, as research perspectives. They have tried to locate masculinity within trans-historical categories of analysis. Masculinity cannot be abstracted out of the social complex, because it only has meaning in relation
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to other identities of sexuality, class, age and religion. Hence historians do not so much attempt a history of masculinity as they explore the relationship between gender and the other ways in which their identity is structured. To take an inuential example, Mrinalini Sinhas Colonial Masculinity does not herald the history of masculinity as such, but is an analysis of social relations which were structured as much by race and class as by gender.3 The colonial binary of the manly British and the effeminate Indian as articulated in colonial discourses provoked the Hindu elite to search for indigenous masculinities that would enable them to revive their lost or forgotten manhood. In The Intimate Enemy, Ashis Nandy argues that the 19th century Indian elite envisaged the British as agents of change and progress, and accepted the masculinised ethos of aggressive imperialism. They held themselves responsible for their subject status and chose to follow the kshatriya or warrior model of manliness as an equivalent to the imperial model of masculinity. Kshatriyahood, Nandy asserts, functioned as the normative model of Indian manhood till Gandhi grounded nationalist politics in a feminised semiotic.4 Other inuential scholars of Indian masculinity such as Rosselli also reiterate this structure.5 Fanon rightly illustrates that the lack of self-esteem results in an overwhelming feeling of impotence in relation to life and to people, as well as a complete rejection of the feeling of responsibility.6 Nationalist Discourse and Masculinity The babu7 recognises the dominant discourses gendering of mission, physique, and so on. He even manipulates and appropriates these terms (through overwork, taking on the white mission) to rearticulate his own masculinity according to these values, but the babu cannot appropriate them without deracinating himself and being an ambivalent neither. Problematically, he can never fully succeed, since he is never the one initially articulating the terms of superiority. No matter how buff or masculine his body,
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it will still be inferior because it is dark. No matter how classist he becomes, he will always be lower than the British. Even if he appropriates the obligation of the civilising mission, he is doomed to the failure of mimicry. Ascetic nationalist discourse takes religion and its associated practices out of the private realm and into the body politic, opening up possibilities for exploring how traditions and histories are disrupted not just by the consciousness of dissident subjects, but also by representational practices. It functions as a technology of the self, which, as Michel Foucault explains, implies certain modes of training and modication of individuals that allow people to transform their own bodies and souls, thoughts, conduct, and way of being.8 Nationalist ascetics as articulated by the texts examined in this book reference familiar tropes and signiers of British imperial masculinity such as self-restraint, seless work for the nation, and lial duty to the nation as well as homosocial bonding and physical culture, but they invest them with radically different and distinct signications. Thus, differing from Nandy and others, this study establishes that pre-Gandhian forms of colonial resistance did not legitimise imperial masculinity, even if nationalists had accepted and at times even approved the British model, thereby signicantly altering the terms of colonial discourse. Ascetic nationalist masculinity as the dominant ideal invariably highlights differences within the nation to the margins and expresses the interests of the upper-caste male Hindu as that of society as a whole. It negates other masculinities and subordinates the claims of other groups, thus functioning as a political instrument for both liberation and repression. As the national elite construct their gendered selves in relation to existing hierarchies, focusing on their bodies to develop an ideal of masculine asceticism that can regenerate their race, class, caste, community, or nation, these categories can become fuzzy, with intersecting, overlapping, and shifting boundaries. Within this discourse of hegemonic imperial masculinity, the illustrative
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symbol of the effeminate, native, other was the Bengali. Much has been written about the Bengali babu, or government clerk, as the archetypical effeminate gure constructed in opposition to the hardy, masculine, imperial British ruler. The stereotype needs little further elucidation.9 But Thomas Babington Macaulays famous description of the Bengali is worth repeating as the crux of British self-condence was embedded in this most powerful image of an effeminate India:
The race by whom this rich tract was peopled, enervated by a soft climate and accustomed to peaceful avocations, bore the same relation to other Asiatics which the Asiatics generally bear to the bold and energetic children of Europe...Whatever the Bengalee does he does languidly...He shrinks from bodily exertion; ...and scarcely ever enlists as a soldier. We doubt whether there be a hundred genuine Bengalese in the whole army of the East India Company.10 The physical organisation of the Bengalee is feeble even to effeminacy... During many ages he has been trampled upon by men of bolder and more hardy breeds.11

Vivekananda and Strength In British eyes, these feeble effeminate beings required the straightforwardness of Christian honesty and the manliness of British energy to enjoy order and stability.12 Vivekananda was born into a Bengali kayastha family whose hereditary occupation was clerical and legal work. In this respect, at least in his pre-monastic days, he belonged to the very sociocultural group that was the main target of imperial discourses of masculinity and the unfortunate object of babu-rhetoric. That he did not remain unaffected by the psychological and practical consequences of these discourses, even in his youth, is apparent. Consider, for example, young Narendras fondness for akharas (gymnasia) and his efforts to cultivate his skills in a number of aggressive sports, including the Indian art of lathi-play, boxing, and wrestling.13 While these activities might not be considered unusual for an energetic male youth, their prominence and popularity as pastimes in colonial Bengali society was fostered in part by the ethos of spiritual athleticism which had emerged in the colonial
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metropolis as well as its satellites during the 19th century. As was typical in the Calcutta akharas, the choice of young mens sporting activities exhibited a martial cast that made them all the more appropriate counters to the assertions of middle-class Bengali physical degeneracy.14 Even a casual reading of Vivekanandas work reveals the dominant role of masculinity discourses in his thought. The binary patterns of imperialism are particularly visible in the intense and recurring rhetoric of strength versus weakness. Strength, for Vivekananda, is as it was for the Victorian Britons of his day a physical, mental, moral, and spiritual quality, and one that was perceived as a necessary support for achievement in any area of life. In this respect, he was well in accordance with the personal, social, and religious ideals advanced by 19th century Anglo-American muscular Christianity, referred to above, which constructed the male body as a site of personal strength, competence, and self-control, mirroring the central thrusts of the imperialist project, with which it was contemporaneous.15 Among the many sports Vivekananda loved was horse riding. His brother Mahendranath Dutt, later a noted freedom ghter, wrote about a Burmese pony that Vivekananda used to ride as a child. Ashwini Kumar Dutt describes more horse-riding activities in his memoir. When he went to Almora, a hill town in northern India, in May 1897, he witnessed Vivekananda riding a horse in his saffron apparel. He asked the locals about Vivekananda, and they expressed wonder at this unique Bengali monk, who speaks English, rides horse and

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wanders around like a king. Vivekananda mentioned his equine activities in a number of letters. In a letter written from Darjeeling, he mused, You would have been amazed to see me jumping around the mountains like a deer, or riding a horse across slanted rocky paths.16 In another letter, he mentioned that exercise, mountaineering and horse riding were among his daily activities and that he hoped to build the frame of a wrestler.17 A letter written in the same month states that horse riding had become so much of a habit that he did not feel exhausted even after crossing 20 to 30 miles.18 Horse riding had restored his will to live after the stressful years spent abroad. In a letter to the doctor, he wrote that the exercise derived from hose riding had rejuvenated him. The rst week felt so good that it reminded him of the childhood days spent at gymnasiums. The effects revitalised his muscles, the mere movement of which brought him immense pleasure.19 But the well-being was temporary as such everyday tests of endurance exhausted him gradually. In letters written after a months gap, he admitted to not being as full of vigour.20 The extent of fatigue increased and forced him to leave Almora, as he would not have stopped horse riding otherwise. He was not one to be intimidated by the limits of the body. Not only was he in favour of outreaching the bounds of weakness, he exhorted others to follow suit. He wanted his disciples to be superior in body and soul. He often made them sit on a horse and then would whip the animal to make it run fast, thereby absolving them of fear.21 Vivekananda was disposed to try new sports and master them. While residing in Ms Mullers house in England, he rode the bicycle with assistance from his brother Mahendranath and Swami Saradananda. While the latter held the bicycle straight, Vivekananda supported himself on Mahendranaths shoulder and climbed on to the seat. Within a few days he mastered the art of bicycle riding.22 He ew in a balloon in Geneva while on a visit to an art exhibition. He waited till evening as balloons did not
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operate before sunset. His companion, Ms Savier, was not willing to let Vivekananda go up in the air, but could not curb the monks enthusiasm for a trip to the skies. He waited for his turn and returned to the hotel a happy man after a nice ride.23 He learnt to swim as a child and was adept at it. He was interested in rowing too. An American boy remembered an accident in which Vivekananda lost his balance while trying to row fast and was hit on the head by the oar, yet laughed away the injury and continued. In a letter to Isabella McKindley, Vivekananda admitted to have gone overboard.24 But a letter written after one year demonstrates that he had become a deft navigator of rivers.25 Nearer to Heaven Vivekanandas appropriation of the central themes of muscular Christianity are perhaps most apparent in one of his best-known maxims, expressed to a Madras audience upon his return to India in 1897, that you will be nearer to Heaven through football than through the study of the Gita.26 His specic mention of football (North American soccer) is not insignicant, as J A Mangan has observed that, in the context of colonial India, football was considered by the colonisers to carry with it a series of moral lessons, regarding hard work and perseverance, about team loyalty and obedience to authority and indeed involving concepts of correct physical development and manliness.27 As such, its promotion was an integral part of the colonial civilising mission. Football, and its twin British obsession, cricket, were directly linked with the development of skills for Empire service,28 in the discourses of the period. Not only the muscular development (and thus, the prevention of racial degeneracy) that it fostered, but also the more-abiding values of competition, fair play, consciousness of masculinity, and sublimation of sexual energy that such sports were believed to encourage were part of the British push behind the promotion of these games. Not only (male) British citizens in India, but also Indian youth took to these sports with great
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enthusiasm. Importantly, the accompanying colonial values were ideally internalised by participants in a way that allowed these sports to function as agents of coercive disciplinary power while lacking the appearance of external dominance and control. In the context of his football exhortation, Vivekananda further elaborates his own perspective on the importance of physical culture:
These are bold words; but I have to say them, for I love you. I know where the shoe pinches. I have gained a little experience. You will understand the Gita better with your biceps, your muscles, a little stronger. You will understand the mighty genius and the mighty strength of Krishna better with a little of strong blood in you. You will understand the Upanishads better and the glory of the Atman when your body stands rm upon your feet, and you feel yourselves as men.29

Although Vivekananda is famous for having said that playing football helps one to reach nearer to heaven than does ardent chanting of the Gita, not one instance of him playing football has been documented. It is a pity that he did not live to see the Shield triumph of 1911 which vindicated his assertion by stimulating an upsurge of nationalism. However, his biographers mention cricket as one of his regular childhood activities. He was very good at cricket, and so was naturally chosen as the leader of the local team. It is argued that he played a rst division match for Town Club, with the scorecard listing a player named N Dutt. It is said that he had met Ranjitsinhji in England, but no account of their meeting has been found. The most interesting anecdote of his sporting career is that of a hand at golf. In a letter written to Mary Hale in November 1899, he expressed the newfound interest in golf. The memoir of Ms Mcloud offers a story of Vivekanandas golf skills. It happened when Vivekananda was staying in the mansion of Leggett, which had a nine-hole golf course patronised by many famous players. As he was wandering in the links one day, accompanied by Leggetts son Holister, he enquired about a ag uttering in some distance. Holister took it as an opportunity to impart knowledge of golf to the monk, and explained to him the
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rules and playing techniques, aided by a golf club stored in the house. Vivekananda took the club and asked how many strikes it should take to put the ball in the hole. Holister recognised seven or eight as reasonable number of hits, but Vivekananda insisted that he would only need one hit. Holister was unconvinced as he had never seen or heard of anyone doing so. He wagered half a dollar that Vivekananda would never be able to do it, while the latter staked one dollar in his favour. Leggett also was cynical of Vivekanandas self-proclaimed ability, and wagered ten dollars that the task could not be completed. Vivekananda lifted the club and instructed the boy to show him exactly where the hole was and then to back away. Holister did as told, Vivekananda swung, the ball soared and descended in an elliptical orbit and disappeared into the hole. Leggett and his son were awestruck, but Vivekananda insisted that it was not a miracle performed by an oriental saint, but a sporting feat accomplished by the right coordination of strength, self-assessment, willpower and discipline.30 Vivekananda wrote to Swami Shuddhananda from Almora saying that exercises have beneted his body immensely.31 A few months later, he wrote to Swami Brahmananda from Lahore saying that the body cannot function without regular exercise.32 In a letter to Swami Turiyananda written from Paris, he mentioned doing push-ups and swimming every morning.33 No Indian monk in modern times has given more emphasis to physical exertion. He tried to make exercises compulsory among monastic brethren. Swami Saradananda has written that apart from horse riding, Vivekananda showed expertise in physique-intensive activities like gymnastics, wrestling, stick and dumbbell exercises, fencing and swimming.34 The gymnasium at his place was closed after his cousin was hurt trying to overstretch his ability. Vivekananda then went to the gymnasium of Ambika Charan Guha and sometimes to that of Jogen Pal to practise wrestling, and to the club of Nabagopal Mitra to learn gymnastics. He won the rst prize in gymnastics in the exhibition at Hindu Mela once.35 The lessons of physical
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culture not only strengthened his body, but empowered his mind against inequities and perils. He did not hesitate to threaten a Christian missionary with serious consequences unless the latter stopped spreading slander about Hindu religion. He confronted two boisterous Englishmen, and openly expressed suspicion about their level of education and civility. He would hand wrestle and often defeat famous wrestlers. Response to Imperial Ideology Vivekanandas perspective was inuenced by European discourses that presupposed the debilitating and destabilising agency of effeminacy (and, equally, the unspoken dread of homosexuality). Hence, he had little scope to advocate a uid approach to masculine and feminine roles as Ramakrishna did, and to simultaneously maintain the gendered aspects of the colonial thematic that was incorporated into his responses to imperial ideology. As Chatterjee36 and Basu37 have pointed out, Ramakrishna, despite his personal transgression of conventional masculine norms, had equated the feminine, in the form of kamini (woman) with carnal and emotional elements that, he posited, must ultimately be transcended by the spiritual aspirant. The discrepancy between Ramakrishnas feminised religious expression and Vivekanandas persistent emphasis on masculinity further illustrates the multiplicity of possible strategies of resistance to the imposition of colonial stereotypes and restraints upon Bengali society. Had Vivekananda accepted Ramakrishnas ambiguous approach to gender as valid in the religious sense (and it can be reasonably believed that he did), he likely perceived at some level that, when addressing within the public sphere Indians subjugated position, it would be most effective if his gender ideology meshed with the

norms of the dominant perspectives therein. Thus, while Ramakrishnas childlike self-presentation did defy, deliberately or not, the rigidities of colonial gender roles to some extent, Vivekananda, for his part, chose to appropriate the gender-discourses of the coloniser and utilised them to circumvent western hegemonic authority.38 Vivekanandas ascription of the qualities weakness, languor, jealousy, effeminacy, cowardice, and the like to sections of the Indian populace is, of course, very much in accordance with British assessment of the colonised subjects racial and religious inferiority, and does indeed downplay the systemic nature of colonial oppression. However, in the Swamis discourse, the situation is not quite as hopeless for the Indian as it appears to be in the rhetoric of the coloniser. The Indian race may indeed have degenerated into a state of weakness over the course of centuries. But unlike the views advanced by the colonial authorities, who at least in part lay blame upon the racially impure heritage of the subcontinents peoples and their barbaric religion, for Vivekananda, neither are Indians condemned by any inherent inferiority nor must they reject (or even reform along modern liberal Christian lines, as claimed by the Brahmo Samaj) their Hindu faith and practices. Rather, the solution he provides is a combination of spiritual commitment, moral reform, and social upliftment much as it appeared for exponents of manly Christianity. Meat-eating and Violence However, Vivekanandas perspective, shaped by strong roots in particular Hindu traditions, differs somewhat from the Protestants in a number of ways. For example, Vivekananda, in his various discussions of cross-cultural dietary

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habits and their consequences, seems to at least tentatively concur with the prevailing western assessment that a strong physique is fostered by a meatladen diet (his own food habits, like those of the majority of Bengali Hindus, were not vegetarian, and he prided himself on the physical agility and stamina which he attributed thereto).39 However, he makes an even stronger appeal to the customary Hindu linkage between the consumption of animal esh and the increase of rajas (the energetic or passionate quality) in the human body.40 More than the development of strength per se, Vivekananda sides with the view of the brahmanical traditions that violence and militarism are the likely end products of such a diet, especially when taken up collectively by a social group or nation.41 The emphasis on masculine vigour to the point of framing aggression as a moral virtue, which colonial agents were wont to construe from the tenets of muscular Christianity,42 was a step beyond that which Vivekananda seems willing to entertain. While military power dominates, meat-eating will prevail, he asserts, but with the advance of science, ghting will grow less, and then the vegetarians will come in [to power]. 43 While Vivekanandas spirituality is less radically pacistic than that of a strict ahimsavadi like Gandhi, he contradicts the Anglo-Saxon tenets of masculinity in his conviction that spiritual boldness differs substantially from the aggressive and animalistic courage of a lion or tiger.44 Although he reportedly once admonished an American follower, Do you think that a handful of Englishmen could rule India if we had a militant spirit? I teach meat eating throughout the length and breadth of India in the hope that we can build a militant spirit! 45 Vivekananda could also not disregard the emphasis on non-injury that the expositors of inuential Hindu disciplines, such as Patanjali-yoga and the Vaisnava bhakti-marga, had historically promoted as essential for spiritual practitioners.46 (He accordingly declared that we would be disappointed if we hoped to see a military nation active on the eld of spirituality.)47 In this sense, Vivekananda appeals to Hindu sources
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in his construction of the body and mind of the spiritual aspirant as a site delimited and shielded, to at least a certain extent, from the norms of masculine aggression unlike the British colonial mentality which strove to conate Christianity with national and racial conquest.

Notes
1 Vivekananda, The Complete Works of Swami Vivekananda. 2 Bourdieu, Masculine Domination. 3 Mrinalini Sinha, Colonial Masculinity. 4 Ashis Nandy, The Intimate Enemy. 5 John Rosselli, The Self-image of Effeteness. 6 Frantz Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, p 73. 7 Babu signies bhadralok middle class bengalis. 8 Michel Foucault, Technologies of the Self. 9 Joseph Alter, Celibacy, Sexuality, and the Transformation of Gender into Nationalism in North India, Journal of Asian Studies, 53 (1994): 45-63; Indira Chowdhury, The Fragile Hero and Virile History: Gender and Politics of Culture in Colonial Bengal (Calcutta: Oxford University Press), 2001; and Mrinalini Sinha, Colonial Masculinity: The Manly Englishman and the Effeminate Bengali in the Late Nineteenth Century (Manchester: Manchester University Press), 1995. 10 John Lord, ed., Macaulays Essays on Lord Clive and Warren Hastings, p 31. 11 Ibid: 109-10. 12 Alexander Duff, The Indian Rebellion, p 286. 13 The Life of Swami Vivekananda: By His Eastern and Western Disciples, 6th ed, vol 1 (Mayavati: Advaita Ashrama), 1989, p 35. 14 Sinha, p 21. 15 The term muscular Christianity had its origins in T C Sandars review of Anglican clergyman Charles Kingsleys book, Two Years Ago, published in 1857. For more background on the concept, see Donald E Hall, ed., Muscular Christianity. 16 Letter dated 28 April 1897. 17 Letter dated 3 June 1897. 18 Letter dated 20 June 1897. 19 Letter dated 29 May 1898. 20 Letter dated 13 July 1898. 21 Basu, Sahasya Vivekananda, p 14. 22 Basu, p 14. 23 Basu, p 15. 24 Letter dated 20 August 1894. 25 Letter dated 8 July 1895. 26 Vedanta in Its Application to Indian Life, CW, Vol 3, p 242. 27 Dimeo, Civilizing the Sporting Body. 28 Beynon, Masculinities and the Imperial Imaginary. 29 Vedanta in its Application to Indian Life, CW, Vol 3, p 242. 30 Basu, pp 19-21. 31 Letter dated 1 June 1897. 32 Letter dated 11 November 1897. 33 Letter dated 1 September 1900. 34 Basu, p 24. 35 Basu, p 25. 36 Partha Chatterjee, A Religion of Urban Domesticity: Sri Ramakrishna and the Calcutta Middle Class in P Chatterjee and G Pandey (ed.), Subaltern Studies VII (Delhi: Oxford University Press), 1993, 40-68. 37 Basu, p 159.
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38 See the discussion of Ramakrishnas unconventional behaviour in Sumit Sarkar, An Exploration of the Ramakrishna Vivekananda Tradition (Shimla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study), 1993, pp 22-24. 39 Conversations and Dialogues (XV), CW, Vol V, p 402; From the Diary of a Disciple, CW, Vol 7, p 207. 40 Conversations and Dialogues (XV), CW, Vol 5, pp 402-03. 41 Inspired Talks, CW, Vol 7, p 29. 42 Rosen, pp 17-44. 43 Inspired Talks, CW, Vol 7, p 29 44 The Real Nature of Man, CW, Vol 2, p 85. 45 Burke, Vol 5, p 256. 46 Raja-Yoga in Brief, CW, Vol 1, p 189; The Method and the Means, CW, Vol 3, p 67. 47 Reply to the Address of Welcome at Shivaganga and Manamadura, CW, Vol 3, p 165.

References
Alter, Joseph (1994): Celibacy, Sexuality, and the Transformation of Gender into Nationalism in North India, Journal of Asian Studies, 53: 45-63. Basu, Sankariprasad (1974): Sahasya Vivekananda (Calcutta: Naba Bharat). Beynon, John (2002): Masculinities and the Imperial Imaginary, chapter 2 of Masculinities and Culture (Buckingham: Open University Press). Bourdieu, Pierre (2001): Masculine Domination (London: Polity Press). Burke, Marie Louise (1992): Swami Vivekananda in the West: New Discoveries, 6 volumes, revised and expanded edition (Calcutta: Advaita Ashrama). Chowdhury, Indira (2001): The Fragile Hero and Virile History: Gender and Politics of Culture in Colonial Bengal (Calcutta: Oxford University Press). Dimeo, Paul (2004): Civilizing the Sporting Body: Fear and Anxiety in the Colonial Project in H Fischer-Tine and M Mann (ed.), Colonialism as Civilizing Mission: Cultural Ideology in British India (London: Anthem Press). Duff, Alexander (1858): The Indian Rebellion: Its Causes and Results (London: Nesbitt). Fanon , Frantz (1986): Black Skin, White Masks (London: Pluto Press). Foucault, Michael (1997): Technologies of the Self in Paul Rabinow (ed.), Ethics Subjectivity and Truth (New York: Pantheon Books). Hall, Donald E, ed. (1994): Muscular Christianity: Embodying the Victorian Age (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Lord, John, ed. (1931): Macaulays Essays on Lord Clive and Warren Hastings (London: Ginn). Nandy, Ashis (1994): The Intimate Enemy: Loss and Recovery of Self under Colonialism (Delhi: Oxford University Press). Rosen, David (1994): The Volcano and the Cathedral: Muscular Christianity and the Origins of Primal Manliness in D E Hall (ed.), Muscular Christianity: Embodying the Victorian Age, 17-44 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Rosselli, John (1980): The Self-image of Effeteness: Physical Education Nationalism in Nineteenth Century Bengal, Past and Present, No 86, 121-48. Sarkar, Sumit (1993): An Exploration of the Ramakrishna Vivekananda Tradition, Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla. Sinha, Mrinalini (1995): Colonial Masculinity: The Manly Englishman and the Effeminate Bengali in the Late Nineteenth Century (Manchester: Manchester University Press). Vivekananda, S (1899): The Complete Works of Swami Vivekananda (Kolkata: Advaita Ashrama).

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