http://www.democ.uci.edu/democ/papers/snow.

htm
Collective Identity and Expressive Forms
David Snow
University of California, Irvine
Copyright 2!, David Snow. "orthcoming in International Encyclopedia of the Social and
Behavioral Sciences, edited #y $eil %. Smelser and &aul '. 'altes. ()ondon: *lsevier
Science, 2!+.
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Abstract
-his article provides an analytic overview of scholarly wor. on the concept of
collective identity #y considering its conceptuali/ation and various empirical
manifestations, the analytic approaches informing its discussion and analysis, and a num#er
of theoretical and empirical issues, including a synopsis of the sym#olic means through
which collective identity is e0pressed and asserted. 1lthough the scholarly roots of the
concept can #e traced to classical sociologists such as 2ar0 and Dur.heim, and more
recently to the mid,century wor. of scholars such as *ri. *ric.son and *rving 3offman, it
was not until the latter 4uarter of the past century that the concept generated an outpouring
of wor. invo.ing the concept directly or referring to it indirectly through the lin.age of
various collectivities and their identity interests via such concepts as identity politics,
identity pro5ects, contested identities, insurgent identities, nationalism, imagined
communities, identity movements and even social movements more generally.
Conceptually, the essence of collective identity resides in a shared and interactive sense of
6we,ness6 and 6collective agency.6 1lthough the concept is distinguished analytically from
#oth personal identity and social identity, the three types of identity clearly overlap and
interact. *mpirically, collective identity can surface in a variety of conte0ts, although the
preponderance of research has focused on its connection to gender, ethnicity, religion,
nationalism and particularly social movements. 1nalytically, collective identity has
generally #een discussed from a primordial, structural, and/or constructionist standpoint.
&rimordial and structural approaches are discussed as variants of essentialism, which is
contrasted to constructionism. 1mong other things, constructionism focuses attention on
the sym#olic e0pression and maintenance of collective identities.
7 7 7
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If .ey concepts or e0pressions can #e identified that function to capture the animating
spirit of different epochs, then certainly one candidate concept for the latter 4uarter of the
2th century is the concept of collective identity. Indeed, it is a concept that came of age in
!
the latter part of the past century, as reflected in the outpouring of scholarly wor. invo.ing
the concept directly or referring to it indirectly through the lin.age of various collectivities
and their identity interests via such concepts as identity politics, identity pro5ects, contested
identities, insurgent identities, and identity movements. -his article provides an analytic
overview of scholarly wor. on the concept #y considering, in order, its conceptuali/ation,
its various empirical manifestations, the analytic approaches informing its discussion and
analysis, and several unresolved theoretical and empirical issues.
Conceptualization
-he concept of collective identity, 5ust as the #ase concept of identity, is rooted in the
o#servation that interaction #etween two or more sets of actors minimally re4uires that they
#e situated or placed as social o#5ects. -o do so is to announce or impute identities. 8ence,
interaction among individuals and groups, as social o#5ects, is contingent on the reciprocal
attri#ution and avowal of identities. -his character of identity is highlighted in Stone9s
(!:;2+ conceptuali/ation of identity as the 6coincidence of placements and
announcements.6 -his process holds for #oth individuals and collectivities, and it pro#a#ly
has always #een a characteristic feature of human interaction, whether the interaction was
among early pre,literate humans or among those in the modern social world. -o note this is
not to ignore the sociological truism that the issue of identity #ecomes more pro#lematic
and unsettled as societies #ecome more structurally differentiated, fragmented, and
culturally pluralistic (Castells !::<= 3iddens !::!+. 'ut historical variation in the e0tent to
which matters of identity are pro#lematic does not undermine the dou#le,edged o#servation
that the reciprocal imputation and avowal of identities is a necessary condition for social
interaction and that identities are thus rooted in the re4uisite conditions for social
interaction.
Delineating the interactional roots of identities does not e0plain what is distinctive
a#out collective identity, as there are at least three conceptually distinct types of identity:
personal, social, and collective. 1lthough they often overlap, one cannot #e inferred from
the other. 8ence the necessity of distinguishing among them.
Social identities are the identities attri#uted or imputed to others in an attempt to situate
them in social space. -hey are grounded typically in esta#lished social roles, such as
2
6teacher6 and 6mother,6 or in #roader and more inclusive social categories, such as gender
categories or ethnic and national categories, and thus are often referred to as 6role
identities6 (Stry.er !:>+ and 6categorical identities6 (Calhoun !::<+. ?hatever their
specific sociocultural #ase, social identities are fundamental to social interaction in that
they provide points of orientation to 6alter6 or 6other6 as a social o#5ect.
&ersonal identities are the attri#utes and meanings attri#uted to oneself #y the actor=
they are self,designations and self,attri#utions regarded as personally distinctive. -hey are
especially li.ely to #e asserted during the course of interaction when other,imputed social
identities are regarded as contradictory, as when individuals are cast into social roles or
categories that are insulting and demeaning (Snow and 1nderson !:><+. -hus, personal
identities may derive from role incum#ency or category,#ased mem#erships, #ut they are
not necessarily compara#le since the relative salience of social roles or category
mem#ership with respect to personal identity can #e 4uite varia#le.
%ust as social and personal identities are different yet typically overlapping and
interacting constructs, such is the relationship #etween collective and social and personal
identities. 1lthough there is no consensual definition of collective identity, discussions of
the concept invaria#ly suggest that its essence resides in a shared sense of 6one,ness6 or
6we,ness6 anchored in real or imagined shared attri#utes and e0periences among those who
comprise the collectivity and in relation or contrast to one or more actual or imagined sets
of 6others.6 *m#edded within the shared sense of 6we6 is a corresponding sense of
6collective agency.6 -his latter sense, which is the action component of collective identity,
not only suggests the possi#ility of collective action in pursuit of common interests, #ut
even invites such action. -hus, it can #e argued that collective identity is constituted #y a
shared and interactive sense of 6we,ness6 and 6collective agency.6 -his dou#le,edged sense
can #e culled from classic sociological constructs such as Dur.heim9s 6collective
conscience6 and 2ar09s 6class consciousness,6 #ut is reflected even more clearly in most
conceptual discussions of collective identity, although the agentic dimension is sometimes
implied rather than directly articulated (e.g., Castells !::<= Cerulo !::<= *isenstadt and
3iesen !::@= %asper and &olletta 2!= %ensen !::@= )evitas !::@= 2elucci !:>:, !::@+.
1 common theme running throughout a segment of the literature is the insistence that
collective identity is, at its core, a process rather than a property of social actors. Such wor.
A
ac.nowledges that collective identity is 6an interactive and shared definition6 that is
evocative of 6a sense of 9we,96 #ut then highlights the process through which social actors
recogni/e themselves as a collectivity, contending that this process is more vital to
conceptuali/ing collective identity than any resultant product or property (e.g., 2elucci
!:>:: AB, 2!>, passim+. "ew scholars would ta.e e0ception with the importance of the
process through which collective identities develop, #ut it is #oth 4uestiona#le and
unnecessary to contend that the process is more fundamental than the product to
understanding the character and functionality of collective identity. $ot only is the product
or 6shared we6 generative of a sense of agency that can #e a powerful impetus to collective
action, #ut it functions, as well, as the orientational identity for other actors within the field
of action. 2ore concretely, it is the constructed social o#5ect to which the movement9s
protagonists, adversaries, and audience(s+ respond (8unt et al. !::B+, and which, in turn,
may have implications for the operation of its organi/ational carrier, affecting the
availa#ility and character of allies, resources, and even tactical possi#ilities (%ensen !::@+.
-he initial pro5ected collective identity may #e short,lived and transient, su#5ect to
modification and even transformation during the course of ongoing collective (inter+action,
#ut the set of properties that ma.e up the initial collective identity, as well whatever
su#se4uent ones emerge, constitute o#5ects of orientation and interaction for other
collectivities within the field of action.
If it is ac.nowledged that there is something of su#stance to collective identities, how
are they distinguished from social and personal identitiesC Several factors appear to #e at
wor.. "irst, collective identities may or may not #e em#edded in e0isting social identities,
since they are often emergent and evolving rather than firmly rooted in prior social
categories. -his is often the case with the collective identities that emerge in the course of
dynamic social protest events (for illuminating e0amples, see ?alder9s research on the
'ei5ing Ded 3uard 2ovement, and Calhoun9s account of the Chinese student movement of
!:>:+. Second, the collective, shared 6sense of we6 is animating and mo#ili/ing
cognitively, emotionally, and sometimes even morally. -he shared perceptions and feelings
of a common cause, threat, or fate that constitute the shared 6sense of we6 motivate people
to act together in the name of, or for the sa.e of, the interests of the collectivity, thus
generating the previously mentioned sense of collective agency. -hat potential inheres
B
within social identities, #ut they typically function more li.e orientational mar.ers as the
routines of everyday life are negotiated. ?hen they are activated or infused affectively and
morally, it is argua#le that they have #een transformed into collective identities. -hird, the
emergence and operation of collective identities means that other social identities have
su#sided in relevance and salience for the time #eing. In other words, collective identities,
when they are operative, generally have claims over,not so much normatively as
cognitively and emotionally,other identities in terms of the o#5ect of orientation and
character of corresponding action. *0amples a#ound, as o#served fre4uently in the case of
many protest gatherings, gripping fads, 5oyous and cele#ratory sports crowds, and the
concerted campaigns and actions associated with social movement activism. "ourth, while
collective identities and personal identities are o#viously different, they are still very much
interconnected in the sense that collective identities are predicated, in part, on constituents9
em#racement of the relevant collective identity as a highly salient part of their personal
identity and sense of self (3amson !::!+. 1nd finally, while the attri#ution or avowal of all
identities is interactionally contingent, collective identities tend to #e more fluid, tentative,
and transient than either categorically,#ased social identities or even personal identities.
Empirical Manifestations
*mpirical manifestations of collective identity can vary in a num#er of significant
ways. Ene important a0is of variation is the si/e of the collectivity, and the corresponding
scope of its claims. If the essence of collective identity resides in a sense of 6we,ness6
associated with real or imagined attri#utes in contrast to some set of others, then it follows
that collective identities can surface among almost any grouping or aggregation in a variety
of conte0ts, ranging from relatively small cli4ues and gangs to sports fans and cele#rity
devotees to la#orers and occupational groupings to neigh#orhoods and communities to even
#roader categories such as se0ual and gender categories, religions, ethnic groups, and
nations. -he preponderance of empirical research on collective identity has focused on the
last, more inclusive set of categories , se0uality and gender, religion, ethnicity, and
nationality. Illustrative is -aylor and ?hittier9s (!::2+ research on les#ian identity and
les#ian social movements= $agel9s (!::<+ analysis of the resurgence of collective identity
among 1merican Indians= Cornell and 8artmann9s (!::>+ overview of the construction of
@
ethnic and racial identities in the modern world= and 1nderson9s (!::!+ and Calhoun9s wor.
on nationalism, which the latter defines, in part, as one 6way of constructing collective
identities6 (!::<: 2:+. 1n additional characteristic of research on collective identity is its
association with the study of social movements, no dou#t #ecause such mo#ili/ations tend
to #e #oth generative of and dependent on collective identities (e.g., 3amson !::!= 8unt et
al. !::B= %asper and &olletta 2!= 2elucci !:>:= Snow and 2c1dam 2+.
1lthough collective identities can congeal in various aggregations and conte0ts, they
appear not to do so on a continuous #asis historically. Instead, their emergence and vitality
appear to #e associated with conditions of sociocultural change or challenge,
socioeconomic and political e0clusion, and political #rea.down and renewal, thus
suggesting that they cluster historically in social space. -he latter part of the 2th century
has generally #een regarded as one such period of collective identity effervescence and
clustering, with some scholars characteri/ing this period in terms of identity crises and
collective searches for identity (e.g., Castells !::<= 3ergen !::!= 3iddens !::!= Flapp
!:;:+. In The Power of Identity, Castells captures #oth this characteri/ation and the .inds
of conditions thought to #e associated with the various manifestations of collective identity
during this period:
1long with the technological revolution, the transformation of capitalism, and the
demise of statism, we have e0perienced, in the last 4uarter of the century, the widespread
surge of powerful e0pressions of collective identity that challenge glo#ali/ation and
cosmopolitanism on #ehalf of cultural singularity and people9s control over their lives and
environment. (Castells !::<: 2+.
Analytic Approaches
-o note that e0pressions of collective identities cluster historically according to the
con5unction of various social conditions does not specify the character or content of the
emergent collective identities. -his issue has #een addressed from the vantage point of
three contrasting perspectives: primordialism, social structuralism, and social
constructionism.
'oth the primordialist and structuralist views can #e construed as variants of an
overarching essentialist perspective which posits that a collectivity9s identity #asically
;
flows naturally from some underlying set of characteristics, often reduced to a single
determinative attri#ute regarded as the collectivity9s 6defining essence.6 "rom the
primordialist point of view, the defining characteristic is typically an ascriptive attri#ute,
such as race, gender, or se0ual orientation, or sometimes a deep, underlying psychological
or personality disposition. "rom a structuralist perspective, the critical characteristic is
typically a .ind of master social category implying structural commonality, such as social
class, ethnicity, or nationality= a set of relational ties or networ.s suggesting structural
connectedness= or a mi0ture of #oth. Individuals who are similarly situated structurally,
such that they are incum#ents of similar roles, wor. in similar enterprises, are lin.ed to the
same social networ.s, or mem#ers of the same social class, religion, or ethnic group, are
presumed to have a shared collective identity or at least #e candidates for such.
-he constructionist perspective, in general, re5ects #oth the primodialist and
structuralist variants of the essentialist argument, seeing the presumed lin. #etween
identities and their ascriptive or structural moorings as #eing more indeterminate than
postulated. Instead, attention is shifted to the construction and maintenance of collective
identities. Collective identities are seen as invented, created, reconstituted, or co##led
together rather than #eing #iologically preordained or structurally or culturally determined.
1ssessment of the three perspectives in terms of their relative analytic utility for
e0plaining the character and content of collective identities reveals considera#le support for
the constructionist thesis. -his may #e due in part to the currents of fashion, influenced #y
the winds of multiculturalism, postmodernism, and identity politics, #ut it is due, more
importantly, to other factors. Ene is that the hypothesi/ed lin. #etween identities and the
primordial attri#utes or structural categories in which they are presuma#ly anchored is too
mechanistic. In its hard version, it is contradicted #y the sociological o#servation that
people are often mem#ers of the same categories or groups in different ways and with
varying degrees of commitment and identification, thus suggesting that inferring
correspondence #etween personal, social, and collective identities solely on the #asis of
primordial or structural categories is empirically suspect. 1dditionally, the claims of
primordialist and structuralist arguments do not fare well when confronted with the
o#servation that people generally have multiple identities (e.g., family, wor., leisure,
gender, ethnic, religious, political, and national+ that are differentially invo.ed or avowed
<
depending on their relative salience and their situational pervasiveness. Salience refers to
the relative importance of an identity in relation to other identities (Stry.er !:>+=
pervasiveness or comprehensiveness refers to the situational relevance or reach of any
particular identity and the corresponding degree to which it organi/es social life, including
collective action (Cornell and 8artmann !::>= Snow and 2c1dam 2+. 3iven the fact
that increasing num#ers of individuals live in a world in which they are the carriers of
multiple and often conflicting identities, what determines any particular identity9s relative
salience and pervasiveness, and thus the influence of its claims, vis,e,vis othersC Clearly
such matters are not determined solely #y an identity9s primordial roots or structural
footing. 1nd finally, much of the empirical evidence is consistent with the constructionist
argument. -wo highly evocative e0amples include -revor,Doper9s (!:>A+ account of the
retrospective invention of the distinctive 8ighland culture and tradition so redolently
associated with all of Scotland, and %ames9 parallel conclusion, #ased on e0tensive
archeological and archival research, regarding the origins of the modern Celts:
...the idea of a race, nation or ethnic group called Celts in 1ncient 'ritain and Ireland is
indeed a modern invention. It is an eighteenth, and nineteenth,century reification of a
people that never e0isted, a factoid . . . assem#led from fragments of evidence drawn from a
wide range of societies across space and time, -his reification served the interests of a
range of cultural e0pectations, aspirations, and political agendas , and still does (%ames
!:::: !A;+.
Such conclusions should not #e read as une4uivocal refutations of the primordialist and
structuralist arguments, since constructed identities are not fa#ricated whole cloth #ut
typically .nit together #y drawing on threads of past and current cultural materials and
traditions, structural arrangements, and even primordial attri#utes. -hese materials and
attri#utes constitute the .inds of stuff from which collective identities,particularly ethnic,
religious and national ones,are fashioned, and there#y function, in varying degrees, to
constrain the construction process. Interpretative constraint also may #e e0ercised #y the
institutional conte0ts and relations of power in which contestants are em#edded (Castells
!::<= %ensen !::@+. 1dditionally, analyses of the relationship #etween collective identity
and participation in social movements repeatedly point to the e0perience of collective
action itself as a fertile seed,#ed for the generation of collective identities (Calhoun !::!=
>
"antasia !:>>= 2elucci !:>:= ?alder 2+. -hus, while collective identities are
undenia#ly constructed, they rarely are constructed carte #lanche= rather, they typically are
forged not only with the materials suggested #y the primordialist and structuralist
perspectives, #ut with and through the e0perience of collective action itself.
Theoretical and Empirical Issues
Delevant to a thoroughgoing understanding of collective identity, whatever its
empirical locus, are several theoretical and empirical issues that re4uire more careful
consideration than often accorded.
Identity Work (the Expression of Collective Identities)
"undamental to understanding collective identity, particularly from a constructionist
standpoint, are the processes through which it is created, e0pressed, sustained and modified.
-hese processes have #een conceptuali/ed as variants of 6identity wor.,6 which
encompasses the range of activities people engage in, #oth individually and collectively, to
signify and e0press who they are and what they stand for in relation or contrast to some set
of others (Schwal#e and 2ason,Schroc. !::;= Snow and 1nderson !:><= Snow and
2c1dam 2+. 1t its core is the generation, invocation, and maintenance of sym#olic
resources used to #ound and distinguish the collectivity #oth internally and e0ternally #y
accenting commonalities and differences (*isenstadt and 3iesen !::@= Schwal#e and
2ason,Schroc. !::;= -aylor and ?hittier !::2+. Sym#olic resources include the
interpretive framewor.s (or frames+, avowed and imputed names, and dramaturgical codes
of e0pression and demeanor (e.g., particularistic styles of storytelling, dress, adornment,
and music+ that are generated and employed during the course of a collectivity9s efforts to
distinguish itself from one or more other collectivities. Concrete e0amples include the
various forms of identity tal., such as 6atrocity tales6 and 6war stories,6 that group
mem#ers repeatedly tell each other, prospective adherents, and the media (8unt and
'enford !::B+= particular songs and styles of music that invite participation and that are
politically and emotionally evocative, such as 6?e Shall Evercome6 (*yerman and
%amison !::>+= .ey words and slogans that function in a similar fashion, such as 6)i#erte,
:
"raternite, and *galite6 and 6?or.ers of the ?orld Unite6= and systems of gestures and
signs, such as the raised clinched fist and the peace sign, that function similarly to the
tradition of heraldry (&astoureau !::<+. -hese and other sym#olic resources function as
#oundary mar.ers of collective differentiation, distinguishing insiders from outsiders, or
protagonists from antagonists, in a fashion that heightens awareness of in,group
commonalities and connections and out,group differences. -ogether they congeal into a
.ind of 6semiotic #ricolage6 (Schwal#e and 2ason,Schroc. !::;+ that gives sym#olic
su#stance to the claimed distinctive 6we6, and it is largely through this #ricolage that
collective identity is e0pressed and .nown pu#licly. ?hile the #oundary,ma.ing and
maintenance functions of these sym#olic resources, or #ricolage, are widely ac.nowledged,
what accounts for the differential resonance or carrying power of different sym#olic
mar.ers is less well understood.
The Proble of Identity Correspondence
1 not uncommon pro#lem with analyses of collective identity is the tendency to reify
the collective identity, and thus ta.e,for,granted the lin. #etween the individuals that ma.e,
up the collectivity and the shared, overarching identity. -his gloss is particularly
trou#lesome in light of the o#servation that people typically have multiple identities that
vary in salience and pervasiveness. -hus, how is any particular collective identity
reconciled with other identities adherents possessC 8ow, in other words, do the shared
cognitions and feelings indicative of a collective identity move center stage at the
individual levelC Such 4uestions allude to what has #een referred to as the pro#lem of
6identity correspondence6 , the alignment or lin.age of personal and collective identities
(Snow and 2c1dam 2+.
Ene general answer is that this alignment 6is accomplished #y enlarging the personal
identities of a constituency to include the relevant collective identities as part of their
definition of self6 (3amson !::!: B!+. 'ut what are the processes through prospective
adherents come to em#race the relevant collective identity, such that personal and
collective identity are correspondent or congruousC -wo #road processes have #een
suggested: identity convergence and identity construction.
!
Identity convergence refers to the union of personal and collective identities when #oth
are congruent, such that an e0tant collectivity provides a venue for an individual to act in
accordance with her or his personal identity. -he analytic pro#lem is not one of identity
construction or transformation, #ut one of lin.age or #ridging and the identification of the
mechanisms that facilitate the convergence. 1 num#er of such mechanisms have #een
identified. Ene operates at the organi/ational level, entailing the occasional appropriation
of e0isting solidary networ.s #y movement organi/ations (Snow and 2c1dam 2+= the
other mechanisms are variants of rational choice processes. Ene is #ased on a 6tipping6 or
6threshold6 model, which posits that collective identities are assumed #y individuals when
the perceived actions of others reach a point that suggests that the payoffs for adopting, or
at least acting in accordance with, the collective identity outweigh doing otherwise.
Illustrative is the contention that such tipping points played a critical role in e0plaining
language and identity shifts among Dussian,spea.ing immigrants 6#eached6 in four of the
repu#lics of the former Soviet Union ()aitin !::>+. 1 related mechanism is the e0istence of
intergenerational investments in personal identities that may have implications for the
em#racement of future collective identities ()aitin !::>+. 1 third rational choice
e0planation holds that the collective identities associated with social movements , and, #y
implication, with other collectivities as well , can #e regarded as 6selective incentives6 for
those who see. to e0press and affirm their personal identities ("riedman and 2c1dam
!::2+. -he e0planatory utility of these arguments, as well as the networ. appropriation
thesis, is contingent on two underlying assumptions: that there is pre,esta#lished
congruence among some num#er of personal identities and the proffered or availa#le
collective identities= and that collective identities are constituted #y the aggregation or
convergence of parallel personal identities. ?hile the first assumption is empirically
tena#le, the second is 4uestiona#le from the vantage point of many scholars of collective
identity (e.g., %asper and &olletta 2!= 2elucci !:>:, !::@+.
In the a#sence of correspondence #etween personal identities and collective identities,
some variety of identity wor. is necessary in order to facilitate their alignment. -his
alignment can vary significantly, ranging from the elevation of the salience of a particular
identity to a fairly dramatic change in one9s sense of self. "our identity construction
processes have #een identified that capture this variation: identity amplification, identity
!!
consolidation, identity e0tension, and identity transformation (Snow and 2c1dam 2+.
Identity amplification affects a change in an individual9s identity salience hierarchy, such
that an e0isting #ut lower,order identity #ecomes sufficiently salient to ensure engagement
in collective action, as in the many cases in which in the identity of woman was elevated
and e0panded in con5unction with the ?omen9s 2ovement= identity consolidation involves
the adoption of an identity that is a #lend of two prior #ut seemingly incompati#le
identities, as in the case of the union of environmentalists and la#or activists and 6%ews for
%esus6= identity e0tension entails the e0pansion of the situational pervasiveness of an
individual9s personal identity so that its reach is congruent with the collectivity9s, as when
individuals come to see themselves as representatives for a specific cause that transcends
other role o#ligations and identities= and identity transformation involves a dramatic change
in identity, such that individuals now see themselves as remar.a#ly different than #efore, as
often occurs in the case of conversion to a new group or movement.
-he mechanisms or processes underlying these various forms of identity construction
include framing processes in which identities are announced or renounced, em#raced or
re5ected, and modified or reframed in the course of various interactions with adherents,
antagonists, and #ystander audiences ('enford and Snow 2= 8unt et al. !::B+=
engagement in collective action, as when direct o#servation or e0perience functions as a
demonstration event that gives rise to a situationally specific collective identity or affirms
collective claims and thus helps to render salient, and perhaps pervasive, what was
previously a secondary or marginal personal or social identity (2elucci !:>:= Calhoun
!::!= ?alder 2+= or some com#ination of #oth framing and actual engagement.
3iven the variety of ways in which identity correspondence can #e affected, the
4uestion arises as to whether the relevance of the convergence and construction processes
varies #y type of collectivity. In the case of social movements, for e0ample, it has #een
hypothesi/ed that movements that are culturally different, greedy in terms of the cognitive
and #ehavioral demands, and/or politically radical are li.ely to rely more on identity
construction than convergence processes (Snow and 2c1dam 2+. ?hether this is the
case is an empirical 4uestion, #ut it does caution against presuming that what accounts for
identity correspondence and shifts in one conte0t necessarily holds for another.
!2
%ust as there may #e variation #etween types of collectivities and the processes of
identity convergence and identity construction, so it is reasona#le to as. whether these
processes might vary in importance at different points in the life course of a social
movement or ethnic or nationalist mo#ili/ationC Dather than assuming that a particular
process, such as the tipping process or identity amplification, operates routinely with
respect to the emergence of a collective identity, might not these processes #e more
relevant at particular 5unctures in the career of a movement9s collective identityC
&reliminary consideration of such 4uestions suggests that networ. appropriation, rational
choice, and constructionist e0planations, rather than #eing mutually e0clusive and
antithetical, may interact and com#ine in interesting ways in e0plaining the emergence,
institutionali/ation, and diffusion of collective identities across different conte0ts (Snow
and 2c1dam 2+.
!iensions" #ayers" and Types of Collective Identity
1lthough there is an e0tensive literature on collective identity, with considera#le
discussion regarding its conceptuali/ation and sources, this literature has #een relatively
mute regarding variation in its form. -he concept most often is invo.ed as if it is an
invariant, uniform collective phenomenon. -his is not the case, however, as collective
identities can #e multi,dimensional and #e multi,layered within a specific locus, and they
may also vary #y type. -he multi,dimensionality of collective identity is indicated #y
reference to its cognitive, emotional, and moral dimensions (%asper and &olletta 2!=
2elucci !:>:+. -he relative importance of each of these dimensions to the vitality and
motivational force of a collective identity has not #een ela#orated, however. &resuma#ly
the presence of each of these dimensions yields a more ro#ust and vital collective identity.
Clearly a collective identity in which the #oundaries #etween 6us6 and 6them6 are
unam#iguously drawn, in which there is strong feeling a#out those differences, and in
which there is a sense of moral virtue associated with #oth the perceptions and feelings,
should #e a more potent collective identity than one in which either the emotional or moral
dimensions are wea.ly developed.
Similarly, several analyses have noted that collective identity can #e multi,layered,
such that there can #e variation in its locus. -hree such layers have #een noted with respect
!A
to social movements (3amson !::!= Stoec.er !::@+. -hey include, #eginning with the
#roadest and potentially most inclusive layer: the social movement community or solidary
group, which can #e thought of as the constituent layer, as in the case of #lac. 1mericans
in relation to the civil rights movement= the social movement layer as in the case of the civil
rights movement= and the organi/ational layer, as represented #y the Southern Christian
)eadership Conference (SC)C+, the Congress for Dacial *4uality (CED*+, and the Student
$onviolent Coordinating Committee (S$CC+ in the conte0t of the civil rights movement.
In principle, each successive layer may #e em#edded in the larger more inclusive layer,
giving rise to a generali/ed, cohesive collective identity at the community or national level.
'ut clearly the e0istence of a collective identity at one level does not automatically
generali/e to or incorporate another level. -hus, collective identities can #e #uilt around the
organi/ational carriers of a movement, as in the case of SC)C and S$CC, without
necessarily representing the #roader movement, which indicates the potential for identity
conflicts at the collective level and the potential for schism and factionali/ation. Such
o#servations suggest the need for more careful consideration of the often multi,layered
character of collective identities and of greater specification of the ways in they can interact
and com#ine, and with what conse4uences. 1s well, these o#servations call for caution in
generali/ing a#out the scope and functioning of collective identities, particularly with
respect to #roader social categories, such as ethnicities and nationalities.
"inally, it is reasona#le to wonder if collective identities vary #y type. 1t the most
general level, 8unt et al. (!::B+ distinguish among protagonist, antagonist, and audience or
#ystander identities, arguing that even though protagonist or oppositional identities have
received most of the scholarly attention, each type or field of identity is fundamental to
understanding the interactive dynamics underlying the emergence, character, and
functioning of a collective identities. $oting as well that collective identities arise and
operate within an interactive conte0t 6mar.ed #y power relationships,6 Castells9
distinguishes among legitimi/ing, resistance, and pro5ect collective identities (!::<: <,!+.
)egitimi/ing identities are associated with dominant institutions or the state, whereas #oth
resistance and pro5ect identities represent two #asic forms of the antagonist identity, the
former generated #y devalued and stigmati/ed collectivities, and thus constituting the
seed#ed for identity movements and politics, and the latter associated with movement
!B
#eyond resistance to the construction not only of alternative identities #ut also a new
system that valori/es rather than defiles the new identity. -he important issue is not
whether such typologies of collective identities are e0haustive, #ut the emphasis on their
conte0tually em#edded and interactional character and their different conse4uences.
,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,
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