Cow, Caste and Communal Politics: Dalit Killings in Jhajjar
Author(s): Surinder S. Jodhka and Murli Dhar
Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 38, No. 3 (Jan. 18-24, 2003), pp. 174-176 Published by: Economic and Political Weekly Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4413088 . Accessed: 25/01/2014 05:59 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . Economic and Political Weekly is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Economic and Political Weekly. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 123.63.6.201 on Sat, 25 Jan 2014 05:59:33 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Commentary Cow , Cas te and Communal Politics Dalit Killings in Jhajjar While the killing offive d alit men near Jhajjar tow n in Haryana in October las t year appears on the face of it as another cas e of atrocity agains t d alits by upper cas te Hind us , it points to many emerging or pos s ible political alignments in the s tate and reflects the s immering tens ions in Haryana s ociety. SURINDER S JODHKA, MURLI DHAR n the evening of October 15, 2002, five d alit men w ere killed near a police pos t called Dulina located at a d is tance of about five kilometres from Jhajjar tow n of Haryana.' While on the face of it the incid ent s eems to be yet another cas e of brutal atrocity upon d alits by the upper cas te Hind us , the contents and context of the Dulina cas e s eem far more s erious and complex. Not only has the s tory of the killings been told d ifferently by d ifferent actors involved in the cas e, its implications could als o be varied . It points to many emerging or pos s ible political alignments in the s tate and reflects the s immering tens ions in Haryana s ociety. The official vers ion of the incid ent has pres ented it as a cas e of s pontaneous res pons e of an 'innocent crow d ' to an 'emotive' is s ue, albeit by 'mis take'. While res pond ing to a ques tion in the parliament on the s ubject, I D Sw amy, union minis ter of s tate for home, s tated that the five d alits w ere killed "becaus e of the mis taken impres s ion that a cow s laughter w as being committed openly" (The Hind u, Decem- ber 10, 2002). As per the official pos ition, the five d alit men had bought a d ead cow from a neighbouring village called Farroukhnagar and d ecid ed to s kin it on the road s id e near the Dulina police pos t. A group of men returning from Jhajjar tow n after celebrating Dus s era s potted them w orking on the d ead cattle and thought they w ere s laughtering a live cow . Offend ed by the s cene and moved by their religious fervour, they beat them up and hand ed them over to neighbouring police pos t.2 How ever, as the official vers ion goes , w ord got around and by night a large mob gathered near the police pos t. The mob forcibly broke open the lock-up, took the five men out and lynched them. Though by this time s enior officials of police and civil ad minis tration had arrived on the s cene they felt quite helples s in front of s uch a huge crow d and d ecid ed agains t us ing any force to s ave the five innocent men. Apart from the union government and the s tate government of Haryana w ho s ubs cribe to this 'police theory' of the incid ent, the chairpers on of the National Commis s ion for s ched uled cas tes and s ched uled tribes , Bizay Sonkar Shas tri als o argued on s imilar lines . While he criticis ed the police for failing to protect the victims , he too ins is ted that the five men had ind eed been killed by an angry mob. Strangely, unlike the official pos i- tion, 'mis taken id entity' for him w as not that ofthecow , w hether d ead being s kinned or live being s laughtered , but of the unfortunate victims . He reported ly s aid that members of the mob w hich, accord ing to him, includ ed s everal d alits as w ell, mis took the five for Mus lims (The Times of Ind ia, Novemebr 28, 2002). Pres um- ably, had they ind eed been Mus lims the killings w ould have had a jus tification! How ever, virtually every local d alit, as w ell as mos t of the political activis ts / human rights groups w ho w ent to Dulina to inves tigate the incid ent, have ques tioned the valid ity of this vers ion. Accord ing to them the 'official theory' has been con- s tructed to protect the real culprits , viz, the police. As per their vers ion, the victims w ere notinvolved in s kinning of any cow at all, d ead or alive. The five men w ere, in fact, taking a cons ignment of cattle s kin to anothertow n ofHaryana, Karnal, w here the local leather ind us try is concentrated . One of them, the main trad er, had in fact come all the w ay from Kamal to purchas e the treated s kin. Ofthe res t, tw o w ere local s kinners and the other tw o w ere the d river and cleaner of the lorry that the trad er had hired , all from neighbouring villages of Jhajjar and Gurgaon d is tricts of Haryana. The local s kinners w ere accompanying the trad er to collect payment for the s kin they had s old . As the s tory goes , the local police in- variably s top s uch vehicles pas s ing through the area and d emand a bribe. The trad ers too expect this and are generally w illing to pay 'a reas onable amount'. How ever, on October 15, the police d emand ed more than w hat the trad er w as w illing to pay. The police reported ly took them to the thana w here they w ere as s aulted for not paying enough, pos s ibly lead ing to the d eath of one of them. Given that the other four had w itnes s ed the 'murd er', the police w ere naturally alarmed . It w as then that members of the local police force s pread the s tory of cow s laughter and mobilis ed the mob. The five men w ere virtually hand ed over to the mob by the police. One of the local activis ts w ho had vis - ited the s ite s oon after the incid ent claimed that though the w ind ow rod s of the room in the police pos t w here the five men w ere reported ly kept had been bent apart, there w as no other s ign of any mob having attacked the pos t. Even the flow erbed outs id e the pos t w as intact. It w as only later, in ord er to d es troy all evid ence, that the police thems elves rans acked the w hole build ing. There w as abs olutely no evi- d ence of the police having tried to s ave the five men from the 'frenzied mob'. Some of the local activis ts claimed that the police w ere not only ins trumental in s pread ing the rumour, they even partici- pated in mobilis ing the mob. They report- ed ly arranged a vehicle to fetch crow d s from the nearby tow n and s ent w ord to the 'gaus hallas ' (cow s helters ) and 'gurukuls ' (res id ential s chools run by local Hind u religious organis ations ) located nearby about the alleged cow s laughter. The actual facts s eem to lie s omew here in-betw een. While there is no hard evid ence 174 Economic and Political Weekly January 18, 2003 This content downloaded from 123.63.6.201 on Sat, 25 Jan 2014 05:59:33 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions available to verify the s econd vers ion, the police and civil ad minis tration s urely d id nothing to avoid the tragic incid ent. The police could have eas ily apprehend ed the emerging s ituation and could have d one s omething to s ave the victims . Accord ing to the report prepared by a d elegation of Left-w ing parties , three s ub-d ivis ional magis trates and a d eputy s uperintend ent of police along w ith a s mall police force w ere pres ent at the s cene of the killings . Yet not even a teargas bullet w as fired ! How ever, a d ead cow d id exis t on the s cene. More importantly perhaps , the local unit of the Vis hw a Hind uPras hid (VHP) immed iately is s ued a s tatement in d efence of the killings . VHP w as not the only organis ation that d efend ed the killings . Repres entatives of the local 'gaus hallas ' and 'gurukuls ' als o is s ued s tatements that amounted to s aying that the life of a cow w as more valuable than that of humans . They all d emand ed that no police action be taken agains t thos e involved in the killings . When the police round ed -up a few villagers , the upper cas tes , particularly thos e from the locally d ominant cas te of jats , held s everal protes t meetings w here the emotive s ignificance of cow w as re- peated ly und erlined . The killings w ere attributed yet again to 'mis taken id entity'. They repeated ly argued that the crow d of 'Hind us ' w as completely innocent becaus e they not only believed that a cow had ind eed been s laughtered , but als o had no clue to the fact that thos e w ho w ere being lynched w ere d alits and not 'kas ais ' (Mus lim s laughterers ). It is in this context that the Dulina incid ent throw s up many complex ques tions . Why d id the VHP and other communal organis ations ow n the killings ? Why d o d alits , locals as w ell as thos e belonging to national political parties , ins is t on blaming the police? How and w hy d id Mus lims get implicated as the 'villains ' in the s tory? Do thes e puzzling ques tions point to a potentially volatile communal s ituation in the area? Further, ins tead of among thos e w ho had been at the receiving end , viz, the local d alits , mobilis ations s eem more pronounced amongs t thos e w ho had alleg- ed ly participated in the crime. II Given the high political value of s uch an event, the Dulina incid ent d id generate a good amount of heat, both in the pres s as w ell as on the political s cene. Apart from the VHP and local communal organis ations w ho s poke in d efence of the killings , fearing police/s tate action a s ec- tion of the locally d ominantjats als o began to organis e along cas te lines . Trad itional cas te ins titutions s uch as the khap panchayats w ere revived to bring the jats of the w hole belt together. Though com- munal organis ations like VHP and RSS have not been very popular among the rural populace of Haryana, the jats in this area have been follow ers of Arya Samaj s ince early 20th century. The local 'gurukulas ' and 'gaus hallas ' that came up d uring that period d id popularis e the cow as a s ymbol of an aggres s ive jat Hind u id entity. In the pos t-Dulina s cenario als o thes e organis ations played an active role in mobilis ing locals in d efence of the killings . On the other hand , mos t of thos e w ho came forw ard to s peak for the d alits w ere 'outs id ers '. After the incid ent w as reported in the med ia, s everal political parties and groups vis ited the s ite of the incid ent and protes ted on behalf of the victims . Perhaps the firs t to vis it w ere members of the Left parties . The local unit of CPI(M) als o mobilis ed a protes t march in Jhajjar tow n. Clos e on its heels follow ed almos t all thos e w ho mattered . Thes e includ ed Ram Vilas Pas w an of the Jans hakti Party, BSP lead er and chief minis ter of Uttar Prad es h, Mayaw ati, and Congres s pres id ent Sonia Gand hi. Apartfrom making the us ual nois es of jud icial inquiry and punis hment for the guilty, the Congres s pres id ent als o d eclared monetary s upport of one lakh rupees to each of the victims ' families . Mayaw ati too promis ed s upport for the bereaved families . Worried by this ges ture of s ympathy from other parties , the chief minis ter of Haryana too vis ited the s ite, though nearly 10 d ays after the incid ent. He how ever d id not conced e to the claims that implicated local police and ad minis tration in the killing of d alits . Further, emulating Sonia Gand hi, Chautala als o announced hefty 'compen- s ation' for the families of the victims . Apart from financial s upport of Rs 5 lakh for the d epend ents of each victim, he as s ured a regular job to one member from each of the five families . Nearly a month and a half later w hen w e enquired about action taken by the s tate government, w e w ere told that the prom- is ed compens ation had ind eed reached the bereaved families . The s tate government had als o ord ered an inquiry into the inci- d ent by commis s ioner of Rohtak d ivis ion. Though the commis s ioner's report d id not ques tion the valid ity of the 'official theory', it d id find the local policemen guilty of not d oing enough to protect the victims . Meanw hile, reported ly on the ins is tence of the s tate chief minis ter, a member of the s tate legis lative as s embly (MLA) from a neighbouring cons tituency had als o been w orking for a 'compromis e' w ith the d ominant jats w ho had been organis ing protes ts und er the aegis of Dulina Goraks ha Sanghars h Samiti. They had been d emand - ing the releas e of s ix pers ons arres ted by the police after the incid ent and no further action being taken agains t any member of the mob. Finally a d eal s eemed to have been s truck betw een the agitating mem- bers of the cow protection movement and repres entatives of the s tate government. Though the d etails of the d eal have not been mad e public, it w as und ers tood that s ome 26 villagers w ould be framed und er various charges but none und er any s trin- gent Act. Surpris ingly, the 26 villagers to be charged for the lynching incid ent in- clud ed s ix d alits , s uppos ed ly to avoid the invocation of the Prevention of Atrocities agains t SCs /STs Act. III Haryana has not been know n either for cas te-w ars or for any s erious communal conflict among Hind us and Mus lims . The rural population has in particular never been attracted to communal politics . Simi- larly, cas te conflict too has not been very pronounced in the s tate. As per the 1991 Cens us , the s tate has a little more than 4 per cent Mus lim population. How ever, more than tw o-third s of this is concentrated in a s ingle pocket in s outhern Haryana called Mew at, w here they largely w ork as cultivating peas ants and live more like a locally d ominant cas te than a s eparate community. As many as 51.62 per cent of all the Mus lims of Haryana lived in Gurgaon d is trict alone (34.40 per cent of the total population of the d is trict) and another 19.68 in Farid abad (10.17 per cent of the total population of the d is trict). Both thes e d is tricts are part of the Mew at region. Interes tingly in the Jhajjar d is trict, they cons tituted only 0.33 per cent of the total population (Statis tical Abs tract Haryana, 1999-2000, p 65). In cas te terms , the s ched uled cas tes cons tituted 19.75 percent of the total popu- lation in Haryana in 1991. Their propor- tion in Jhajjar d is trict w as a little les s , 17.77 per cent. A large majority of them, 82.29 per cent, lived in rural areas (Statis tical Abs tract Haryana, 1999-2000, p 67). But w hen compared w ith their coun- terparts els ew here, few er d alits in Haryana ow ned land . As compared to the national Economic and Political Weekly January 18, 2003 175 This content downloaded from 123.63.6.201 on Sat, 25 Jan 2014 05:59:33 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions average of 28.17 per cent only 11.86 per cent of them w ere regis tered as cultivators in 1981. By 1991 this figure had come d ow n to 8.07 per cent (Journal of Ind ian School of Political Economy, Vol 12 (3-4), 2000, p 615). Und ers tand ably, even thos e w ho ow n land are ow ners of s mall and marginal hold ings . A large majority of them are land les s and w ork as agricultural labourers . Invariably they are als o ind ebted to their upper cas te employer farmers . Though old er s tructures of d epend ency, s uch as the jajamani s ys tem, have d eclined , their d epend ence on the locally d ominant cas tes has not s een any rad ical change. Notw iths tand ing the overall marginal s tatus of the d alit population in Haryana, there have been s ome important changes . The res ervation policy has helped s ome of them to move into s ecure jobs . Jhajjar has als o been a res erved cons tituency for the s ched uled cas tes in the s tate legis lative as s embly. At the village level als o, their repres entation has given them a s ens e of importance. Us ing thes e new opportuni- ties , s ome of them have been able to move out of the village. Jhajjar tow n has a good number of petty s hops and s mall bus i- nes s es ow ned and run by d alits . How ever, unlike neighbouring Punjab or Uttar Prad es h, d alits of Haryana d o not have any his tory of s ocial mobility or political as s ertion d uring the pre-ind epen- d ence period . The area around Jhajjar w as particularly und eveloped until the s eparate s tate of Haryana w as formed in 1966. There w ere few opportunities of employment outs id e the village. Reformis t movements like the Arya Samaj too d id virtually nothing for them. Unlike in Punjab w here the Arya Samajis opened s chools for d alit child ren, theAryaSamaj movementin Haryana almos t completely remained a jat affair. Mos t of thos e w ho es pous ed the caus e of Arya Samaj in the area w ere thos e among the jat peas antry w ho had an experience of w ork- ing w ith the Ind ian army or could get s ome ed ucation/employment outs id e the village. Politically als o the locally d ominant communities d id not care for s upport of d alits . A jat lead er from the Haryana re- gion, Sir ChhotuRam of the Unionis t Party, w ho acquired quite a prominence in the regional politics of Punjab d uring the pre-ind epend ence period , had once told s ome d alits that he could not d o anything for their w elfare as it might offend the land ow ning jats . He reported ly s aid : I cannot annoy my ow n brothers to benefit you. If the zamind ars d o not s top thes e practices , I cannot d o anything. If on this bas is youw ant to d eprive us of your votes , d o s o, for it d oes not matter. The zamind ars are numerically s tronger than you in the villages .3 Even though things have changed over the las t four or five d ecad es and it w as not eas y to take d alit voters for granted , rural life in mos t pockets of Haryana continues to be vis ibly jat d ominated . Jat id entity reigns s upreme in the s tate. Notw iths tand - ing its name, Ind ian National Lok Dal (INLD), the party currently in pow er, is es s entially a regional political formation of the land ow ning jats of Haryana. As a local s cholar told us , "it is pres umed in Haryana that if you are a 'true jat', you w ill alw ays be a s upporter of the INLD. If you w ere a jat and s upported the Congres s , there w as s omething w rong w ith you". Though d alit politics continues to be rather w eak in the region the BSP has been able to make its pres ence felt in the s tate politics . The BSP currently has one MLA in the s tate as s embly and once (in 1998) it w as able to get its cand id ate elected to parliament as w ell. How ever, the party has been able to perform w ell only in thos e cons tituencies w here jat d omination is comparatively w eak.4 For example, d e- s pite it being a res erved cons tituency, the performance of BSP has never been note- w orthy in Jhajjar or the neighbouring d is tricts w hich fall in w hat is locally know n as the jat belt. IV The Dulina incid ent d oes not s eem to eas ily fit into a pattern. Des pite the above mentioned changes in s ocial and political life of Haryana, the area has not been marked by any kind of perpetual cas te w ars . Neither d id the lynching of the five d alits lead to s us tained mobilis ations among them. Much of the protes t w as organis ed by outs id ers . Though the incid ent obvi- ous ly angered and agitated them, s ome of w hich w as s how n through convers ions to Bud d his m and Is lam by the families of the victims , the 'hefty' compens ations by the chief minis ter d id s eem to have quietened them. More importantly perhaps , d alits of Jhajjar d o not feel s trong enough to s us tain any fight With the d ominant jats . This w as perhaps the main reas on w hy the local d alits continued to ins is t on the theory that blamed the local police for the Dulina killings , even w hen accus ed members of the 'mob' s eem to proud ly ow n their act. For example, w hen as ked w hy they ins is ted on accus ing the police or w hat they s tood to politically gain by d oing s o, one of their lead ers in Jhajjar explained , "in the tow n w e are s trong enough and can face the jats , but in the village our people cannot s urvive by d irectly antagonis ing them". How ever, the Dulina incid ent has als o had w id er implications . The killings w ere reported quite w id ely in the national med ia. More importantly perhaps , a large number of d alits of the s tate and outs id e s eem to have felt its pain and anger collectively. Though one w ould need to verify this by more firs t hand field -experience, w e w ere told by s everal activis ts that the Dulina incid ent had aw akened d alits in the s tate and one could s ee s igns of their becoming more as s ertive. Finally, w e s hould not ignore the com- munal angle of the Dulina incid ent. Though immed iately there d oes not s eem to be any marked change in communal relations in the s tate, the ins tant res pons e of VHP in d efence of the Dulina killings w as , to s ay the leas t, s urpris ing. Hind utva forces s ee a potential in the s ymbol of cow for mobilis ing the rural mas s es of Haryana on a communalis t agend a. Though Jhajjar d oes not have any his tory of communal conflict, ins titutions like 'gaus hallas ' and 'gurukuls ' mos tly run by the local Arya Samajis could provid e a bas e for Hind utva politics . Such a proces s is alread y vis ible in the hoard ings d epicting a cow being s laughtered , pre- s umably by a Mus lim, that have been put up by VHP in d ifferent parts of the s tate. In a region w here joining military has been a popular s ource of employment for the young, the communalis t propagand a that clubs Mus lims w ith Pakis tan w orks rather eas ily to generate a s entiment of hatred . Every time a bod y of a d ead s old ier comes to a village from the Kas hmir bord er it s eems to reinforce that s entiment. [E Notes [We are grateful to Suraj Bhan, D R Chaud hary, K S Sangw an, Sad huRam Ahlaw at, Des Raj, Ind erjeet and s everal other activis ts in Rohtak and Jhajjar w ho helped us und ers tand the complexities of the Dulina incid ent and its pos s ible political implications . Errors and omis s ions , if any, are obvious ly ours .] 1 The tow n of Jhajjar is a d is trict head quarter, located at a d is tance of around 60 kilometres from Delhi and bord ers the d is tricts of Rohtak and Gurgaon. Until s ometime back it w as a part of Rohtak d is trict. 2 Some ind epend ent obs ervers als o found s ubs tance in this vers ion. See, for example Dipankar Gupta 'A Carnival Gone Wrong' in The Hind u, November 8, 2002. 3 As quoted in Prem Chow d hary, Punjab Politics : The Role ofSir Chhotu Ram, Vikas Publications , Delhi, 1984, p 67 (in footnotes ). 4 See Jagpal Singh, 'Dalits in Haryana Politics ', Economic and Political Weekly. Volume XXXII (43), 1997, pp 2787-88. 176Economic and Political Weekly January 18, 2003 This content downloaded from 123.63.6.201 on Sat, 25 Jan 2014 05:59:33 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions