Judicial scrutiny of gender-based employment practices in the criminal
justice system
Claire Angelique R.I. Nolasco, Michael S. Vaughn
College of Criminal Justice, Institute for Legal Studies in Criminal Justice, Sam Houston State University, 816 17th Street, P.O. Box 2296, Huntsville, TX 77341-2296, United States a b s t r a c t a r t i c l e i n f o Available online 28 January 2011 Purpose: This article examines employment practices of criminal justice agencies within state and federal court decisions that have interpreted sex discrimination claims under Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Methods: After collecting and analyzing appellate court cases through the LEXIS-NEXIS and WESTLAW databases, the article examines lower state and federal court decisions that have been applied by the U.S. Supreme Court to criminal justice workplaces. Results: The ndings show that employment practices are valid if the employer can demonstrate: rst, the disputed discriminatory action is based on considerations not solely dependent on the plaintiff's gender; and second, such considerations are more than mere pretext, making them justiable under the circumstances. Conclusions: Courts have considered a wide range of employer practices in both law enforcement and corrections agencies at various stages of the employment process, such as hiring, assignment of duties, promotion, discipline, and termination. Title VII is violated when the employers adverse employment action is motivated by discriminatory intent and is based on gender stereotypes. Even so, employment actions are legal when employers prove their employment actions are not based on sex stereotypes, but are either business-related or justied by legitimate, important, or compelling interests. 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Introduction Despite recurring and long term efforts to recruit female ofcers into law enforcement, recent statistics from the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), show that as of 2004, only 11.6 percent of sworn ofcers are female, while 88.4 percent are males in approximately 14,254 surveyed law enforcement agencies (U.S. Department of Justice, 2004). Taking into account not only sworn ofcers, female employees accounted for only 26.9 percent of law enforcement employees in contrast to male employees who accounted for 73.1 percent (U.S. Department of Justice, 2004). The entry of female employees in correctional facilities, in contrast, has increased by as much as 40 percent, rising from108,913 in 1999 to 152,456 in 2007 (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2009). Approximately 15,000 women were employed as rst-line supervisors of correctional ofcers (29 percent) compared with 37,000 men in 2006 (Nick, 2008). Studies estimate that between 2006 and 2016, the number of probation ofcers and correctional treatment specialists will increase by 11 percent while the number of rst line supervisory staff for corrections will increase by 13 percent (Nick, 2008; U.S. Census Bureau, 2008). These gures indicate that the advent of women in the criminal justice workforce is still an ongoing, albeit slow, process that has been at times hindered by certain socio-cultural and organizational barriers as well as personal factors that have been the subject of academic research. Survey of literature Inuence of Gender Stereotypes on Employment Patterns and Roles Theorists explain that gender stereotypes are triggered by cultural schemas (Bem, 1993; Fiske, 1998; Marler & Moen, 2005) or how a particular society and individual members of that society categorize certain roles (Heilman, 1983; Perry, Davis-Blake, & Kulik, 1994). In the workplace, stereotypes of what constitutes male as well as female roles tend to reinforce the employment practices of a specic organization, particularly in the areas of hiring (Petersen et al., 2000), assignment of job responsibilities, promotion, discipline and termination (Di Maggrio & Powell, 1991; Eliasoph & Lichterman, 2003; Zuckerman, 1999). Law enforcement, for example, has traditionally been viewed as a masculine job (Balkin, 1988; Brown & Heidensohn, 2000; Evans, Coman & Stanley, 1992; Seklecki & Paynich, 2007). Several reasons have been proffered for denying women entry into the profession, such as their allegedly inherent emotional weakness (Bell, 1982; Homant & Kennedy, 1985; Martin, 1980; Morash & Greene, 1986; Journal of Criminal Justice 39 (2011) 106119 An earlier version of the article was presented at the 2008 Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences meeting, held in Cincinnati, Ohio. Corresponding author. Tel.: +1 936 294 1349; fax: +1 936 294 1653. E-mail address: mvaughn@shsu.edu (M.S. Vaughn). 0047-2352/$ see front matter 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2010.11.002 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Journal of Criminal Justice Sherman, 1975; Tifn, 1995), lesser physical strength, inadequate training, willingness to use force more often than male ofcers (Charles, 1982), and perceived reduction of the masculine reputation and status of the profession (Balkin, 1988). Gender stereotypes also inuence role expectations of how each gender should behave (van Worner, 1981). Female ofcers are expected to perform as well as male ofcers without crossing the line of not behaving within the established female stereotype (Seklecki & Paynich, 2007, p. 20). Kanter (1977) explains that an organization that has a low percentage of minority workers (i.e., tokens) makes them feel excessively scrutinized, placing multiple pressures on them. Due to fear of failure (Wertsch, 1998), token female police ofcers experience strong feelings of isolation and intense stress (Buchanan & Fitzgerald, 2008; Lovrich & Stohr, 1993). Stereotypes are sometimes applied to generalize the errors of one female ofcer to all others (Martin & Jurik, 1996). Kanter (1977) further found that token female police are categorized into one of four roles: the mother who sympathizes and comforts men; the sex object who seduces and provokes men to compete for her attentions; the kid sister who supports male ofcers without being competitive; and the women's liberationist who does not t into the three previous roles and is treated with suspicion and hostility. Studies conrm the existence of gender appropriate roles and duties in police departments (Brown & Heidensohn, 2000; Butler, Winfree, Jr., & Newbold, 2003). Examining a random sample of 531 female ofcers, Seklecki and Paynich (2007) found that a signicant percentage (at least 30 percent) felt that they performed more dispute resolution, desk writing, and witness/victim interview duties than their male counterparts and signicantly less use of force duties (47.1 percent) and high speed pursuits (37.2 percent). A signicant portion of these female ofcers, on the contrary, felt that they performed worse than their male colleagues in use of force (16.2 percent), while a majority reported feeling more or far more capable in their ability to apply reason and interpersonal skills to the situation (Seklecki & Paynich, 2007, p. 25). Archbold and Schulz's (2008) qualitative sample of 129 sworn police personnel in a Midwestern municipal police agency also conrmed that female token ofcers experienced more stress, were assigned more frequently to gender typecast duties, such as sexual assault cases and interviews and searches of female suspects. These women reported that they had to work harder than their male colleagues to prove themselves to the department, were pressured not to compete with or outperform male ofcers with respect to writing tickets or responding to calls for service, and were excluded from social outings among male ofcers outside of work hours. Martin (1979) showed that female police ofcers in several police departments in Washington D.C. were either categorized as POLICEwomen or policeWOMEN. POLICEwomen sought to counter negative female stereotypes by stressing professionalism, compet- ing with men, performing patrol duties, and making arrests. PoliceWOMEN accepted their unequal status to male ofcers, avoided patrol duties, and conformed to gender stereotypes. Her study showed that policeWOMEN were more readily accepted by male ofcers because they were perceived as less of a threat than POLICEwomen. She contended that the pool of women who sought upward mobility and promotion was actually smaller than the actual number of female ofcers since only POLICEwomen actively sought promotion. Schulz (2003) conrmed that female ofcers who actively sought promotion and rose from the ranks to the position of police chiefs and sheriffs were more assertive, having had higher education and having moved several times to various police departments during their law enforcement careers. Whetstone (2001), however, countered that it is normal for a large proportion of qualied ofcers, whether male or female, to refuse to participate in the promotion process. His study showed that a signicant portion of eligible ofcers (83 percent of eligible women and 76 percent of eligible men) did not seek promotion because of anticipated loss of income due to lesser opportunities for overtime work (for the men) and child care concerns, such as the need to make costly child-care arrangements to accommodate possible changes in assignments and shifts (for women). Whetstone and Wilson (1999, p. 132) observed that women were more likely constrained in their occupational upward mobility by gender-specic normative expecta- tions and responsibilities. Social, organizational and legal context of criminal justice employment Social science research is replete with studies examining the impact of gender in the workplace (Bem, 1993; Heilman, 1983; Perry et al., 1994; Pogrebin & Pool, 1997; Soehnel, 2007). Some analysts focus on the extent to which capital resources and other extraneous factors inuence gender-based hiring and promotion practices (Kalleberg & Reskin, 1995; Kay & Hagan, 1998; Petersen, Saporta, & Seidel, 2000). Others focus on the social and organizational structures that perpetuate and reinforce stereotypes in job allocation (Gorman, 2005; Ridgeway, 1997), as well as facilitate the entry of women into criminal justice agencies, including law enforcement (Shadmi, 1993). Although traditional gender stereotypes were particularly preva- lent in the criminal justice system (Brown & Pechman, 1987), extant research suggests that with the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act (Title VII) (Stivers, 1993), the onset of community policing with its emphasis on community relations (H. Greene, 2000; R. Greene, 2000; Skogan, 2004), and changes in environmental factors (Zhao, He, & Lovrich, 2006), such as city population (Felkenes, Peretz, & Schroedel, 1993; Warner, Steel, & Lovrich, 1989) and liberalization of local politics (Salzstein, 1986), females have gained more acceptance and have constituted a larger part of the criminal justice workforce. Some writers contend, for example, that the increased employment of Black females in law enforcement is a result of social and organizational factors, such as the growing participation of Blacks in electoral politics (H. Greene, 2000; R. Greene, 2000; Lewis, 1989), size of the minority population, location of the police stationhouse (Kim & Mengistu, 1994), enactment of equal employment legislation, suchas the 1963 Equal Pay Act, Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and the Equal Employment Opportunity Act of 1972 (H. Greene, 2000; R. Greene, 2000; Kim & Mengistu, 1994; Martin & Jurik, 1996; Morash & Harr, 1995; Townsey, 1982), and favorable court decisions, consent decrees, and afrmative action plans, resulting from employment discrimination lawsuits (Dreifus, 1982; Martin, 1991). Others, however, counter that except in large police departments, Blacks and women are still underrepresented in law enforcement (Kim & Mengistu, 1994), especially insupervisory or commandpositions (Townsey, 1982). Martin (1991) further found that sex discrimination increased, although racism in several police departments in Washington, D.C., Birmingham, Detroit, Phoenix, and Chicago diminished with high Black representation. Sims, Scarborough, and Ahmad (2003) also examined the relationship between police organizational culture and attitudes toward women. Analyzing a sample of 560 sworn ofcers of the Little Rock, Arkansas Police Department, they found that hostile sexism (measured by old fashioned and stereotypical attitudes about females) predicted support for both community and traditional policing, while overt sexism (measured by support for differential treatment of women and traditional gender roles) predicted support for traditional policing models. Not all studies are sanguine about the positive inuence Title VII has had on the employment policies, practices, and customs of criminal justice agencies, wherein stereotypical and gender-biased beliefs and practices persist within the male-dominated line and auxiliary staff and the good ole boy managerial command staff (Easteal & Judd, 2008; Eschholz & Vaughn, 2001; Pina, Gannon, & Saunders, 2009; Soonthornpasuch, 2008). A typical example of such female stereotyping is reported by Pogrebin and Pool (1997), who 107 C.A.R.I. Nolasco, M.S. Vaughn / Journal of Criminal Justice 39 (2011) 106119 observed that male ofcers frequently referred to female deputy sheriffs as honey, babe, and dear and subjected these ofcers to physical abuse that included unwelcomed kissing, unwanted groping of breasts, and unsolicited pinching of buttocks (Eschholz & Vaughn, 2001, p. 396). Several organizational factors and personal attitudes appear to hinder assertive responses to perceived sexual harassment in law enforcement agencies. Chiyavej and Morash (2008) found that, among a sample of 117 female ofcers from ve law enforcement agencies in a Midwestern state, the existence of clear organizational anti-sexual harassment policies signicantly predicted perceived severity of harassing acts that in turn predicted assertive reactions (i.e., reporting the incident, expressing displeasure to the offender, rejecting the offender's behavior, and threatening the offender with negative consequences). They also found that the less important the ofcer's independent participation in decision-making, the higher the concern for social reactions, which signicantly predicted passive reactions to harassment (i.e., going along, ignoring or deecting the attention, changing own behavior, and other avoidance mechanisms) (Chiyavej & Morash, 2008). To the extent that it contributed to the advent of females in the labor market, Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act has unquestionably played a signicant role in promoting gender rights. The legislative history of Title VII shows that it was enacted by the 88th Congress due to the perceived need to make persons whole for injuries suffered on account of unlawful employment discrimination, its primary objec- tive, like that of any statute meant to inuence primary conduct, is not to provide redress but to avoid harm (Faragher v. City of Boca Raton, 1998, p. 806). As originally drafted by Congress, Title VII applied only to discrimination based on race, color, religion, or national origin (Washington v. Gunther, 1981), while the Equal Pay Act, enacted earlier, applied to sex-based discrimination. The nal version signed by President Johnson, however, included discrimination based on sex. AlthoughTitle VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits sex-based employment discrimination, the last sentence of 703 (h) (the Bennett Amendment) provides that it shall not be unlawful for an employer to differentiate based on sex in determining wages if such practice is authorized by the Equal Pay Act of 1963 (29 U.S.C. 206 [d]). The Equal Pay Act prohibits sex discrimination by paying lower wages to employees of one sex than members of the other sex for performing equal work except whenthe wage differential is basedon(i) seniority system; (ii) merit system; (iii) a system which measures earnings by quantity or quality of production; or (iv) a differential based on any other factor than sex (Washington v. Gunther, 1981, p. 167). The U.S. Supreme Court further held that the Bennett Amendment does not restrict Title VII sex discrimination actions to claims for equal pay for equal work (Washington v. Gunther, 1981). Instead, claims for sex- based wage discrimination can also be led under Title VII, although no member of the opposite sex holds an equal but higher paying job, as long as the disputed wage differential is not exempted under the Equal Pay Act's afrmative defenses due to seniority, merit, or any other factor other than sex (Washington v. Gunther, 1981, p. 168). Title VII was further amended in 1972 to make it applicable to states and other governmental employers (Dothard v. Rawlinson, 1977), and in 1991, to incorporate U.S. Supreme Court decisions interpreting the Civil Rights Act of 1866 and 1964 (Landgraf v. USI Film Products, 1994). Objectives Scant research analyzes how federal and state courts have interpreted Title VII sex discrimination claims in the employment practices of criminal justice agencies. The focus of most social science research has been on the development of theories of why sex discrimination exists (Garcia, 2003) or on the incidence and prevalence of sexual harassment (Collins & Vaughn, 2004). Focusing on decisions of the federal and state courts, this article examines specic employment practices in the criminal justice system litigated under Title VII. Such an examination is necessary due to the impact of court decisions on the actual decision-making policy formation of criminal justice agencies. The article reviews U.S. Supreme Court standards for gender-based discrimination, and then analyzes lower federal and state court interpretation of these precedents within the criminal justice workplace. Judicial standards for gender-based discrimination Intermediate scrutiny of gender based classications The U.S. Supreme Court (Supreme Court), in a line of decisions, has held that under the Equal Protection clause of the U.S. Constitution, gender or sex-based classications initiated by the government are subject to intermediate scrutiny or a heightened standard of review (Mississippi Univ. for Women v. Hogan, 1982; Nevada Dept. of Human Resources v. Hibbs, 2003). Where plaintiffs sue the government for sex-based discrimination, to prevail defendants must show that: the challenged classication serves important governmental objectives, and (2) [the] discrimina- tory means employed are substantially related to [the] achievement of those objectives (Mississippi Univ. for Women v. Hogan, 1982, p.724; Nevada Dept. of Human Resources v. Hibbs, 2003, p. 736; Tuan Anh Nguyen v. INS, 2001, p. 2060; U.S. v. Virginia, 1996, p. 533; Weinberger v. Weisenfeld, 1975, p. 636; Wengler v. Druggists Mut. Ins. Co., 1980, p. 150). The standard establishes a burden-shifting approach, wherein each party to the sex discrimination suit is required to rebut the presumptions and evidence offered by the other litigant. As illustrated in Table 1, this intermediate or quasi-suspect standard of review is in contrast to both the strict scrutiny test and the rational basis test employed by the Supreme Court in other cases of disparate treatment initiated by the government. Under the rational basis test, government-initiated or govern- ment-sponsored classications based on age, property, or other non- suspect or non-fundamental rights are presumed valid under the U.S. Constitution's Equal Protection clause unless the plaintiff proves that Table 1 Levels of Scrutiny Applied by Courts to Challenges Based on the Equal Protection Clause Strict Scrutiny Test Intermediate Scrutiny Test Rational Basis Test When Used Fundamental Rights Interstate Travel Freedom of Speech and Religion Privacy Rights Right to Vote Gender or sex Illegitimacy Non-fundamental Rights Property Rights Distinctions based on age, wealth, or business Presumption Law or regulation presumed invalid Law or regulation presumed invalid Law or regulation presumed valid Burden of Proof Government must prove validity Government must prove validity Plaintiff must prove invalidity Elements of Proof Action or regulation is necessary to achieve a compelling government or state interest Action or regulation is substantially related to an important governmental interest Action or regulation is rationally related to a legitimate governmental interest 108 C.A.R.I. Nolasco, M.S. Vaughn / Journal of Criminal Justice 39 (2011) 106119 such classications are not rationally related to a legitimate government interest (Bhagwat, 1997; Romer v. Evans, 1996). Conversely, under the strict scrutiny test, government classications violating fundamental rights, such as the right to interstate travel, First Amendment freedom of speech and religious rights, right to privacy, and the right to vote are presumed invalid unless the government proves that such action is necessary to achieve a compelling government interest (Adarand Constructors v. Pena, 1995; Pacic Gas & Electric Co. v. Public Utilities Com., 1986). Standard for sex-based discrimination claims under Title VII In contrast, actions based on Title VII impose on the plaintiff the burden of proving, by a preponderance of evidence, intentional discrimination by the private employer. The courts have used two theories that allow plaintiffs to prove sex discrimination claims: disparate treatment and disparate impact (Jordan v. Wilson, 1986; Schlei & Grossman, 1983). Framework for analysis of disparate treatment sex-discrimination In disparate treatment cases, Fig. 1 graphically highlights the procedure for bringing a sex discrimination claim under Title VII: First, the plaintiff must establish a presumption or prima facie case of intentional discrimination by showing the following: (1) she is a member of a protected class; (2) she was qualied for the position she sought; (3) she suffered an adverse employment action; and, (4) others similarly situated but outside the protected class were treated more favorably. (Alvarado v. Texas Rangers, 2007, p. 611; Bouman v. Block, 1991, p. 1223; Ptasnik v. City of Peoria, 2004, p. 907; Willis v. Coca Cola Enters., Inc., 2006, p. 420; Urbano v. Cont'l. Airlines, Inc., 1998, p. 206) The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit ruled that the plaintiff who alleges disparate treatment under Title VII must prove that there were similarly situated male employees who were treated differently from her (Ptasnik v. City of Peoria, 2004). The similarly situated employee must be directly comparable in all material respects (Ptasnik v. City of Peoria, 2004, p. 907). Plaintiff must show that the employees not only reported to the same supervisor, engaged in the same conduct, and had similar qualications, but also that there were no differentiating or mitigating circumstances to distinguish the employer's treatment of the employees (Ptasnik v. City of Peoria, 2004; Stotts v. Memphis Fire Dep't., 1988; Thompson v. City of Memphis, 2004). Second, the burden shifts to the employer, who must show a legitimate, non-discriminatory reason for the differential treatment of the employees (Arway v. Norwalk Department of Police Service, 1997, p. 5; Bouman v. Block, 1991, p. 1223; Reeves v. Sanderson Plumbing Prods., Inc., 2000, p. 142; Texas Dept. of Community Affairs v. Burdine, 1981, pp. 254-256). Third, if the employer satises his/her burden, the plaintiff's prima facie case is rebutted; however, the plaintiff can still prevail by showing that either: (1) the employer's proffered reason is not true but is instead a pretext for discrimination; or, (2) that the employer's reason, whiletrue, is not theonlyreasonfor its conduct, andanother motivating factor is the plaintiff's protected characteristic (Bouman v. Block, 1991, p. 1223; Guand Santorov. BostonPolice Department, 2002, p. 11; Rachid v. Jack in the Box, Inc., 2004, p. 308; Richmond v. Johnson, 1997, p. 4). According to both the Sixth and Seventh Circuits, a plaintiff can demonstrate that the employer's reason is mere pretext by showing any of the following: the proffered reason (1) has no basis in fact, (2) did not actually motivate the defendant's challenged conduct, or (3) was insufcient to warrant the challenged conduct. If a plaintiff can show that the defendant's proffered, non-discriminatory reason is pretextual, the trier of fact may infer discrimination. Nevertheless, the ultimate burden of proof to show discrimination remains on the plaintiff at all times. (James v. Sheanan, 1998, p. 1007; Tysinger v. Police Department of the City of Zanesville, 2006, p. 576) In the Fifth and Eighth Circuits, the discriminatory motive must be a signicant factor for the employment decision (Walsdorf v. Board of Commissioners for the East Jefferson Levee District, 1988, p. 1052, footnote 1). On the other hand, in the First, Third, Sixth, and Seventh Circuits, the plaintiff must show that he or she would have received the job absent the discriminatory motive (Walsdorf v. Board of Commissioners for the East Jefferson Levee District, 1988, p. 1052, footnote 1), but in the Eight Circuit, the employer may be liable upon mere proof that an unlawful motive played some part in the employment decision (Bibbs v. Block, 1985, p. 1323). Framework for analysis of disparate impact sex-discrimination Disparate impact cases require a different judicial analysis (See Fig. 2): First, the plaintiff must showa substantial adverse impact on a protected class (Kent County Sheriff's Association v. County of Kent, 1987, p. 1492). Second, then the burden shifts to the employer, who must prove a business-necessity for the adverse employment decision or practice, such as job-relatedness. Title VII permits sex-based discrimination where sex is a bona de occupational qualication reasonably necessary to the normal operation of that particular business or enterprise (42 U.S.C. 2000e-2[e]). The Fifth Circuit stated in Weeks v. Southern Bell Tel. & Tel. Co. (1969, p. 235) that an employer can rely on the bona de occupational qualication defense by showing that they had reasonable cause to believe, that is, a factual basis for believing, that No Sex Discrimination Sex Discrimination Plaintiff: Pretextual Reason of Defendant Plaintiff: Prima Facie Intentional Discrimination Defendant: Legitimate Non-discriminatory Reason NO NO NO YES YES YES Fig. 1. Disparate Treatment Sex Discrimination. 109 C.A.R.I. Nolasco, M.S. Vaughn / Journal of Criminal Justice 39 (2011) 106119 all or substantially all women would be unable to perform safely and efciently the duties of the job involved. Also, discrimination based on sex is valid only when the essence of the business operation would be undermined by not hiring members of one sex exclusively (Diaz v. Pan American World Airways, 1971, p. 388). Federal courts, however, prohibit employment discrimination based on traditional gender stereotypes (Bowe v. Colgate-Palmolive Co., 1969; Gillin v. Federal Paper Board Co., 1973; Jurinko v. Edwin L. Wiegand Co., 1971; Meadows v. Ford Motor Co., 1975; Rosenfeld v. Southern Pacic Co., 1971). Third, the plaintiff must then prove that there are other feasible alternatives with less adverse impact. The Sixth Circuit explained the difference between disparate treatment and disparate impact cases: When proceeding under a disparate treatment theory, the case usually focuses on an individual, and the focus of the contest is on the employer's motivation for the different action taken, with the plaintiff attempting to prove intentional bias and [the] employer contending that its actions were based on a legitimate, non- discriminatory reason (citations omitted). In adverse impact (or disparate impact) cases, there is an attack on a specic [facially neutral] employment practice, such as a written scored test, or a specic objective requirement, such as a high school diploma requirement or a height and weight requirement. (Kent County Sheriff's Association v. County of Kent, 1987, p. 1492) Although private employers may rebut a prima facie case of discrimination under Title VII through proof of a legitimate, non- discriminatory reason, public employers may be subjected to more stringent requirements. To rebut the presumption of discrimination, public employers, such as the state and federal criminal justice agencies, may be required to show that such classications are substantially related to an important government interest. Analysis of dozens of decided cases show that some U.S. Circuit Courts of Appeals have applied the standards used under the Equal Protection clause to Title VII actions, rather than automatically applying the Supreme Court's intermediate or quasi-suspect standard of review. Federal and state court decisions on the rebuttal proof required from public employers, however, have varied across jurisdictions, with some applying the rational basis test, while others applying the strict scrutiny standard of review. The remainder of the article analyzes federal court decisions at the U.S. Supreme Court, Circuit, and District Court levels, as well as state court cases, to ascertain what interests and rights are deemed adequate to rebut the employee's prima facie case of discrimination. It also analyzes the standard of reviewused by federal and state courts when examining gender-based classications within criminal justice agencies. Employment practices in the criminal justice system are classied depending on the stage of the employment process: hiring decisions, terms and conditions of actual employment (such as pay and benets, job assignments, promotions, and transfers) and termination of employment. The article concludes by identifying the circumstances under which the courts have held that a given employment policy or employee treatment is or is not deemed sex discrimination. Methods The LEXIS-NEXIS and WESTLAW databases contain electronic copies of all published and unpublished court decisions. A keyword search was conducted in both of these databases to gather cases decided by the U.S. Circuit Courts of Appeals, U.S. District Courts, and state appellate courts, using the following keywords: sex discrimi- nation AND police AND Title VII; sex discrimination AND corrections AND Title VII. The study employed inductive doctrinal legal methodology to identify courts that rule sex was a bona de occupational qualication for employment in criminal justice agencies (Nolasco, Vaughn, & del Carmen, 2010). Based on the analysis, the article discusses convergence and divergence within the various federal and state courts. Cases involving sex discrimination due to disparate impact Under the disparate impact theory of sex discrimination, various federal and state courts have used Title VII to examine the legality of employment practices by criminal justice agencies. The legal analysis centers on whether the burden-shifting procedures have been met in cases involving job segregation exclusion and job limitation policies, minimum height and weight requirements, strength and physical tness tests, oral interviews, written examinations, educational requirements, and grooming policies. The plaintiffs in disparate impact sex-discrimination cases are rst required to prove disparate impact through statistical or other evidentiary means. The Court in Dothard v. Rawlinson (1977), for example, noted that the plaintiff established a prima facie case of unlawful sex discrimination because the height (5 feet 2 inches) and weight (120 pounds) requirements would exclude 33.29 percent of the U.S. female population, while excluding less than 1 percemt of the male population. The Court further stated that although women 14 years of age or older compose 52.75 percent of the Alabama Fig. 2. Disparate impact sex discrimination. 110 C.A.R.I. Nolasco, M.S. Vaughn / Journal of Criminal Justice 39 (2011) 106119 population and 36.89 percent of its total labor force, they hold only 12.9 percent of its correctional counselor positions (Dothard v. Rawlinson, 1977, p. 329). The defendants can then prove that the employment practice is a bona de occupational qualication that is reasonably necessary for the normal operation of the employment activity within the criminal justice agency. Finally, the plaintiffs may rebut through proof of other feasible alternatives with less disparate impact. Courts conclude that no sex discrimination occurred if plaintiffs fail to show disparate impact or availability of feasible alternatives. Conversely, failure of defendants to prove business-necessity leads courts to rule that sex discrimination is present. Job exclusion due to threat to security of agency and third party safety In several cases, females have been excluded from certain criminal justice jobs because the agency proved the business-necessity or job- relatedness of the positions. In Dothard v. Rawlinson (1977, p. 335), the Supreme Court ruled that the possibility of female employees being subjected to sexual assault by inmates, by itself, did not justify their exclusion from prison jobs since it is the purpose of Title VII to allowthe individual woman to make that choice for herself. The issue in Dothard, however, involved more than the safety risks to the female correctional ofcers since the job involved contact with maximum- security male prisoners. The Court explained that the likelihood that inmates would assault a woman because she was a woman would pose a real threat not only to the victim of the assault but to the basic control of the penitentiary and protection of inmates and the other security personnel (Dothard v. Rawlinson, 1977, p. 335). Due to the accessibility and high amount of contacts between corrections ofcers and inmates, lack of manpower to maintain security, and the random distribution of sex offenders among the inmate population, employing female correctional counselors would pose a substantial security risk to the penitentiary; thus, exclusion of women from these jobs was justied. Lower federal courts have similarly held that certain policies of hiring only females to correctional positions are necessary to protect the essence of the business of correctional facilities, including jail security, safety, privacy and rehabilitation of inmates and efciency and morale among deputies (Ambat v. City and County of San Francisco, 2010). At the state court level, the courts have upheld the exclusion of females from the position of corrections ofcer due to the need to protect correctional ofcers (Iowa Dept. of Social Services, Iowa Men's Reformatory v. Iowa Merit Employment Dept., 1977), inmates, and the corrections facility itself (Long v. State Personnel Board, 1974). Courts have ruled that an employer was not required to alter substantially his facility and procedure to suit the sex of the person involved (Long v. State Personnel Board, 1974, p. 1015). In Long v. State Personnel Board (1974), exclusion of females from the position of Protestant Chaplain at an all-male state youth correctional facility was allowed. The court stated that, by itself, the possibility of sexual assault of the female chaplain would not justify the exclusion of females from the job. Other factors, however, made the exclusion of females from the job necessary. Thus, the court considered the following: (1) effect on the ward and the possibility that he will become a recidivist if he commits sexual assault on the ofcer; (2) erosion of public condence in the security and order of the facility; and (3) the effectiveness of the prison's programs in rehabilitating the wards if a case of sexual assault occurs within its premises. The court also rejected the argument that adjustments, such as the hiring of security guards, the extension of alarm systems, the moving of buildings, and the changing of procedures, could be made to prevent sexual attacks, stating that an employer was not required to alter substantially his facility and procedure to suit the sex of the person involved (Long v. State Personnel Board, 1974, p. 1015). The above cases show that initially, the criminal justice plaintiff can claim that the employment measure constitutes sex discrimina- tion through proof of its disparate impact on the female workforce. The criminal justice defendant-employer, however, can rebut its discriminatory impact through proof that the measure is a bona de occupational qualication or it is job-related. Once the defendant employer established the business-necessity or job-relatedness of the particular practice, the criminal justice plaintiff can then counter by showing that there are other feasible alternatives with less disparate impact. The mere possibility of assault of a female ofcer does not justify exclusion from the job if additional protective measures could be easily implemented without any real burden on the employer (Manley v. Mobile County, Alabama, 1977; Tracy v. Oklahoma Dept. of Corrections, 1974). Thus, in one case where a female applicant was denied the position of identication assistant ofcer in a county jail, the county tried to justify the exclusion of females by stating that, additional security would have to be furnished to a female identication assistant ofcer (Manley v. Mobile County, Alabama, 1977, p. 1358). The District Court for the Southern District of Alabama rejected the jail's argument, ruling that there would be no real burdensome staff problem for a male ofcer to remain with any persons in custody or prisoners who were perceived as a physical threat to a female identication ofcer during the ve- to 15-minute identication process (Manley v. Mobile County, Alabama, 1977, p. 1358). The district court further explained that the bona de occupational defense does not apply. Unlike Dothard (1977) which involved a contact position in a maximum- security prison where the hiring of females would undermine prison security, the position of identication assistant ofcer in this case is a minimum contact position, and the county jail in question is not a maximum security facility. Job exclusion in criminal justice due to violation of inmates' right to privacy Another reason accepted by the courts for the gender-based job exclusion of females in criminal justice agencies is the need to protect inmate privacy (Berl v. The County of Westchester, 1986; Carey v. New York State Human Rights Appeal Board, 1978; Iowa Dept. of Social Services, Iowa Men's Reformatory v. Iowa Merit Employment Dept., 1977; Long v. State Personnel Board, 1974; Philadelphia v. Pennsylvania Human Relations Com., 1973; Rider v. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, 1988; Terry v. Mercer County Board of Chosen Freeholders, 1980). In these cases, the defendant employer was able to prove that despite the disparate impact on female criminal justice employees, the policy was a business-necessity and was job-related. Here, the employer satised the burden of proof, while the plaintiff was unable to prove the availability of feasible alternatives. In other cases, however, federal courts ruled that inmates do not possess an unqualied Constitutional right of privacy (Bagley v. Watson, 1983; Grifn v. Michigan Dept. of Corrections, 1982). The District Court for the Eastern District of Michigan held that connement and the needs of the penal institution, by their nature, impose certain limitations on any Constitutional right to privacy, which may have been retained by inmates (Grifn v. Michigan Dept. of Corrections, 1982, p. 701). An inmate's right to privacy must thus be weighed against the legitimate penological objective of providing equal job opportunities regardless of sex (Avery v. Perrin, 1979; Forts v. Ward, 1980; Grifn v. Michigan Dept. of Corrections, 1982, p. 702). In Grifn v. Michigan Dept. of Corrections (1982, pp. 701-702), the Supreme Court further noted that, inmates do not possess protected rights under the Constitution against being viewed while naked by correctional ofcers of the opposite sex. Hence, female applicants should not be excluded from correctional jobs because of any alleged invasion of inmates rights of privacy. 111 C.A.R.I. Nolasco, M.S. Vaughn / Journal of Criminal Justice 39 (2011) 106119 The federal courts also rejected claims of sex-based job exclusion when procedures were already in place that sufciently protected inmates privacy rights, without the need for a bona de occupational qualication plan (Torres v. Wisconsin Department of Health & Social Services, 1986) or when existing practices contradicted the need for inmate privacy (e.g., video cameras used in jails to supervise and observe inmates in their cells were operated by female dispatchers) (U.S. v. Gregory, 1989). In Torres (1986), the Seventh Circuit further noted that defendant employer failed to prove that the privacy rights of inmates would be seriously compromised by hiring members of both sexes and that any infringement could not be remedied through alternatives with less discriminatory impact (e.g., reassignment of duties to ofcers of the same sex as inmates in cases involving strip searches and shower and toilet surveillance). Other courts, however, allowed limitation of job assignments (but not job exclusion) and duties of certain correctional jobs to protect inmate privacy (Everson v. Michigan Department of Corrections, 2002; Forts v. Ward, 1978; Gunther v. Iowa State Men's Reformatory, 1980; In re Long, 1976; Reynolds v. Wise, 1973; Sterling v. Cupp, 1980). In Forts v. Ward (1978), the court sought to protect female inmates privacy rights by limiting the duties of correction guards as follows: no male guard should be assigned to a station in the inrmary where in the normal course of hospital procedure would be likely to observe a female in the nude; that inmates should be told ve minutes before the morning count that the count would occur and that under normal circumstances no male guard should enter the housing unit corridors during this ve-minute period; and that during the nighttime period no male guard should have duties which would require him under normal circumstances to observe a female inmate through her cell window (p. 1102). In another case, an Oregon court allowed job limitations of female correctional personnel by prohibiting prison ofcials from assigning them duties, which included frisking male prisoners, except in an emergency situation. The court noted that the searches were brief in duration apparently lasting about 30 seconds, were carried out randomly in order to locate contraband, and involved some touching of genital and anal areas through clothing (Sterling v. Cupp, 1980, p. 207). Since the frisks conducted by female guards were at least as intrusive as the visual surveillance by opposite-sex guards considered impermissible in Forts v. Ward (1978) and In re Long (1976), the Oregon Court of Appeals ruled that if a prisoner was entitled, absent an emergency, to be free of visual inspection by prison personnel while in the nude, the prisoner was equally entitled to be free fromthe tactile equivalent of the nude inspection that is, manual examina- tion of the anal-genital area through clothing (Sterling v. Cupp, 1980, p. 208). In Hardin v. Stynchcomb (1982), the Eleventh Circuit, taking into consideration the privacy rights of inmates, ruled that excluding all females from deputy positions in the sheriff's department was improper sex discrimination, unjustied as a bona de occupational qualication. The court noted that the system of job assignments could be modied to avoid clashes between privacy rights and equal employment opportunities without either substantially affecting efcient operation of the sheriff's department or undermining its essential functions (Hardin v. Stynchcomb, 1982, p. 1373). Job responsibilities could be rotated so that female deputies assigned to the male section of the jail would not have to performduties (i.e., strip searches and observation of inmates use of shower and toilet facilities) that impose upon male inmate's privacy rights. Females could not be excluded from jobs if the criminal justice employer failed to prove that the gender-based adverse employment practice was not a bona de occupational qualication under Title VII (Rucker v. City of Kettering, Ohio, 2000; U.S. v. Gregory, 1989). The plaintiff could further rebut the defendant's bona de occupational qualication defense through proof of available and feasible alter- natives that could be implemented by the criminal justice employer. In one case, the court disallowed job exclusions on the basis of gender due to feasible measures that could be offered by the corrections facility to accommodate inmate privacy, such as: (1) covering the window of prison cells for 15-minute intervals at night to enable inmates to change their clothes or use the toilet; and (2) furnishing of appropriate sleepwear to help inmates conceal private parts of their bodies. According to the court, these proposals appeared to be an acceptable way of accommodating both the inmates' privacy interests and the employees' equal employment rights (Forts v. Ward, 1980, p. 1102). On the other hand, in Gunther v. Iowa State Men's Reformatory (1980, p. 1086), the Eight Circuit ruled that in addition to showing that the hiring of women would undermine the essence of the prison administration, the corrections facility must reasonably rearrange job responsibilities so as to minimize the clash between privacy interests of the inmates and the nondiscrimination principle of Title VII. In this case, at a men's medium security reformatory, females were excluded from positions above the Correctional Ofcer I (CO I) level (Soehnel, 2007). The court compared the functions of COI and COII, noting that both contained almost the same number of duties that can be performed without invading inmate privacy rights. The female applicant for COII, who was currently employed as a COI, was assigned limited functions as a COI to protect inmate privacy rights. The court reasoned that since female ofcers were subject to administrative changes that limited job functions at the COI level, the same administrative changes could be done for COII level applicants. Minimum height or weight requirements in criminal justice agencies When the plaintiff proved disparate impact on the female criminal justice employees and the criminal justice employer failed to prove a business-necessity, the courts rule that the requirements were discriminatory. In one case, the U.S. Supreme Court considered the disparate impact of minimum height and weight requirements on the entire U.S. female population instead of merely considering the effect at the local and state level (Dothard v. Rawlinson, 1977). In Dothard , the Court declared illegal Alabama's minimum height and weight requirements for correctional counselor positions, noting that although women 14-years of age or older comprised 52.75 percent of the Alabama population and 36.89 percent of its total labor force, females held only 12.9 percent of its correctional counselor positions. The Court also relied on the factual ndings of the district court that the combination of the height and weight restrictions excluded 41.13 percent of the United States female population, while excluding less than 1 percent of the male population. The Court further rejected the State's policies as job-related since the state did not prove that the height and weight requirements adequately measured the strength of applicants. Federal courts permit the use of minimum height and weight requirements for corrections and law enforcement personnel (Jones v. City of Mount Vernon, 2000; Kentucky Com. on Human Rights v. Commonwealth, Dept. of Justice, etc., 1979; Mieth v. Dothard, 1976; Schick v. Bronstein, 1978; Smith v. Troyan, 1976; Vanguard Justice Soc. v. Hughes, 1979) if sufcient justication was offered for these requirements (Blake v. Los Angeles, 1979; Brace v. O'Neill, 1979; Costa v. Markey, 1982; Hardy v. Stumpf, 1974; Horace v. City of Pontiac, 1980; Hornick v. Duryea, 1980; Ofcers for Justice v. Civil Service Com., 1975; U.S. v. Chicago, 1976; U.S. v. North Carolina, 1981; U.S. v. Virginia, 1980). Several courts, for instance, ruled that the minimumheight and weight standards for police patrol ofcers violated Title VII because (1) no attempts at professional validations of either of the tests had been made (Peltier v. Fargo, 1975, p. 728) and (2) the police department had failed to introduce sufcient justication for the disproportionate impact on women (U.S. v. Buffalo, 1978, p. 623). 112 C.A.R.I. Nolasco, M.S. Vaughn / Journal of Criminal Justice 39 (2011) 106119 Strength or physical tness tests in criminal justice agencies In several cases, courts ruled that the use of certain strength or physical agility tests for applicants for law enforcement or corrections employment did not constitute illegal sex discrimination (Burney v. Pawtucket, 1983; Hardy v. Stumpf, 1974; Soehnel, 2007; U.S. v. Wichita Falls, 1988) due to the job-relatedness of these tests (Patrolmen's Benev. Asso. v. East Brunswick, 1981; Simon v. St. Louis County, MO, 1981). To be valid, however, the tests must be professionally validated (Blake v. Los Angeles, 1979; Brace v. O'Neill, 1979; Harless v. Duck, 1980; Maine Human Rights Com. v. Auburn, 1979; Moore v. San Jose, 1980; Pietras v. Board of Fire Commissioners, 1999; Thomas v. Evanston, 1985; U.S. v. Buffalo, 1978; U. S. v. New York, 1979; U.S. v. Philadelphia, 1978) and must not possess any disparate impact on the female population (Eison v. Knoxville, 1983; Maine Human Rights Com. v. Auburn, 1979; Ofcers for Justice v. Civil Service Com., 1975; Pietras v. Board of Fire Commissioners, 1999; U.S. v. Yonkers, 1984). Written examinations, including strength and physical tness tests must be predictive of or signicantly correlated with important elements of work behavior, which comprise or are relevant to the job or jobs for which candidates are being evaluated (U.S. v. Buffalo, 1978, p. 623). Validation studies (i.e., criterion, content, and concept validation) are relevant to show the relationship between test results and job performance (U.S. v. Buffalo, 1978; Zalmen v. City of Cleveland, 1988). The oral interview in criminal justice employment Questions during the oral interview must be job-related and must ow from the business-necessity rule (Bannerman v. Department of Youth Authority, 1977; Wells v. Civil Service Com., 1967). Conversely, several courts have ruled that the use of a particular type of oral interview for employment as a probation or police ofcer constituted illegal sex discrimination due to the following reasons: rst, lack of objective criteria on the part of the interviewing ofcer whose subjective assessments of candidates could potentially be arbitrary (Harless v. Duck, 1980; Riffelmacher v. Board of Police Comrs., 1989; Woody v. West Miami, 1979); second, lack of professional validation (Peltier v. Fargo, 1975; Williams v. San Francisco, 1979); third, lack of job-relatedness (Harless v. Duck, 1980; Maine Human Rights Com. v. Auburn, 1979; Woody v. West Miami, 1979); fourth, disparate impact on female applicants (Harless v. Duck, 1980; Williams v. San Francisco, 1979); and fth, discriminatory intent or animus (Alvarado v. Texas Rangers, 2007; King v. New Hampshire Dept. of Resources & Economic Development, 1977). The Fifth Circuit ruled that oral interviews per se are not invalid, and that the employer may base his or her decision for not selecting a candidate on an oral interview. The employer's subjective assessment of the candidate's performance in an interview, may serve as a legitimate, nondiscriminatory reason for the candidate's non-selection (Alvarado v. Texas Rangers, 2007, p. 616), but only if the employer articulates a clear and reasonably specic basis for its subjective assessment (Alvarado v. Texas Rangers, 2007, p. 616; Texas Dept. of Community Affairs v. Burdine, 1981, pp. 258). According to the court, the criminal justice employer may not merely state that the employment decisionwas basedonthe hiringof the best qualiedapplicant, but must articulate specic reasons for that applicant's qualication, such as seniority, lengthof service inthe same position, personal characteristics, general education, technical training, experienceincomparable work, or any combination of such criteria (Alvarado v. Texas Rangers, 2007, p. 618). Thus, oral interviews must be basedonspecic andclear criteria to serve as a legitimate, non-discriminatory reason for the criminal justice agency's refusal to hire the female candidate. Mere allegation of poor performance of the rejected candidate during the oral interview is not enough. During the selection process, the criminal justice agency must explain to the court and produce evidence of the scoring and grading criteria to disprove discriminatory intent. In another case, the First Circuit held that the hiring ofcer displayed discriminatory animus toward the female applicant during herinterview by asking whether she could wield a sledge hammer, whether she had any construction industry experience, and whether she could run someone in, none of which related to a bona de occupational qualication of a police ofcer (King v. New Hampshire Dept. of Resources & Economic Development, 1977, p. 83). The court added that due to evidence of discriminatory intent, the government defendants had to identify a legitimate nondiscrimina- tory reason for the non-hiring of the female applicant (King v. New Hampshire Dept. of Resources & Economic Development, 1977, p. 83). Written examinations and/or education requirements in criminal justice In several cases, courts have held that the use of a written examination or a college credit requirement in law enforcement employment didnot constituteillegal sexdiscriminationduetostatistical proof of the absence of any disparate impact on female ofcers (Bannerman v. Department of Youth Authority, 1977; Davis v. Dallas, 1979; Harless v. Duck, 1980; Smithv. Troyan, 1975; Vingi v. State, 1997). On the contrary, these writtentests violate Title VII if there is statistical proof of substantial or signicant disparate impact on the female population (Bishop v. Gainer, 2001; Bouman v. Block, 1991; San Francisco Police Ofcers Association v. City and County of San Francisco, 1987; U.S. v. New York, 1979; Williams v. San Francisco, 1979), and such tests are not professionally validated, job-related, or necessary for the efcient operations of police work (Bouman v. Block, 1991; Peltier v. Fargo, 1975). Grooming requirements in criminal justice agencies The New Hampshire Supreme Court and a federal district court in Georgia have held that non-selective enforcement of grooming requirements of a police ofcer (such as length of hair) did not constitute illegal sex discrimination (Ashley v. Macon, 1974; Planchet v. New Hampshire Hospital, 1975). In determining the validity of the grooming requirement, the courts examine whether the requirement is selectively enforced or was based on gender stereotypes. Hence, in one case, a court ruled that female security guards at the National Art Gallery survived summary judgment on their Title VII claim, where they claimed discriminatory enforcement of a uniform grooming policy when male ofcers were permitted to tuck their ponytails into their coats and jackets, while females were required to cut their ponytails completely off (Batson v. Powell, 1996, pp. 574-575). In another case, female sheriff's deputies successfully brought a Title VII lawsuit for sex discrimination against defendants who: (a) required them to cut their hair to be considered for employment; (b) said that they should become teachers or secretaries instead; and (c) were refused to be transferred because the sheriff believed it was good public relations to have pretty woman working in the downtown district (Richardson v. Byrd, 1983, p. 1022). Cases involving sex discrimination due to disparate treatment In disparate treatment cases of sex discrimination, various federal and state courts employ a different-burden shifting legal decision- making model. The plaintiff must initially establisha prima facie case of sex discrimination by showing that she is a qualied member of a protected class and has suffered an adverse employment action, while others similarly situated received more favorable treatment. The defendant employer must then rebut through proof of a legitimate non-discriminatory reasonfor the action. Once again, the burdenshifts to the plaintiff who can show that the employer's reason is merely a pretext for a discriminatory motive. The courts have examined whether the burden-shifting procedures have been met in disparate treatment cases involving the following: assignment of duties, 113 C.A.R.I. Nolasco, M.S. Vaughn / Journal of Criminal Justice 39 (2011) 106119 transfer, promotion and demotion, unequal pay or benets, practices concerning pregnant employees, and termination of employment. Adverse employment actions One of the elements for a Title VII sex discrimination claim is an adverse employment action on the part of the criminal justice employer. The First and Fifth Circuits identify several types of adverse employment actions, including denials of promotion, discharges, demotions, refusals to hire, refusals to promote, and reprimands (Breaux v. City of Garland, 2000, p. 157; Gu & Santoro v. Boston Police Department, 2002, p. 14). Reduction in pay and a loss of seniority are also considered adverse employment actions. Similarly, assignment of duties that severely restrict the employment opportu- nities of female correctional ofcers, such as gaining valuable job experience in other aspects of jail management in the booking and processing of inmates, lack of access to the more desirable day shift and weekends off are also prohibited within the ambit of Title VII (Sims v. Montgomery County Commission, 1990, p. 1064). The Second Circuit also ruled that lesser actions may qualify as adverse employment actions if the plaintiff is able to show that the total circumstances of her working environment changed to become unreasonably inferior and adverse when compared to a typical or normal, not ideal or model workplace (Philipps v. Bowen, 2002, p. 109). Relatively minor incidents may qualify as adverse employ- ment actions if they occur often and over a longer period of time, such that they attain the critical mass of unreasonable inferiority (Philipps v. Bowen, 2002, p. 109). The Fifth Circuit further claried the test for determining whether a lateral transfer could be considered a demotion, so as to qualify as an adverse employment action (Forsyth v. City of Dallas, 1996). A purely lateral transfer is not an adverse employment action unless it was a demotion, such as when the new position is objectively worse such as being less prestigious or less interesting or providing less room for advancement (Serna v. City of San Antonio, 2001; Click v. Copeland, 1992). In one case, a female Sergeant in the Special Crimes Service of the Texas Department of Public Safety (DPS) was denied lateral transfer as a Sergeant in the Rangers Division. The Fifth Circuit ruled that the plaintiff produced objective evidence of an adverse employment action, showing that: (1) the Rangers are an elite unit within the DPS and have a unique and illustrious history; (2) an appointment to the Rangers is, according to the DPS, one of the most competitive goals to which a law enforcement ofcer may aspire; (3) the promotion and selection process is complex and rigorous; (4) the competition to become a Ranger is erce as evidenced by the large number of applicants for the few available positions, and is steeper than the competition for positions with any other DPS's divisions; (5) the minimum qualications for becoming a Ranger Sergeant are higher than the minimum qualications for becoming a Sergeant with Special Crimes; (6) the Rangers work under less supervision and have greater job responsibilities, including being the primary investigators of homicides and handling other major high prole and sensitive cases; (7) although DPS regulations do not ofcially classify Ranger appointments as promotions because they do not entail an increase in pay, receiving an appointment to the Rangers is generally viewed within DPS as a promotion; and (8) newly appointed Rangers are honored at a special ceremony in Austin. (Alvarado v. Texas Rangers, 2007, p. 615) The court stated that the Texas Rangers refusal to transfer its female employee in a lateral position could be construed as a demotion and an adverse employment action even if the lateral position did not offer a higher pay or additional benets but was objectively a better position. Factors to be considered consisted of whether the position involves greater job responsibilities or better job duties; provides greater opportunities for career advancement; requires greater skills, higher education, or more experience; is obtained through a complex competitive selection process; or is objectively otherwise more prestigious (Alvarado v. Texas Rangers, 2007; Click v. Copeland, 1992; Ptasnik v. City of Peoria, 2004; Serna v. City of San Antonio, 2001; Sharp v. City of Houston, 1999; Forsyth v. City of Dallas, 1996). Hiring, assignment of duties, promotion, and demotion in criminal justice agencies Several courts have found no sex discrimination when plaintiff police ofcers dispute the sex-segregation, promotion, and assign- ment policies of law enforcement and corrections agencies: rst, absence of disparate treatment between plaintiff and similarly situated employees (Ptasnik v. City of Peoria, 2004); second, lack of evidence of similarity of training, qualications, and skills (Berni v. Leonard, 1972; Smith v. City of Dayton, 1994); third, need to protect inmate rights and proof that such classication was necessary to inmate privacy (Gunther v. Iowa State Men's Reformatory, 1980, p. 1087); fourth, court's belief that the defendant institution was not required to substantially adjust its physical plant or procedure to support the imposition of such classication (Iowa Dept. of Social Services, Iowa Men's Reformatory v. Iowa Merit Employment Dept., 1977, p. 167); fth, unsatisfactory performance (Rogers v. McCall, 1980; Windom v. St. Louis, 1977); sixth, existence of afrmative action plans to remedy past discrimination against females (Finney v. Mabry, 1982); seventh, business-necessity (Simon and Dellick v. City of Youngstown, 1995), such as the need to comply with state regulations that required state jails to have a female deputy on duty when female prisoners were lodged in jail (Reed v. County of Casey, Commonwealth of Kentucky, 1999). In Edwards v. Department of Corrections (1985, p. 809), however, the U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Alabama held that femaleness is not a bona de occupational qualication for the position of shift commander at the state's Julia Tutwiler Prison for Women because a male employee had previously held the position for nearly a year without any apparent difculty. In Edwards (1985), a male ofcer held the position of acting shift commander; he was refused promotion and then transferred due to departmental policy restricting the position to women. The court pointed out that prison conditions were generally peaceful and orderly instead of rampant or violent, and that the Department failed to prove that it was not possible to rearrange job responsibilities to eliminate the clash between the privacy of inmates and the employment opportunities of ofcers as shift commanders (Edwards v. Department of Corrections, 1985, p. 810). With respect to assignment and promotion policies, the Fifth Circuit ruled that law enforcement and corrections departments violate Title VII when they practice gender bias or perpetuate stereotypes of women (Blake v. Los Angeles, 1979; Moore v. San Jose, 1980; Shortt v. County of Arlington, 1978; Walsdorf v. Board of Commissioners for the East Jefferson Levee District, 1988). The court considered the employer's sexual bias that women should remain at home to make the beds and cook the food and, you know, do the things that's necessary as proof of discriminatory intent when it refused to promote a female police ofcer to Assistant Superintendent II in the school police department (Walsdorf v. Board of Commissioners for the East Jefferson Levee District, 1988, p. 1053). Another case involved a female police ofcer who, unlike male ofcers, was promoted to class II salary designation without serving one-year patrol duty. The female ofcer was subsequently demoted back to a class I salary designation and to patrol duty after male ofcers complained (Shortt v. County of Arlington, 1978). The Fourth Circuit held that the police department discriminated on the basis of sex in violation of Title VII. The court examined the departmental 114 C.A.R.I. Nolasco, M.S. Vaughn / Journal of Criminal Justice 39 (2011) 106119 policy, noting that female ofcers were assigned non-patrol duties during their probationary year due to the belief that they could not adequately perform patrol work because of their physical character- istics. Subsequent complaints from male ofcers, however, led to a policy requiring all employees (including females) to serve at least one-year as a patrol ofcer before consideration for promotion to the Investigations Division (Shortt v. County of Arlington, 1978, p. 781). The court found that the department was motivated by a discrimi- natory purpose in demoting a female police ofcer due to complaints from male co-workers and in adopting a retroactive patrol duty requirement for promotion (Shortt v. County of Arlington, 1978). Unequal pay or benets in criminal justice agencies In several cases, courts have allowed lesser salaries and benets to female lawenforcement ofcers because of different: rst, job positions and job responsibilities (Carver v. Wichita Falls, 1968; Cunningham v. Board of County Comrs., 1972; Kopp v. Salt Lake City, 1973; Moore v. San Jose, 1980; Turner v. Baytown, 1974); and, second, training, qualications, and skills actually required for the position of police ofcer (Rufn v. County of Los Angeles, 1979). Lower pay for meter maids is valid when they assist male patrol ofcers by giving tickets to vehicles parked overtime at parking meters. Since meter maids are not police ofcers, the lower pay did not constitute sex discrimination (Commonwealth, Human Relations Com. v. Beaver Falls City Council, 1976). In Peltier v. Fargo (1976, p. 725), however, the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of North Dakota ruled that female employees designated as car markers in the City of Fargo Police Department are entitled to an equal opportunity to qualify and become police ofcers, but are not entitled to automatic employmentwithout ever making application. In Peltier (1976), the police department created the position of car markers who were assigned duties connected with parking control in order to release fully trained and qualied patrol ofcers from parking control duties. Prior to the creation of the car marker classication, police ofcers who performed parking control duties were classied as patrol ofcers and received commensurate wages. The position of car markers, however, was assigned the lowest pay range on the City scale or approximately twice as less than the salaries received by regular patrol ofcers. The plaintiffs in Peltier (1976) who were hired as car markers did not apply as patrol ofcers nor did they fulll any of the requirements for patrol ofcers. The district court denied the female ofcers claim for back pay, but required the police department to adopt an afrmative action program to recruit more females, and to adopt validated employment tests that were compliant with Title VII and other federal laws. In other cases, courts declared that unequal pay was discrimina- tion (Howard v. Ward County, 1976), notwithstanding the alleged differences in duties and job responsibilities of male and female law enforcement ofcers. In these cases, the courts found that the duties performed were substantially equal (Marcoux v. Maine, 1986, p. 1105), and that the differences were minimal since the additional duties given to male ofcers were rarely performed, consumed minimal amount of time, and were incidental to the duties actually assigned and performed by both ofcers (Gibbs v. Pierce County Law Enforcement Support Agency, 1986; Janich v. Sheriff of Yellowstone County, 1977; Marcoux v. Maine, 1986; U.S. v. Milwaukee, 1977; Wood v. Mills, 1975). Practices regarding pregnant employees in criminal justice agencies Employees who are pregnant present challenges to criminal justice managers, and such employees are specically protected by a host of federal and state laws against sex discrimination in employment. The Iowa Supreme Court ruled that the police department's treatment of pregnant employees cannot be considered sex discrimination due to absence of disparate treatment between male and female ofcers (Atwood v. Des Moines, 1992). The pregnant employee received the same treatment as similarly situated non-pregnant male employees. Another case illustrates the notion that a pregnant employee who is not treated differently from other employees is not being discriminated against despite her request for separate treatment and benets due to her pregnancy. In Tysinger v. Police Department of the City of Zanesville (2006), the plaintiff, a patrol ofcer in the City of Zanesville, Iowa Police Department, requested for assignment to light duty when she discovered that she was pregnant. The Chief of Police informed her that there was no light duty assignment in the department, and that she had to le for a leave of absence until she was able to return to full active duty. After giving birth, she led a complaint for sex discrimination, alleging that the police department denied accommodation of her pregnancy, despite having suitable positions available, and despite having accommodated other similarly situated, non-pregnant workers in the past (Tysinger v. Police Department of the City of Zanesville, 2006, p. 571). The Sixth Circuit ruled that plaintiff must prove the following elements for a claim of pregnancy discrimination under Title VII: (1) she was pregnant, (2) she was qualied for her job, (3) she was subjected to an adverse employment decision, and (4) there is a nexus between her pregnancy and the adverse employment decision. (Tysinger v. Police Department of the City of Zanesville, 2006, p. 573) The court explainedthat to prove the second element (that she was qualied for her job), her qualications must be assessed prior to and independent of the events that led to the adverse action (Tysinger v. Police Department of the City of Zanesville, 2006, p. 573). This meant that the plaintiff was qualied to perform her duties prior to becoming pregnant. The court ruled, however, that the plaintiff failed to show disparate treatment against similarly situated employees. In particu- lar, two male employees who were previously injured were not given preferential treatment. Despite their injuries and inability to perform all the duties required by their positions, they continued reporting for full active duty and were not assigned lighter duties. In contrast, plaintiff did not present herself to her employer as capable of fullling all the required duties of her position despite her pregnancy. On the other hand, she requested for lighter job assignments due to her pregnancy; thus, she failed to show disparate treatment. Conversely, the Ninth Circuit held that the city police department's failure to assign lighter duties to a pregnant police ofcer did not constitute sex discrimination in violation of Title VII (Roller v. San Mateo, 1977). With respect to the ofcer's Title VII claim, the court stated that the city presented a legitimate nondiscriminatory reason for its denial of light duty to the female ofcer since its actions were done in compliance with the city manager's directive that all employees must be physically t to perform full duty, and that no employee on sick leave or disability was to be assigned modied or limited work (Roller v. San Mateo, 1977, p. 1313). In another case, the Eighth Circuit ruled that certain employment practices that pertain to the discharge of or type of leave given to pregnant police ofcers constituted disparate treatment between male and female ofcers (Adams v. Nolan, 1992). An example comes from Police Dept. of New York v. New York State Human Rights Appeal Board (1978), in which disparate treatment existed when pregnant female ofcers were required to apply for a minimum six-month unpaid leave of absence prior to the sixth month of pregnancy, whereas male ofcers on sick leave remained on the payroll. In another case, U.S. v. Philadelphia (1978), the Third Circuit declared that the discharge of a pregnant ofcer was sex discrimination. The court accepted the termination letter as evidence of discriminatory intent, noting that the reasons for the discharge was that her pregnancy prevented her from participating in the study the City was conducting concerning the performance of female police ofcers 115 C.A.R.I. Nolasco, M.S. Vaughn / Journal of Criminal Justice 39 (2011) 106119 (U.S. v. Philadelphia, 1978, p. 810). The employers applied a stereotyped presumption without medical examination that preg- nant women are unable to work (U.S. v. Philadelphia, 1978, p. 810). Termination: last-hired, rst-red policies in criminal justice agencies When police ofcers are laid off pursuant to a last-hired, rst-red policy, the federal courts have held that under certain circumstances retroactive seniority was an appropriate remedy for female police ofcers where illegal sex discrimination existed (U.S. v. Philadelphia, 1980; Acha v. Beame, 1978). In Schaefer v. Tannian (1976), the Sixth Circuit remanded the case for the lower court to determine the appropriateness of an award of retroactive seniority to female police ofcers to prevent their layoff pursuant to a last-hired, rst-red policy. The court noted an intervening U.S. Supreme Court decision (Franks v. Bowman Transportation Co., 1976) that required individual assessments (and not wholesale assessments) of remedial seniority status to be given to victims of sex discrimination. On remand, the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Michigan ordered retroactive seniority to the date of their rst written application for employment. Termination for Cause in Criminal Justice Agencies Where plaintiff police ofcers allege sex discrimination in their employers termination policies, the Sixth and Ninth Circuits examine whether the defendant employer has legitimate nondiscriminatory reasons (Gunther v. Washington County, 1979), including: rst, substantial distinctions between the female and male employees (Hoskins v. Oakland County Sheriff's Dept., 2000); second, deciency in basic skills or training or unsatisfactory performance (Thiel v. Village of Libertyville, 1996; Vermett v. Hough, 1986); third, other valid grounds not based on gender such as incompetent leadership, malfeasance in ofce, or inexcusable negligence (Spencer v. Byrd, 1995; Timm v. Illinois Department of Corrections, 2009); fourth, noncompliance with the one-year patrol duty requirement for promotion to police sergeant (that the city refused to waive) (McCosh v. Grand Forks, 1980); and, sixth, sound economic considerations, such as the need to alleviate overcrowding in the men's facility by eliminating the disproportionately more expensive women's facility (Gunther v. Washington County, 1979, p.1315), or failure to obey lawful orders of the employer (Snow v. Nevada Dept. of Prisons, 1984). Other courts found that the termination of plaintiff police ofcers constitutes illegal sex discrimination due to the following reasons: rst, disparate treatment between two police ofcers who were engaged in an illicit relationship, where the female ofcer was red, while the male ofcer was suspended for 10-days without pay (Krzyzewski v. Metropolitan Government of Nashville, 1976); second, disparate evalua- tion and performance standards between male and female police ofcer trainees (Fadhl v. Police Dept. of City and County of San Francisco, 1984); and, third, gender bias and stereotypes by the police department (Fadhl v. Police Dept. of City and County of San Francisco, 1984). Conclusion Federal and state courts examine employment practices in criminal justice agencies under two theories of sex discrimination: disparate impact and disparate treatment. Both classications require different procedures and burdens on the part of the plaintiff- employee or the defendant-criminal justice employer. The courts apply disparate impact requirements to job exclusion and job limitation policies, minimum height and weight require- ments, strength and physical tness tests, oral interviews, written examinations, educational standards, and grooming requirements. In these instances, the courts examine whether the burden-shifting procedures of both the plaintiff and the defendant have been met. Thus, the criminal justice employee must rst prove disparate impact through statistical or other evidentiary means. The criminal justice agency is then required to show the business-necessity or job- relatedness of the requirements. Some of the reasons considered by the courts as valid include: job exclusion and job limitation due to the possibility of sexual assault by inmates on female employees; need to protect the interests of the corrections facility and the inmates; professional validation of minimum height and weight requirements and strength or physical agility tests; presence of objective criteria for, and professional validation of, oral interviews; and non-selective enforcement of grooming requirements as a police ofcer. Once the criminal justice employer offers proof of job-relatedness or business-necessity, the plaintiff must rebut through proof of other feasible alternatives with less disparate impact. Failure of the plaintiff to prove disparate impact or availability of feasible alternatives through adequate evidence leads the courts to rule that there is no sex discrimination. Conversely, failure of the defendant to prove business- necessity leads the courts to rule that there is sex discrimination. Federal and state courts employ a different burden-shifting procedure with disparate treatment cases of sex discrimination, involving assignment of duties, transfer, promotion, and demotion, unequal pay or benets, practices concerning pregnant employees, and termination of employment. In these cases, the plaintiff must initially establish a prima facie case of sex discrimination by showing that she is a qualied member of a protected class and has suffered an adverse employment action, while others similarly situated received more favorable treatment. The criminal justice employer must then rebut through proof of a legitimate non-discriminatory reason for the action, such as lack of evidence of similarity of training, qualications, and skills; existence of afrmative action plans to remedy past discrimination against females; differences in job positions and job responsibilities; and differences in training, qualications, and skills required for the job actually performed by the ofcers. The policy implications for criminal justice agencies are clear. When formulating and implementing various employment practices and policies, agencies must keep in mind the requirements for the legal validity of these practices. Agencies must be aware of and comply with both the requirement of disparate impact and disparate treatment classications of sex discrimination. In particular, when implementing job exclusion and job limitation policies, the agency must identify the business necessity or job-relatedness of the requirements, including the need to protect the privacy of inmates or the need to protect females from sexual assault. Also, the agencies must ensure that minimum height or weight requirements, oral interviews, strength or physical agility tests, and grooming requirements are professionally validated, based on clear objective criteria, and not selectively enforced. The business necessity of these policies must be real and not pretextual. Conversely, when a criminal justice agency assigns work duties; makes employment decisions such as transfer, promotion and demotion; implements a system of unequal pay or benets; engages in practices concerning pregnant employees; and terminates employ- ment, the agency must identify a legitimate non-discriminatory reason for the action, such as existence of afrmative action plans to remedy past discrimination against females; differences in job positions and job responsibilities; and differences in training, qualications, and skills required for the job actually performed by the police. This article focused on drawing legal principles and standards from relevant court decisions on gender-based employment practices in criminal justice agencies. The research was largely descriptive, compar- ative, and qualitative. 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h. Villarica Pawnshop, Inc. v. Social Security Commission, Social Security System, Amador m. Monteiro, Santiago Dionisio r. Agdeppa, Ma. Luz n. Barros-magsino, Milagros n. Casuga and Jocelyn q. Garcia (g.r. No. 228087. January 24, 2018.* )