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MAlLAGASY
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k.ll Lamguage ares aad speakers
Malagasy is an Austronesian language belGnging to the Southeast Barito linguistic
subgroup of the %estern Malayo-Polmesian subfamily (cf. Dahl 1977). It is spGken by
about 14 mllllon pcoplc throughGut MBdagascaT as N'ell as l3'y Bn c'Olnlc grGUp oI1 tlM
island of Mayottc (Comoros IslaIlds; see Map 16. I).
The relationship lmtwcm. Malagasy and the Austronesian languages has been discussed
by various schGIars simce IHGutmaII (1603). An Gverviev Gf'their svGrk is given in Dahl
(1951, l991) svho also outlines that Maanyan, an Indonesian language spoken iD South
Borneo, shows stnking phonetic, grammatical as ~vell as lexical similarities ~vith
Malagasy and is the languagc most c/osely related to Ma/agasy, Adelaar (1989. I994a.
il9941) demomstratcs thc existence of Malav and Javanese loamvGrds iD Malagasy. Hle
proposes the seventh century AD as the most likely migration date and argues for corltin-
ued contacts betweeD Madagascar and Southeast Asia um.til after the introduction of Islarn
im, the latter. Adelaar (1995) shov s the existence of South Sulawesi Ioawvordls im. Malagasy,
Thc contacts of Malagasy %3th Don-AustrolleslaQ Ianguagcs arc 'Lvltnesscd bv elcments
Ronl Swahili and other Bantu languagcs (cf. Dahl 1951, 1988), Sanskrit (Dahl 1951),
Arabic (cf. Dahl 1983), Frcnclh and English.
Malagasy is spokeD iD several dialects vihich are oftem. so closely related to GDe
another that a clem' grGup classification is uncertain and quite a number of different clas-
sificatiGms have been put fovvard (cf. Verin et al. I969; l3ez I963. 1980; Simon l988;
Mahdi I988). Andriamanantsilavo and lRatrenm (1981:4l 63) propose a detailed gpo-
logical classification of Malagasy dialects based on comparisons of specific phonenxcs
or phGnemic grGups within the xegiGnal dialects. They divide them intG three main
groups: the eastern dialects, the western dialects, and the intermediate dialects. The fol-
Iowing phonemic oppositions distiDguish eastern dialects hn svestern ones (see also
Beaujard 1998): . dr'J vs. i'li' (e.g. JPJiiA vs. JJriih ' to f i ght' ). /tsi/ vs. r'ti' (e.g. aPJfsiku vs,
QflAAQ' Gurs ), ~tr| % s. )tR'(e.g. fQA8fQAQ vs.fd'A8fill$8' fGurth ),.'-z- vs..'0.' (e.g. PLQ vs. QM
where'),.'-i' vs. )-e/ (e.g. PPJN8fstkcl vs. JrwM')se4' to move ).
The easteffl dialects IMI ude Alftt8kQJDJrd. 7$JPPJJA8'A~, SQA'dkQvQ QEYtrQtJQ, 88: QPro=:QH0,
SifAivJr847 rD the noftheast, M8J'JPiN, 88fsr 5 JsivJQkQ 0 JsrPPro, 88fsr(80 cA-'QJ6'EPQ IQ the ceDtral
east, and APJ/GJPJK'JU', A JJAM'A'QAciQJ4J', APJE8'sQkQ, A JrifQJJI6Kl', XiMcdQ, ZQfl'$6J6 LD the southeast,
ANif@r'PJJOA9 Ilas tlM oldcst %'6ttcD Iiteraturc, 'A'hich ls 3 cGDsequencc Gf tllc early encouIItcr
of its speakers v ith Islam. Already in the fifteenth century the APJJaiJPJOJU nsade use of
the Arabic script to vi rite Malagasy. MeriJra. spoken in the central highlamds, was also
f)rst wfltteQ JD Afa13lc scrlpt. In l 820 the Malag3sv klDg Radama ll Bdopted tlle Roman
script using an orthGgraphy developed by British missiom.aries,
The Austionesian Languages of Asia anu Nauagascai - Routleuge (EXTRACT)
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4158 THE AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES
The western dialects include SakaI'ava Of Mesurbe, ~M'asiiom and ke="0 a~areinv in the
cemtral west and Avtmdrey, Aiahq)hIy, RBaia and Vezo a1Isimo in the south-west. The
interInediate dialects, which slm.re eleIrients from both the western and eastern dialects,
include Bam, Avreslsy arid Befsileo. Tlhe AvielaoSJ dialect aIid two dialects spokcn on
Mayotte, Aihosy Kisumvv and KiaakaIaakm, are nGt iIicluded in this dialect classification.
Tihe estab1ishment of a moriarchy amd the colonial rivalry betv eem, France arid EnglaIid
IA the AlnctecAth celltury cGntributed to thc suprcmacy Gf the MeriM dialcct. Itt was stan-
dardized by British and French IrIissioriaries arid scv ed as the model for the ofTicial
Malagasv lariguage. Schmidt (1991:14 20) gives a historical accourit of the status of
Malagasy from the cighteenth cerIturv to the early 1990s (sec also sTE1wmvER. L~wcv~t;E
Poi 1CY
).
During the French colonial period (1895 1960). French obtained a privileged position
over Malagasy in ofrIcial Rnctions, educatiGA, and the media. Malagasy was restricted
to faITiily use only, aIthough it was allowed in soAfie cemsored m.exvspapers. AfIer inde-
pendence in 1960, both FreIich aIid Malagasy receivcd oNcial status. This proccss avas
kno~m. as fanagasias>a Gr Hurlgaefsisation (Schmidt lI984). AAer 1975 Malagasy vm
introduced in educatioli, but it was Aever implernentcd in umversities and eventually
became established in state primary schools only, Despite the fact that French is the
IriediuIln in higher education, Malagasy is predominant in national radio broadcasts, and
it is usedl in local newspapers and television. Although the cfTorts to promote Malagasy
v cre largely urisuccessf ul (Schmidt 1983, 1984) an obsious repercussion Gf sixty years
of French occupa~tlGri Malagasv%'as cstablIshcd as thc DatlGQal language of tl M
Malagasy Republic im arI official referenduIln passed in II992.
Il.2. Major soillees
The comprel.ensive monolingual Malagasy dictionary by Rajemisa-IRaolison (1963, nev
edition 1985) was ome of the first Irionolingual dictioriaries Gf an Austronesian language,
llts pub1ication was an imtiative to proIriote Malagasy as opposed tG Frerich.
There are several dialect dictioriarics and werdlists: Dubois 19l7 (Betsikea); Decary
Il928 (AIItmd>ey); II3eschamps 1936 (Aai'aisaka); Deschcerimeker |unpubl.) amd Dez 1960,
II992 (all thfce dlctlonanes of sGuthcfn 8efswlfsQIQkQ), Mampltov"I|' 1978 (Zifi
f
ifMI6
);
GueuIiicr 1986 (dialect of Mayottc); Elli Il988 (BaIU); Bcaujard 1998 (Tmala),
Major bilingual dictionaries iriclude the Frcnch Malagasy dictionarics of Abirml/Malzac
(1888), lkajaonarimanana It1995b), RajaolIarimanana alid Verim, (1997), and the
Malaga~g French dictiGAary of %ebber (l853), the Malagasy English dictionarics Gf
Freeman arid Johis (1835), RichardsGA (1885). Paginton (1976), and IHallanger (1969,
Il973). A compact Malagasy EIiglish'English 1Halagasy dictionarv bv RasolosGA appearcd
im. 266 l. There is also a Mlalagasy Russian dictionary (Korneev 1966), a Russian Malagasy
dictioliary<KGrnecv ll.970) and a Malagasy German dlictioriary (BergcI1holtz 1991).
Older granmnars iriclude Ailloud (1873), G. Cousins (1882), the gramnatical iritroduc-
tioIi in Richardson's dictioIiary by W. Cousins t1885), the xvorks Gf Causseque (1886),
Malzac (1908), Moritagnc (193 l) arid Gcrbinis (1946), which are followed by an outpour
of Malagasy granmnars v rittcn by native speakcrs as exemplified by IRalmjarizafy (1960).
lkajemisa-Raolison (II969). RajaoIia (1972). Domenichini-IRanzaramanana (1976).
lkabeIulaiIm IC 1983), and Ikajaonarimaimna (1995a). Further grarmnars include Dez (1986)
and Builles (1998). AA array Gf works on diFerent aspects of Malagasy morph.ology
and smtax lhas recentIIy appeared, e.g. Keenan (1976, 1994), IkandriaInasirI>aIMria (l986),
MALAGASY 4 59
Dalsl II1986j, Mahdi (1988), MaDaster-RaIner (1992), Pearson alld Paul (l996). Keenan alld
Poiinsky (1998), KCCDaIl and Ralalaoherivony (1998), Paul (1998), lkackowski ( l998),
Fugier (1999), Randriamasitrtawlana (l999), Paul (1999. 2000), Pearsort (1996, 2001),
Keenan and Rabetttilaina (2M1).
Major Malagasy textbooks iD French include Berthter (l922), Rajaobelina ( Il966),
Rabearivelo (19763, IRazafiDdrabe (l984), Razafindrakoto (1990) aDd Rajaonarttmartana
(l99SC). Stark (1969) published a Malagasy course for English-speaking stLjtdents.
Razafindrabc, Ralahatra and IRamomalaia (l 980) provide an outstanding bllingual text-
book iD French and English. The first Malagasy textbook for Gertrtan speakers is
Rasoloson (19971.
Corpus-based studies of spoken Ma/agasy are rare (Rasoloson 1994 i 995). Most of the
exansplcs in this chapter origimate from our oms corpus cf spontaneous spokeD lartguage.
2 PHOWi'IDLOGY
The Malagasy consoGBDtal inventory ls detalled lD Tablc l6. l, uslng tlM standafd
Malagasv ortllography. Phonemes attested only 1D some dialects are glvcD in parerttheses.
Voiceless stops are unaspirated. Tihere is am. asymmetry in the velar stops; the voice-
less velar stop has a palatalized alloplhone precediDg the vwvel i, artd all velar stops
palatalize followiDg the voavel i, e.g. aIika 'dog' [alikja], A8A>gas>a 'fast' [(h)aj~gjana]. All
stops may appear prenasalized. They are then prorlouDced eItther vith a short homorgaDic
nasal oIlset or, less frequently, as stops follmving a heavily nasalized voxvel. The voice-
less premasalized consonants mp, r>f, sit'r, n/s, and zk only appear svord-medially. (The
nomimal prefix sup- in v ords like arpAha 'Norker' is pronounced [p].) The five hatives
tn Malagasy tnclude hvo lablo-dentals, f alld v, two alveolar, groovedl fncattves art>-
culated mth spread lip position. s aDd , and the weak glottal fricative h. Fricatives lnay
be syllabic when they precede devoiced vowels. The four afMcates ill Malagasy are the
apical dento-alveolars I's and j (dz), and the blade alveolars h and dj . ILike the stops, they
may appear prenasalized. The resonants are I, a voiced. dento-alveolar lateral, alld r, a trill
TABLE 16.i: MALAGASY CONSQNANTS
Bilabial Labko-
Dental
Alveolar.'
R.etroflex
Velar
pb
mp[ p]
mb[ b]
Stops
PfenasalIIzed
stops
Fncahves
AAflcates
Prenasalized
afMcates"
Nasals
Ldterals
'llrilh
* Prenasa[ized stops and aH'rieates are represented in the oKeial orthography avith a h>phen follmvinp
the nasai in eases of a morpheme break.
** The glottal stop has phonemie statrls only in a fm dialeetse.g. Antaimoro.
tdl
nt ["t]
nd ["dj
tsj [dzj
nts ['tsl
nj ["dzj
n I
tr dr
ntr [ 'tr]
ndr ["dr]
kg
rrk [~jr.]
nm Pg]
r
469 THE AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES
which may also appear as a single flap. All consonants except A are slightly palataIIzed
before i, and may be slightly labialized before he vowel n. The velar rlasal II is preserlt
In Irlost val'Ictles of Malagasy,' howevcr, it 1s IIloi phoncmic in Merina.
All coI1sonaI1ts except the voiceless prenasalized consoI1ants may occur In inItial
positicn. The oI1e exception to thIs rule is ahioIO 'anccstors'vhiclh lost a historical irutial
Ad (KceI1alI and Polinsky 1998), The glottal fricative is often dropped in mcdia1 position.
especially betwcen tvo distlnct vovels. 1lt alternates with k in ccrtain Irlorphologically
complex forms, reflcctiI1g an oldcr stage of the IangI1agc (~k > h): Non-kdvidpy t.'oloM-
hendry/ persoI1-%'1sc ) %' lsc pcl'soA JIMIHgQHkd ltlgQHQ sornewhat fas' t (.'RDP-
11aingaI1V'fast').
Althouglh geminate consonants do not exist in undcrlying form. they may resujt frorI1
the devoicing and dropping of BA ullstressed I or 6 vowel. c.g. J'HoQ 'v1'lat'[II1na]. Nl'hen
an u1llstressedl vowel is dropped before the I1asail n, the nasal may assimi]ate to the pre-
ceding consonant, causing gcIlnination: hie>jtlM 'sct, arrange' [1awnma], /eiisuv 'sv allow'
[tclla], Neve 'person' [Qlla].
Malagasy lhas a fouI vowel system, i (spclled <y> in vord-final position), I>
(orthographic ~o>), e. and a, with four diphthongs, ui, ia, oa, and au. The vowel [o]
mi1ay result from shortening of the vowel sequences ao or oa tcxccpt v ordl finally vherc
it is pronounced as n), e.g. misioI'm 'to thank' [misotra], Ioahv 'too much' [Iotra], but
laMa 'indeed' [tuku]. The vowel [o] also frcqucnt)y occurs in loan vords, where it IMy
be represented orthographIcally as 0, e.g. karmoaeh 'pick up truck', snojt'Dsikij'dh
'nzotorcyeie", biofojia 'biology'. Although the vovei [o] does occur as a phoneme in non-
standard dialccts, the only native Merina word with thc vowel is the vocativc interjection
6. The vowcl sequence ia atId the diphthong ai may bc pronounced as [e], e.g. Na 'focus
particle' [de], iamo 'yoI1" [cnau]. IIDino 'listen" [heno]. The vov cl /a( may redI1ce to [v]
in unstresscd eI1vironments, or just to a simp/e release of the preceding consonant,
especially word-fiM)ly. e,g. maAita [mahita] 'see'.
'll'ovcls have vea.k nasalization preceding a nasal consonant, and heavv 11asahzation
precediI1g prenasalized coI1sonants. They do not occur long.
All vowels may occur root-initially, but the vowcl e is rare as the second vovel of
Mtlve roots lln flM) posItIon wlth soIne vcrbs the vowel I (orthographIc v) a)tcrnates
v ith e in sufFixed. forms, e.g. nme>MEy<<InaN-voly) 'plant (actIvc)' vs. voiena 'pjant
(passive)'. No seqI1ences of identical vwvels occur, aI1d oI1lly the scqucnce ZaiV fIInctions
as a stab)e diphthoI1g, retaining the stress pattern v'v instcad of becoIrting v.v' with stress
attracting sufrIxes c Garvey 1964: I 9).
The unstressed vowels i and 0 are often devoiced in Malagasy, especially in final
position or betv cen tvo consonants.
2.2. Svllable strIactuIe amd stress
Malagasv syllablc structurc Is CV; no codas are allov ed v~ord-flnally and the maximal
onset is one segment, except in a few loanvords, e.g. (nmfsdy 'FreI1ch'. Onjy vowels IMy
5mction as syllable peaks, all other segments must be treated as onsets phonologIcally.
Most Malagasy words are ~~scd on the penultimate syllable, e.g. mal'iihv 'sce', miwba
'crocodile', sNi A' 'divination', vAy 'rice', pwiIy 'tobacco' (u1 stand'ard Malagasy ortho-
graphy, stress is indicatcd by a grave accent, as in thc preceding exampjcs). Hovcvcr,
there are cases whcre stress is not predictablc, c.g. ih' 'liver' vs. a/i' 'here (not in sight)'
and In the irnperative formation of some active verbs and adjectives. as a result of
a sufFix -a that l11as mergcd (contracted) with a Anal root vo~vel, c.g. mandsa 'vash
(indicativc)' vs. manasi 'wash (iInperative)'; tscim 'good' vs. tsam 'be goodl'. If a avord
endls in a diphthong. It bears Anal stress, c.g. papciy 'papaya', mm>io 'do'. Moreover,
words eI1ding in the 'xveak final syllables' -iM, -kv, or -iiri take stress on the antepcnulti-
mate syllable, e.g. fiMmatm 'prInciplc', Iambana 'hwin', fiis>I'atm 'kIIow', man&Itbola
'begin". A rcgular exception to this rulc is that words. v hich end in weak syllables have
pcnultimatc stress when the preceding vowcl is /e', ./e,' being a regular stress-attractor in
Malagasy, c.g., po@lm 'purse, hand bag'.
Weak final syllables in Malagasy bchave peculiarly in that they fijinction as extramet-
rieal stem. fomltives, svhieh delete in eompounding, reduplication, and beforc clitics
and sufFixes: a~>hiaawa 'fall into the haIIds of'+ mae>ba 'crocodilc' =anAina-mdmba
fall lnto thc hands of a cruel pcrson; fiAlMf to cllutcll. clasp' + Nd'Nb8 ~ jTAI-Bid%bQ
'refusal to lct go of sorI>ethIng', =:dnaka 'child'+ =lko ' Is.cEN' >mnaI|a 'my child'. The
deviant belhavior of -ka, fm, and -ze reflects the fact that they are a product of a default
vowel ."a,' added after historically eonsonant-final vords as part of the devclopment
towards the modern CV structure in Malagasy, e.g. volana 'moon' (< Nikrn), s~wbe
'writing'(< 5wmi). The rcsulting forms should be treated as 'extended roots' which are
involved in a mrIety of synchronic alternations.
Roots of four or more syllables assign secondary stress to every second syllable
worklng back from thc maln stress. Compound %'ords rcceivc primary stress on the
second %'ord of thc conlpouncl, c.g. iio(6-JlvElM' (point-idea) advlee'; 5785'6M poPQJ41
(/maN-hosotra-fotaka/
=An.-smear-mud) 'smear with mud, slander'.
In sufTixation. root stress shifts one syllable to t11e right (e.g. Mbo ~ baboina be
capturcd't ulIless the root is stressed on the final syllable., is Inonosyllabic, or has a aveak
ending in which case an additional consonant m.ay be inscrted, e,g. l'o > ioavina 'be
obeyed', fiioAa > fiioAana be carried ofF". KIII'ith bi-syllabic enclitics, the cnclitic often
attracts hcwp stress, but does not alter the stress of the root.
ZA Mol PhlDPhorI8$lks
A homorgaIIic nasal is inscrted behvecm. reduplicant and base in reduplication and. behvcen
the two coInponents of a genitive construction or cornpwmd if the first component does
not end with a weak fiI>al syllable -i'm -4r or -rra e g iisiii-Ai>v ('resy-tory/=overcome-
sleep) 'ovcrcon1e by sleep'; sofom-bodiaI oho (.'solo-vody-akoho,' = substitute-ruInp-
chickcn) 'a gift given to one's elder (diIfFerent from thc traditiona.l ehickcm. run1p)',
akizjos>-jYi=a (/akinjo-zaza/=clothing-child) children's elothing', feiirw-pim>a@rviaIia
(feN-fIanakaviana'=feast-famIIv) famIlv feast' (for furthcr dctai.ls of genItIvc forma-
tion. see section 3.2.1).
If the Arst con1poncnt of a compound or reduplication cnds on -It'w or -ka, the ~veak
Anal syllable is dropped before a consonant. If this consonant is a fricative or liquid
it beeomcs a stop or afFrieate based on the rules givcn in Tablc l6. (sce Emin I996
for a more detailed phonologicaI aceount). Examples: hena-e>mo (/lMnatra-maso/
=
slmme-cye) 'bchming in the presenec of others', Arha-pi5o (hataka-piso/=request-cat)
*pcrsistent F
iiUcst', poQ-Msl' (/poaka-basy)=cxploslon-gun) ' gunshot; %'050MPQI51'
(/vosotra-ratsy/
=joke-bad) 'bu5ooncry'; manddlsa-Mmim (/mandatsaka-viratra/ =Iay/
cast down-thMlder) 'to caUse mlsfoTtunc fl'oHl a %'roDgdoing Before a vowel Gil c flna
i
l 8 of
thc weak syllable is dropped, the dropped vov cl in this emiroI1ment being indieatcd in the
orthography by an apostrophe e.g. smak Nina (.'sasaka-alina'=half-night) midnight'.
462 'll HE AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES
TAEll K 16.X: AIORI' HGlPHQAtEMIC AlLli'KR'MTI ONS IlN CGMPOttNDIWG
h ) k
s) t s
fmmeksv&am-bMon-khditra
thsi-bbhon-tanana
osllka qr@ho ~ana( pllsh back hand')
fitandr~nrarn-pahasalatnMa
(.'fitandrirnana-fahasalarnina,'=earing for4ealth
)
(.'fanavakavhhana-volo-hoditra'I=discrirnination-eolor-skin
fhdin-tseranana (.'fhdy-serhnanal=taboo-port of entry j
mihhtsi-jhza (I'tIIi-h0tsika-zhz@=Aer-rnove-child)
tnangjran-8Ntsy I''maaglrana-ratsyj' = light beam-bad)
anMlana (".an-hlanaj'=on-road)
raeial dherimination
rejection showing disdain
health carc
ctjstoms dutiez
to bc in labour
first dtm light of the rnornine
on the v,ey
z ) j
r) dr
l ) d
%ords endilItg v ith the veak fiIlaI syllable -na drop final a before consolItants,, and the
Ilasal is realized as hotnorgatlic to the following consorIant. Tlhe IatteI may be occlusivized
followlllg thc rules discllssed ln Tablc I6.2, e.g. 8NJQPQ vd P9$PQ (l3aggagc-commercc ) ~
Ariam-Mmim 'merchandise" (see also the examples in Tablc i6.2).
ln words with prefixes ending vitll a homorgaIlic nasaI such as preseIlt tense aetive
mah , the homorganic Ilasal of the prefix assimilates to a following obstruent, afler which
the obstruent deletes if it is voiceless, e.g. masuiAina (from fIIriIra) 'to clutch, clasp',
srmmg (from ldfy) 'to dress', snamfofm lI from S~YolmII 'to submerge', but mau>bbatsina
(from b6nfsiaa) 'to mislead'. Before vowei-iIlitial bases, the prefix ends in 'n,': irmsmfaka
II'5onl @aAa) 'to set free'. llf the base begins with an |ld, the Jh' is replaced either by a pre-
Ilasalizcd glottal stop as in wangd/aka (from MIaka ~ ~j.aiaI.a) "to ask for' or by )Il) as
in jrmr>dztozm 'hang' (from MIlfona). See Keenam and Polinsky ( i 998:595fl for further
details.
2A RedlIIplication
Malagasv verbs aIld adjectives niaav undergo Ml root redupiication to eIlcode attenuation,
iterativity or um.systematic lI'm.on-motivatcd) event processiIlg, e.g. aminh' blaek', main-
frwQM11' sllghtly dark sktnned', NrQHdeIM to go, valk ~ wQM&AQcfeIrQ to walk
about'. The weak endings -Aa, -tm. -sIa do not participate in the reduplicatiom., e.g.
piisokr 'foolish' > mi-pi/so-pitsoka 'a little bit stupid. foolish', mi-peinNa 'to sit' >
wi-pelrn~trnI a 'to sit about'.
As detalled In Table I6.2 for compound constructlons, reduplications uIldcrgo similar
phoIlolomicaI altemations involntttg consomntal substitutioltt, e.g. zaA-fiis>I'sika to Ilail'
reduplicatcd becomiles wanwnfsipiinfsika 'to mill. repeatedly'. maX-Aintona 'to lhang'
becomes ~uazanimrMi~riomr 'to harlg about', and ~rri-viai'as>a 'to be direct' lmcomes
mia'antamMrnimra 'to be somewhat direct'.
3 BASIC MOlRPHGSYNTAX
lln unmarked phrases, Malaeasy clauses are predicate-initial. The predicate caml be verlml
or non-verbal (e.g. nourL'proper namc, adjective, Ilumeral, prepositional phrase, posses-
sive (genitive) plhrme, temporal adverb, deictIc). The following examples for non-vcrbal
MALAGASY 4 63
predicates shwv that these are I1ot Introduced by a copula, Note also that the Malagasy
predicates do lIot alwzys correspoI1d to the English ones:
P8$$8'$$41'e:
(l ) A JJ +' 4Iav IJaln sI Jwba'.
llpe.DAT DaT car brok en
'The broken car is ours.'
Adj8'CI41Y:
(2) L, ekJke Jakea J l y aemd mme.
bl g l ll dee d DEF al r pQIt i
TlM airport Is blg indeed.
XM%8JQF:
(3) F8 l o 4Aa) lf J J f M '8 '/ = JlaTl''
i erl on ly DEF ox = 3pe.GEN
*'A'e only have got ten oxes,' (lit. Our oxes are only ten)
Belcf Jc 48 jMFSt Hlaiflve p'Jlch'oH:
(4) 'VJ JIv fQHld 4'4%-&OIQJ'lao,
ir1tj
r
ny f ameri m-IMla =I1ao
pLx.v[s,pRD DEF ch a Qgc=2S. GEN
'Hcre Is vour chGIlge. SII.'
(oNpoELO.
t6Alpo = ko
lord= II s.cE~
ln verbal clauses, both trm1sitive and intraI1sitive verbs are marked for voice a11d tense.
Active verbs take an active prefix, the most coIT1mom, ones being nll- and JJlaX-, xvhere
the prefix m- changes to IJ- or JI- depending or1 tense Icsee section 5),
(5) A- 4-sa(9$QIQ' II
psT-AcT-hesliate pN
'Naivo hesitated.'
(6) %-9-AJl'a o46v
NQJ'1'0.
Nalvo.
psT-AcT-see ox
I sRv an ox.
Malagasy simple maiI1 clause subjects are geIIerally placed iII fiI1al-position in non-
verba( clauses as vell as in verbal clauses, as seen in the prece6ing examples. In the
majority of cases where 1Indergoer arguments appear vith active verbs, they occur
immediately after the verb and are indefinite as in (6) unless specified by a demomtra-
tive or the definite article Jlv as iII1<7):
(7) Lasa J l - i -faIlal'Ju'
JIall'OAQ JJQ Hf gJ' 8' vISI't-$
Gor1e n-i-lahatra n-aN-t ohma ny grevistes an!
Gorle PST-AcT-stand.in.lllll c PST.AcI'.suppori l 3EF st nker s IM 4
'Gone [on strike] to support the strikers" (emphatic)
Passive verbs are marked mth the afY'ixes -iJIa, -m>a or a-. The undergoer argument
appears im. subject positior1 aI1d is generally definite (Manaster-Ramer 1992:276), The
464 THE AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES
k-eo
t-eo
PST-MED. VIS
actor argumemt inxzxedialtely folllmvs the verb, oAen in the form of a clitic pronoun,
Comtraslt (6) with (8):
(8) 3 PI, i MP81'l6'Im'O
An, n- a-petraka =0
&lTJ PST-RAss-pGt = l s. iGEN
'Uh, I left the car there...'
Other arguments and adjumcts t>TIically occI1r in betweem the tv o core argunMnts of
transltl'le vefl3s
c 9) NaiMOVan'iIy
Jlf
ny
DEF
tismbbii'u...
tormobila...
CI'91x Rouge AVi i $$' iIV
Ci'oix Ropg8' kermlesy ny
Cross Red f al r DEF
n aN tao v ama
=m".my
PSTW[RC-do-SF-CIRC = CEN.DEF
vod 9 v08dgo HQ.
v61a. Vo a-amgoM.
nloney REs-ralse
'Tihe momey raised ~vas used
I( 10) NQfGM' 8l' CrQIx
n-a -taio: m ' m Cmix
PST-PASs-do = GEN. DEF Cross
V8@bHg8HQ 8 f AVPMeS f.
Oa-amgong mp kem1esy
REs-raise DEF f a i r
'The Red Cross organized the fair xvith the Imoney raised.'
'II 1 l ) NQP'MovGH flJ Crolx Rouge k' 8JvRpsp
t-Itml H I I P XOI IIt t - SO Mahm Ak>
mT-on cEN DEF Fnday psr-MED Iw~ Is Mahavokg
Rg vo I 6f 1'OQMHg9iv.
DEF Hl ol My RES- ral se
'The momey raised was used by the Red Cross to organize a fair im. M ahavoky on
Friday."
by the Croix Rouge to organize a fair.'
Rouge Ii @HA'8 ~p' VOI8
R6'Mge t-amln nv vola
Red PsT- w1t
i
h:c EN.DEF rnoney
psTxIRc.do.sFxIRc = GEN.DEF Cross Red fai r
AdjuiIcts occurring aAer the sI1bject cam be interpreted as Inodifying the subject rather
tham the overall predication, as im. (1l2).
( 1 2) NQfil6I'ovGB fll' Cl'olx Ro uge Ji Y'l'VM51' 8 J Vokl
psT.cIRc:do: sF.cIRc.cEN. DEF Cross Red f ai r DEF m iomey
VOQ-O'HgMQ' PMi MPl i l l ' ZOPIQ l - 90 4'fQAQl"00:
RES-raise psT- On:cEN.DEF Fr i day p s r - I IIED.I>ms Ma h avoi g.
'Tlhe momey raised on Friday in Mahavoky avas used by the Red Cross to orgam-
ize a fair.'
As shmm im. examples (lo), (1 l), and (l2j. prepositional plhrases always shmv temse
agreement mith the verb. Here they are inflected for past tense with the prefix t- (i,e. fmo
and fMJw'Ji'f Nl').
The ummarked VXS v ord order may be altered by the from.ting of a. normally post-
predicate smbject foWo~vedl by the focus marker iIIo: S+ mo+ F. The eleInent precedimg
MALAGASY 4 65
DEF teachel' voc Ps T-AcT-clap the hand
the particle iio, wllich is the subject appearing here in clause-initial position, carries the
greatest promincnce 1A tlle clausc, c.g.:
( l 3) iX' V PHpQPiipM'NQPSQ H0 f f.- i - fi8AQkl.
'The Iteacher (and no one else) applauded.'
(13) encGdes a restrictivc memling singling Gllt this teachcr from any other pcrson eho
mlght be Undcf CGSIderatloA(e.g. the mllslclan, the cl'llklfen, the spectators, etc.).
Tihis Ihye Gf focus cGnstructioI1 is Ilot restricted to subjects. 08.er noI1-predicate
elemeIlts (e.g. an adverb) ca alsG appear iI1 initial position and be follG~ved by the
particle s>o iIldicating focus or> this elemeilt. Thus, in t4C sentence: omNy eo iIIYiimga i~a
(g'esterday FGc PsT:lcave 3)i the focLls is Gn thc temporal adverb 68Jd Fl' 'yesterday': 'IHe.'she
leflt ycsterday (andot G another day)'. Compare also:
(14) T- 80
MQAiIII'8'kf 8- iNJSf8 8 f
t-ao Llahavoky t - aI I I 1 Ily
PST-MED.INvls MahaVGky PsT-on:GEN.DEF
Il-aI1-t8.o-V-ana = Ily
PsT-C[RC-do-sF-CIRC = CEN.DE F
CrGIx RGUge fiY' PRIew' f - Gi iMIPf Ifv VOIQ
'I'09-QPiglMQ'.
Cross Red fai r PsT-with:GEx.DEF money Rzs-raise
'lt v as in MahavGky om. Friday that a fair was orgaized by t4e Red Cross with the
money raised.'
ZOJNQ Bo
z oma nG
Friday Foc
8888i 7M'l1 Pil >'
Another inversion construction may be Gbtaied simply by frotiIlg the post-predicate
slIbject, which yields a 'eiAphatic' SVO avord order. Tlle preposed sllbject is set off from
the relTl31nder of a seAtcAce by a, pause of by lengthcnlng t
i
hc last vGwel Itl|QAWIV:::) of tlM
preposed subject argurnent (cf. RasGlosoI1 l994: l09 122):
Jl P' Kl j i QIlM~Q'Lg' I QAM4' ESV PJAOk l 8- 8- II / f i9 JQPiQWi IIISMia'
3 slst er last NEi >'et Ps T-AcT-sec sea
'The yGuIlgest hvo (sisters) of then1, they have not seen the sea yet.'
This 'enlplImtic' SVO cGnstructioI1 could be giveI1 as arl almver to the questioI1: '%ho
has not see the sea vet7"
In predicate Rclls constructions. the subject also GcclIrs in clallse-iIlitial positio, aIld
the predicate is prcceded by the particle dha: S+ d|s+ P. The imptication of this Ih~ Gf
cGIlstruction is that. Gf t4e set of potential eveIlts under cGnsideration (put in brackets as
shov+ bel.ev ). there Is only Ge which is carried Gut (l6).
( l 6) )VV 6f &NBl ' 46 8 8- 5- AlHQPilQ fiV Id kQ=Pll
DEF insect(s j Foc PST-.cc T-cat DEF r oot= 3.cm
T1M 1I1sect(s) Bte Its roots
i
(thcy dld Ilot damage then1 or play %'Ith them, etc. 3.
CGmpare this example v itll the related subject-focus clause constrllctiG:
(l 7) 8>b>AeJy ee i I- I - Auiaim i i y fCika =ny.
iIlsect
(s) Foc ps T-Am-cat DEF r oot s=3.iczw.
'Insect(s) l(not butterflies, AGt bees, AGt dfagoIlflles. etc.
) ate its roGts.'
466 THE AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES
lln 3 subh~ of the predicate-focus com.struction, the clause-initial subject consists of
a non1inaIized expression and the predicate of a nomina.l expression:
(18) Ay J>-i-AinaJIa ny f i k a
=ny dia bi bJ'I eh'.
DEF PsT-AcT-cat DEF r oots = 3.GEN Foc i ns ect
(s).
'lnsect(s) ate its roots (thc ones v ho ate its roots were insectsj.'
Basic order in fmli noun phrases is DETERNI~ER vEAD woDIFIER. Alternative orders of head
3nd modifier are possible but usually also convey a different meaning. Thus. adjectives
usually follow their head as in ni~ Iimm JJJaKMO l
c
DEF shoes dirty) 'the dirty shoes'. Ilf the
3djcctive precedes its head, a nominalization results I'cf. also section 6.l). JJy JJJaM/0
hmrv (DzF dirty shoes) 'the one mth the dirty shoes'.
Con1rnon noun phrascs are marked for definitcness by an article or a demonstrative,
v ith 3 special set of markers occurring in the case of pcrsonal I1ames lI cf. Table 16,3).
ln addltlon to the definlte 3rtjcle JJ'I', thcre is tlle dcteHDlner JIQ'l' wvhich is used for ref-
creI1ts kllown to spcakcr Bnd hearel vla', speci IC shared knowiedge withGUlt I1ecessarlly
having becn mentioned in the preceding discourse.
( 19) AJ>' /E91' JQJJgi9Ill' Ji U-J-PJ Jsokl IJJ( Q= JIQG;
and DzT man pRs-Acr-crazy pAss:sec=2s.cEN
'What about lthat crazy Inan you sa~v~'
The persorml article t is not used v hen the name bcgins ~vit11 a proper name proclitic,
J-, Pa-, Dai- oI Nila-. In addition to the personal article i. there is a further personal
3rticle Jy which designates a group of persons in a family relationship or in a friendship
relationship with the person denoted by the noun it precedes (20). Ry is also used before
nolIKS 'lto Mldfess sorneoM dlrcctly (2l ).
5'6 JJde
fQ
IQ'J6'AXS'1~ g' B Q' JCOI'I'
m.-aN-lcfa taratisy n Bak ol y
PsT.Acr: send Iettcr PN Bakol y
'Bakoly aI1d lher family sent a letter.'
(2 l) N- J57 voAv ve J- Qo MQJMf.
FST-ExlsT Hl , oncy PTcL FST-RIED, INvIS PN M um
'Was therc aI1y money in there, Mumi1".'
Tihe Mll genitive clitics of the group (A) in Table l6.3 are used as proclitics, fonning
possessive predlicates ( group 8 is discussed in the ncxt section). AJJ 'JJy [atu1i] and aJJ "iIm
are en1ployed avith definite con1n1on nouns v hereas aJJ 'i
[ani] is used avith proper nouns:
A JJ JJP> JJIPQJJJPMJMIIP J S8'JJ6I JO t l ' Pok8AQ
| EN.DEF tcacher:GEN.PN Sendra PRx. vls b3g'
'This bag bcloTIgs to SeTIdra's teacher.'
PRX.VIS
TAIBLE l6.3: NGKIN PH$LASE MARKKRS
DEF GE'A.I3EF
Defmite common IIouns ny ' i hy an' ay . ' an"ihy
= n'W
Persona1 nam~w i an'i = n I,'=n
MALAGASY 4 6 7
( 2.3) AEJ S Rb l Q Zd' 0 8 ' . ~
cEN.ew Rima now mn
'It is Rina's [It1Irm
] noav! '
Tihese pOssessive prediicatcs caA l3e AGHlinalized by pMpos1Ag the dcfinite article m