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The Media
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Canada arms Mexico Teach for Canada has lots to learn Blockade turns eleven
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snowbirds into real estate vultures? p. 12
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HALIFAX
MEDIA CO-OP
Solitary and Sermons
for Imprisoned
Mikmaq Warriors
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16
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the Storm
by David Koch
12
COVER STORY
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Contents
FRONT LINES
by Media Co-op
contributors
FIRST PEOPLES
Logging the
Whiskey Jack
by Steven Henry Martin
MINING
Golden Years Go Grey
by Jen Wilton
3
4
10
MILITARIZATION
Canada Arms Mexico
by Dawn Paley
6
The Dominion magazine
is part of the Media Co-op, a
pan-Canadian media network
that seeks to provide a
counterpoint to the corporate
media and to direct attention
to independent critics and the
work of social movements.
The Dominion is published six
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Publisher
The Dominion
Newspaper Co-operative
Board of Directors
Maryann Abbs (VMC)
Crystel Hajjar (contributor)
Miles Howe (HMC)
Sharmeen Khan (reader)
Dru Oja Jay (editor)
Tim McSorley (editor)
Dawn Paley (editor)
Arij Riahi (CMM)
Darryl Richardson (TMC)
Editorial Collective
Roddy Doucet
Miles Howe
Nat Marshik
Tim McSorley
Dawn Paley
Editors-at-Large
Correy Baldwin
Stefanie Gude
Stephanie Law
Hillary Lindsay
Martin Lukacs
Dru Oja Jay
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Dave Mitchell
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Copy Editors
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Joel Butler
Ashley Fortier
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Lisa Richmond
Nat Gray
Graphic Design
ALL CAPS Design
Cover Photo
Neal Rockwell
2
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Naava Smolash
Naava Smolash has been a Media Co-op reader,
cheerleader, occasional proofreader and Sustaining
Member since the Media Co-ops founding. When not
analyzing racism in newspapers or running media literacy
workshops, blogging under a Media Co-op nom de plume
or reading The Dominion (daily, of course), she can
be found in bookstores fondling classic science fction,
running her hands along the smooth round backs of
hardcovers and the squared-of spines of cheap 70s trade
paperbacks.
Actually, mostly she can be found holed up writing
poetry and speculative fction, or teaching Canadian
Literature and critical theory to college students, carefully
gluing sentence fragments together, or trying to unmix
metaphors. Possibly thanks to her Jewish childhood in
Montreal, she cannot hear the interval known as a fourth
to most other musicians. Naava lives in a collective house
in East Vancouver, unceded Coast Salish Territories, with
some people, plants, and percussion instruments.
Photo by Tom-Pierre Frapp-Snclauze
ISSN 1710-0283
www.dominionpaper.ca
www. mediacoop.ca
info@dominionpaper.ca
PO Box 741 Station H,
Montreal, QC, H3G 2M7
ENERGY
Public Utilities Exporting
Privatization
by Scott Price
7
INTERNATIONAL
Canadian Aid,
Honduran Oil
by Sandra Cufe
TORONTO
MEDIA CO-OP
Partnering with Petroleum
by Kalin Stacey
20
21
LETTERS
Back Talk
Compiled by
Moira Peters
21
Member Prole
VANCOUVER
MEDIA CO-OP
Whatever Happened to
Anarchist Film-making?
by Frank Lopez
8
HALIFAX
MEDIA CO-OP
Intellectually Disabled Face
Jail Time
by Robert Devet
17
EDUCATION
Teach for Canada Gets
Schooled
by Tim McSorley
18
VANCOUVER
MEDIA CO-OP
No Home for the Holidays
by murray bush - fux
photo
9
COVER: Mike Iraheta, heavy-equipment mechanic, lost his Florida
home to foreclosure after a workplace injury. He now rents another
once-foreclosed home from a Canadian landlord. Pompano Beach,
Florida. Photo: Neal Rockwell, www.nealrockwellphoto.com
3
Nelson Mandela, South Africas frst black
president and a leader in the countrys decades-
long anti-apartheid movement, died on December
5 at the age of 95. Stephen Harper and former
prime ministers Jean Chrtien, Kim Campbell and
Brian Mulroney visited South Africa to pay their
solemn respects--and, some say, to gloss over their
own sketchy history of support for anti-apartheid
struggles.
Canada implemented Bill C-31, new immigration
legislation that migrant justice organizers are calling
the Refugee Exclusion Act. Among other things,
the bill increases the number of migrants who will
face mandatory detention upon arrival in Canada.
In Vancouver, Coast Salish Territories, No One
is Illegal celebrated and refected on ten years of
migrant justice organizing.
In Lindsay, Ontario, No One is Illegal rallied outside the
maximum-security Central East Correctional Centre, where as
many as 191 migrants had been on strike since September 17. In
what may be the largest migrant prison strike in Canadian
history, two detainees went without food for 65 days.
About forty people occupied the ofces of Quebec education
minister Marie Malavoy as part of Solidarity across Borders
Education For All campaign to give non-status children
access to primary and secondary education in Quebec. Currently,
children must provide proof of status in order to obtain a
permanent code, without which their families face bills of up to
$6,000 per year to access the public education system.
Quebecs National Assembly adopted a new Mining Act after
approving a motion to limit debate on the bill. The Assembly of
First Nations of Quebec and Labrador (AFNQL) has threatened
a legal challenge to the new law, which they say fails to require
adequate consultation with First Nations.
The Barriere Lake First Nation established a land protection
camp within the La Verendrye Wildlife Reserve to protest clear-
cut logging on sensitive areas of their land. In response, Quebecs
Ministry of Natural Resources has agreed to respect a previously
negotiated process to harmonize forestry operations with the
communitys traditional activities.
The National Energy Board (NEB) approved Enbridges
Northern Gateway pipeline proposal to transport tar sands
oil across northern BC to the coast for export. The Unistoten
clan of the Wetsuweten nation vowed to continue to defend their
traditional territories, saying that they will not remove their camp
and gateway which stand in the path of the proposed pipeline.
The Tsleil-Waututh Nation said in a press release that the NEBs
pipeline approval process is deeply fawed. This same process will
now be used to evaluate Kinder Morgans 15,000-page Trans
Mountain Pipeline expansion application.
In response to growing concerns over a communication
lockdown, Environment Canada sent a letter to its staf
acknowledging that the department had declined 22 per cent
of interview requests over the past year; this in the context of
an on-going federal investigation into the Harper governments
muzzling of scientists.
Canada Post announced the end of home mail delivery over the
next fve years, with a plan to deliver mail to local superboxes
instead and to increase postage prices. Many have voiced
concerns about the potential impact on seniors and others with
limited mobility, on mail security and on postal workers who may
face massive lay-ofs.
Canadas Supreme Court struck down three major prostitution
laws as unconstitutional. The courts decision argued
that, since prostitution is legal, the laws banning brothels,
publicly communicating with clients or living of the avails
of prostitution place sex workers in unnecessary danger and
violate their charter rights to security of the person. The court
suspended its ruling for one year, during which the federal
government can re-write the countrys prostitution laws.
In another important ruling, Wood v. Schaefer, the Supreme
Court ruled that police are not allowed to have lawyers vet their
notes when they witness killings or other acts of violence by
fellow police ofcers.
Elections in Honduras saw the National Party beat out
the social movement-linked Libre Party by a small margin.
Accusations of election day fraud, combined with violence against
candidates and supporters, led to a contestation of
the election results, which have been accepted by the
international community.
Front Lines
Pipelines approved, posties perplexed,
Prime Minister panders
by Media Co-op contributors
A cop appeared impressed by the message that no one is illegal, outside the occupation
of Quebecs Education Ministers ofce. Photo by Arij Riahi
4
The Dominion March/April 2014
GRASSY NARROWSBack in 2002,
a small group of Ojibwe youth set up a
simple roadblock of a few trees on a remote
section of Highway 671 in northwestern
Ontario. When a logging truck approached,
two of them stood in front of it and
brought it to a halt. The blockaders, from
the nearby Grassy Narrows First Nation
reserve (Asubpeeschoseewagong Netum
Anishinabek), informed the driver logging
on their territory was no longer permitted.
After some argument, the truck turned
around. That incident marked the begin-
ning of Canadas longest-running blockade,
which celebrated its 11th year last Decem-
ber.
For years the community had asked
the Ontario government to respect their
concerns about the increase in clear-cut
logging on their traditional territory, but
nothing changed. Their territory, 2,500
square kilometres of lakes, rivers and
forests north of Kenora, had been the
home of the Grassy Narrows people for as
long as anyone knew. Despite the intru-
sions of industry and settlers over the last
few decades, the community has managed
to continue living close to the land. Many
hunt and fsh as a primary source of suste-
nance, and are emotionally and spiritually
tied to their homelandthe source of their
history and identity.
The original blockade, near Slant Lake,
was little more than a stick with a sign
on it on a logging road, guarded day and
night by members of the community. Soon,
however, a school for teaching cultural
knowledge sprang up, an enclosure for
the sacred fre was built and the blockade
became the site of a cultural and political
rebirth for the community. Once winter
set in, the physical roadblock was only
maintained occasionally, but it expanded
into a larger campaign that took the battle
to government and AbitibiBowater ofces
in Kenora.
In 2008, the American paper company
Boise announced it would only buy mate-
rial sourced from the Grassy Narrows area
if it was harvested accord-
ing to sustainable forestry
standards. That same year, AbitibiBowater
announced it would stop logging in the
area. In 2011, the Ontario Superior Court
ruled that the province could not authorize
logging in Grassy Narrows traditional
hunting and fshing territories according
to Treaty 3, the agreement signed between
the Ojibwe Nation and the Federal govern-
ment in 1873.
But in 2012, the Ontario Court of
Appeals overturned that ruling, opening
the door for further clear-cutting. This
past December, Premier Kathleen Wynnes
government announced a ten-year forest
management plan for the Whiskey Jack
forest, which encompasses Grassy Nar-
rows traditional territories, permitting
extensive logging. This was an especially
bitter pill for the community to swallow,
given that Wynne had visited the reserve in
2012 as Minister of Aboriginal Afairs and
promised to improve relations between the
government and the First Nation.
Weyerhaeuser, a forest products
multinational, has the most to gain from
clear-cutting in the Whiskey Jack. Accord-
ing to their public position statement on
the Grassy Narrows issue, their state-of-
the-art lumber mill depends on a long-
term, sustainable supply of hardwood from
the Whiskey Jack forest for about thirty
percent of its requirements. The company
claims that they contribute $60 million a
year and 1,000 jobs to the regional econ-
omy, and in this context, Wynnes plan is
supposed to balance economic interests
with respect for recreational and heritage
values. In the current political atmosphere
of economic anxiety, however, economic
growth is weighed heavily against the
health of a small aboriginal community.
The plan was promoted by Wynnes Min-
ister of Natural Resources, David Orazietti,
who in November 2013 claimed there are
no planned harvest blocks located within
the Grassy Narrows self-identifed Tradi-
tional Land Use Area. This turned out to
be false, with 34 of the plans cut blocks
clearly falling within the communitys ter-
ritory.
Craig Benjamin, an Amnesty Interna-
tional campaigner for the rights of Indig-
enous peoples, spoke to The Dominion via
email. The whole ideology that pits Indig-
enous rights versus jobs is fundamentally
misleading, said Benjamin. The clash
that exists today is the product of govern-
ment decisions that denied the people of
Grassy Narrows a real and meaningful
voice in the management of their own
lands. This clash could have been avoided
if their rights had been respected from the
beginning.
The Ontario Ministry of Natural
Resources (MNR), when asked how essen-
tial the government deemed the commu-
nitys consent, pointed out that planned
harvest operations nearest to Grassy
Narrows have been deferred to the second
phase of planning (2017-2022) to allow for
ongoing discussions to continue with the
community. Nonetheless, Wynnes plan
calls for the expansion and acceleration of
logging over the long run.
The MNR insists that it has made a
considerable efort to include the com-
munity in their preparation of the plan.
However, an independent forest audit
released in 2010, commissioned according
to the provinces own regulations, reviewed
forest management of the Whiskey Jack
and concluded that the only way to resolve
the dispute was to relinquish signifcant
authority to the First Nation to manage
portions of the Whiskey Jack Forest
according to the desires of the GNFN
[Grassy Narrows First Nation] commu-
nity.
The Whiskey Jack is a massive area,
twice the size of Prince Edward Island:
10,000 square kilometres of forests com-
posed of economically valuable species of
Jack pine, spruce, poplar and birch. Due
to clear-cutting, less than 10 per cent of
the Whiskey Jack is mature forest over 60
years old. Within Grassy Narrows terri-
tory, 75 per cent had already been clear-cut
when logging stopped in 2008.
J.B. Fobister, a spokesman for Grassy
Narrows, said that logging was not always
as destructive as it is today, (clear-cutting
was introduced in the mid-1970s). In
4
First Peoples
Logging the Whiskey Jack
Grassy Narrows 11-year struggle faces new challenges
by Steven Henry Martin
The Dominion March/April 2014
55
First Peoples
addition, said Fobister, loggers used to get
on well with the community, living of the
land in camps with their families. Fobister
recalled loggers inviting members of the
community for meals and movies when
he was a child. At that time, logging was
more selective and mature forests were left
intact.
The communitys struggle to have its
traditional territories respected is a matter
of survival. In 1963, the government
persuaded them to relocate their reserve
to a more accessible location where they
would be provided with modern amenities
like electricity, indoor plumbing and an
on-reserve school. Irreparable harm came
to the community almost immediately.
From 1962 to 1970, Dryden Chemi-
cals dumped roughly 9,000 kilograms
of mercury into the Wabigoon-English
River, efuent from their paper processing
operation. The mercury was absorbed by
the fsh, which were eaten as a staple by
the Grassy Narrows community. Although
ordered by the provincial government to
cease dumping mercury in 1970, mercury
poisoning, which causes severe physiologi-
cal and neurological damage, had already
begun to devastate the community. To this
day, some children are born with birth
defects.
In addition, access to modern amenities
also brought modern crises: unemploy-
ment now reaches 80 per cent on the
reserve, and alcoholism, violence and
suicide have become widespread problems.
According to documentary flmmaker
Bob Rodgers and community member
Ivy Keewatin, in an article published in
The Literary Review of Canada in 2009,
their way of life before being moved to the
reserve was much healthier and happier: in
the 1950s, 90 per cent of deaths were due
to natural causes and only 10 per cent to
violence or suicide. In the 1970s, a decade
after moving to the reserve, those numbers
were practically inverted: 80 per cent of
deaths were attributable to violence, 20
per cent to natural causes.
In spite of these hardships, Grassy
Narrows has seen many victories and
moments of bravery. J.B. Fobisters
favourite memory is of a night when he
was manning the blockade with two boys
around 10 or 12 years old. Fobister decided
to take his truck and get some food, and
told the boys to stay and tend the fre. I
guess while I was gone these two little boys
were discussing what theyre going to do if
a truck had come, Fobister recounted.
They start planning and they agreed,
Well, we said were going to protect the
land and thats what were going to do.
It was kind of late evening, it was getting
dark, Im on my way back and my lights
were on and I guess they saw the lights
coming. They jumped into action and I see
these two little boys holding these sticks
like a spear and they jumped in front of
me. It was something to see those two
little boys. They thought they could stop a
truck.
It was this kind of idealism from the
young people of Grassy Narrows that
started the original blockade. Over the
years it has changed place and shape
from the frst tree in the road, but it has
remained efective in keeping logging
of their land, despite the persistence of
forestry multinationals and successive
governments.
Steven Henry Martin is a social
worker and writer out of
Peterborough, Ontario.
Eleven years after the frst bockades went up, Grassy Narrows First Nation continues to fght to protect the Whiskey Jack forest and their traditional
territory. Photo by Steven Henry Martin
6
The Dominion March/April 2014
Militarization
MEXICO CITYThe beginning of 2014
marked the 20th anniversary of the
Zapatista uprising in Mexico, but instead
of focusing on the ongoing revolutionary
work of Indigenous people and their allies
in the south of the country, the eyes of
Canadians and people around the world
were on the state of Michoacn.
In mid-January, thousands of federal
troops and police entered the Tierra
Caliente region of Michoacn and stormed
smaller villages, in an attempt to disarm
self-defence groups. Local and global
media carried striking images of fed-
eral forces confronting local people who
displayed a variety of weapons, dressed
in mismatched shirts, their faces covered
with kerchiefs or swatches of fabric.
These are citizens who have had people
from their communities murdered, who
have been extorted and who have come
out to defend themselves, said Javier
Sicilia, one of Mexicos leading peace
activists, in an interview with The Domin-
ion. This is a case of civilian defence
facing a state that cannot give it that which
a state must give its citizens: peace and
security.
The self-defence groups have sprung up
across the state of Michoacn in an upris-
ing of organizations composed mostly of
farmers and ranchers fed up with unfet-
tered kidnappings, extortions and murders
carried out by crime groups in collusion
with the state.
Commentators and community mem-
bers alike say these self-defence groups
have succeeded where the Mexican army
and police have failed, forcing out the
organized crime groups whose
activities in the region go far
beyond drug trafcking and include terri-
torial encroachment on fertile and forested
lands.
These recent actions by government
forces in Michoacn point to conficted
and confusing relationships between the
Mexican government and the self-defence
groups. First they regarded them with
suspicion, then they backed them up, pro-
tected them, guarded them, and then they
repressed them, said Alejandro Hope, of
the Mexican Institute for Competitiveness
(IMCO), in an interview in Mexico City.
Instead of targeting the drug cartel,
in mid-January federal troops began
confronting local communities, in order
to disarm the self-defence groups. Most
recently, Mexican forces allegedly opened
fre on a crowd holding its ground in an
attempt to prevent the disarming of the
local self-defence group in Nueva Italia,
just outside Apatzingn, causing two to
four deaths. (The number of deaths is dis-
puted by locals and government ofcials.)
The recent standofs in Mexico arent
lacking external involvement, including
that of the Canadian government. In addi-
tion to Ottawas involvement in training
Mexican police, reported in detail in The
Dominion in 2013, Canada has quietly
become embroiled in Mexicos military
afairs over the past few years.
The frst trilateral meeting of defence
ministers from Canada, Mexico and the
US took place in March 2012. In addition,
Canada and Mexico participate in the US
Northern Command (NORTHCOM).
Ottawas increased support of the Mexi-
can army comes as the number of dead
in the drug war, now in its seventh year,
continues to rise. Were talking about
100,000 dead. Those are ofcial fgures,
and then there are those that have been
killed more recentlythe war continues,
like in the case of Michoacn, we have
no idea how many dead there are, said
Sicilia. There are no trustworthy numbers
of the dead or disappeared.
According to the Canadian Press,
exports of Canadian weapons and ammu-
nition to Mexico climbed by 93 per cent
between 2011 and 2012.
This increased investment is bucking
the trend in terms of Canadas military
exports. Half of what we produce is
exported. Eighty per cent of that goes to
the United States. If you add allies of the
US and Canada, NATO countries, coun-
tries that were active in fghting in Iraq
and Afghanistan, the value of Canadian
exports to those countries is almost 100
per cent, said Richard Sanders of Coali-
tion to Oppose the Arms Trade.
In December 2013, Abbotsfords Cas-
cade Aerospace announced a contract
with the Mexican army to overhaul two
airplanes. This contract will employ 70
Canadians full time for a full year. And
while tensions in Mexico have been esca-
lating, Canadian military contractor CAE
announced a new contract to provide a
fight simulator to the Mexican Air Force.
The war profteering of Canadian
companies, encouraged by Ottawas close
relationships with Mexicos police and
armies, is something that should be under
a spotlight as killings of civilians by the
police and army continue in Mexico.
Dawn Paley is a journalist from Vancouver
(Coast Salish Territories). Her work is online
at dawnpaley.ca. Illustration by freexero.com
Canada Arms Mexico
As conict in Michoacn carries on, Canadian companies serve Mexican Army
by Dawn Paley
The Dominion March/April 2014
7
Energy
WINNIPEGManitoba Hydro Interna-
tional (MHI), a wholly owned interna-
tional subsidiary of Manitoba Hydro, is
taking part in a controversial deal to ulti-
mately privatize Nigerias publicly owned
power utility.
MHI will manage the Transmission
Company of Nigeria (TCN) for a period of
three years under a management contract
with the government of Nigeria and the
Bureau of Public Enterprises. MHI was
ofered the contract in September 2012.
Under the contract MHI will restructure
the transmission company and prepare it
for eventual privatization. Manitoba Hydro
International expects to make $23.7 mil-
lion from the deal.
The process of privatization of the power
sector in Nigeria began in 2006 under
the administration of former president
Olusegun Obasanjo. The Nigerian govern-
ment has since split up the Power Holding
Company of Nigeria into six generation
frms and eleven distribution frms, the
TCN being one of them.
Kola Ibrahim, a labour activist based
in Nigeria, doesnt have high hopes for
private management.
Privatization has failed Nigeria woe-
fully, Ibrahim told The Dominion in
a telephone interview. Even the vice-
president of the country has come out and
said that 80 per cent of private companies
in Nigeria have failed, which shows that
privatization itself is not an attempt to
improve the situation but to feed on the
rottenness.
MHI project manager Nigel Wills claims
that with private sector investment, ef-
ciencies will be introduced into the current
system, creating greater access to electric-
ity for Nigerians, especially those in rural
areas. At the end of the day, we make a
fnancial contribution to Manitoba Hydros
bottom line as well, which means that that
money goes towards keeping the ratepay-
ers payments here in Manitoba a little bit
lower, Wills told The Dominion.
Even though its underway, the agree-
ment with MHI has been mired in
controversy for the past several months.
The Nigerian government is currently
reviewing the contract with
MHI due to concerns that
the company cant deliver on
its mandate and that MHI
has taken unilateral and
undemocratic decisions in
the management of TCN.
The review comes amidst
the resignation of the chair-
man of the supervisory
board of the TCN, engineer
Hamman Tukur. In an
interview with the Daily
Trust, Tukur states that
MHI was allowed to make
the unilateral decision to
appoint the companys chief
executive ofcer, which
should be the responsibility
of the president of TCN. In
another infraction, according
to Tukur, MHI assumed sole
control of TCN bank accounts
and day-to-day running of the
company without supervisory
oversight.
While it may seem bizarre to Manito-
bans that a subsidiary of Manitoba Hydro
is helping to privatize services elsewhere,
the phenomenon is nothing new. MHI
has been involved in over 70 diferent
countries, the majority of which are in the
global south.
Its not unusual for us to be in develop-
ing countries and certainly not unusual
for those countries to be in sub-Saharan
Africa, says Wills, adding that MHI is also
currently managing the Liberia Electric-
ity Corporation, has completed work in
Sierra Leone and has an ongoing project in
Uganda.
MHIs role around the world is to pro-
vide training, consulting and management
services to governments, Wills told The
Dominion. MHI does not own or invest in
any infrastructure in these countries.
David McDonald, professor of Interna-
tional Development at Queens University,
told The Dominion that the issue is in fact
very widespread. Its not just limited to
Manitoba Hydro in Canada. Hydro-Qu-
bec, for example, has been involved since
the late 70s all over the world in these
kinds of operations.
Whats interesting is when you read
the local news, people protesting against
privatization, they dont diferentiate
between so-called public companies
coming in to run their service from a pri-
vate company. They are perceived of and
operate as any other private multinational
corporation when they are outside of their
country. And yet, they will sometimes
quite coyly celebrate their publicness
at home, and one has to really question
what the motivations are behind it, said
McDonald.
The ultimate results for people in Nige-
ria have yet to be seen and will play out in
the next years. Here at home, one has to
wonder if the Manitobans who support a
public power utility would object to their
low rates being subsidized by the kinds of
projects they would resist at home.
Scott Price is a volunteer at CKUW 95.9 FM
and a graduate of the University of
Winnipeg. Scott tweets as @PriceScott91.
Public Utilities Exporting Privatization
Manitoba Hydro involved in controversial power-sector privatization in Nigeria and beyond
by Scott Price
Manitoba Hydro International is fipping the switch on public
power. Illustration by Kathryn Johnson
8
The Dominion March/April 2014
In the aftermath of
9/11, I joined Indyme-
dia to produce videos
about protests against
the war in Afghanistan.
The Independent
Media Center (IMC,
or Indymedia), a decentralized network
of radical journalists which emerged from
the antiWorld Trade Organization (WTO)
demonstrations in Seattle, had become a
worldwide phenomenon. When the United
States was beating the drums of war, IMC
centers became the megaphones for anti-
war mobilizations.
The anarchists who stafed the centres
introduced me to a new world of flmmak-
ing that changed my life forever. Watch-
ing Breaking the Spell, a flm about the
WTO protests flled with riot porn, I
kept thinking to myself, can they really
do that? I was so inspired I immedi-
ately decided this was the type of media I
wanted to make.
Those flms were so exciting because
they were unapologetic about their poli-
tics. Anarchists were at the forefront of the
action, not the cops or politicians. They
displayed a creative celebration of move-
ment victories and radical culture, normal-
izing sentiments in which I had previously
felt alone.
Ten years later, the world
of anarchist flmmaking I
envisioned has not come
to fruition. After seeing the
rapid global spread of IMCs, I
imagined that anarchists from
all over the world would pick
up cheap cameras and pirated
copies of Final Cut Pro and
unleash a new wave of radical
cinema. To be sure, the growth
of citizen journalism has had
a signifcant efect on world
politics. But radical anarchist
cinema doesnt mean eyewitness
video reports of police brutality or live
streamed protest events.
Im talking about flms that present big
ideas or narratives of anarchist utopias
odes to fallen comrades, dramatizations
of past battles or documentaries that are
unambiguous about their political ideals.
Take the whole flm spectrum and view it
through an anarchist lens.
What the hell happened? One factor
is that the desire of flmmakers to reach
larger audiences led many to bury their
politics and choose topics that are accept-
able to network television gatekeepers.
We are left with talented radical flm-
makers making documentaries about
human rights abuses, environmental
destruction, war and sweatshop labour.
Films about these subjects may be impor-
tant, practical and in some instances can
make organizing popular education events
easier. Discussions that follow can often
kick-start community engagement.
But people are tired of seeing flms
that talk about how fucked up this or that
situation is, yet never fre people up, or
inspire us to be unashamed of our desire
for impossible worlds.
Historically and today, anarchists have
been good at publishing and distributing
written works. Websites about anarchist
struggles, theory and history abound. But
when you look for contemporary flms
made by anarchists, the list is short.
As an anarchist flmmaker, I understand
that making radical flms is not an easy
endeavour. The hurdles include funding
and distribution, the same obstacles that
lead flmmakers to follow the predefned
paths of grant writing, flm festivals and
broadcast deals. But Ive been able to
crank out radical flms consistently for the
past ten yearsso, it can be done.
Here are a few suggestions about how to
go about the process:
1. Share your knowledge. Accomplished
anarchist flmmakers can mentor and
teach skills, saving would-be flmmakers a
lot of trouble by sharing their experiences,
technical know-how and past mistakes.
2. Create visibility. Organize screen-
ings and festivals of anarchist flms. The
Chicago Anarchist Film Festival is a great
example of how we can promote radical
cinema to audiences outside our milieu.
3. Mutual Aid. Crowdfunding has been
instrumental in getting many indie flm
projects made. If you see an anarchist flm
project needing fnancial assistance and
have a few bucks to spare, kick it their way.
4. Think big! We saw how Indymedia
revolutionized online media publishing
before blogs or YouTube even existed. We
have incredibly creative minds in our com-
munities. How about a global collaborative
flm distribution network for anarchist
flms?
For the past few years, interest in anar-
chism has grown vigorously. Powerful and
rousing flms can help turn on a new gen-
eration of people to the most exciting and
liberating political philosophy in history.
Franklin Lopez hosts submedia.tv where his
flms may be viewed for free.
This abridged article reprinted courtesy of
Fifth Estate.
Anarchist flmmaker Gregory Hall (centre) on the set for
Bruised (2012). Photo courtesy of the Circled A Show
Vancouver Media Co-op
Whatever Happened to
Anarchist Filmmaking?
Reecting on ten years behind the camera
by Frank Lopez
The Dominion March/April 2014
9
Longtime homeless campers pack up under pressure from local police.
Vancouver Media Co-op
for the holidays
ABBOTSFORD, BC Four days
before Christmas in this bible belt
community outside Vancouver, and
theres no room for the homeless. The
City of Abbotsford followed through
on its crusade against homeless
campers, kicking them out of their last refuge.
Local police enforced a court order to dismantle a tent
village located in an unused city-owned parking lot. A
group of homeless people had been camping at the site
since October, calling for a dignity village similar to
projects in other cities. Police presence was high until the
fnal half-dozen campers lefttheir belongings packed
up in City trucks and taken of for storage.
The judge who issued the court order reportedly only
agreed on the strength of City promises that all the
homeless would be houseda pledge those at the site
called bullshit. While a few found temporary spaces in
local shelters, the rest had nowhere to go and said they
planned to stick together to set up a new camp some-
where in the bush outside of town.
The City of Abbotsford has waged a relentless cam-
paign against the homeless that has included police
surveillance, City crews spraying chicken shit on one
campsite, police slashing tents and spraying them with
pepper spray at another and eviction notices issued
through the courts.
Story and photos by murray bush - fux photo
10
The Dominion March/April 2014
LONDON, UKWhen many Canadians
think about their pensions, they think
about a long-deserved break, a chance
to relax, a well-earned thank you for a
lifetime of hard work. But the money that
funds their monthly retirement cheques
is dirtier than they realize, with links to
some of the most destructive and polluting
companies in the world.
Over 18 million Canadians contribute to
the Canada Pension Plan (CPP), making
it one of the 10 largest pension funds in
the world. In 2013 the Canada Pension
Plan Investment Board (CPPIB) managed
$192.8 billion in assets on behalf of CPP
contributors, with billions invested in Big
Pharma, in the arms trade and in energy
and extractive companies implicated in
conficts around the globe.
At the same time, the CPPIB had $1.03
billion invested in one of the worlds dirti-
est industriescoal production, with $471
million invested in three of the worlds top
10 coal producers: Peabody Energy, BHP
Billiton and Anglo American. The CPPIBs
largest coal-related investments are in
companies based in Britain, Australia and
Canada.
Coal-fred power plants are collectively
the worlds largest source of greenhouse
gas emissions, making coal a major issue
in the fght against climate change. A
report released in November 2013 by a
coalition of leading climate and energy
scientists stated that in order to avoid
exceeding a two-degree Celsius rise in
global temperatures, the majority of the
worlds coal reserves must be left in the
ground.
Releasing the carbon from all known
coal reserves would, on its own, double
what the authors call the global carbon
budget. This is the amount of carbon
the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate
Change estimates we can release into
the atmosphere without triggering
catastrophic climate change. On a
brighter note, the reports authors point
out that coal is the fossil fuel that can
most easily be replaced by near
zero carbon alternatives.
The CPPIBs single largest investment
in the coal industry is the $360 million
invested in English-Australian corporation
BHP Billiton, which according to a 2013
Forbes list is one of the largest mining
companies in the world. BHP Billiton
jointly owns Cerrejn, one of the worlds
largest open-pit coal mines, located on
the Guajira Peninsula in north-eastern
Colombia. BHPs partners in the Cerrejn
mine are British-based companies Anglo
American and Glencore Xstrata. The
CPPIB has $555 million invested in this
trio of companies.
The impact of Cerrejn has been
immensethe open-pit mine has devas-
tated thousands of hectares of Indigenous
Wayu land, impacting local waterways
and destroying natural habitats. Dust from
the mine has increased respiratory prob-
lems in nearby communities, and hun-
dreds of mine workers sufer from serious
health problems caused by inadequate
working conditions.
Entire Wayu and Afro-Colombian
communities have been displaced to make
way for the Cerrejn mine, and many
families have yet to receive appropriate
compensation from the company, accord-
ing to the World Development Movement.
In 2011, the Colombian-based company
responsible for managing the mine sought
permission to divert 26 kilometres of the
Ranchera River, the main river in La
Guajira province, in order to exploit coal
in the riverbed. Facing ferce local resis-
tance, the company eventually abandoned
the project, but other expansion works are
currently underway.
Yasmin Romero Epiayu is a member of
Fuerzas de Mujeres Wayu, a local wom-
ens organization that has campaigned
against the mine. When you speak of
open-pit mining, you cannot speak of sus-
tainable mining, much less of responsible
mining, she told The Dominion. [The
companies] violate the fundamental rights
of the people who live there, those who are
the owners of these territories.
So far, that hasnt stopped the CPP from
investing in the project.
The Canada Pension Plan boasts that it
practices responsible investing, but there
is nothing responsible about being so
deeply invested in an industry that is fuel-
ing climate change and putting Indigenous
communities in great danger, such as the
Wayu, said Jennifer Moore, the Latin
America program coordinator for Mining-
Watch Canada. I think if more Canadians
knew about this, they would be horrifed.
The CPPIB also has $22 million invested
in US-based Peabody Energy, the third
largest producer of coal in the world.
Peabody claims to fuel two per cent of
electricity worldwide and the company has
extensive coal mining operations through-
out the US, as well as owning assets in
Australia and Venezuela. In recent years,
the company sparked controversy by
shirking its obligation to provide pensions
to former coal miners. In 2007 Peabody
spun of coal mines in West Virginia and
Kentucky into an independently-traded
company called the Patriot Coal Corpora-
tion. While Patriot received a mere 13.3
per cent of Peabodys coal reserves, it
inherited 72 per cent of Peabodys health-
care liabilities.
Five years later, Patriot fled for bank-
ruptcy, jeopardizing the fnancial stability
and health care of 20,000 miners, former
miners and their families. Disruptions
to health-care provision can have seri-
ous impacts on coal miners, who not only
have an elevated risk of death and injury
while working, but also sufer high rates of
certain chronic diseases, especially black
lung (pneumoconiosis) and other respira-
tory illnesses.
Dr. Bruce Rader, an associate profes-
sor of fnance at Temple University, wrote
in a 2013 report entitled Designed to Fail
(the Case of Patriot Coal) that Patriot was
seemingly created to fail in the long-run,
thereby releasing Peabody from its former
liabilities to its workers. The United Mine
Workers of America (UMWA), a union
representing coal miners in the US and
Golden Years Go Grey
Canadas pension fund heavily invested in dirty coal
by Jen Wilton
Mining
The Dominion March/April 2014
11
Canada, fled a class action lawsuit against
Peabody in October 2012, on the basis of
a federal law that requires coal companies
to provide health insurance for retired
miners. The judge ultimately dismissed
the charges against Peabody, but the fght
to safeguard employee benefts continued
through the following year.
After more than a year of negotiations,
the UMWA fnally reached an agreement
with Peabody and Patriot in October 2013.
Peabody agreed to pay US$310 million
towards health-care benefts that were
originally worth US$600 million when
ofoaded to Patriot in 2007.
The examples of Peabody Energy and
BHP Billiton highlight some of the human
rights and employment issues that the
CPPIB tacitly supports. Yet even in purely
fnancial terms, investing in coal may be a
bad bet.
The CPPIB has a clear mandate to
maximize returns without undue risk of
loss. However, with global temperatures
rising and a growing list of environmen-
tal catastrophes linked to man-made
carbon emissions, many governments
face increasing pressure to restrict carbon
emissions.
If implemented, new restrictions and
initiatives like carbon taxation would
leave fossil fuel assets stranded on com-
pany balance sheets. According to think
tanks like the Canadian Centre for Policy
Alternatives (CCPA), this means fossil
fuel companies are currently overvalued
in terms of their true market worth, a
phenomenon that analysts refer to as the
carbon bubble.
Marc Lee, a senior economist with the
CCPA and co-director of the Climate Jus-
tice Project, said in an interview with The
Dominion that the overvaluation of fossil
fuel companies poses a serious problem
for asset managers. It means that some
of the assets in your portfolio are rated
AAA, but they are subprime toxic junk,
Lee explained. By holding onto them you
are actually exposing your benefciaries
or your clients to the risk of a collapse in
share prices.
The CPPIB was unavailable to provide
comment, but pointed to their Responsible
Investing policy, which states, [w]e con-
sider and integrate both [Environmental,
Social and Governance (ESG)] risks and
opportunities into our investment analy-
sis, rather than eliminating investments
based on ESG factors alone. According to
a 2013 CPPIB report, the board is involved
in initiatives to improve company report-
ing on greenhouse gas emissions, but it is
unclear whether this has led to changes in
organizational practices.
Campaigns to discourage investment in
carbon-intensive industries have gath-
ered momentum in Canada in recent
years. Divestment is about taking away
the social license of the fossil fuel indus-
try, and with it, taking away the political
power theyve used to act with impunity,
polluting politics and undermining climate
action, Cameron Fenton, national direc-
tor of the Canadian Youth Climate Coali-
tion, told The Dominion.
While investors continue to debate the
fnancial implications of the so-called
carbon bubble, communities located
near coal mines live with the immediate
environmental degradation associated
with one of the worlds most polluting
industries.
As Colombian Indigenous leader
Romero asked, What will they do when
the worlds biodiversity is destroyed?
While the banks are full of money, what
will they plant when the world no longer
functions?
Jen Wilton is a freelance journalist and re-
searcher who regularly writes about global
mining issues. Jen tweets as @guerillagrrl
and blogs at RevolutionIsEternal.wordpress.
com.
Coal mining leads to elevated risks of black lung and other respiratory diseases.
Illustration by Mika Barrington-Bush
Mining
12
The Dominion March/April 2014
BROWARD COUNTY, FLORIDA
Corporations and wealthy investors have
been buying up the glut of homes repos-
sessed by banks since the subprime
mortgage crisis began in the US in 2007,
netting bungalows for the price of a pickup
truck and then renting them back to locals.
An investigation by The Dominion shows
that many of those new landlords in the
hardest-hit neighbourhoods are Canadi-
ansa pattern thats especially visible in
Florida.
I started my research in Broward
County, an area most famous for its
metropolis, Fort Lauderdale. This winter
getaway destination was hit so hard by
the housing crash and recession that it
reached number seven on the 2012 Forbes
list of Americas Most Miser-
able Cities. Its also one of
the most popular places in Florida for
Canadian buyers, according to a survey of
realtors. It seems that Canadians are turn-
ing from snowbirds to vultures in South
Florida.
The Broward County Property Appraiser
provided me with a list of every property
with an owner whose mailing address is in
Canada. There were about 20,000 proper-
ties in Broward, and the vast majority
about 70 per centwere purchased after
the housing market collapse of 2007. Plug-
ging these addresses into a Google Map
shows a scattering of properties practically
everywhere from the Atlantic beachfront to
the afuent suburbs near the Everglades
and the low-income minority communities
sandwiched between the expressways.
Showing the map on my laptop to Jef
Weinberger, a member of Occupy Our
Homes-Fort Lauderdalea group fghting
foreclosureshe suggested we visit South
Middle River, a predominantly black
neighbourhood where a dozen Canadian-
owned bungalows were clustered within a
square mile.
Weinberger called the investor activ-
ity a double-whammy for working-class
people. The frst part of it was the depre-
ciation of home values, and people getting
foreclosed, he said. The second whammy
is investors swooping in and making prof-
its of the misery of these people whove
been foreclosed.
It seems that Canadians are
turning from snowbirds to
vultures in South Florida
SNOWBIRDS AFTER THE STORM
In post-crash Florida, Canadians are part of a growing class of landlords
by David Gordon Koch
A sun-seeker feeds gulls on Hollywood Beach, an area of Florida known for its popularity among Canadian snowbirds. Just a few kilometres inland are
low-income minority areas hit hard by the collapse and now targeted by real estate investors. Photo by Neal Rockwell
Cover Story
The Dominion March/April 2014
13
For Rent signs multiplied as we
entered an area of South Middle River
where between 20 and 40 per cent of all
people live below the poverty line, accord-
ing to US Census Bureau estimates. We
pulled up outside a boarded-up house
with an overgrown lawn. The property was
surrounded by a high chain-link fence.
A businessman from Markham, Ontario,
named Kevin Guidolin bought the place in
2012 for $30,300.
When I called up Guidolin one after-
noon, he said hes among a group of
investors buying multiple houses through
a company, but he wouldnt disclose the
number of properties or the companys
name. That house in South Middle River,
he said, is the only one I believe I have in
my own name.
What were doing is were buying them
directly from the bank, and then rehab-
bing them and putting renters in them,
and selling them, said Guidolin, who
owns two pavement-maintenance frms.
He said he was excited about the invest-
ment scheme, and that fnding renters was
easy, but declined to comment further.
Locate, evaluate, buy and renovate.
Then collect the rent and sell high. Its the
basic investment formula shared by huge
corporations and small-time entrepre-
neurs alike. The foreclosure crisis yielded
not only a glut of cheap houses, but a
huge uptick in the renter population. The
number of US renter households increased
by 1.1 million in 2012 alone, according to a
June 2013 study by Harvards Joint Center
for Housing Studies.
The homes of South Florida have come
to embody the grim paradoxes of this
process. Many of the simple one-story
bungalows in poor neighbourhoods like
South Middle River sold for upwards of
$200,000 just before the market col-
lapsed. Once foreclosure was complete,
investors bought those same homes for a
fraction of that price.
Take the case of Mike Iraheta, a heavy-
equipment mechanic living near the
Federal Highway in a Broward County
subdivision called Pompano Beach.
Iraheta grew up in Detroit, but jobs
were scarce by 1992, so he went to South
Florida to work on rebuilding houses rav-
aged by Hurricane Andrew.
He liked the weather and bought a
house, making payments on time for six
years. One day, he was fxing the hydrau-
lic line on a concrete mixing truck when
oil spilled onto the steel platform. He
slipped, fell fve feet and twisted his leg.
His employer, a multinational building-
products company, disputed his workers
compensation claim. It was three months
before he could start working again, and
another fve before he won a lawsuit
against the company and got his insurance
money.
When I knocked on his door one day, he
invited me into his living room, where he
recalled phoning the mortgage company
after his injury. They just said, No prob-
lem, well work with ya! Three months
later the house was in foreclosure. They
got me on a blindside there, he said.
He managed to sell the place before the
foreclosure was complete, saving his credit
rating. But he walked away with almost
nothinghe even lost the truck he was
making payments on at the timeand has
been a renter ever since.
Irahetas foreclosure experience took
place back in 2000, foreshadowing the
coming foreclosure crisis. Today, he rents
a house that someone named Tiesha
Duncan bought for $320,000 in 2006.
Wells Fargo foreclosed on Duncans
mortgage in 2010. The bank then sold the
house to an investor based in the Greater
Toronto Area, a company called Way
Sing Inc. The company, which owns eight
homes in Broward, paid less than $56,000
for the house in 2010.
And yet, Iraheta told me he prefers rent-
ing. He can move whenever he wants, and
the property management company deals
with repairs. But like other renters I met
in Florida, he also expressed wariness of
banks. Its all corporate stuf, and corpo-
rate is cold-hearted, he said. Youre just
like a little ant on a hill. Theyre just going
to knock you over.
The towers and high-tension wires of a
power station loom above Sample Road,
an arterial route forming a northern
boundary of the Pompano Beach subdivi-
sion. Nearly 65 per cent of all homes here
were owner-occupied in 20052007, but
that fgure slid to 56.5 per cent by 2010
2012, according to estimates from the US
Census Bureau. Thats a decline of at least
2,384 homes.
Mass evictions enforced by banks and
police seem to have cultivated a sense
of fear about homeownership in neigh-
bourhoods like Pompano Beach and
South Middle River. For the new class of
landlords in post-crash Americainclud-
ing those Canadians collecting monthly
rent paymentsthat trauma is good for
business.
But the investors I spoke to tended
to see their activities in a positive light:
they claim to be boosting South Floridas
depressed economy by hiring local real
estate agents and contractors, who repair
the urban blight. Generally, the investors
also hire a property manager who selects
the tenants, collects the rent and main-
tains the properties.
Fred Reimer runs an advertising sig-
nage business in Mississauga. After the
crash, he bought three houses in South
Middle River for an average price of about
$55,000. The empty houses had been
looted and needed renovations, so he hired
a contractor to fx them up.
Im providing a nice home that some-
body can enjoy, said Reimer, when asked
how he would respond to those who resent
investors for profting from the crash.
And I worked hard to get the money to
get where I am, so I have no feelings of
guilt for fxing up a dilapidated house.
Theres no denying that these com-
munities are in need of cash. And yet,
this need reveals the dystopian realities
of post-crash America: urban decay and
unemployment. In the same way, the
opportunity for proft results directly from
the massive transfer of wealth away from
crash-stricken communities.
The landlords who agreed to speak with
me were generally small-time investors
like Reimer who bought a
Cover Story
Lizards crawled through
tall grass outside empty
foreclosed bungalows, now
owned by banks or recently
purchased by investors for
as little as $30,000
Locate, evaluate, buy and
renovate. Then collect the
rent, and sell high
14
The Dominion March/April 2014
handful of properties after the crash. Com-
munity organizers like Weinberger tend
to be less concerned about these small
landlords than with their larger counter-
parts: corporations like Blackstone, a New
York-based private investment frm that
has spent $7.5 billion to purchase 40,000
foreclosed and distressed homes since
the crash, according to a December 2013
report by the Atlanta, Georgia, chapter of
Occupy Our Homes.
The largest Canadian holdings I came
across in Broward County were those of
Toronto businessman Andy DeFrancesco,
CEO of Delavaco Properties, who told me
his company planned to buy 1,500 fore-
closed or distressed single-family homes
in 2013. DeFrancesco declined to answer
multiple interview requests after our brief
phone conversation in February 2013, but
he confrmed that his company by then
already owned nearly 100 properties in
Broward alone.
Another bubble may be looming over
South Florida as demand by
big investors like Delavaco and Blackstone
causes real estate prices to jerk upwards
and stimulates new construction, said
South Florida real estate analyst Jack
McCabe when I spoke to him in September
2013. He described the growth of invest-
ment in single-family homes by investors
who pay with cashas a paradigm shift
in the Florida housing market.
The foreclosure crisis produced the
chance for investors to create large-scale
house rental corporations for the frst time,
he said, since companies are able to buy
huge numbers of single-family dwellings
in close proximity. This makes the work of
property management more efcient.
By September, the level of all-cash
transactions had reached between 40 and
50 per cent of all sales, he said, compared
to about 10 per cent before the crash.
Those investors include hedge funds,
corporations, and high net worth indi-
viduals, including a lot of Canadians, he
said, adding that Blackstone appears to be
overbidding to make the value of cheaper
properties go up. It looks like another
bubble.
Its hard to know exactly how much
Canadian money is going into the Florida
foreclosure market. The houses belonging
to Delavaco, for example, werent included
in my list of 20,000 or so Canadian-owned
addresses in Broward County, since the
purchases go through a Fort Lauderdale-
based company.
But a July 2012 report by the US
National Association of Realtors found
that Canadians accounted for the largest
share of foreign sales in Florida. This is
no small matter, because foreign investors
altogether accounted for more than $10
billion in sales in the state, almost 20 per
Cover Story
We always be the renters, said South Middle River resident Tyrese Smith, 14. His Fort Lauderdale neighbourhood is part of a swath of South Florida,
located between expressways, where subprime loans were concentrated. Photo by Neal Rockwell
The foreclosure crisis
yielded not only a glut
of cheap houses, but a
huge uptick in the renter
population
The Dominion March/April 2014
15
cent of the entire residential market there
between 2011 and 2012.
Canadians were more likely than buyers
from Brazil or the United Kingdom to buy
cheaper properties: about 28 per cent of
Canadians bought homes for less than
$100,000. And although most Canadians
bought vacation homes, nearly 17 per cent
intended to use their property uniquely as
a rental for investment. One respondent
to the survey wrote that Canadians are
looking for all types of income-producing
properties in Florida.
When I spoke to John Tuccillo, the chief
economist of Florida Realtors, he said
international investment has spiked since
the crash, largely due to the easy access to
credit of buyers in countries like Canada,
compared to the many Americans whose
credit was wiped out by foreclosure.
Theyve been foreclosed on, theyve
been kicked out of their house, so now
they have to rent until they restore their
credit. He said it was too early to predict
whether heightened rentership in America
was just temporary. Its possible, he said,
weve moved away from home ownership
on a systemic, generic basis.
A dozen or so peacocks were idling
in the shade near Powerline Road one
Sunday afternoon last February when I
returned to South Middle River to visit
that bungalow owned by Kevin Guidolin,
the pavement-maintenance businessman
from Markham, Ontario.
It was now being rented by a woman
named Nikki, who spoke to me from
behind the fence and asked to be identifed
only by her frst name. A single mother of
three children, she balked at the idea of
home ownership. The prospect of home-
lessness seemed to be a more immediate
concern.
Rent, she said, takes up a large part of
her income. Anywhere you go, where you
move in, the rent is not right, said Nikki.
Asked what she thought about investors
buying up foreclosed houses and renting
them out, she said, Its crazy.
Theyre sitting up there buying every-
thing, but they aint got no jobs down
here, said the 33-year-old woman. Who
are we to say something? Thats up to the
big people, right?
Like the hurricanes that seem to batter
the Florida coast more frequently than
ever these days, the economic forces
that govern peoples lives are out of their
control. The new reality is a reinforced
division between tenant and landlord, and
a lot of money going north.
This report is based on research conducted
by David Gordon Koch as a student in the
Master of Journalism program at Carleton
University. More stories drawn from his
research projectentitled Waiting for the
Next Hurricanecan be found on his blog,
fragmentofthunder.wordpress.com.
Cover Story
An excavator sits idle outside a derelict motel in Celebration, just outside of Orlando. In a state where Disneys Magic Kingdom exists just miles from
urban slums, the collapse sheds strange subtropical light on the uneasy relationship between fantasy and reality. Photo by Neal Rockwell
Another bubble may be
looming over South Florida
as demand by big investors
fuels speculation
16
The Dominion March/April 2014
KJIPUKTUK
(HALIFAX)The plight
of the incarcerated
members of the Mikmaq
Warriors Society has
made it clear that
there is currently no Indigenous-specifc
programming at the Southeast Regional
Correctional Centre (SRCC) in Shediac,
New Brunswick.
Denial of spiritual services in the pro-
vincial facility may be a breach of section
2 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and
Freedoms, which allows for freedom of
conscience and religion.
Coady Stevens, one of the Mikmaq
Warriors who was jailed following the
October 17, 2013 antishale gas raid, says
that denied spiritual access was only one
of many punishing elements that he faced
during incarceration.
First they put us in the hole, says
Stevens, referencing the name given to a
solitary confnement cell. Then they put
us in [a] medical [holding cell], which is
pretty much isolation. We were in there
for 23 hours a day and we were let out for
an hour or a half hour every day.
They split us up. There were six of us
[Warriors] and they put us into twos. They
put two of us into the hole. They put two
of us into the shoe. And they put two of
us into medical. Theyre all pretty much
the same thing, all pretty much the same
cell. Theres not much diference, just a
diferent name for it.
Stevens notes that each cell is about
nine feet long by seven feet wide.
He says that this solitary confnement
went on for between three weeks and a
month. During this time, he says, he had
no human contact except with the guards.
He also notes that he was not allowed to
call family members to let them know he
was safe.
It makes you go crazy, because the hole
is like the jail within the jail, he says. It
makes you feel like shit when youre in
there for three weeks straight. Especially
when youre thinking about whats going
on. And we had no contact. I kept asking
for a phone call to my mother, the last
thing she knew we were getting shot at
with rubber bullets. She didnt know if
they were real or not.
During this time in solitary, Stevens also
notes that he was strip-searched either six
or seven times. This is strange, as with
no contact with any other human being,
surely one strip search would have suf-
fced, if the intention was simply to exam-
ine whether the individual in question was
in possession of any contraband substance.
I was thinking: Why are we getting
searched? We cant bring anything in,
were already in the hole. Weve been
searched, how are we going to get some-
thing in there? says Stevens.
Random search, though, thats what
theyd say. Random search. And theyd
strip search you.
As for requesting spiritual guidance,
Stevens notes that he was refused spiritual
elders, despite making repeated requests.
I asked for [the presence of a spiritual
elder] several times, but they always gave
me the runaround, says Stevens. I asked
the chaplain, and he said Well, were
trying to get someone, but we cant really
fnd anyone. From what I understand they
were trying to get a volunteer, but it would
have been hard for them to get a volunteer
to come down on a regular basis.
I put in about fve written requests that
were on the record. Once they got back
to me. There was a time where I signed
it, along with six other inmates that were
native. And still nothing.
The SRCCs chaplain, however, appar-
ently was quick to ofer a holy bible to
Stevens.
It felt like the only way to pray was in a
diferent religion, says Stevens. I could
talk to the priest and the chaplain and
there was a prayer group. There were other
inmates that had prayer groups, but it was
through the holy bible.
The lasting efect of this experience, to
Stevens, is a loss of pride in himself, which
he is only beginning to regain now. The
invasiveness of repeated strip searches,
the isolation and the denial of spiritual
practices have cost Stevens his inner
peace.
I had that pride and that took a while
to build up, says Stevens. When they put
me in jail, that pride kind of went away.
Theyre strip-searching you and stuf,
spreading for the guard, and its a very
personal search, and you dont have any
pride after that. It kind of wore of, that
inner-peace feeling. Like I felt pretty good
about the tradition and people coming
together, and when I got out, all that was
gone.
Miles Howe is a member of the Halifax
Media Co-op and an editor with The
Dominion.
Stevens says he spent weeks in solitary
confnement and had random strip searches
forced upon him. Photo by anthonychammond via
fickr creative commons
Solitary and Sermons for Imprisoned
Mikmaq Warriors
No Indigenous spirituality, but strip searches, holy bibles and isolation in abundance
by Miles Howe
Halifax Media Co-op
The Dominion March/April 2014
17
Halifax Media Co-op
KJIPUKTUK
(HALIFAX)Nichele
Benns name has been
in the news a lot lately.
Benn is an intellectually
disabled young woman
who lives in an institutionalized setting at
the Quest Regional Rehabilitation Centre
in Lower Sackville. She has been charged
with assault with a weapon after she alleg-
edly threw a shoe and bit a staf member
during an argument.
This is not the frst run-in with the law
for Benn by a long shot. Seventeen police
interventions, seven incarcerations and
several assault charges and convictions
have preceded this latest charge.
Last month the media also reported
about Amanda Murphy, a 34-year-old
institutionalized woman from Truro. Her
father describes her as having the capac-
ity of a fve- to eight-year-old. Murphy
is set to be sentenced in an Antigonish
courthouse for pushing and striking an
employee of the institution where she
lives.
Advocates for people with intellectual
disabilities say that the criminal justice
system is not the place to deal with people
like Benn and Murphy. After all, they say,
these women are unable to control their
aggressive episodes. Charging them with
assault is simply not efective; in fact,
incarceration only makes their situations
worse.
Michelle Morgan-Coole is the mother
of two teenage daughters who live with
difering levels of disability. She is also a
Nova Scotia lawyer who blogs about the
legal aspects of issues facing people with
disabilities and their caregivers.
It amazes me and it scares me as a
parent how much people dont get it, said
Morgan-Coole. That is really scary. If
Nichele were to end up in jail, and I hope
to God that doesnt happen, that some-
body has some sense, but if she does, yes,
I totally see the comparison with Ashley
Smith.
Ashley Smith is a teenager who died by
self-inficted strangulation while incarcer-
ated in Ontario. Smith, diagnosed with
various developmental disorders, spent
her last four years almost entirely in jail.
At one time Benn was enrolled in
Mental Health Court (MHC), a fairly new
approach designed to support people
with mental health issues who have been
charged with a criminal ofense. But MHC
was deemed not to work for Benn, and it
wasnt long before she was moved back
into the regular criminal justice system.
They kicked her out because her
behaviour continued while she was still in
the [MHC] process, said Morgan-Coole.
So then she was no longer eligible. That
makes no sense. These people have mental
health issues, you cant say stop doing
that and expect it to stick.
Whats generally not understood is what
it is like to be forced to live in an institu-
tion and how that contributes to aggres-
sive behaviour.
One of these times Nichele was
charged, it was because she slapped
another resident who had repeatedly spit
in her face. How would you and I deal with
that? Morgan-Coole asked. How would
you and I do, locked up in an institution?
Both Benns mother and Murphys
father believe that if staf had handled the
aggressive episodes diferently, the situa-
tion would never have escalated.
Jean Coleman, the executive director of
the Nova Scotia Association of Community
Living (NSACL), an advocacy group for
people with intellectual disabilities, agrees
that warehousing people in institutions is
part of the problem.
If people had a choice about where they
live, and with whom, then I dont think
we would see these extreme behaviours,
said Coleman. It is about being able to be
where, and with whom, you want. If it is
what the individual wants, then I think it
is going to be a much better outcome.
Coleman believes that it is very difcult
to defuse aggressive episodes in institu-
tions.
In a large institution, what are the
chances of staf getting to know anybody?
Coleman said. I think staf have the train-
ing, but when they have eight people in
their workload, then trying to make sure
that everyone is cared for and fed and
have their meds, it doesnt leave time to sit
down and get to know these people.
Last year the Nova Scotia provincial
Department of Community Services
announced with much fanfare the phasing
out of large institutions and the introduc-
tion of a more individualized approach in
terms of care and funding.
The current provincial Liberal gov-
ernment has publicly stated that it is
committed to the initiative, but has not
yet announced anything concrete. The
Provincial Advisory Group (PAG) would
be tasked with leading the implementation
of the new approach, and would consist of
civil servants and stakeholders. Coleman,
who took part in shaping the plan, hasnt
been told whether the PAG has yet been
put in place.
Robert Devet is a full-time reporter for the
Halifax Media Co-op.
Intellectually Disabled Face Jail Time
Large institutions, lack of understanding among root causes
by Robert Devet
Advocates for people with intellectual
disabilities say that charges and incarceration
are not a solution to aggressive behaviour.
Photo by Robert Devet
18
The Dominion March/April 2014
MONTREALA controversial new
Canadian educational charity promising to
make education more equal has elicited
strong debate in just the few months since
it was announced in November 2013.
Teach For Canada (TFC) aims to send
university graduates into rural and Indig-
enous communities that have difculty
recruiting and retaining teachers and have
lower than average graduation rates. The
hope is that young, energetic teachers
who are specially trained in their feld will
inspire young students to greater levels of
success.
Few dispute that the current kinder-
garten to grade 12 education system is
not meeting its obligations to Aboriginal
students. High school graduation rates are
only 40 per cent on reserves, compared
to a graduation rate of 72 per cent of-
reserve, according to an Assembly of First
Nations fact sheet issued during a 2011
summit on First Nations education.
Teachers are notoriously difcult to
retain on reserves. In Quebec, for example,
many Indigenous communities see a turn-
over of 30 per cent of teachers and 50 per
cent of principals every year, according to
testimony at the 2010 Senate hearings on
Aboriginal education from Innu educator
Denis Vollant, who works with educators
across the province as the head of a non-
proft promoting language education.
But with TFC ofering only eight weeks
of training to their recruits, and no details
yet as to how this will prepare them to
teach in communities to which they are
outsiders, there are already growing ques-
tions as to the potential efectivenessand
even harmfulnessof such a program.
In Indigenous communities, educators
and activists have raised concerns that
the current Canadian educational system
is failing the needs of youth by ignoring
the traditional teachings and education
systems that have developed among Indig-
enous communities for thousands of years.
I think the potential for this efort rein-
forcing or imposing another level
of colonialism is very real, said Dr. Alex-
andria Wilson, director of the Aboriginal
Education Research Centre (AERC) at the
University of Saskatchewan. The danger
is if people go in because theyve taken an
undergrad in some topic that doesnt relate
to teaching, they could do potentially more
damage than good.
The TFC recruits, whom they refer to as
fellows, would gain from the experience,
Wilson explained, but the community
would not get much in terms of a lasting
beneft from the program. And potentially
the community is harmed because they
may just be reinforcing the mainstream
colonial mindset, she added.
A main focus of AERCs work has been
to train teachers in anti-racism and anti-
oppression practices, important tools
for teaching in Aboriginal communities
or within an Indigenous paradigm, said
Wilson. While she sees TFC as well-
intentioned, she said it is highly unlikely
that the training received over the summer
would make these students phenomenal
teachers, let alone anti-racist educators.
The program being proposed by TFC
is akin to New Yorkbased Teach For
America (TFA), though the two are not
ofcially afliated. TFA provides six weeks
of training for young adults fresh out of
undergraduate degreesexcluding those
with teaching degreesand then sends
them to urban inner-city schools that
sufer, or are perceived to sufer, from high
teacher turnover, higher drop-out rates
and low exam success rates.
The American program has met with
controversy. Some former TFA recruits
have started to speak out on what they call
inadequate training, including a high-
profle piece by a former TFA fellow in The
Atlantic in September 2013.
Critics also say sending teachers in for
two-year stints does little to provide a
long-term solution to troubled parts of
the education system. In 2013, a study
from the US Department of Education
concluded that math grades had generally
increased under TFA teachers, but it has
come under dispute. Many other studies
have shown mixed results: In 2010 Larry
Ferlazzo, a teacher and author in Califor-
nia, published a review of TFA studies to
date and found that the success rates of
students under TFA teachers were higher
only when compared with students under
teachers with less certifcation.
Programs like TFC may also play a role
in de-professionalizing teaching. As sev-
eral educators point out, education degrees
are meant to prepare teachers to work with
students from all kinds of socio-economic
backgroundsthe exact tools needed when
teaching in marginalized communities.
As Edmonton blogger and teacher
Dan Scratch wrote in an open letter to
TFC, Remember, marginalized youth
and communities are not petri dishes for
experimentation. Long-term, sustainable,
community-based education is whats
needed.
Rob Green, a teacher at Montreals
Westmount High School, has also writ-
ten on and researched both TFA and TFC.
Like other critics of the program, he is
concerned about how the program would
be integrated into Canada, where teach-
ers sent into Indigenous communities will
most likely be urban, often white, univer-
sity graduates.
According to Green, more efort should
be put toward expanding provincial pro-
grams that ofer pay incentives and sub-
sidies for trained teachers to go to remote
communities. Even more important would
be to close the funding gap in Indigenous
schools, he said. A study by the Federation
of Saskatchewan Indian Nations released
in March 2013 reported that First Nations
schools in the province received 40 to
50 per cent less funding than nonFirst
Teach For Canada Gets Schooled
New educational charity sparks concern among Indigenous and non-Indigenous educators
by Tim McSorley
Education
Whats failing is the current
add and stir Eurocentric
approach to education
The Dominion March/April 2014
19
Nations schools.
Mtis educator Chelsea Vowel sees
similar problems. It is an utterly ridicu-
lous model...The last thing our communi-
ties need is another round of saviours.
If these people actually care about our
education, they need to help remove the
barriers that prevent us from getting the
same resources as non-native schools. We
already have the expertise, she wrote in
an email to The Dominion.
According to estimates discussed in the
fnal report of a 2011 Queens University
conference on Indigenous Education,
on-reserve schools face funding short-
falls of $2,000 to $7,000 per student
compared with other Canadian schools.
Increased funding to on-reserve schools
might improve their retention rates and
their development of facilities, potentially
leading to higher achievement rates. But
funding increases for on-reserve schools
have been capped at two per cent since
1996, instead of the required 6.3 per cent
per year, according to an Assembly of First
Nations report issued in 2012 at the Chiefs
Assembly on Education.
TFC declined an interview for this piece,
saying the project is still in its develop-
mental phase and that it would be too
early to comment. However, glowing
articles featuring interviews with TFC co-
founder Kyle Hill appeared in November
in both The Globe and Mail and Hufng-
ton Post Canada after the program was
unveiled at a high-profle event featuring
news anchor Peter Mansbridge and Indigo
Books and Music CEO Heather Reisman.
In an email to The Dominion, TFC chair
Mark Podlasly wrote that the organiza-
tion has been working for the past year
with Aboriginal and education leaders to
attract, prepare and place outstanding
classroom leaders in schools that struggle
to recruit and retain teaching talent.
Those early consultations are not public,
he wrote, but he added that they plan to
begin public conversations in the coming
months.
While Wilson sees the program as prob-
lematic, she also emphasizes the need for
new ideas in the feld of education, saying
that if people are willing to bring new
energy to teaching in Aboriginal communi-
ties, there is room for collaborationbut
Indigenous learning and culture needs to
be at the forefront.
First Nations communities need to
decide what we need, said Wilson, adding
that communities might welcome the
commitment and youthful energy of
TFC candidates. So I think theres an
opportunity here, but we have to fgure out
how to make it so they are not reinforcing
colonialism.
That doesnt mean re-inventing educa-
tion from scratch, though, said Wilson.
We know that weve had a successful,
thriving First Nations education system,
if you want to call it that, for over 50,000
years. And its just very recently that its
been changed. In her opinion, whats
failing is the current add and stir
Eurocentric approach to education, with
some Indigenous approaches to education
mixed in.
Instead, Wilson has been researching
and advocating fora return to land-based
education focused on an Indigenous para-
digm that includes Indigenous languages
and aspects of anti-racism, anti-sexism
and anti-oppression.
For Wilson, TFC is an example of an
energized but possibly misplaced efort to,
as she puts it, help Indigenous people.
In the end, she says, proponents of the
program need to re-examine Canadas
and Canadiansapproach to Aboriginal
education.
I think its really important not to
pathologize First Nations people...there
is this pathologized vision of who we are
as First Nations people, that we need help
and were asking you to come and help
us. In Wilsons view, those who are really
interested in making a change need to
heed the cultural and anti-oppressive
component of education, and let go of a
paternalistic role.
Lets work together to try and fnd
some solutions that work for First Nations
communities.
Tim McSorley is a freelance journalist and a
Media Co-op editor. You can fnd him online
at @timmcsorley.
Education
Teach for Canada aims to supply more teachers to rural and First Nations schools, but many are
asking whether the program will do more harm than good. Illustration by Stephanie Law
20
The Dominion March/April 2014
International
LA CEIBA, HONDURASOil extraction
may be on the horizon in Honduras, and
Canadian aid is helping set the stage.
The Canadian Department of Foreign
Afairs, Trade and Development (DFATD)
has been fnancing technical assistance to
the hydrocarbon sector in Honduras as
part of a $9.5-million Sustainable Energy
Access project managed by the Latin
American Energy Organization (OLADE).
During the frst part of the fve-year
(20122017) project originally approved
by the Canadian International Develop-
ment Agency, OLADE initiated a review
of the regulatory framework in Honduras
and examined the oil and gas potential in
the country.
Seismic surveys, studies and drilling
over the past 50 years in Honduras have
identifed several areas with hydrocarbon
potential. They are mainly located both
ofshore and inland along the Caribbean
coast and the Moskitia, a remote, primar-
ily Indigenous region in the northeast,
bordering Nicaragua.
The Honduran government has granted
a slew of natural resource concessions in
the wake of the June 2009 coup dtat that
ousted President Manuel Zelaya. Some
Indigenous organizations have voiced
their fat-out opposition to oil and gas
activity, expecting the industry to further
beneft transnational companies at the
expense of local communities.
Right now [resources] are up for grabs
and theres an unparalleled exploitation of
that by transnational and foreign capital,
Miriam Miranda, general coordinator of
OFRANEH, a federation representing
the 46 Indigenous Garifuna communities
spread out along Honduras Caribbean
coast, told The Dominion. Theres no
respect for international laws and inter-
national jurisprudence on the rights of
Indigenous peoples.
Honduras ratifed International Labour
Organization Convention No. 169 on the
rights of Indigenous and tribal peoples
in 1994 and voted in favour of the United
Nations Declaration on the Rights of
Indigenous Peoples in 2007.
A report produced by OLADE
in 2013 with Canadian funding outlined
Honduras obligations under international
law and the importance of free, prior and
informed consent. But that same year,
Honduras approved hydrocarbon activity
despite no prior consultation with afected
communities.
In April 2013, the Honduran govern-
ment granted British multinational BG
Group a contract for oil and gas explo-
ration and eventual exploitation in a
35,000-square-kilometre area of the coast
of the Moskitia. Local residents werent
consulted until the fall of 2013, months
after the contract was signed.
In February 2011, faced with interest
from oil companies and an outdated law,
the Honduran government announced a
one-year moratorium on concessions to
allow time for a new hydrocarbon law to
be passed. The contract with BG Group
went forward regardless, and the regula-
tory framework is now under review by
the Canadian-funded OLADE project. BG
Group was issued a renewable four-year
environmental license for exploration
on January 17, 2014. Chevron has also
expressed interest in ofshore exploration
in Honduras.
By stimulating the economy in these
countries and helping them create an envi-
ronment conducive to investment, we are
contributing to the well-being of people
living in poverty, DFATD spokesperson
Nicolas Doire wrote in an email to The
Dominion.
Stephen Brown, a professor of politi-
cal science at the University of Ottawa, is
concerned that extractive sector regulatory
reviews funded by Canadian development
aid are part of an increasing subordina-
tion of development priorities to Canadian
commercial interests.
When Canada helps reviseor what
they call modernizeregulations, they
present it as being good for the country
and therefore good for the countrys poor,
Brown told The Dominion in a telephone
interview. Theres a bit of a logical leap
there that that will actually happen.
Brown points to the example of Colom-
bia, where Canadian aid was used to fund
the revision of mining and oil legislation,
reducing royalty rates and weakening
environmental protections.
If were helping rewrite codes in the
interests of Canadian companies, then no
matter how much you talk about win-win,
it doesnt mean that its true, said Brown.
Canadian companies are expected to
beneft from a new Honduran mining law
enacted in January 2013 after revision by
advisors funded by the Canadian govern-
ment. A Canada-Honduras Free Trade
Agreement was signed on November 5,
2013.
Sandra Cufe is a freelance journalist with a
penchant for cofee and geckos. She tweets
as @Sandra_Cufe.
Canadian public funds are facilitating private oil investment in Honduras. Illustration by Daniel
Rotsztain
Canadian Aid, Honduran Oil
Ottawa funds set to encourage oil investment
by Sandra Cufe
The Dominion March/April 2014
21
Horizontal social
movements
I would like to see more coverage of
horizontal social movements that are
building radical alternatives to the
state and capitalism in the present.
This would include things like peoples
assemblies, communal living and co-
operatives.
I would also appreciate more cover-
age on prisons, police and prisoner
resistance. There was an excellent piece
you did where you interviewed Ed Mead
about the prison group Men Against
Sexism. Id love to hear more about
radical prison organizing, community
alternatives to police/prisons and other
related subjects.
Anyhow, I love what you all do here,
and appreciate that you are looking to
your readers for feedback.
Jesse Taylor
Send letters to info@mediacoop.ca. Letters
and comments may be edited for length and
clarity. Anonymous letters and comments
may not be published; those with an
accompanying address will be prioritized.
B A C K TALK
Compiled by Moira Peters
TORONTOThe fund-
ing and motivation for
Engineers Without Bor-
ders Canada (EWB) was
questioned earlier this
month when members
of EWB met for the organizations Annual
General Meeting (AGM) near Pearson
Airport in Toronto.
Engineers Without Borders is a Cana-
dian development NGO whose mission is
to create systemic change wherever its
needed to accelerate Africas development
and unlock the potential of its people.
Formed in 2000 at the University of
Waterloo, the organization quickly grew to
contain chapters at engineering campuses
across the country and boasts one of the
largest student membership bases of any
NGO in the country.
At the AGM in Toronto, EWBs ties to
the fossil fuel industry became a focus. A
heated discussion on climate justice and
the organizations deep ties to Canadas
fossil fuel industry broke out after mem-
bers based at the University of Waterloo
brought forward a motion to explicitly
exclude fossil fuel companies as a funding
source for EWB Canada and its chapters.
This discussion was situated in the
context of a weekend-long conference
funded by TransCanada and Enbridge,
among otherswhich featured panels and
discussions focused on global develop-
ment and the organizations role in the
poverty industry. In the end, the delegates
who were present voted overwhelmingly
against the motion and opted instead
to maintain EWBs relationship to the
industry as a whole and to specifc pipeline
companies.
The leadership of EWB has relied on the
model of corporate social responsibility as
well as a belief that being funded by fossil
fuel companiesin their words, establish-
ing corporate partnershipsprovides EWB
with the opportunity to infuence the prac-
tices of those corporations. When reached
for comment, a member of EWBs execu-
tive forwarded the leaderships written
response to the motion and pointed out
that internal discussions around climate
change policy were just beginning.
Filzah Nasir, President of the EWB
University of Waterloo and one of the
motions authors, disagrees with the out-
come of the vote and the ofcial position
of the organization. EWB has been talking
about developing a climate change policy,
but theres no way we can develop any
reasonable policy while our funding relies
so heavily on fossil fuels, she said when
contacted for comment.
With a burgeoning fossil fuel divestment
movement underway across the continent,
the January AGM may be the movements
frst attempt at addressing donations
received from industrys PR machine
rather than removing funds invested in
those companies. The organizations insis-
tence on partnership between itself and
companies such as Shell and Enbridge,
however, has raised serious questions
about its commitment both to meaning-
fully addressing climate change and to
acknowledging the other types of harm
these companies cause. By partnering
with these organizations, we are contrib-
uting to the continuous environmental
racism and land theft committed against
Indigenous peoples within Canada and
abroad, Nasir explained.
Nearly as frustrating, we are delegiti-
mizing the work of any environmental
NGO, community organization or grass-
roots activist fghting against climate
change and these companies, she said.
Toronto Media Co-op
Partnering with Petroleum
Engineers Without Borders rearms its funding ties to fossil fuel industry at January AGM
by Kalin Stacey
Concerns raised by members of the University
of Waterloos EWB chapter about fossil fuel
linkages lead to the universitys Make Poverty
History campaign, pictured here. Photo by
Mohammad Jangda [fickr.com/photos/batmoo,
licensed CC BY-SA 2.0]
22
The Dominion March/April 2014
FERNWOOD PUBL I S HI NG
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A.L. McCready
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THE DEVIL AND
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An Investigation into
the Scapegoating of
Canadas Grey Seal
Linda Pannozzo
9781552665862 $24.95
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Legacies for the Future
Gavin Fridell
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INNER CITY
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How a Social Enterprise
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Marty Donkervoort,
Foreword by Jack Quarter
9781552665817 $18.95
ETHICAL
CONSUMPTION
Sophie Dubuisson-Quellier,
Preface by Sarah Soule,
Translated by Howard Scott
9781552665834 $18.95
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