Continuity vs change in traditional Yucatec curing practices: A tradition in crisis

Continuity vs. change in traditional Yucatec curing practicies: A tradition in

crisis
By Ruth Gubler
While it is a given that traditional societies do not remain static through time or retain their pristine
state, and that specific conditions and situations, contact with other cultures and, most importantly time
itself, bring about various degrees of change, there is a lack of agreement among researchers whether, or
to what degree, innovations and change inevitably lead to culture loss.
Those who view change as a process of growth, a widening horizon and new opportunities (rather than
loss), consider it simply an accommodation of the old to the new and pliancy in the face of different
conditions, and that as such it does not necessarily pose a threat to tradition. Others, to the contrary, are
alarmed at the rapidity and extent of change, concluding that the constant assault of the modern world on
traditional cultures can only lead to their gradual disintegration and, with the passage of time, their eventual
disappearance. The first group stresses what it sees as persistence in the face of change, the latter what it
views as loss.1
The impressive thrust and global influence of modern life is pervasive. Changes that had
become evident on a small scale in Redfield and Villa Rojas lifetime have culminated in an
avalanche of innovations on all levels of life, to the point where traditions have been, and continue
to be, inched out even in more remote and conservative villages. This is the unavoidable result of
increasing contact with the modern mercantile world, growing communication both through a
network of roads, radios and telephones linking villages to the capital, building projects, logging
and other activities, tourism, the ubiquitous presence of television and most importantly, an ever-
increasing flow of people (particularly the
1.After periodic visits to Yucatan for well over thirty years, and living in its capital, Mrida, permanently for the past
fourteen, change and loss are very evident to me.
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young) to other parts of the peninsula2 and on an even larger scale to the United States in
search of the American dream. All act as agents of change.
In this respect it is interesting to recall Thompsons words, and his bleak view of some 40 years ago:
Survivals, so far as they relate to the spiritual side of Maya culture, are melting like snow in the hot rays of
technological materialism [] I dread the thought that I may yet recall a Maya way of life which has also fallen a
victim to progress (Thompson 1970:xvi).
While migration has been an ongoing phenomenon for a number of decades, it was a relative
trickle, compared to the present flood. This has been triggered by socio-economic factors such as
the agricultural crisis which has followed hard on the heels of the henequen crisis, a lack of gainful
employment, inadequate salaries, competition for jobs between the native population and
immigrants from other states, as well as hardship
With the extensive government-sponsored road-building program, scenes like these are becoming rarer and rarer (Gubler
1997).
2. Primarily to Merida and surrounding areas; Cancun, Cozumel and Chetumal.

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caused by hurricanes like Gilberto and Isidoro. Small wonder that in their search for improved
conditions, greater earning power and a better life a predominantly young male population has
migrated in droves, leading to a drastic reduction of this group in many towns and villages.
Many children grow up in a fatherless home, in the care of grand-parents, aunts and uncles, etc.
Not only is there an absent-father syndrome, but women have increasingly joined the ranks of those
seeking work outside the home, either on a part- or full-time basis in various cities or other parts of the
peninsula. They have also become part of the work force of the millions of men now working in the
States, undeterred by the dangers of crossing or even the real risk of death.
As a result, family ties have become strained or weak and long absences on the part of the
migrants and new attachments formed abroad create an ever-widening rift. If and when visits are
forthcoming,3 they are sporadic and short, with migrants almost invariably leaving again for another long
stint abroad. Meanwhile, contact with a different world inevitably impacts their way of thinking and the
manner in which they envision their future, leading to a break with their elders traditional way of life.
Nor is such change unilateral. In the home country the migrants left behind, there have been
changes as well as increasing modernization and, with it, new ideas have brought about a basic change in
outlook. Traditions language, dress, housing, etc. have been impacted, resulting in various degrees of
culture loss, while such remnants as still survive seem bound to follow the same fate.
Although the Maya language remains relatively strong, schooling favors the alternate
tendency to speak more and more Spanish,4 a situation that is being addressed by a new insistence
on bilingual education5 (although I feel that this comes rather too late). On the other hand, long-
3. In addition to the debt incurred in crossing the Mexican-American border (at a going rate of several thousand dollars),
the additional cost of returning creates an enormous expenditure.
4. This varies depending on the area, the extent of its isolation, and the degree to which it has, or has not, retained its
traditions. My comments refer primarily to the cono sur, the southern part of Yucatan, where I have carried out long-
term research.
5. Recent newspaper articles report on this issue: Impulso a la lengua maya en las escuelas (Diario de Yucatn, Sept.1,
2005), Alfabetizacin en maya (October 18, 2005).
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term academic interest (mostly foreign) in the Maya language has, to some degree, created a new
pride among indigenous speakers.
This is a welcome change, since for a number of decades the Maya had associated their language
with a lack of social prestige and as a sign of backwardness, believing that, like other signs of ethnicity,
it led to discrimination and exclusion. Consequently, in the interest of a better life for their children,
many Maya parents made no effort to teach it to their progeny, insisting on their speaking Spanish,
especially in public, and on occasion scolding them for speaking their native language.
Surprisingly, in many traditional households6 among which I have carried out my field-work and
where I would have assumed that Maya was being taught the young, these have grown up understanding
but not speaking it.7 As school increasingly exposes children to Spanish and these then tend to speak it at
home, many parents respond by answering in like manner,8 rather than in Maya.
Various other aspects of Maya culture have long been impacted, but externally it is most
visible in dress and housing, and internally in attitudes and ideas. In the case of traditional clothing,
it is most apparent in the substitution of the huipil 9 and accompanying rebozo ( shawl) by Western-
style apparel. Many reasons have contributed to this tendency: 1) a desire to be in step with the
times, especially on the part of the young, 2) the insistence of most schools that children wear
uniforms or at least not wear traditional dress, 3) the soaring cost of such clothing compared with
the much cheaper Western kind,10 and finally 4) the lack of prestige frequently associated with
traditional clothing as a marker of Indian-ness.
6. For example, those of several informants who are curers and ritual specialists.
7. In limited cases they may not even understand it.
8. On the other hand, this can create some conflict in households where a parent or grandparent is monolingual in Maya.
9. Long, embroidered blouse-like womans garment. On the other hand, while there have been certain changes in mens
clothing, particularly their footwear, the change is not as striking as in the case of female apparel.
10. Moreover, the traditional motifs that formerly adorned the huipil have also undergone change in great part due to the
rising cost of producing these items. The expense of the materials and the time-consuming nature of the work have made
it less and less feasible to produce them inexpensively, so less care is being given to the motifs that adorn them. These
have become less delicate and ornate and are also being printed and painted, rather than embroidered, both great time-
saving devices.
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Typical housing has also taken on a radically changed look, with traditional palm-thatched wattle and
daub huts giving way to cement-block housing. A prime mover is, once again, social prestige and the
desire to keep up with the times and with ones neighbors. Money sent by migrants from abroad gives
this tendency another push, encouraging the recipients of such financial help to replace their traditional
huts with modern housing. Natural disasters, particularly the intense hurricanes which are becoming ever
more frequent, have also contributed to change.
People no longer consider their traditional huts safe and do not want to risk losing them to
another disaster along the lines of Isidore, and as of late hurricanes like Emily and Wilma, when
they spent many anxious hours riding out the storm.11 While the older tradition-bound generation
may still cling to their wattle and daub huts, the younger generation has no such emotional
attachment to them. A few rebuild them, the majority
Market in Ticul.(Photos: Ruth Gubler 1996). By the time these pictures were taken, it was evident that while the
traditional huipil was still being worn, Western dress was increasingly replacing it.
11. Yet, even before Isidore struck another factor had contributed to the gradual replacement of traditional housing: the
increasing scarcity and cost of some of the material. In some areas there is a scarcity of palm fronds or the alternate sea-
grass, making them expensive and leaving little choice but to replace them with tar paper, carton or aluminum sheet roofs
which, when the hurricane hit, simply could not resist the high winds and blew off.


































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pull them down entirely, while others compromise by keeping them for the time being and building a modern
house in front of, or alongside, the old one. Probably the most extreme contribution to change has resulted
from the governments response to Isidore: a massive building program which has filled entire pueblos with
cement-block housing. Finally, we come back to the fact that a cement-block house is seen as a sign of
prestige. Generally square or rectangular in form or, where money flows more freely not infrequently two-
storied, these houses represent the typical abode of choice, creating a uniform look to the pueblos (villages).
While they are an evident indicator of prosperity, on the negative side, they elicit even more envy (which is
endemic) and create a deep wedge between the haves and have nots.
Another tradition that has reached a stage of crisis is the milpa, the agricultural system that up to
now typified the life of the Yucatec campesino (farmer). The older generation tended their fields with
dedication, reflecting a kind of symbiotic relationship. As Thompson (1970:283) expressed it: There is
a mystical relationship between man and his milpa ..The milpero and his corngrow together like oak
and ivy. However, as the older generation dies out, and with it this special relationship, there will be
fewer and fewer to carry on this tradition.12
While in conservative or remote areas people continue to make milpa, many are discouraged
by the little gain to be derived from this activity, leading such socio-economic factors to dictate
their decision to emigrate.13 In addition, as rural schools have made education more
12. According to studies undertaken by the Consejo Nacional para la Cultura and INAH (Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia),
68.7% of those inhabiting Maya communities have given up practicing agriculture, an activity that in the past had been their main
occupation and source of subsistence and income (apud. Diario de Yucatn, Sept.23,2003). Several recent newspaper articles deal with
this and related phenomena. Se extingue el campesino (Diario de Yucatn September 5,2005) informs that, based on a study by the
Instituto Nacional de Estadstica, Geografa e Informtica (INEGI), Yucatan has lost 30% of its campesino population, almost 40,000
persons, due to insufficient employment and low salaries. Another article, Los migrantes del Mayab (October 3,2005), cites a study by
INAH and other state organizations according to which 600,00 Mayas have left their places of origin, predominantly from rural to urban
settings. Other articles refer to the present lack of pride in working the land (September 29,2005).
13. Emigrar o sembrar maz (Diario de Yucatn Nov.6,2003) points out the dilemma facing young workers.


























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Traditional palm-thatched huts in Mani, one with a modern block house beside it (Photos: Ruth Gubler 2005).
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accessible, the young are increasingly going to school rather than accompanying their fathers to the field.
Consequently they do not develop the tie that links the campesino to his land and tend to eschew and
look down on such hard work. With increasing education they envision a different and brighter future for
themselves, a dream that many parents share for their children. The marked preference of the young for
Western ideas and all those elements which modernization brings with it, has been given added impetus
by the return of migrants who have done relatively well and proudly show off their new-found
prosperity.
Religion is another aspect that has been increasingly impacted. Whereas traditionally Yucatan used to
be predominantly Catholic, other religions have acquired a foothold on the peninsula, particularly the
Protestants and Evangelicals.14 The latter have been a particularly strong element of change, whittling away at
traditional beliefs (dress, dancing,15 curing practices, agricultural rites, etc.) which they label as bad or
sinful. Moreover, they are proving to be a divisive force, pitting its converts against both traditionalists and
Catholics. A modern battering ram against traditions, they are no less destructive than the XVIth century
missionaries were in their time.
In all the aspects described above, once there is a clear-cut preference for change and the
material benefits that modernization brings, the process acquires its own momentum: language,
clothing, housing, ideas and attitudes all reflect the trend towards what is new. The question to be
addressed now is: what chance of survival is there for traditional medicine in this atmosphere that
favors change?
Traditional Medicine
The long medicinal and herbal tradition in Yucatan is rooted in pre-Columbian times and has
managed to survive almost 500 years of Colonial rule, so to a great extent it has managed to remain
purely Maya.
14. According to a study cited in the Diario de Yucatn (September 25,2003), 20 of every 200 Maya profess a non-
Catholic religion or none at all.
15. Because alcoholism is at an alarming all-time high, I consider this one of the few redeeming elements of their
preaching.

























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On the peninsula, as well as throughout much of Central and South America,16 indigenous medicinal
practices are still very much in evidence, handed down from generation to generation. Curers and h-
menoob17 continue to depend primarily on their knowledge of native plants, on divination, pulsing,
sucking, bleeding and purging, and on numerous rituals performed to cure not only physical ailments but
afflictions of psychosomatic or emotional origin
In traditional medicine illness is a combination of empirical knowledge and deeply-held religious
views. On a pragmatic level, curing consists of remedies based primarily on indigenous flora and to a much
lesser extent fauna, while on the spiritual level a series of rites and prayers are the sine qua non. Illness is not
seen simply as a dysfunction of the body, but also as divine punishment for religious or social transgressions
or for a lack of respect towards the environment. A ritual specialist must be sought out, spirits invoked and
placated, prayers said and special rites performed to restore the equilibrium between man, society and the
world around him.
In pre-Columbian times there were specialists in the art of curing, as Landa, las Casas, Sahagn,
Fuentes y Guzmn and others inform us: priests, diviners and curers who had a vast herbal lore at their
disposal. Haba tambin cirujanos o, por mejor decir, hechiceros, los cuales curaban con yerbas y
muchas supersticiones (Landa 1986:39) and further: Los hechiceros y mdicos curaban con sangras
hechas en la parte donde dola al enfermo y echaban suertes para adivinar en sus oficios y otras cosas
(ibidem:49).
The Relaciones Histrico-geogrficas de la Gobernacin de Yucatn (de la Garza et al.
1983) also tell us that in treating illness the Indians depended primarily on indigenous plants, listing
a number of medicinal herbs and the uses to which they were put. Dictionaries like the Calepino de
Motul (Arzpalo 1995) and the Bocabulario de Mayathan (Acua 1993) supplement our knowledge
of both the specialists and the medicinal flora.
16. This is also true for much of Africa, Asia and parts of Europe.
17. Ritual specialists. According to the Diccionario maya Cordemex (1980:520): el que hace o entiende algo, curandero
o yerbatero, diestro en casi cualquier arte y profesin. H-men: curandero



























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In addition, while there is no question that ethnobotanical information is much greater for the area of Mexico
and Guatemala,18 there are some valuable Colonial Yucatec sources, both indigenous and Spanish, that inform
us regarding traditional curing: several Books of Chilam Balam,19Yerbas y hechiceras del Yucatn, El libro
del Judo, Libro de medicinas muy seguro, para curar varias dolencias, con yerbas muy experimentadas, y
provechosas de esta Provincia de Yucathan,20Quaderno de Medicinas de las yervas de la Provincia,
experimentadas por Xptov. de Heredia, the Sotuta and Mena documents etc. In addition, a unique and
invaluable work is the Ritual de los Bacabes (Arzpalo 1987) which, like Ruiz de Alarcns Tratado de las
supersticiones de los naturales de esta Nueva Espaa (1629) records spells and incantations used by pre-
Columbian specialists, allowing us a glimpse into the metaphysical aspect of curing.
Over the years the scientific world has become increasingly aware of the medicinal properties of a
large number of native plants used by curers over a wide area of the globe. As regards the Maya area, a
great deal of research was carried out on its flora in the late XIXth and early XXth centuries by men like
Gaumer, Lundell, Millspaugh, Standley, Cuevas, Dond & Dond, etc., culminating in Ralph L. Roys
The Ethnobotany of the Maya (1933). In addition, there are invaluable reference works by Barrera
Marn et al., Martnez, Mendieta y del Amo, Sosa et al.
However, while the medicinal tradition has resisted the passage of time (although certainly
not unchanged), Yucatan, like other areas of Mesoamerica, has been exposed to its share of
Westernization/ modernization which has caused, and continues to cause, profound
18. We have nothing to compare to the Libellus de medicinalibus indorum herbis (de la Cruz 1552), Sahagns description of
Aztec curing practices in the Florentine Codex, nor the magnificent illustrations of Hernndez for Mexico or of Fuentes y
Guzmn for Guatemala. In its description of medicinal plants Yerbas y hechiceras del Yucatn makes continuous reference to
illustrations which appear to have accompanied the text, but which are no longer extant.
19. There are two groups; the first, for example the Chumayel and Tizimin, are basically mytho-historical in nature, and
the second which includes the Chan Cah, Ixil, Kaua, Tekax and Na, deal primarily with mans health and contain
remedies for a number of illnesses based mainly on the use of indigenous plants.
20. Spanish-English translation (Gubler, in press).


























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changes.21 Although in the pueblos curers and h-menoob still maintain a high profile and continue to
perform a series of rituals and agricultural ceremonies, a number of changes are also evident, some
occurring with alarming rapidity. In my opinion, even the issue of a new generation of curers is now
ultimately at stake.
When I first began my project of working with traditional curers some 30 years ago, initially
within the Puuc area,22 making contact was difficult. However, I was lucky in that the head of a
family with whom I often stayed in those days was a well-respected doctor in one of the larger
towns; more importantly, he was someone who was well-thought of by the Maya themselves, not
only because he spoke the language fluently but because he was very empathetic in his dealings
with them. He undertook to open the way for me by introducing me to several curanderos (curers)
he knew; in fact, the following year he invited me to be present at a wahi
Wahi kol in Ticul (Photo by Ruth Gubler, 1982)
21. This is an issue that was addressed in two symposia I organized for the International Congress of Americanists, one in
New Orleans in 1991and one in Quito in 1997 (See Persistencia cultural entre los mayas frente al cambio y la
modernidad:.Arzpalo and Gubler, 1997 and Yucatn a travs de los siglos (Gubler y Martel 2001).
22. Beginning in Ticul, Oxkutzcab and Mani.



































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kol,23 leading to my acquaintance with the pair of ritual specialists who performed it.
While this particular meeting quickly developed into a friendship, in other cases it took repeated
visits before I was able to establish any kind of relationship with the curer/s, an experience no doubt only
too familiar to researchers. More often than not, I was told the curer had just left (possibly a subterfuge
to avoid a meeting) or simply was not there, which meant another lost opportunity - frustrating in view
of the limited time I had at my disposal.
However, their distrust was comprehensible, based, first of all, on the natural fear of talking to a
stranger, the secrecy surrounding their work and a hesitancy to share information regarding it. On the
other hand, curers had cause to be apprehensive, as they looked back on a long history of persecution of
their profession, and remained fearful of being accused of some sort of malpractice and of getting into
trouble with the law.
We must bear in mind that a certain onus was, and still is, attached to traditional medicine and its
practitioners. People continue to have an ambiguous relationship with curers; they respect and consult,
but also fear them, envisioning the possibility of their using their powers for evil purposes. Curers are
frequently referred to as sorcerers or witches (brujos/hechiceros), and every once in a while a
newspaper article reflects this attitude,24 considering them charlatans at best. Moreover, since envy is at a
high level in pueblos, and fear of witchcraft is ever-present, a curandero was, and continues to be,
viewed ambiguously.
When I did manage to find curers at home, they were often guarded and suspicious. I was
repeatedly questioned as to whether I was a reporter and what I planned do with this information,
whether I would make money with it and if not, how it could possibly be of interest to me. One
curer in particular thought that I was interested in using his knowledge for my own benefit, and
wondered if I was not intending to
23. La ceremonia de la primicia de la milpa (Diccionario maya Cordemex 1980:906). This is a very important ceremony
performed to present the first fruits of the milpa and to give thanks to God, the saints and various deities of pre-Hispanic
origin.
24. Intentan matar a un brujo (Diario de Yucatn September 19,2004); Pidi una limpia y le robaron dinero (May
23,2004); also a report on a well-known curer in Dziuch, March 13,2003).






















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take his plants back to the States with a view towards personal gain. If that were the case, he suggested
slyly, it would cost me a pretty penny, and he mentioned a large sum he had ostensibly charged for the
sale of some plants. I assured him that my interest did not lie in acquiring specimens. Some, though only
a very few, wondered what was in it for them, casually, hinting at some kind of remuneration,
although in my experience this has been the exception rather than the rule.25
Yet, having managed to make contact did not automatically mean that the next time I would be
received with open arms, only that it became progressively easier once we had established some kind of
connection. Happily there were instances of instant connection; like the couple I mentioned at the
beginning, and later many others. As time went on, I developed a friendship with many of my
informants which allowed me to literally drop in on them at any time, observe them at work and
photograph and record ceremonies, though needless to say, this all depended on the individual.
The purpose of mentioning such initial difficulties is simply to point out a basic difference with
the present-day situation: 30 years do not go by in vain and nowadays, after increasingly having been
exposed to anthropologists, botanists, reporters, TV and movie cameras, curers are much more open; in
fact, they welcome and are proud of such exposure. Local meetings of traditional curers (Encuentros de
curanderos) have also brought them into more direct contact with each other as well as with researchers,
while on occasion some have been invited to take part in meetings in different parts of Mexico, or even
abroad.
So, while for many decades curers were either ignored or at the worst had an onus attached to
their activity, they have become subjects of interest and attention. They eagerly accept opportunities
of performing a ceremony, unfortunately often in a staged setting or in some instances at some
archaeological site, or to being interviewed and filmed by journalists. Nor can they be blamed for
seizing the chance after years of standing in the shadows or for welcoming a new source of
additional
25. I know of several researches who routinely pay their informants, although I have preferred remuneration of a non-
monetary nature: for example, despensas (food supplies), clothing, other items as the need presents itself, or gifts of
various kinds.
























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income, a temporary relief from the economic pressures which they too feel as a consequence of the
market economy.
Yet, while at first sight this new interest and the opportunities to demonstrate their craft might seem to
be a positive development, giving curers a certain prestige and validating their craft, the downside is that such
contacts can also have a negative impact on the very nature of their work. As their erstwhile secrecy has gone
to the other extreme, they have contributed to a popularization of their craft, indeed a kind of
commercialization which goes against its true nature. Ceremonies become a performance, with the focus
centering on the outward visible manifestations of the ritual without giving the proper attention to its
religious significance, and calling into question its basic nature. Taken out of context, there is a loss of
meaning.
The very essence of such ceremonies is their magico-religious component which imbues
them with a sacred character. Therefore, a cha chaak26 (by far the best-known of the agricultural
ceremonies) that is
Cha chaak (Photo by Ruth Gubler, 1997)
26. A petition for rain. Ceremonia del culto milpero que tiene por objeto hacer que llueva.Peticin de lluvia (Diccionario
maya Cordemex 1980:121).



































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Hanal pixan (Photo by Ruth Gubler, 1996)




















































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performed in order to be filmed can in no way be measured against the way it should actually be
performed, nor does it recreate the purpose for which it is intended.
The same goes for the celebration of hanal pixan, held in honor of the dead, for which altars are set up
(many beautifully decorated and with offerings of food and pictures of the deceased) and meant to be
celebrations of a familiar nature. Nowadays these altars are also being erected in the plazas of some
towns or the main plaza of Mrida or in schools, or even in shopping malls (in other words, totally out of
context), with competitions to determine which are the most attractive.
As has been shown above, traditional curing is also being exposed to many of the mundane and
pragmatic problems that are a consequence of modernization, with changes basically reflecting two separate
aspects, external and internal, that is to say: 1) those which have been unavoidably brought about by the
intrusion of our modern mercantile age into what were once rather discrete communal entities, the majority of
which carried on their daily lives in much the same way their parents and grandparents had done before them
and 2) those that have to do with the attitudes and beliefs of the selfsame people within these communities,
including very importantly the curers adaptation to changing conditions.
Allopathic medicine has made its presence felt for a number of years in the form of health centers or
clinics which, when I first visited the peninsula were found only in larger cities; now they increasingly have
their place in almost all except the more isolated pueblos. Pharmacies too are an increasing fixture of a town,
a number of allopaths have set up their private practices and homeopathic products have become increasingly
available and acquired a following. All pose increasing competition for the traditional curer. In this
Westernization of medicine, in cases of physical illness townspeople increasingly recur to the local doctor or
pharmacist, or the clinic, and in serious cases make every effort to go to Mrida for treatment at one of the
local hospitals or clinics.
It is probably only in very small pueblos and hamlets, and particularly in the more isolated
and still relatively traditional sector of Yucatan that people still automatically, and almost
exclusively, recur to their curandero, in part precisely because of their still tradition-bound way of
life, or because there are no allopathic doctors in their hamlets or, very importantly, they can not
afford their more expensive fees, or a



















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trip to the hospital. However, I must emphasize that this generally holds true primarily for
illnesses of a physical nature and related complaints, the area into which allopathic medicine has
increasingly and successfully penetrated.
On the other hand, culturally-defined illnesses or ailments of a psycho-somatic nature continue to
remain the purview of the curer or h-men;27 these include those that appear to have no known cause and
are ascribed to supernatural causes. It is particularly when people believe themselves to be the victims of
envy, ojo (the evil eye), susto (fright), malos vientos (evil winds), salacin (continued bad luck in which
everything turns out wrong), or hechizo (witchcraft) that they continue to depend principally on
traditional practitioners.
In simple cases, curing consists of ritual cleansings, or limpias, during which the patient is
repeatedly swept with the sprigs of certain plants, preferably sipche28) or rue, all the while
accompanied by prayers invoking God, the Virgin and a number of Catholic saints, as well as the curers
protectors or spiritual helpers whose aid is requested. The spirit world of pre-Columbian origin also
comes into play, particularly in those cases in which ceremonies are performed to cast out evil winds29or
to put an end to a streak of bad luck (salacin) or to bring about a change in the situation or fortune of a
patient (cambio or kex).30
Western doctors do not take such conditions seriously because they fail to find identifiable
symptoms, or a real physical cause, and so generally consider them to be simply the product of hysteria
or a case of nerves. It is only the curer who is capable of understanding and treating such culturally-
defined ailments because he is a product of the same culture and milieu as his patient and also believes
them to be real.
On another level, the very basis of traditional medicine, that is to say, the essential herbal lore
on which it is based, is seriously endangered
27. Moreover, it is not only tradition-bound people or those living in pueblos who consult ritual specialists in such cases;
many city-folk still believe in the above-mentioned ailments and in witchcraft. In addition, those who have found no relief
in allopathic treatment, also come to consult ritual specialists (h-menoob).
28. Bunchosia swartziana Griseb.; Malpighia glabra L. (Barrera Marn et al. 1976:139).
29. When these beset someone, they cause fever, headaches, delirium, etc. The ceremony to cast them out is called wach
ik.
30. Trueque; rito de cambio (Diccionario maya Cordemex 1980:396).






















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because many plants are becoming increasingly difficult to obtain. Whereas formerly trees and
herbs might be found growing in a curers relative vicinity, or he might collect them when going to
his milpa or, failing this, entrust such collection to an assistant, family member or friend,
construction has encroached on this virgin land, drying up access to these plants. Others only grow
in the high bush or monte alto which often entails a long trip and an expenditure of time the curer
can ill afford because it means being away from his patients. Many plant species are disappearing
due to the exploitation of the bush, and large tracts of land are denuded to pave way for a vast
network of roads, ambitious construction projects for tourism, the logging industry, etc. All signal
the destruction of the native habitat from which such plants are culled. In fact, in meetings of
traditional curers which now periodically take place, the threat to the local flora and the difficulty of
obtaining the much-needed plants is a major concern voiced by many curers.31
Kex (Gubler 1995).
31. Newspaper articles have variously reflected the fact that the disappearance of indigenous plants poses a very real
threat to traditional medicine. (For example: Diario de Yucatn, May 21,2004: Admiracin mundial and Rpida
extincin de selvas locales July 30, 2004).




































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In addition, there is among the general population an increasing dependence on pharmaceutical products,
rather than plant-based remedies, and many curers are also being caught up in the web of modernization.
Most of my informants have long accepted Western-style medicine for themselves and as of late many have
begun incorporating some of its pharmacopeia into their own medicinal paraphernalia, generally those they
know from experience are prescribed by the local doctor, for example, antibiotics or certain vitamins and
minerals. Moreover, agents of naturopathic medicines also enlist their aid in selling their products,32 thus
providing them with an added source of income. Both seem to have found an easy accommodation within
traditional medicine, which in itself is a contradiction in terms.
In addition, I am continually struck by the fact that, while my informant-curers continue to prescribe
traditional herbal remedies for their patients, in cases of illness in their own families, they recur to an
allopathist, particularly where small children are concerned. In other words, modernization has exerted its
influence even among traditional curers and insidiously produced a great change in their choice of Western
vs. traditional medicine. Where actual physical ailments are concerned, the choice seems to be in favor of
allopathy, reflecting the fact that traditional medicine too has suffered the impact of change, and that on the
ideational level attitudes and beliefs have changed as a consequence of modernization.
In addition, there is the question of a curers continued prestige within his or her community; in
other words, as already mentioned, the ambivalence between his indubitable prestige accruing from the
attribution of special powers and knowledge, and the negative distinction of association with witchcraft.
While the older generation continues to have faith in the curer, the younger generation considers his
method of healing a product of superstition and backwardness. Having increasingly internalized XXth-
XXI century ideas and attitudes, they do not subscribe to what they consider outmoded medicinal
practices.
Finally, it is worrisome that the older generation of curers is disappearing with alarming
rapidity. This gives rise to concern among many of us who work in this field, a preoccupation
certainly shared by
32. Tibuvit, Neurokroll Plus, Hierrovita Plus, Bisultrim among others.
























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the curers who fear that fewer and fewer will be found to replace them. Most of the curers I know do not
have a successor, as none of their family members have shown an inclination to take up this type of
work. An additional difficulty is the fact that traditionally not just anyone can become a curandero;
there has to be a kind of supernatural sanction or calling, in order to become a curer, although in some
cases if a specialist considers that someone shows a special inclination towards this type of work, he
may undertake to teach him or her.
Insofar as traditional agricultural ceremonies are concerned (a field of activity reserved to the h-
men), their reason for being lies in their relationship with the milpa, making their survival dependent on
the continuation of this practice. For, while making milpa is admittedly a secular activity destined to
ensure a supply of food, it also has deep religious undertones in the close relationship of the campesino
with the bush and the spirit world that inhabits it, and his belief in, and dependence on, supernatural
powers of both Catholic and pre-Columbian origin.
It is because of his dependence on these powers who determine his well-being and who either
provide or withhold the necessary conditions that ensure a successful crop and therefore his subsistence,
that the campesino customarily calls upon a ritual specialist (h-men) to perform agricultural ceremonies
like the wahi kol, the hets luum,33 and during the growing season the cha chaak, the petition to the
rain gods to send the much-needed rain. Such rituals are intended to incur the favor of these powerful
spirits, to ask for protection for the campesino and his family, his animals and his field, and to express
gratitude for their beneficence.
The continued performance of such ceremonies obviously depends on whether the campesino
continues to believe in animated nature and consequently the necessity for placating the spirit
world. However, as already mentioned, the traditional milpa system, which once formed the
33. This term means to found villages, acclimatize or take possession of something (Diccionario maya Cordemex 1980:204).
However, such ceremonies are not only carried out to sanctify a piece of land before the owner takes possession of it, but also
to ensure its protection, or to put an end to certain phenomena (the continued and inexplicable death of animals, crop failure, or
strange sounds and sights on the terrain).
34. In one article in the Diario de Yucatn (September 25,2003), entitled Cede terreno la agricultura indgena it is
pointed out that the great majority of the population has abandoned agricultural practices, 68.7% dedicating themselves to
other activities (apud.Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y el INAH).





















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basis of Maya life, is in serious trouble34 and this does not bode well for the persistence of such rituals. In
addition, with the demise of so many of the ritual-specialists it is alarming how many pueblos no longer
have their own h-men, forcing them to seek one in a neighboring village. In the event that one can not be
found the ceremony can not be carried out, contributing to a continuing cycle of loss of such practices.
Although on occasion a campesino can make a simple offering of saka,35 more in the nature of a
temporary appeasement, he feels obliged to be generous, as the spirits have been, and this calls for the
performance of more extensive and costlier ceremonies, as those mentioned above. These require a number
of chickens and at least one turkey, large amounts of ground maize for the elaboration of the sacred breads
(pibes), various ingredients (spices, tomatoes, onions, etc.) for the kol,36 the ritual balche37 and
refreshments38 which entails quite an expenditure. Nowadays many people are hard put, or do not want, to
incur in such costs, leading to a more infrequent performance of these rituals or alternately cutting corners, so
that on occasion an offering may consist only of some tortillas.39 However, since by their very nature such
ceremonies are not solely religious, but also social affairs, much of their purpose is defeated by such
niggardliness. Man is supposed to express his gratitude by being equally generous as the spirits have been and
this includes generosity to ones fellow man.
What further endangers this tradition is the disinterest and lack of belief of the younger
generation, giving cause for concern that it will not persist once the older generation dies out. The
typical attitude of the young is to make a short appearance, generally when it is time to distribute
the ceremonial meal, or occasionally briefly during the ritual
35. A maize gruel called atole in Mexico. A combination of ground maize and water, it is not cooked or heated but drunk
cold; sometimes cacao is added to it (Diccionario maya Cordemex 1980:709).
36. A thick gruel made with quantities of ground maize (Diccionario maya Cordemex 1980:411).
37. Used ritually in agricultural ceremonies, it is made from the rind of the Lonchocarpus violaceus (Jacq.), fermented in
honey water. (Diccionario maya Cordemex 1980:34).
38. Most ritualists I know do not permit the use of alcohol, but this prohibition is sometimes hard to impose when the
owner of the milpa who has commissioned the ceremony chooses to offer it to his friends.
39. Don Tono told me that one of his clients regularly only offered oatmeal: slo avena pone, nada ms.























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Ruth Gubler

during which they show an utter disregard for the ceremony, generally laughing and joking while
prayers are being pronounced, or looking bored, or declining a ritual meal. Unfortunately, I have also
seen the same lack of respect among some older people who simply go about their business and socialize
while the h-men performs the ceremony. This in itself bespeaks a breakdown in the tradition, for old
people stress the extreme reverence that was formerly shown in their day.
Finally, as has been pointed out, the traditional life-style has been seriously eroded and risks further
deterioration. The same can be said for traditional curing practices. There is a loss of knowledge of the
ancient ways, and, as pointed out, the intrusion of elements of allopathic medicine; the disappearance of the
old curanderos with no one to take their place, and the loss of faith. Traditional medicine is based on faith (as
it is in allopathic medicine in both cases one has to believe in the effects of a treatment), but most
importantly it is based not only on faith in the curer but on the religious faith that benevolent beings will
restore harmony and health.
The two basic aspects that underlie the practice of traditional medicine are 1) local medicinal
plants, and 2) faith in the healer. With both seriously impacted, and the ultimate disappearance of
the curer, time appears to be running out for traditional medicine.
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Articles in the Diario de Yucatn
Admiracin mundial May 21, 2004
Alfabetizacin en maya October 18,2005
Cede terreno la agricultura indgena, September 25,2003
Emigrar o sembrar maz November 6,2003
Intentan matar a un brujo September 19,2004
Impulso a la lengua maya en las escuelas September 1,2005
Los migrantes del Mayab September 29,2005
Pidi una limpia y le robaron dinero May 23,2004
Rpida extincin de selvas locales July 30,2004
Se extingue el campesino September 5,2005