Tapadas en La Colonia Peruana

The Veiled Ladies of the Early Modern Spanish World: Seduction and Scandal in Seville,
Madrid, and Lima

Author(s): Laura R. Bass and Amanda Wunder
Source: Hispanic Review, Vol. 77, No. 1, Re-Envisioning Early Modern Iberia: Visuality,
Materiality, History (Winter, 2009), pp. 97-144
Published by: University of Pennsylvania Press
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The Veiled Ladies of the Early
Modern Spanish World: Seduction and
Scandal in
Seville, Madrid,
and Lima
Laura R. Bass
Tulane
University
Amanda Wunder
Lehman
College,
CUNY
ABSTRACT This article examines the controversial fashion of veil-
ing
in the
early
modern
Spanish
world.
Working
across the media of
art,
literature,
and the
law,
it
explores
the
intersecting ways
in which
moralists,
legislators, playwrights, painters,
and
poets
constructed the
figure
of the
veiled
lady {tapada)
as a social
type
at once
alluring
and
deeply unsettling.
We
provide
an
explanation
of the
terminology
and
taxonomy
of
veiling,
with illustrations to show the various
styles
of face-
covering popular
in
early
We
began
this collaborative
project
three
years ago
and are
very grateful
to Barbara Fuchs for the
opportunity
to
present
it at the
"Re-Envisioning Early
Modern Iberia"
symposium
at the Univer-
sity
of
Pennsylvania
in
February
2008. We would like to thank the conference
participants
and
respondents, especially
Mara Feliciano and
Enrique
Garca Santo-Toms who commented on the
manuscript.
While in
progress,
this work was
presented
at the Renaissance
Society
of America
(2006),
the
Society
for
Spanish
and
Portuguese
Historical Studies
(2007),
and the
University
of
Minnesota
Department
of
Spanish
and
Portuguese (2007),
and we are
very
much indebted to
those audience members for their
thoughtful questions
and leads to sources. Our work has been
further enriched
by
the contributions of
colleagues
from various
disciplines,
to whom we would
like to
express
our thanks: Renato Barahona,
Emily Bergmann,
Iris
Blanco, Juan
Carlos Estens-
soro,
Carlos
Glvez,
Margaret
Greer,
Richard
Kagan, Gridley
McKim-Smith,
Susan
North,
Car-
men Peraita, Nicole Prescott,
Mara
Jos
del Rio
Barredo,
Jeffrey
Schrader,
Suzanne
Walker,
and
Ari
Zighelboim.
Financial
support
was
provided by
a Barbara Greenbaum Newcomb
Fellowship
Stipend,
Tulane
University's
Phase II Research Enhancement
Fund,
and the
University
of New
Hampshire
Center for the Humanities.
Hispanic
Review
(winter 2009)
- ^
97
Copyright

2009 University
of
Pennsylvania
Press. All
rights
reserved.
98
<-
Hispanic review : winter
2009
modern
Spain.
We then
argue
that this fashion and the
controversy
-
as
well as the entertainment
-
it
generated
were
closely
tied to
Spain's
rise as
an
imperial power, especially
to the new forms of urbanism that
developed
in the ancient
city
of Seville and the much
younger capitals
of Madrid and
Lima. As these
rapidly expanding
cities offered their inhabitants new
spaces
of social interaction and new
possibilities
for social
mobility,
wealth,
and
consumerism,
their
changing
urban
landscapes
and
complex demographics
also
generated
anxieties of failure and
deception.
Cultural concerns
regard-
ing religious practice,
the
regulation
of domestic and
public space,
and
racial and class distinctions coalesced around the
figure
of the
tapada.
Seductive,
mysterious,
and
rebellious,
she absorbed the fantasies and fears
of urban life in three of the most
dynamic
cities of
imperial Spain.
In
1586,
the Cortes de Castilla
petitioned King Philip
II to outlaw women
from
appearing
in
public
with their faces covered
-
that
is,
from
dressing
as
tapadas. According
to the
legislators,
this fashion was the source of
"great
offenses to God and notable harm to the
republic." Anonymous
beneath the
veil,
women had the freedom to
navigate
"time and
space
at their will."
Fathers, husbands,
and brothers could not
recognize
their own
daughters,
wives,
and sisters. Social status was
hidden, too,
and men made advances on
women whom
they
would never dare to
approach
when the
"light
of
day
distinguished
one from another." Most
outrageous
of
all,
men cross-dressed
as
tapadas
to commit
"great
wickedness and
profanations."
In
short,
the
Cortes
argued,
the trend for
veiling
had to be eliminated in its
entirety,
even
if this meant that modest women who
preferred
to cover their faces while
performing
charitable acts would be
affected,
too.1 The Crown heeded the
1. "Ha venido tal extremo el uso de andar
tapadas
las
mugeres, que
dello han resultado
grandes
ofensas de Dios
y
notable dao a la
repblica,
causa de
que
en
aquella
forma, no conoce el
padre
la
hija,
ni el marido la
muger,
ni el hermano la
hermana,
y
tienen la libertad
y tiempo y lugar
su
voluntad,
y
dan ocasin
que
los hombres se atrevan la
hija,

muger
del mas
principal,
como las del mas vil
y bajo;
lo
que
no seria si diesen
lugar, yendo
descubiertas,

que
la luz
discerniese las unas de las
otras,
porque
entonces cada una
presumiria
ser
y
seria de todos diferen-
temente
tratada,
y que
se viesen diferentes obras en las unas
que
en las
otras;
dems de lo cual se
excusaran
grandes
maldades
y sacrilegios, que
los hombres vestidos como
mugeres y tapados,
sin
poder
ser
conocidos,
han hecho
y
hazen. Y
finalmente,
se evitaran tanto nmero de
pecados
hechos
por
este mal
uso,
que respeto
dellos,
no son de consideracin
algunas
buenas obras
que
seoras
y mugeres
honradas hazen
tapadas,
ni la comodidad
que
esto les es de
hazer,
para que
se
dexe de remediar un dao tan universal
y
evidente;
pues
conforme razn
y
derecho,
se deue
proveer
lo mas
general, aunque por
ello cesen
algunos
bienes. Y
porque
esto
tenga
remedio,
como conviene al servicio de Dios
y
de bien destos
reynos: Suplicamos
vuestra
Majestad,
mande
Bass and Wunder : veiled ladies
- *
99
Cortesi
petition
and
prohibited
women of all social strata from
appearing
in
public
with their faces
covered,
under
penalty
of
3,000
maraveds. The
legislation,
first
published
in
1590,
was reissued in
1594
and
1600,
but
appar-
ently
to little effect.
Claiming
that lack of
compliance
had resulted in "some
harms and troublesomeness in disservice to
God,"
the Crown issued a new
pragmatic,
or
royal
sanction,
in
1639
that more than
tripled
the
previous
penalties.2
At the same time that
tapadas
raised an alarm
among
lawmakers,
they
inspired
the
imaginations
of artists and writers.3
By
the late sixteenth
century,
tapadas
were
ubiquitous figures
in various media not
only
in
Spain
but also
in
Spanish
America,
especially
in Peru. A source of entertainment or a cause
of
concern,
and often
both,
they
are featured in
early
modern
prints
and
paintings,
on the
margins
of
maps
and
city
views,
in the
pages
of local histor-
ies and
hagiographies. They
also
appear
as characters in
literature,
especially
in the
theater,
where
they play
lead roles in countless Golden
Age
comedies.
Legal, literary,
and visual sources
overlapped
in their
representations
of
tapa-
das to create a
clearly recognizable
social
type:
seductive, defiant,
and
disrup-
tive of the social order. The
many
associations of the
tapada
could be
communicated in
just
a few strokes without
losing legibility,
as we see in the
illustrated
frontispiece
from a
chapbook
of
poems printed
in Seville in
1687
(see
fig.
1).
In this
woodcut,
the artist has
emphasized
the covered woman's
prominent,
outsized
eye peeking
from her
veil,
and
V-shaped
hatches
suggest
the
sumptuous
fabric of her skirt. She stands between two
gentlemen,
a
posi-
que ninguna muger
ande
tapada,
debaxo de la
pena por
la forma
que pareciere
ser mas convenien-
te,
para que
esta ocasin de tanto dao cese"
(Actas
de las Cortes de Castilla
440-41).
Translations
of
Spanish
sources here and elsewhere in the article are our own unless otherwise indicated.
2. "Mandamos,
que
en estos
Reynos, y
Seorios todas las
mugeres
de
qualquier
estado,
y
calidad
que
sean anden descubiertos los
rostros,
de manera
que puedan
ser
vistas,
y
conocidas,
sin
que
de
ninguna
suerte
puedan tapar
el rostro en
todo,
ni en
parte
con
mantos,
ni otra
cosa,
y que
cerca
de lo susodicho se
guarden, cumplan, y
executen las dichas
Prematicas,
y leyes,
con las
penas
en
ellas contenidas:
y
dems de los tres mil marauedis
que por
ellas se
imponen, por
la
primera
vez,
caygan,
e incurran en
perdimiento
del
manto,
y
de diez mil marauedis
aplicados por
tercias
partes:
y por
la
segunda
los dichos diez mil marauedis sean
veinte,
y
se
pueda imponer pena
de
destierro,
segn
la
calidad,
y
estado de la
muger" (Prematica,
n.
pag.).
3.
The
tapadas
of
early
modern
Spain
and
Spanish
America have
inspired
much
study
over a
long
period
of
time,
starting
with the
late-nineteenth-century Spanish journalist ngel
Stor's
nostalgic
survey
of the
phenomenon,
"El
tapado y
las
tapadas."
See recent studies
by
Arizmendi
Amiel,
Len
Len,
and Peraita. For the
specific
case of colonial Peru,
see
Martin;
Silverblatt
168-70.
oo
-
Hispanic review : Winter
2009
Figure
1. Veiled woman and two
gentlemen.
Title
page of
Francisco
Alfantega y
Corts,
Aqui
se contienen
quatro
romances famosos
(Seville, 1687).
Biblioteca
Nacional
Madrid.
Reprinted
with
permission.
A
(Vf
1 1 SE CONTIENT^ ("Hf A TR O
N
onunccs ftniom. r;
primero ,
de !os an;a/:;^bjd-v
JL
r'irJo,
en oj fcLti:atj cl mode ..on o^tlj* v.-
g.ii
.
c:i fus rn^vcijicuie^ ..u:r!zan a rc^*,
jn^jo
Ju
g
::c p ex^nchTi oc njvlic. !us i>r(^s ' ,;:rLren*
ees
pi'o^oliro^Conipualr: pe
r
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v
Cuites,
#W|
^'
Ji1^
ATiladanmc
todo
qtitoi
Los
qnc
fu dio
idolatran
Ai
perdiaofi giliotsao, jf^lans
de vnas
do2c!)a5,
y
va delito continuado
que
filo fueran
muynin is,
fa ilamao
correfpum^cneta.
auu catolices fue
por f^cr^
Todo amancebado
ccch^f Quiero,
es vi* la
uya,
excU irn rato
fiq*cra
darks d fu vida cacut
i,
fu
culpa
sferir los
aJo$i pees
con fer ios
que lapa
(Tin,'
yaque
losaos!
cierra*
puede ff<|wc
00 la ejitiv*ndn<
- >
101
tion that evokes the
flirtatiousness, freedom,
and rivalries
typically
associated
with the veiled woman.4
Such visual and textual
representations
of
tapadas
do not reflect so much
as refract what was
really happening
on the streets. Yet modern scholars have
tended to take
early
modern sources at face
value,
claiming,
for
instance,
that the covered women of the
early
modern
Spanish
world were rebels in a
patriarchal society.5
But the
surviving
sources
-
which
are,
for the most
part,
highly
formulaic creations
by
men
-
do not reveal the motivations and self-
perceptions
of the women who covered their faces.
Indeed,
we cannot even
determine
just
how
pervasive
and
disruptive veiling actually
was or the extent
to which women
(and men)
were
prosecuted
for
violating
the laws.6 In our
study
of the
overlapping representations
of the
tapada,
we have found that
the veil
functioned,
to
quote
Joan
Wallach Scott's work on
modern-day
France,
as "a screen onto which were
projected images
of
strangeness
and
fantasies of
danger"
(io).7 Specifically,
we
argue
that
tapadas
absorbed the
sense of
"strangeness"
and
"danger"
that
accompanied
the rise of
Spanish
urbanism in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In this
period, growing
urban centers offered
opportunities
for social
mobility
and
consumerism,
and status became tied to wealth as well as birth.
Migration
to cities afforded
people
the chance to remake their
identities,
and new
spaces
created new
arenas for interaction between the sexes. At the same
time,
changing
urban
environments confounded
people's ability
to
identify
one another
through
the established
signs
of
rank,
gender,
and race. As the Castilian Cortes made
4.
None of the
poems
in this collection have
anything
in
particular
to do with
tapadas;
as was
common
practice
in
cheap printed pamphlets (pliegos sueltos),
it seems that this
publisher simply
chose an available
image
to illustrate the first
page.
5.
In the words of Carmen
Bernis,
"Las
mujeres espaolas
de los
siglos
XVI
y
XVII se
tapaban
para gozar
de
mayor
libertad, saliendo a la calle sin ser conocidas ... en total rebelda contra lo
exigido por
las buenas costumbres
y por
las
leyes" (257-58).
Similar claims have been made
by
historians such as
Jos
Deleito
y
Piuela,
who read sources
literally
as faithful records of customs
(see esp. 68-70),
and
by
Luis
Martin,
who held
up
Peru's famed
tapadas
as freedom
fighters
who
have earned a
place
in
history alongside
the heroes of Peru's
independence (310).
More
recently,
Mary
Elizabeth
Perry
has asserted that
Spain's early
modern Morisca
women,
whose culture was
under
attack,
found in the veil a means of
"subverting
their
oppression
and
transforming
it into
a
strategy
for
protection
and a base for liberation"
(Handless
Maiden
7-9).
6. Deleito
y
Piuela cites a case of a man's
prosecution
for
cross-dressing
in a
guardainfante
and
going
out as a
tapado
de medio
ojo (70).
7.
Scott's book concerns the
controversy
over the headscarf that
erupted
in France in the
1990s,
which she connects to social anxieties about French national
identity
in the face of
postcolonial
immigration.
102
<o-
HISPANIC REVIEW : Winter
2009
clear,
this crisis of social
recognition
became focalized on the
veil,
at once an
instrument of
anonymity
and an emblem of its
dangers.
Nowhere was the
problem
of social
legibility
more acute than in the
dynamic
cities of
Seville,
Madrid,
and Lima. Not
incidentally,
these cities also
generated
the most
rep-
resentations of
tapadas,
and veiled
ladies,
in
turn,
became
defining
features
of the cities themselves.8
This article centers on the
figure
of the
tapada
in the commercial
entrept
of
Seville,
the court
capital
of
Madrid,
and the
viceregal capital
of Lima.
Drawing
from
art, literature,
and the
law,
we trace several
tropes
-
the
tapada
as
seductress,
instrument of
mayhem, figure
of
deception, object
of fetishistic
worship
-
that criss-crossed various media and arose on both sides of the
Atlantic. At the same
time,
we seek to remain attentive to differences in tone
and
emphasis
in how
tapadas
were
represented according
to the
particulari-
ties of both
genre
and
geography.
But before
turning
to our
analysis,
it is
important
to
clarify
how our sources saw and described the controversial
practice
of
veiling.
"El
Tapado":
A
Brief History
and
Taxonomy
Given
Spain's history,
the fashion for
veiling
(el
tapado)
that
emerged
there
in the sixteenth
century
has often been
presumed
to be the
product
of
Moorish-Christian contact.9
Taking
issue with that
assumption,
eminent
costume historian Carmen Bernis
argued
that this fashion had
nothing
to do
with Morisco influence. As she
pointed
out,
visual evidence reveals
signifi-
cant
stylistic
differences between
Moriscas,
who covered their faces
by
hold-
ing up
the white
almalafa
to reveal both
eyes,
and the Christian Castilians' use
of a dark mantle to cover one
eye (257).
This difference is
readily apparent
in
a
comparison
between a
drawing
of a Morisca woman
by
the German artist
Christoph
Weiditz
(1520s)
and an
etching
in Cesare Vecellio's costume book
(1590s)
depicting
a
tapada
as the
"typical" Spanish
maiden
(see
figs.
2 and
3).
While the influence of Morisca fashion is
debatable,
the
pre-eminent
his-
torian of the veil from the
period,
Antonio de Len
Pinelo,
affirmed that
8.
Representations
of
tapadas
were not exclusive to these cities. Veiled ladies
appear,
for
example,
in
Miguel
de Cervantes's novella El casamiento
engaoso (1613),
which is set in
Valladolid,
and in
Juan
Bautista Martnez del Mazo's
painting,
the View
of Zaragoza (1647),
at the Museo del Prado.
9. See, for
example,
Arizmendi Amiel
54;
and Len Len
274-76.
- ^
103
Figure
2. Morisca woman in almalafa.
Christoph
Weiditz,
Trachtenbuch
(1529), fol. 97r.
Germanisches Nationalmuseum,
Nuremberg. Reprinted
with
permission.
the fashion for
face-covering
in sixteenth-
century Spain
had evolved out of
Morisco
practice.
In his
scholarly
treatise Velos
antiguos y
modernos en los
rostros de las
mujeres, published
in
1641
in the wake of the
1639 pragmatic
Len Pinelo
provided
an elaborate
explanation
of how "Arabic"
veiling
had
been transmitted to Christian women.
According
to Len
Pinelo,
when Mor-
104
-
2009
Figure 3.
Citella
Spagnvola.
Cesare
Vecellioy
De
gli
habiti antichi et moderni di diuerse
parti
del mondo
(Venice, 1590), fol. 2&$r.
Research.
Library, Getty
Research,
Institute,
Los
Angeles. Reprinted
with
permission.
-
105
iscas
exchanged
the outlawed
almalafa
for the Castilian
mantle,
they
wore it
with such
appeal, accentuating
their
naturally
beautiful
eyes
("todas
de excel-
entes
ojos"),
that
Spanish
women
copied
them.10
Spanish
women,
in
turn,
made the fashion so much their own
("tan propio suyo")
that there was
not one who did not wear it with
"enthusiasm,
grace,
and a
well-groomed
appearance"
("aficin,
donayre,
i aseo"
[1: 166, 174]).
Whatever its actual
origins,
the
tapado
fashion was so
thoroughly
assimi-
lated
by
the
1580s
that the Cortes banned its
use,
not because of
any
connec-
tions to the
Hispano-Muslim past,
but rather out of concern for the
dangers
that the
legislators alleged
it
posed
to the
republic
in the
present.11
The
tapado
was a modern
problem,
and
modernity
in
early
modern
Europe
was
directly
tied to the rise of cities. It was
precisely
in the context of Renaissance
urbanism that the
practice
of feminine
veiling
became a source of concern
among
lawmakers and intellectuals.12 In his
1523
Education
of
a Christian
Woman,
the exiled
Spanish
humanist
Juan
Luis Vives contrasted the
proper
modest use of the veil
among
wives in
antiquity
to how women were cover-
ing
themselves
"nowadays
in some
European
cities,
in order to remain
unknown and
unseen,
while
they
see and
recognize
others."
Turning
inside
out the traditional association between
veiling
and feminine
modesty,
Vives
concluded,
"let women's faces be free of
veils,
but veiled with
modesty"
(243).
Women veiled themselves in other
parts
of
Europe
-
in his famous
costume
book,
the Italian
printmaker
Cesare Vecellio
depicted
veiled women
from
Venice, Ferrara,
and
Turin,
to name a few
-
but the fashion became
particularly
identified with
Spain. Foreign
visitors,
from Cardinal
Borghese
10.
Although
the Moriscas of Granada were forbidden from
using
the
almalafa
to cover their faces
early
in the sixteenth
century,
Len Pinelo dates their substitution of the Castilian mantle for the
traditional
almalafa
to
1567,
when a series of harsh measures was
adopted
to eradicate Moorish
customs
(1: 166).
11. This
represents
a
change
from the earlier sixteenth
century,
when two decrees were
passed
in
1513 prohibiting
Moriscas and Old Christian women in Granada from
veiling
themselves with the
almalafa'.,
for these
documents,
see
Gallego y
Burin and Garnir Sandoval
177-80.
At that time, and
within the
very specific
context of this
recently reconquered kingdom,
these
prohibitions
responded
to concerns
regarding
tradition and acculturation: in addition to
claiming
that the
almalafa
served as a
disguise
for
ungodly
behavior,
the decree
pertaining
to Old Christians
argued
that it set a bad example to recent converts (179).
12.
According
to Diane Owen
Hughes,
the first
regulation
of
veiling
in
Italy
dates to fourteenth-
century
Siena,
where
city
officials were authorized to demand the
identity
of veiled
women;
Hughes
notes that
only
a
century
earlier Cardinal Latino had endorsed
face-veiling
in order to
protect
a woman's honor and
modesty (91-92).
Also see Alan Hunt on the issue of
veiling
and
anonymity, 66-67.
106
<o~~
HISPANIC REVIEW I Winter
2009
in
1599
to Cosimo D'Medici in the
1660s,
remarked
upon
the
presence
of
veiled ladies in the course of their
Spanish
travels
(Bernis 257-58).
Within
Spain
itself,
Len Pinelo asserted that
veiling
was
especially widespread
-
and
problematic
-
in Castile.13
What, then,
did
veiling
look like in
early
modern
Spain?
As
happens
so
often in costume
history,
it is difficult to
extrapolate
a
tidy taxonomy
from
textual
sources,
which often use the same terms in different contexts and
rarely provide
a seamless match with the visual evidence. Thus what follows
is an
approximate guide
to the
terminology
of
veiling.
Authors of
legal
and
literary
works
frequently
used the word
tapadas
as shorthand for covered
ladies;
el
tapado
refers to the controversial fashion itself.14 Sixteenth- and
seventeenth-century legal
documents
typically employed
the
phrases
andar
con el rostro
tapado
or andar
tapadas
to refer to women
going
out with their
faces covered. The action of women
covering
themselves was indicated
by
the reflexive verbs
taparse,
cubrirse,
and
embozarse,
which
appear frequently
in
stage
directions to
plays
-
and not
just
for women. Male characters could
also conceal their faces behind their
capes,
and covered
gentlemen
often were
paired
with veiled ladies on the
stage,
so much so that the "hidden man and
veiled woman"
{el
escondido and la
tapada)
became almost
synonymous
with
Calderonian
comedy
(see
fig.
4).15
A view of Granada
published
in
Georg
Braun's Civitates Orbis Terrarum features these theatrical
types acting
out a
scene of unidentified
intrigue
in the outskirts of the southern
city.
While
men's
appearances
were the
subject
of moralistic literature and
sumptuary
legislation
in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
(though
less so than
women's),
the
practice
of male
disguise
beneath a broad-brimmed hat and
13.
Len Pinelo wrote: "Cubrirse las
mujeres
los rostros,
y
usar velos en ellos, es casi tan
antiguo,
como el haber
mujeres
en el mundo. Sus conveniencias conocieron todos los
siglos pasados:
sus
daos ha
experimentado
slo el
presente: parece que
ms en
Castilla,
que
en los otros Reinos de
Espaa, y
aun de
Europa" (1: 79).
14.
In his
treatise,
Len Pinelo uses the term el
tapado
as
synonymous
with the
particularly
seduc-
tive form of
"one-eyed" veiling;
he calls women veiled in that
style tapadas.
In
contrast, he uses el
cubierto and cubiertas to describe a more modest
practice
of full
veiling (1: 158-59).
As Len Pinelo
himself
acknowledges,
the
1639
Prematica en
qve
sv
magestad
manda,
que ninguna muger
ande
tapada
banned both
partial
and full
veiling.
15.
There was a
play by
Caldern de la Barca titled El escondido
y
la
tapada,
discussed below. The
playwright
himself was so aware of the
conventionality
of this
pair
that in his
quintessentially
metatheatrical
comedy
No
hay
burlas con el
amor,
the
gallant
wonders,
"Es
comedia de Don
Pedro Caldern / donde ha de haber /
por
fuerza amante
escondido, / o rebozada
mujer?" (514).
- *
107
Figure 4.
View of Granada
(detail). Joris
Hoefnagel
in
Georg
Braun,
Civitates Orbis
Terrarum,
vol.
5 (Cologne, 1598), fol. ly
bis. In Civitates orbis terrarum: "The Towns of
the
World," 1572-1618 [facsim. ed.] (Cleveland,
OH: World
Publishing, 1966).
concealing
cloak was not outlawed until the
eighteenth century
-
a
prohibi-
tion that
notoriously provoked
a riot in Madrid.16
Women could cover their faces with a
variety
of different
garments,
and a
rich and varied
vocabulary
existed to describe them. The word rebozo
referred to
any
fabric used as a face
covering.17
There were also velos
(veils,
in the modern
English
sense of the
word),
which
might
be full- or half-
length.
But the most common
garment
used
by
Castilian women to cover
their faces was the
ubiquitous
manto
(mantle),
a
long
black cloak that was
worn
by
women of all
ages,
social
standings,
and stations in
life,
including
16. On concerns over men's dress in
seventeenth-century Spain,
see Elizabeth Lehfeldt
(482-87).
The
prohibition
of
long capes
and wide-brimmed hats in Bourbon
Spain
culminated in a
1766
decree known as the the Motn de
Esquilache.
See the
anononymous
Relacin histrico del tumulto
de Madrid of
1766;
and Len Len
284-88.
17.
In his
1599
Dictionarie in
Spanish
and
English,
John
Minsheu defined
reboco
as a "maske,
a
vizard,
to
wimple
the face." The Diccionario de Autoridades, however,
is more
general
in
defining
embozo
(provided
as a
synonym
for
rebozo)
as
anything
used to cover the face.
io8
<o -
2009
nuns, widows,
beatas
(lay religious
women),
and dueas
(matrons
who
worked in the service of the
wealthy).
The mantle
typically
was worn
draped
over the head and
body,
sometimes held down
by
a
hat,
as worn
by
the
Castilian woman
depicted by
Weiditz
(see
fig.
5).
Mantles came in a wide
range
of fabrics
-
wool, linen, silk, damask,
gauze
-
of
varying quality
and
expense
(Bernis 248-56). Particularly prized
were the
jet-black
mantos de
Sevilla. The finest sheer silk mantle was
evocatively
known as a manto de
soplillo,
a fabric
light
as breath. The "cultivated
Spanish lady" depicted
in an
engraving
from around 1600 wears a manto de
humo,
whose name
suggests
a
cloud of
smoke,
and she attracts the attentions of an
equally
well-dressed
gentleman
(see
fig.
6).18
Mantles also could be trimmed with
point-lace (pun-
tas),
as worn
by
the
anonymous
sitter in a
portrait
attributed to
Velazquez
(see
fig.
7).
The woman in this
painting
wears a
mantilla,
a shorter version
of the
mantle,
also referred to as a mantellino or rebocio.19 The mantilla
would rise in
popularity
after
1700, ultimately replacing
the mantle and
becoming
a
symbol
of
Spanish femininity
and national
identity.
In and of
itself,
a mantle did not a
tapada
make. In contrast to other
sumptuary legislation
that
targeted specific garments
like the
guardainfante
skirt,
anti-
tapado legislation
did not
prohibit
the mantle.20 It
was, rather,
the
way
that a woman handled her mantle that transformed her into a
tapada.
A
fine,
almost
transparent
mantle could be
draped
over the face without
impairing
a woman's vision
(and
leaving
her hands
free).21
Or a woman
could
manipulate
her mantle with her
hands,
wrapping
it around her head
to cover all but one
eye (typically
the left
eye).
This was the
quintessential
style
known as the
tapado
de medio
ojo,
which was seen
by contemporaries
as
being spectacularly
seductive. The
figure
of the
tapada
de medio
ojo
18. Covarrubias Orozco offers this vivid definition of
soplillo:
"manto de
soplillo,
es una tela tan
delgada que
con un
soplo
la eventarn de donde estuviere"
(902).
19. According
to tne
Uetty
Provenance inaexy
mis
painting
was in tne
1009 inventory
or tne
Marquis
of
Carpio
where the head
covering
is described as "Velo
negro
Con
puntas
En la Caveza"
(item 0113
from archival document
E-84).
This
inventory description
is also
quoted
in Veliz
93n6.
20. A
sumptuary
law of
1639
tried to do
away
with the
guardainfante
and the lowered
neckline,
making
it
illegal
for
anyone
to wear them
except
for
prostitutes (Pregn
en
aye
sv
magestad
manda).
21. As in the case of Doa Estefana in Cervantes's El casamiento
engaoso^
"la otra se sent en
una silla
junto
a
m,
derribado el manto hasta la barba, sin
dejar
ver el rostro ms de
aquello que
conceda la raridad del manto"
(524).
As
Jorge
Garca
Lpez
has
pointed
out in his
gloss,
the
mantle was
very
sheer: "El manto
dejaba
entrever el rostro
por
la
poca
densidad del
tejido (era
'ralo,'
y
de ah su
poca raridad)" [Casamiento 524n2i).
- ^
109
Figure 5.
Castilian woman in mantle and hat.
Christoph
Weiditz,
Trachtenbuch
(1529), fol.
23r.
Germanisches Nationalmuseum,
Nuremberg. Reprinted
with
permission.
no
-
hispanic review : winter
2009
Figure
6.
Hispani
et
Hispanae
in Vestitu Cultus. Sebastian Vrancx and Peeter de
Jode,
Variorum Gentium Ornatus
(ca. 1600). Kunstbibliothek,
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin.
Photo Credit: Bildarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz/Art Resource,
NY.
Reprinted
with
permission.
v
j>ii?ia Jat mamhus , rose i.-i alterna Urllis
'filauJittjs
Hispana
nurus, cultuaw Jrrj ,
cW lare ,
jeu
vdlrt
tur muijis accipnx
-
Et msrum Itvula rwuhtturw vlaa't .
Ol
f
Mar m
pus, fu fnrki
traitt lbrru>, t Chant um htsum ,
purify
vdattlis arrum
*
i)Attv5 fruir
ur turn minus lile luis .
Jicspervs rLmfwn
itwhus
cr
jmtrs
.
- >
in
Figure 7. Young Lady
with a Mantilla
(1677).
Circle
of Diego
de Silva
y Velazquez.
Chatsworth Photo
Library,
Chatsworth, Bakewell,
Derbyshire. Reprinted
with
permission.
112
-
2009
became
closely
associated with
Spain
itself thanks to
frequent reproductions
of
printed images,
such as Vecellio's
Spanish
maiden noted above
(fig. 3).
In
this
full-length image
of a
tapada,
the woman's facial features are
completely
disguised by
her lace-trimmed
mantle;
even her hands are
kept
from
view,
enfolded in the fabric of her cloak.
It is notable how
many paintings
and
prints depict
mantled
Spanish
women
touching
the fabric of their
garments,
as if
they
are on the
verge
of
covering
their faces and
transforming
themselves into
tapadas
(see
figs.
6 and
7 above).22
The
tapada
created herself at
will,
and she could uncover herself
with
equal
ease, which,
of
course,
made her
quite
difficult to catch. The
controversial fashion was thus a matter of intention more than
anything
else,
and it was the
tapada's anticipated
actions under cover that
generated
so
much excitement and
controversy
in the
early
modern
Hispanic
world. The
tapado phenomenon,
which coincided with the
development
of transatlantic
trade and the rise of the
Spanish Empire,
was
especially
associated with the
city
of
Seville,
the seat of
Spain's
New World trade and our
point
of
depar-
ture for
investigating
the
tapada topos.
Seville's
"Tapadas": Worldly
Pleasures and Disillusion in
Spain's
Port to
the New World
In his
1587
history
of
Seville,
Alonso
Morgado
counted the
tapadas
de medio
ojo among
his
city's unique
charms.
Manipulating
their
fancy
silk mantles
over their
faces,
peeking
out with one
eye, they
embodied the
grace
and
elegance ("donayre, y gallarda")
of
Spain's great port city.23
The
trope
of the
city
as a beautiful woman took
special shape
in
sixteenth-century
Seville,
where writers
prized
the charms of local women
-
the
way they
walked,
talked,
and
draped
their mantles across their faces
-
among
the sensual
plea-
22.
Wearing
a veil
very
similar to that
pictured
in
Lady
with a
Mantilla^
Velazquez's
famous
Lady
with a Fan has been described
by
one art historian as a
tapada (Zirpolo 20), though
in fact her
face is not covered in the
portrait.
23.
The
tapado plays
a
key
role in
Morgado's description
of Seville's women: "Vsan el vestido
muy
Redondo,
precian
se de andar
muy
derechas,
y
menudo el
passo, y
assi las haze el buen
donayre, y gallarda
conocidos
por
todo el
Reyno,
en
especial por
la
gracia
con
que
se
loanean, y
se
atapan
los rostros con los
mantos,
y
miran de vn
ojo.
Y en
especial
se
precian
de
muy
olorosas,
de mucha
limpieza, y
de toda
pulicia, y galanteras
de Oro
y
Perlas."
Morgado goes
on to
say
that
no sevillana would be seen
wearing
a
plain
wool mantle and describes the fine fabrics that
they
favored: "todo es buratos de
Seda, Tafetn, Maraas,
Soplillo, y por
lo menos Aascte"
(142).
- >
113
sures to be found in the shadow of the Giralda
(see
Brioso Santos
257-58).
In
Tirso de Molina's famed Burlador de Sevilla
(ca. 1630),
a
Neapolitan
noble-
man
recently
arrived in Seville lauds the
city's
women in
language
similar to
that of the historian
Morgado, exclaiming rhetorically,
where but in Seville
could one find such
graceful
women
hiding
the "sun" of one
eye
behind their
covering
mantles?
("Sevilla
da ...
gallardas mujeres.
/ Un manto
tapado,
un
bro, / donde un
puro
sol se
esconde, / si no en
Sevilla,
adnde
/ se admite?"
[lines 1140-48]).
By
the
1620s,
the
image
of the
seductively
mantled woman
was so
closely
associated with Seville that authors and
playwrights frequently
dressed female characters as
tapadas
de medio
ojo
in a form of sartorial short-
hand to set a scene in the southern
metropolis.24
The
tapado
fashion was associated with Seville's
reputation
for
opulence
and
ostentation,
a
reputation
that
developed following
the
city's designation
as
Spain's port
to the Americas in
1503.
Seville attracted thousands of new-
comers and became an international center of fashionable
cosmopolitanism
and a cauldron of social
change.25
As
great
fortunes were made in New World
trade,
Seville came to be known as a
capital
of
conspicuous consumption.
Women's
clothing
was an
especially
effective means for a
family
to showcase
its wealth in
public,
and Seville's women were renowned for their
sumptuous
attire: fine silk
mantles,
skirts of velvet and
taffeta,
and
jewels
-
dangling
earrings,
bracelets, necklaces,
rosaries
-
of
gold, crystal,
fat
pearls,
and
pre-
cious stones.26 In
1788, Juan
Sempere y
Guarios
pointed
out the
apparent
24.
For
example,
in Tirso de Molina's El amor
mdico,
the main female character and her servant
appear
for the first time on
stage wearing
mantles and hats "a lo sevillano"
(act 1,
stage
dir. to line
734).
When the action of El diablo
cojuelo
shifts from Madrid to
Seville,
Luis Vlez de Guevara
places "algunas mujeres
con
mantos,
de medio
ojo,
sentadas en el suelo" at a
meeting
of a
literary
academy
in Seville
(162).
25.
For the social
history
of
early
modern
Seville,
see
Domnguez
Ortiz; Pike;
and
Perry,
Crime
and
Society
and Gender and Disorder.
26. Women's
clothing
was
ostentatiously displayed throughout early
modern
Europe,
most
famously
in Renaissance Florence.
According
to Carole Collier Frick's
Dressing
Renaissance Flor-
ence,
it was not uncommon for families to
spend up
to
forty percent
of their fortunes on
clothing
-
most of it
going
toward women's wardrobes for
public
view
(180).
In the case of Seville,
the
contemporary
historian of the
city
Luis de Peraza described in rich detail the attire of "las
nobilsimas sevillanas": "Traen mantos de
paos
finos
largos, y
de raso
y
de tafetn
y
de
sarga.
Traen
sayas
a la francesa,
sayas
serranas, flamencas,
sayas y
cofias
y
tocas
portuguesas, sayas
de
carmes
y terciopelo y
raso
y
tafetn
y
de
estamea,
y
de
paos
finos de todos colores con
muy
ricas tiras de seda. Traen
muy
ricos
ceideros,
y
cintas
y
cuentas
y
collares,
y
cadenas
y patenas y
joyeles,
todo de oro
y pedrera,
axorcas,
anillos
y
manillas de oro
y
esmaltes con ricas
piedras.
Traen ricas
y gordas perlas y aljfar
de muncho
valor,
colgaderos y
zarcillos en las
orejas,
corales
y
cuentas de cristal"
(74-75).
114
-
2009
contradiction that the
tapado
fashion
-
which
by
definition covered
up
such
rich clothes and accessories
-
arose
during
the
reign
of
Philip
II,
precisely
when the
opulent Spanish style
of dress was
popularized.27
But it could be
argued
that the concealment of one's
"goods"
became all the more tantaliz-
ing precisely during
a
period
of overt ostentation.
And,
as visual
representa-
tions of
tapadas
reveal,
the mantle treated the viewer to
provocative peeks
of
the
richly
brocaded underskirts and rows of
expensive
trims beneath the
outer
layer
(see,
for
example, figs.
1, 3,
6
above).
In the context of this
city
of
earthly pleasures,
the fashion for
partial
veil-
ing
could be a source of
great
fun and urbane
witticism,
as in the salacious
pun
on the
O-shaped eyehole
of the
tapada
de medio
ojo
in Tirso de Molina's
El amor mdico
(ca. 1622):
oh medio
ojo que
me
aoj,
oh atisbar de
basilisco;
oh
tapada
a lo
morisco,
oh fiesta
y
no de la O!
(lines 809-12)
The comic character's breathless
repetitions
of the O sound evoke the
very
shape
of the
tapada'
s
eye (ojo)
and
bring
to mind the common association
among
the O
shape,
the
mouth,
and female
genitalia.28
The
pleasures
of the
tapada
de medio
ojo
were also
dangers:
the male
speaker
claims that her one
eye
bewitched him
("me aoj," literally,
struck him with the evil
eye)
and
compares
it to a basilisk
-
that
mythological
snake said to kill
by
a
glance.
Indeed,
for all her charms the
tapada encapsulated
the
perils
of the
metropolis: anonymity
in a
city
of some
200,000 souls,
the seductive
dangers
of New World
wealth,
unchecked social
mobility,
and the
changing place
of
women in the
evolving cityscape.29
Just
as it created economic
opportunities,
27.
As
Sempere y
Guarios
put
it, "Quien
no mirara las cosas ms
que por
la
superficie,
dira
que
lejos
de deberse
prohibir aquel
estilo
[the tapado],
deba
por
el contrario fomentarse:
porque
con
l
quitaba
al
lujo gran parte
de su
estmulo,
haciendo intiles,
y suprfluos
muchos adornos,
pues
no se haban de
ver;
se vesta con ms
decencia,
ocultando el rostro,
y
los
pechos, y
las manos"
(281).
28. A similar association of the O
shape
and sound is found in
Shakespeare (see Partridge 159;
Parker
27-33).
29.
See Nieves Romero-Daz on the reflection of
early
modern Seville s
changing
social order in
contemporary
literature. In her
study
of Gonzalo
Cspedes y
Meneses's Historias
peregrinas y
ejemplares (1623),
she shows how
Cspedes y
Meneses tries to reconcile
opposing
elements of
traditional
nobility
with the new values of wealth and concomitant social
mobility
in "El desdn
-
115
the Indies trade caused
great disruption
within Sevillian households as men
traveled abroad and women
played
a more visible
public
role. An Italian
visitor in
1525
described Seville as a
city
"in the hands of
women,"
thanks to
the
departure
of the menfolk.30 Women were often left alone as men attended
to the business of the
Indies,
inspiring
worries about what would
happen
in
their absence. The
anonymity
afforded
by
the
tapado style readily
became
associated with female
infidelity,
for it
supposedly
allowed a woman to
go
out in
public unrecognized by
her
husband,
her
neighbors,
or her suitors
(so
suggested
the
legislation banning
the
style).
A
printed
view of Seville based
on a
drawing by
Joris
Hoefhagel
intimates the
relationship
between this
seductive fashion and sexual
shaming
(see
fig.
8).
Two mantled women
-
one
clearly
a
tapada
de medio
ojo
(see
fig.
9)
-
stand
wind-swept
in the left fore-
ground
while a cuckolded husband and his unfaithful wife are
paraded
through
the middle
ground
in a
humiliating spectacle
of
public punishment.
Young boys, clearly
entertained
by
the
spectacle,
flash the
hand-sign
of the
cuckhold's horns at them.
Even more
explicit
about the
dangers
of
tapadas
to domestic order is
Maria de
Zayas's
tale Innocence Punished
(La
inocencia
castigada
[1647]).
In
an unnamed
city
not far from
Seville,
a
busybody lady
convinces a
prostitute
to
impersonate
a virtuous noblewoman named Doa Ins and thus trick a
wealthy young
man into sexual relations. The
prostitute accomplishes
the
perfidy by wearing
a dress borrowed from Doa Ins and
covering
her face
with a mantle.31 The innocent Doa
Ins,
whose husband is
away
on business
in Seville
throughout
most of the
story,
is the character to suffer the most
from the
tapado practice,
which undoes her honor without her
knowledge
and leads to her confinement and torture. The association of
prostitution
with the veil recurs with a different slant in
Lope
de
Vega's
Audiencias del
rey
don Pedro
(1630-1620).
In this
play,
two
tapadas
-
of
good
fame but in search
of an illicit affair
-
are mistaken for
prostitutes,
for the veil was in and of
itself
suspicious
("Tanto, seora,
os
tapis, que
os
tengo por sospechosa"
de la Alameda"
(65-66).
Not
surprisingly,
a
pair
of
tapadas
makes an
appearance
in this
story
(ch. 12).
30.
Andrea
Navagero, Viaje
a
Espaa^ qtd.
in
Perry,
Gender and Disorder
14. Perry emphasizes
the
"increasingly significant"
role of women in
imperial
Seville,
and describes a
"heightened anxiety
about order and
gender"
in this
period (5-6).
31.
The
tapado
was the
key
to
tricking
Don
Diego,
for "vindola
y
reconociendo el vestido,
por
habrsele visto ordinariamente a doa
Ins,
como en el talle le
pareca y
vena
tapada
... la tuvo
por
ella"
(Zayas 271).
n
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2009
IB
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Figure 9.
A
tapada
de medio
ojo.
Detail
from
View of Seville in
Braun,
Civitates Orbis
Terrarum. Rare Books
Division,
New York Public
Library. Reprinted
with
permission.
ii8
<~~
2009
[act 1,
p. 178] ).32
Worn
by
almost all women
regardless
of their
station,
the
dark mantle thwarted social
legibility by making
it
difficult,
or
impossible,
not
only
to see a woman's
face,
but to determine what she was
doing
out in
public,
and thus the difference between virtue and
disrepute
became disturb-
ingly
blurred.
The
visibility
of women in Seville was one of the
great changes wrought by
the transformations of New World
wealth,
thanks to the massive
reordering
of urban
space
in the sixteenth
century.
Prior to
1492,
domestic
architecture,
following
Islamic
custom,
had
supported
the tradition of female
enclosure;
almost all Sevillian homes had had interior
patios
with windows
facing
the
inside
providing light
and ventilation for the rooms around them.
During
the
construction boom of the
1500s,
Sevillians
began building
new homes
(and
retrofitting
old
ones)
with windows and balconies
facing
the streets
(Morell
Peguero
106).
Decorative iron
bars,
painted
black or
green,
fronted the
newly
fashionable windows
(Arenillas 70).
Not
surprisingly,
these barred windows
bridging
the
public
and the
private
-
and thus
undoing
centuries of tradi-
tion
-
became
closely
associated with female
sexuality
and male honor in
Golden
Age
art and literature. The
imagined dangers
of female
exposure
drive
the title character of Cervantes's
Jealous
Old Man
from
Extremadura
(El
celoso
extremeo
[1613])
to block
up
the windows of the
expensive
home he has
bought
in a
prestigious
Sevillian
neighborhood
in order to
keep
his noble
young
bride hidden from view. From the
mid-i6oos,
paintings by
the Sevillian
artist Bartolom Esteban Murillo and his followers teased their viewers with
images
of
smiling young
women on balconies and behind barred windows.
In one such
painting,
a
young
woman uses a curtain like a
mantle,
holding
it
in front of her
body
to
partially
cover herself from view
(see
fig.
10).
Since at
least the nineteenth
century,
these
paintings
have
frequently
been described
by
authors and collectors as scenes of
prostitution, though
the visual evidence
is far from clear
enough
to
support
such a conclusion.33
32.
lhe conflation or
tapada
and courtesan is visualized in an illustration ot a
tapada
that is
labeled "cortesana
espaola"
in the Album
of
Tobias
Oelhafen
von Schllenbach
(1623-1625),
fol.
49r;
see this illustration at
Images
Online.
33.
For
example,
Munllo s Two Women at a Window
(ca. 1655-1660)
at the National
Gallery
of
Art,
Washington,
DC,
has been
variously
titled
Spanish
Courtesans and A Girl and Her Duenna:
"Las
Gallegas" {gallegas referring
to
prostitutes,
in this
case).
Circle of
Murillo,
Two Women Behind
a Grille
(mid-i7th century)
at the
Hermitage,
was
previously
known as A Procuress and Her
Daugh-
ter in
Jail (Stratton-Pruitt 184-85).
Also see
Janis
Tomlinson and Marcia Welles's discussion of
Murillo's Four
Figures
on a
Step, especially
on the
implications
of
lifting
her veil on the woman's
character
(75).
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While domestic architecture was
evolving
in a more
open,
Italianate
style,
guardians
of
morality
like Luis de Len continued to
preach
traditional val-
ues of female enclosure. In his
popular marriage
manual of
1583,
La
perfecta
casada,
Len asserted that the
perfect
wife is the enclosed wife
(214-21).
In
his treatise on the
veil,
Velos
antiguos y
modernos en los rostros de las
mujeres,
Len Pinelo
argued
that a woman should be like a
house,
fixed and immobile
("fija, para
no
andar,
ni moverse
fcilmente")
and that if she must
go
out,
she should do so like a
"portable
house,
walled
in, enclosed,
and covered"
("si saliere,
ha de ser como una casa
porttil,
cercada,
cerrada
y
cubierta"
[2:
240-41]).
Her face covered
by
a fine
cloth,
the
tapada
did in fact turn herself
into a
"portable
house."
Yet,
in
representations
of the new
public spaces
that
came with the
growth
of
cities,
this
coverage
seems to have had the
opposite
effect of that intended
by
the moralists
by providing opportunities
for anon-
ymous,
flirtatious encounters.
In
Seville,
the Alameda de Hrcules was a
popular park
and fashionable
site for
promenading
in
carriage,
on
horseback,
or on
foot,
and
paintings
of
the Alameda
inevitably depict tapadas among
various social
types.
For exam-
ple,
in an
anonymous painting
at the
Hispanic Society
of America
(see
fig.
11),
we see two
tapadas
in the
foreground,
one
wearing
a red skirt
(the
color
of
vice)
and
flirting
with a
finely
dressed
gentleman.34
Another encounter
takes
place
between a
tapada
and a suitor between the columns of the Ala-
meda, and,
further in the
distance,
two more veiled women can be seen
running
across the
promenade,
mantles
flying, rushing
to or from some
unidentified misadventure. The
tapadas depicted
at the Alameda in this
painting
are characters in a
larger
drama
unfolding
around
them,
one that
includes almost countless scenes of social disorder: a
swordfight among
nobles;
fisticuffs between
lackeys;
and three
women,
perhaps prostitutes,
rid-
ing
in a
carriage,
one of whom
boldly engages
the viewer's
eye.35
The Alameda
painting
is difficult to read and
interpret,
for the mantled
women
go
about their business beneath their cloaks of
anonymity,
which
disguise
their
persons,
their
intents,
and their social
positions
-
just
as the
34.
There are similar views of the Alameda in the
Juan
Abell
Collection,
Madrid
(formerly
in a
private
collection in
Scotland),
and in the Heinz Kisters Collection
(Kreuzungen, Switzerland).
For an overt
example
of the
representation
of "vice" as a woman in a red
skirt,
see the later-
seventeenth-century painting by
Lucas
Valds,
Allegory of
Vices and
Virtues,
in Valdivieso
159-60.
35. Ideally
reserved for the noble and
virtuous,
carnages
were often used
by prostitutes (Lopez
Alvaro
530-35).
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legislators
of the Cortes
complained
that flesh-and-blood
tapadas
could do
on the streets. But there is no ambivalence to Sevillian
painter
Pedro Cam-
probin's
dramatic canvas Death and the Gentleman
(see
fig.
12).
In this
paint-
ing
from the
1660s,
by
an artist best known for his still-life
paintings
(bodegones)
,
Death comes
disguised
as a
tapada
de medio
ojo
to reveal the
vanities of life to an
unsuspecting young
Sevillian
gentleman.
The
image
clearly
associates the
tapada
with the
vanitas,
a northern
genre
that commu-
nicated the
fragility
of existence and the
inevitability
of death
by juxtaposing
objects
of
worldly pleasure (such
as the
coins,
musical
instruments, cards,
arms,
and secular books seen in this
painting)
with
signs
of
mortality (espe-
cially
skulls).
The vanitas
genre
was well-suited to the theme of
desengao^
the
experience
of
disillusion,
so common in the
Hispanic Baroque.
In
Seville,
the
overwhelming
source of
deception {engao)
was the
seeming
benefits of
New World wealth.
Following
well-established
tradition,
Camprobin repre-
sents death as a
skeleton,
but with a twist: she
(la muerte)
is dressed as a
tapada
de medio
ojo holding
her
gauzy
black veil over her face.36 The
gentle-
man
approaches
her with a
tip
of his hat
only
to realize what the viewer
already
knows: it is Death who has seduced him. In
Camprobin's
Seville,
urban
legends
abounded of
wealthy
New World heirs like Mateo
Vzquez
de
Leca and
Miguel
de
Manara,
who had lived debauched lives until
experienc-
ing
conversions in the face of
tempting tapadas
who turned out to be
fright-
ful cadavers.37 The
figure
of the skeletal
tapada
served to
urge
those who had
inherited vast fortunes from New World trade to
reject
secular
pleasures
and
focus on the afterlife. Thus Seville's veiled ladies
ultimately
embodied not
only
the
earthly pleasures
of the southern
metropolis
but also the disillusion-
ment that resulted when those
earthly pleasures proved
too
tempting.
Madrid's
"Tapadas":
Fashion and
Theatricality
in the
Courtly City
While the
tapada
became an emblem of
Seville,
an ancient
city reshaped by
New World
wealth,
she
emerged simultaneously
as a
defining presence
in
36.
On the
iconography
of death
appearing
as a
skeleton,
see Sebastin
100-04. Specifically
on
Camprobin's painting,
see Moreno
(153-54)
and Valdivieso
(125-26).
37.
A
tapada appears
as an
agent
of conversion in the life
story
of Mateo
Vazqez
de Leca written
by
Pedro de
Jess
Maria in
1663 (126)
and
again
in a more detailed version
by
Gabriel de Aranda
in
1692 (874-76).
A similar
story
was also associated with the well-known Sevillian
philanthropist
Miguel
de Manara
(see
Moreno
153-54).
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representations
of late-sixteenth- and
seventeenth-century
Madrid,
Spain's
young
and
rapidly growing
court
capital.38
As in
Seville,
she made her
way
into
multiple genres,
both visual and
literary
-
but in this
case,
often
against
the distinctive
backdrop
of the
royal
court,
the center of
politics,
fashion,
and cultural
production.
In an
anonymous poem (copla),
from the
reign
of
Philip
IV,
a
tapada
is cast as a
messenger
to the
king, urging
him to banish
from court the wife of the fallen
favorite,
the Count-Duke of Olivares. The
tapada'
s veil allows her to deliver her
damning
missive before the
eyes
of the
countess herself.39 Another
anonymous poem,
this one from the
reign
of
Charles
II,
personifies
two
tapadas
as Malice and
Ignorance,
who are courted
by misguided
ministers
seeking
their advice.40
Paintings
from the
period
also
depict
mantled
ladies,
some of them
clearly tapadas
de medio
ojo,
in Madrid's
most fashionable sites of
royal
administration and entertainment.41 In a late-
seventeenth-century printed
view of Madrid from Carel Allard's Orbis habit-
abilis
oppida
et vestitus
(after 1700),
a veiled
lady
and her
courtly
suitor serve
as our invitation to the
city
(see
fig. 13).
Pictured from the
back,
she
coquett-
ishly
turns to the
viewers,
momentarily letting
us take a look at her face
behind her feather hand-screen and under her half- veil. Her
companion
cuts
a
dashing figure
with
swirling cape,
curled
mustache,
and
requisite
sword.
This
sprightly,
fashionable
pair
could be lifted
straight
from one of the
many
plays
set in the court
capital.
Indeed,
by
far the best-known role of Madrid's
tapadas
took
place
on the
stages
of the
capital's enormously popular public
theaters. Founded in
1579
38. Important
studies of Madrid's creation as an
early
modern court
capital
include works
by
Alvar
Ezquerra,
Escobar,
Ringrose,
and Rio Barredo.
39.
The title
reads,
"Saliendo S.M. a la fiesta de San Bias el
3
de febrero de
1643
iba sola en un
coche la Condesa de Olivares detrs del de los
Reyes, y
una
tapada
dio a S.M. esta
copla y
su
glosa."
Too
lengthy
to
reproduce
here,
the
poem
is found in
Papeles referentes
al Conde
Duque
de
Olivares.
40.
The first stanzas of the
poem
narrate how two
tapadas.
Malicia and
Ignorancia,
are exhausted
from so
many
ministers
seeking
their advice and
go
from the Prado Nuevo to the Paseo del
Florida to rest on the banks of the Manzanares. The remainder offers a
biting critique
of tax
policy
during
the
reign
of Charles II and of the nation's ruinous international
reputation.
See
"Coloquio
entre la Malicia
y
la
Ignorancia
en el metro de Perico
y
Marica."
41. Examples
include the
anonymous
Carrera de San
Jernimo
(private
collection, ca.
1620),
Court
Prison
(Madrid,
Ministerio de
Exteriores, ca.
1670),
Fiesta on the Banks
of
the Manzanares
(Madrid,
Coleccin
Abell,
ca.
1660s), Perspective of
the Plaza
Mayor (Madrid,
Museo
Municipal,
ca.
1634),
and the Pond
of
the Buen Retiro
(Museo
del
Prado,
ca.
1637) by
Martnez del Mazo. See our
forthcoming
article "Dress and the Drama of Urban Life in the
Spanish Habsburg Capital:
Three
Views of
Seventeenth-Century
Madrid."
- ^
125
Figure 13.
View of Madrid. Aldert
Mayer
in Carel
Allard,
Orbis habitabilis
oppida
et
vestitus,
centenario numero
complexa
(Amsterdam,
after 1/00).
Rare Books
Division,
New
York Public
Library. Reprinted
with
permission.
and
1581, respectively,
the Corral de la Cruz and Corral del
Principe
were
located in the heart of the
city,
where
they
entertained the
city's
diverse
pop-
ulation with almost
daily performances
of works written
by
the
country's
leading playwrights.
Themes and
subgenres
varied,
but a
staple
was comedies
of manners
(the
so-called comedias de enredo or
capa y espada),
which were
usually
set in
contemporary
Madrid. Countless
plays
of this
type
made veiled
ladies the
focus,
and often the
engines,
of their
plots
of
mayhem
and
decep-
tion. The antics of
stage tapadas
entertained the court
capital
and
helped
express
and define the new
experience
of
living
in this
city,
where the
king
was the center of
society
and newcomers tried to
gain
access to the center of
power
without
looking
the fool. The
shadowy
dark mantle of the
tapada
naturally
lent itself to the
stage,
for it was an
inherently
theatrical form of
dress that actresses could
manipulate
with
great
drama
-
draping
it across
their
faces,
hiding
behind
it,
or
looking
out from it to
"incite, beckon,
and
126
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2009
attract" the male characters who
accompanied
them
onstage
and the audi-
ences who watched them from
offstage.42
Spain's great playwrights exploited
for entertainment the anxieties that
legislation
tried to
assuage by outlawing
this seductive form of
disguise.
Notably,
the
period
in which the Crown tried to ban the
tapado
between
1586
and
1639
also marked the
height
of Madrid's New Theater
(comedia nueva),
and the
plots
of the
plays
bear
striking
resemblances to the scenarios
described in the laws. For
example,
in
Lope
de
Vega's early comedy
Ferias de
Madrid
(1587),
a wife
goes
to the market fair dressed as a
tapada
in order to
trick her husband
(who
does not
recognize
her)
into
courting
her with lavish
gifts. Twenty years
later,
in
Lope's
El acero de Madrid
(1606-08)
the comic
character Beltrn trades his
cape
and sword for the female
protagonist's
man-
tle so that
they
can both
escape
her father's house
(see
line
2955
and follow-
ing).
Much condemned
by
the
Cortes,
the
practice
of cross-dressed men
veiling
themselves like women is here
-
and in other
plays
-
employed
for
wildly
comic effect.43 The
reciprocity
between the theater and the law raises
the
question
of to what extent the
shenanigans staged by Spain's
dramatists
influenced the
legislators' perception
of the
"dangers"
of covered ladies
(and
men).
Although
it is
impossible
to determine how much art imitated life or
life imitated
art,
there can be no doubt that the theater intensified the
pub-
lic's focus on the
tapado controversy
and contributed to the dramatic effect
of the fashion in the streets.44
The
popularity
of
tapadas plays peaked
in the 1620s and
1630s
when
Lope's
followers Tirso de Molina and Caldern de la Barca
sought
ever more
inge-
nious
ways
to rework comedie formulas while
tapping
into the urban
experi-
ences of theater audiences that were
bigger
than ever.45 Such
exemplary
titles
42.
In his
treatise,
Len Pinelo
dramatically
described how
tapadas
"incitan,
llaman
y
atraen"
with
just
one beautiful
eye peeking
out from their veils
(2: 332).
43.
Also
employed by
Caldern in El escondido
y
la
tapada (in
act 2, the servant
Mosquito
dis-
guises
himself as a
tapada),
this comic device would reach its maximum
expression
in Sor
Juana
Ins de la Cruz's Los
empeos
de una casa
(1683)
when the
gracioso
Castao
tops
off his transvestite
makeover
by covering
himself with a silk mantle
(lines 2454-57).
The comic character
proceeds
to
compare
himself to "El
Tapado,"
a real-life
imposter
notorious in
late-seventeenth-century
Mex-
ico
(Los empeos
de una casa n. to line
2471).
44.
As Anne Hollander has
argued,
theater,
like the
movies,
invites intensified attention to what
is
being
worn,"
transforming
even
ordinary
clothes into costume,
endowing daily-life
dress with
drama
(239).
45.
When
they
first
opened,
each of the corrales had a
capacity
of about one thousand
spectators,
but
by
the
1630s
their
respective capacities
had doubled
(McKendrick 183).
In
roughly
the same
- &
127
as Caldern's El escondido
y
la
tapada
and La dama duende and Tirso de
Molina's La celosa de s
misma,
revel in the intricacies of the social and urban
landscape
that
grew up
around the court. Madrid's architecture and fashion
serve as
settings
and costumes for outlandish
plots
woven around
tapadas.*6
Their action
generally
moves between the
exposures
of the street and the
enclosures of the
home,
where fathers and brothers
try
to control their
daughters
and sisters
by keeping
them
indoors,
sometimes even hidden from
other dwellers in the home. For their
part,
the women use
stereotypically
feminine wiles to thwart masculine control
by manipulating
domestic
space.
Playwrights
took
advantage
of Madrid's
unique
domestic
architecture,
where
modest
faades frequently
concealed
complex
structures with
multiple
rooms
and entire stories obscured from view
(the
so-called casas de
malicia).
,47 Like
the
tapadas
themselves,
houses were
mysteries
behind inscrutable
faades,
and their trickster interiors were mirrored in the secret doors and
passages
manipulated by tapadas
to outwit their male
guardians. Perhaps
the most
elaborate
example
takes
place
in Caldern's El escondido
y
la
tapada
(ca.
1636).
In this
play
of
disguised
men and veiled
ladies,
the main female
protag-
onist, Celia,
takes
advantage
of her brother's absence from the
city
to invite
her beloved
Csar,
who has fled Madrid after
killing
a man in a
duel,
to hide
in her house. When she discovers that her brother is about to come
back,
Celia constructs a secret room within the house's darkest
depths.48 Mayhem
ensues,
as characters hide themselves and each other behind
doors, staircases,
mantles,
and
capes,
and soon
everyone (including,
we must
imagine,
audi-
ence
members)
loses their
bearings
until all is cleared
up
at the
very
end.
time
span,
Madrid's
population tripled
from about
65,000
at the
beginning
of the seventeenth
century
to
175,000
three decades later
(Ringrose 23).
46.
These are
just
a few of the best-known comedies
featuring tapadas.
Others include,
by
Calde-
rn: Casa con dos
puertas (1629),
Maanas de abril
y mayo (1634?),
and Peor est
que
estaba
(1630),
for which see
Peraita;
and En Madrid
y
en una casa
(1637?),
attributed to Tirso.
47.
The exterior
simplicity
of
early
modern Madrid's residential architecture can be
explained,
at
least in
part, by
the the
aposento
de
cargo requiring
that
anyone
with a house of two or more
stories had to
give lodging
to members of the court. Madrid's inhabitants found
ingenious ways
to circumvent this rule
by building
houses that tricked the
eye
from the outside to hide the
reality
of
multiple
rooms and extra stories within
(Lozn
Uruea
45;
El Madrid de los Austrias
90).
48.
"Cerrar hice la escalera /
por
ac arriba tambin, / tabicando sobre tabla / una
puerta, que
no
fue / difcil tomar el
yeso,
/ sobre tomiza
y
cordel, / de suerte
que
no
qued
/ ni aun seal en la
pared.
/
Mayormente que
la cuadra / donde cae, sirve tambin / de tocador mo,
y
la
tengo
/
colgada
toda,
con
que
/ est ms disimulada. /
Aqu
estars Csar,
bien / todo el
tiempo que
mi
hermano / dentro de casa no
est; /
y
en estando en casa,
dentro / desta escalera"
(Caldern,
El
escondido
y
la
tapada
lines
805-22).
128
f -
2009
The
tapado
was a device for female characters
(and
for
cross-dressing gra-
ciosos)
to
escape
confinement in these
labyrinthine
houses. Hidden in their
fabric
enclosures,
stage tapadas glided anonymously through
Madrid's
public
promenades, parks,
and
plazas.
There it is the men who become
entrapped.
In Caldern^ La dama duende
(1629),
Doa
ngela
trades her widow's weeds
{toca)
for her
anonymous
mantle to leave the
lugubrious quarters
in her
brothers' house and attend a
public
celebration of the crown
prince's
birth
(lines 369-400).
Under cover of the
mantle,
she
engages
in
witty
conversa-
tion with a
group
of men
including
her own
brother,
who fails to
recognize
her
(469-514).
Back
home,
another
jealous
brother tries to hide
Angela
from
a male
houseguest by installing
a
glass cupboard {alacena
de
vidrios)
that
conceals the existence of her
rooms,
but she uses this
very object
to
move,
phantomlike,
from her room to the
guest's.
There is an obvious
parallel
here
between Doa
Angela's
mantle
-
a
garment
meant to hide a woman's fea-
tures outside the home
-
and the
piece
of furniture that was
supposed
to
keep
her hidden within it. Whether in the
public space
of the streets or in
the
private quarters
of the
house,
characters like Doa
ngela
turn the
very
devices of their enclosure into instruments of
escape.49
Women in the
tapadas
comedies drive men to distraction
by manipulating
their mantles
(and
their
gloves,
too),
actions that
reliably generate
fetishistic
responses.
The
style
of dress that had
developed
at the
Spanish
court was
characterized
by
stiff
shapes
that masked the female form and
by
head-to-
toe
coverage
that left
only
a woman's face and hands
exposed
(see
fig.
6
above).
Covering
them
was,
in a
sense,
the final
frontier,
and the act of con-
cealing
and
revealing
these most individual
parts
of the
body acquired
an
erotic
charge. Among
the
tapadas plays,
none
exploits
the dramatic
possibili-
ties of the modest
Spanish style
of dress with
greater
flourish than Tirso de
Molina's La celosa de s misma
(ca. 1621).
A newcomer to Madrid from his
native
Len,
the
gallant
Don Melchor
goes
to Mass almost
immediately
after
arriving
for the first time in the
Spanish capital.
The church that he attends
is at the convent of La Victoria. This was the most fashionable church in
Madrid,
where
people
went to see and be seen as much as to
worship
the
enormously popular image
of the
Virgen
de la Soledad that was housed
within it
{La
celosa de s misma
127^7) (see
fig.
14).
50
49.
Also see Caldern's Casa con dos
puertas^
in which Marcela
manipulates
the
tapestry
that her
brother has
put up
to conceal the door between the male
guest's
room and her own
(287).
50.
For the cult of the
Virgen
de la Soledad in
Madrid,
see Elena Snchez de
Madriaga.
- *
129
Figure
14. Virgen
de la Soledad del convento de la Victoria
(1725). Engraving by Fray
Matas de Ir ala. Biblioteca Nacional,
Madrid.
Reprinted
with
permission.
13
-
2009
In the
church,
Don Melchor falls in love with a veiled
lady, Magdalena;
or,
more
accurately,
he becomes fixated on her white
hand,
which is
exposed
fleetingly
as its owner
peels
her
glove
off and on to cross herself
during
Mass
in a
gesture charged
with the ambivalent
pull
of eroticism and
piety.51
La
celosa de s misma
plays
on the tension between the church as a site of social
encounter and its
principal
function as a
space
of
religious worship.52
Instead
of
focusing
his attention on the
Virgen
de la Soledad
-
an
image
of Catholi-
cism's ideal woman
chastely
covered from head to toe in the black mantle of
her
sorrow,
her hands held in
prayer,
her
gaze
cast
sadly
downward
-
Melchor cannot take his
eyes
off of the
tapada Magdalena,
who is
playing
hide-and-seek with her
gloved
hand.53
Like so
many
of the
stage gallants
who fall in love with Madrid's veiled
ladies,
Don Melchor is a recent arrival to Madrid.54
Large proportions
of the
theater's audiences likewise would have been newcomers to the court
capital,
a
rapidly growing city
whose
population tripled
in the first third of the seven-
teenth
century. Tapadas
comedies
played
on this
public's
fears of
being
shut
out in a
city
in which
everyone
was
jockeying
for
position.
In the
opening
scenes of La celosa de s
misma,
Melchor finds himself dazzled
by
the chaos
of Madrid
("Bello
lugar
es Madrid. /
Qu agradable
confusin!"
[lines 2-3])
and attracted to and
yet
unsure of how to
navigate
this vast urban sea
("Como
yo
nunca sal / de
Len,
lugar
tan
corto, /
quedo
en este mar
absorto"
[37-39]).
Within the
cityscape,
the
tapada
was an
especially
attrac-
51.
The
depiction
of
tapadas
in
religious settings (e.g.,
in
churches,
processions,
and in the act
of
collecting alms)
would become a
commonplace, reappearing frequently
in illustrations from
nineteenth-century
Lima. As Deborah Poole has observed for the latter
context,
artists revelled in
the ambivalent
representation
of
tapadas
as
simultaneously
devout and seductive
(90).
52.
In her
study
of
preaching
in
Philip
Ill's
Spain, Hilary Dansey
Smith
paraphrases
the Portu-
guese
traveler and writer Peneiro de
Veiga,
who observed that
churchgoing
was a social
activity
in
Spain, giving people
the chance "to see and be seen, and
perhaps carry
on a discreet flirtation
with a
tapada" (10).
53.
Our hide-and-seek
metaphor
takes its cue from the
gracioso's wry
comment "si no es
que
contigo juega
/ al escondite esa mano"
(lines 410-11).
Tirso makes
explicit
the ironic
opposition
between
religious
devotion to the
Virgin
and idolatrous fixation on the
tapada
when Melchor
exits the church: whereas the
gracioso
assumes his master has been struck with adoration for the
divine
figure ("Saldrs
con el alma llena / de devocin de esta
imagen" [lines 282-83]),
Melchor
ruefully
admits,
"Ojal
fuera / divina mi
devocin, /
y
la
imagen
causa de ella. / Devoto
salgo,
Ventura,
pero
a lo humano"
(286-90).
54.
Other
examples
include Don Manuel in Calderni La dama duende and Don Gabriel in
Tirso's En Madrid
y
en una casa.
- ^
131
tive
danger: "Every
mantle is a rock in the sea"
("Cada
manto es un escollo"
[49]),
warns Don Melchor 's ever- wise servant Ventura. The servant's words
would
prove prophetic,
for Melchor's obsession with the
tapada
from the
church comes
very
close to
crashing
the romantic and social
aspirations
that
had
brought
him to the
city
at the
beginning.
The drama of the veiled
lady
on
stage
must also have resonated with the
public's
wish for access to the elusive monarch in a culture that limited
appearances
of the
royal person.
Public access to the
king
was
strategically,
and
dramatically,
monitored
through
customs and ceremonial
practices
intended to endow him with
majesty
and command the reverence of his
subjects.55
As
put by
Marcos
Salmern,
a
political
theorist and advisor to
Philip
IV,
the
king
should
appear
before the
public
on select
occasions,
while
at other times decorum mandated that he
keep
himself hidden or
go
about
with his face covered.56
Spanish Habsburg protocol required
that the
king
attend Mass in the
Royal Chapel
and other ceremonial events from behind a
curtain,
his
accessibility
to the
public's
view controlled
by
the
palace
officer,
the sumiller de cortina
(steward
of the
curtain),
who was
specifically assigned
to draw the curtain
upon royal
entrances and exits.57 This dramatic court
practice inspires
Ventura's
pun
in La celosa de s misma when he
urges
Don
Melchor to remove the mantle that covers
Magdalena's
face: "S sumiller de
cortina, / descubre
aquesa apariencia"
(1572-73). Literally
translated as "Be
the steward of the
curtain,
reveal that
appearance,"
the
pun
is
actually
dou-
ble: it recalls both the
practice
of
revealing
the
king's figure
from behind the
ceremonial curtain and the
unveiling
of
spectacular
interior scenes in
plays.58
The theatrics of the corral are
humorously compared
to the theatrics of the
court,
and the desire for the veiled
lady
serves as an
analogue
to that for the
curtained
king.
On the
stages
of the
corrales, however,
the
tapadas
themselves
served as the stewards of their own mantles.
55.
See Rio Barredo
199-204.
Cf. Checa, Elliott,
and Feros.
56. "Importa pues
a la decencia del
Prncipe,
cuando lo
pide
la ocasin
y tiempo, dejarse
ver
y
comunicar de sus vasallos
y
tal vez ocultarse
y
andar de rebozo
para que
la demasiada llaneza no
ponga
en
peligro
el decoro de la
Dignidad" (qtd.
in Rio Barredo
200).
57.
The ceremonial use of the curtain in the
Royal Chapel
is described in detail in Alvarez-Ossorio.
58.
Torres Nebrera has also noted the
complexity
of the
pun
in his edition of La celosa de st misma
(n.
to lines
1572-73).
Also see
Jos
Mara Ruano de la Haza
(225n),
who refers to this
very quote
from La celosa de s misma to illustrate how a curtain
hung
across the
tiring-house
at the back of
the
stage
would be drawn to reveal illusionistic scenic
backdrops {aparncias)
or tableaux vivants.
132
-
2009
Limas
"Tapadas": Display
and Concealment in a Colonial
Capital
As a newborn
viceregal capital
and as the seat of the
Spanish
trade
monopoly
in South
America,
Lima was both
"emporium
and court"
("emporio y
corte"),59
a
bustling
New World
city
that shared
many
of the urban charac-
teristics of Madrid's court and those of Seville's
port.
Lima also shared those
sister cities'
anxieties,
which
emerged
in controversies over
veiling.
While
visual
representations
of Lima's
tapadas
are scant
prior
to the nineteenth
century
-
an
exception
is found in Amde Frzier's
popular
travel book
(see
fig.
15)
-
they appear frequently
in texts as the
subject
of
poems,
laws,
ser-
mons,
plays,
and
descriptions
of local festivals
[relaciones
de
fiestas)
.60 Textual
representations
of
tapadas
limeas share
many
of the
tropes
familiar from
what we have seen
already
in Seville and
Madrid,
but
they
also absorb con-
cerns about social control and
legibility
that were
particularly
intensified in
the colonial
city.
The
tapado
fashion was at its
height
in
Lima,
as on the
peninsula,
between
about
1580
and
1640.
This
period
coincided with Lima's
great
urban boom
and rise as a colonial
capital,
when the
city experienced
intense
growth
among
a
racially
diverse
population
and increased centralization in civil and
ecclesiastical administration.61
During
this
time,
the
mysterious
charms of
Lima's veiled ladies became a
defining
feature of its architectural
landscape,
linked to the famous
street-facing
windows and
iron-grilled
and wood-
latticed
balconies,
which the Creole chronicler Antonio de la Calancha
glow-
ingly compared
to "streets in the air"
("parecen
calles en el
ayre"
[556]).
One
59.
This is how the
seventeenth-century
chronicler Bernarb Cobo referred to Lima in the
open-
ing
of his Fundacin de Lima
(completed 1639; 282).
See both Cummins and Osrio on Lima's
development
as a
city.
60. The three
figures
in this
image
from the
1717 English
version of Amde Frzier's A
Voyage
to
the South-Sea are identified as follows:
(A)
a
Spanish lady enveloped
in her mantle, (B)
another
lady
in a shawl with
lace,
and
(C)
a Creole man in
traveling garb.
Frzier's travel narrative
described how the women of Lima took
advantage
of their veils: "for the modestest in
open Day
are the boldest at
Night,
their Faces
being
then cover'd with their
Veils,
so that
they
cannot be
known,
they perform
the Part which Men do in France"
(254-55).
Natalia
Majluf
writes that the
images
of Peruvians in Amd Frzier's Relation were
among
the
very
few visual sources for
Peruvian dress
prior
to the boom in
pictures produced
for
foreign consumption
after Peruvian
independence
in 1821
(30-31).
After that
time,
the famous
tapada
limea became a
mainstay
of
illustrations of local
types
in Peru as well as of costumbrista literature. See also
guila
Peralta
127-38; McElroy;
Poole;
and
Rodrguez
de
Tembleque 130-65.
61. See van
Deusen,
who relates the
prohibition
of
tapadas
in the first decades of the seventeenth
century
to
larger
efforts at
controlling
women's behavior in the
period (65).
- - *
133
Figure 15.
Three
figures
of Peru. Amde Frzier,
A
Voyage
to the South-Sea,
along
the
Coasts of Chili and Peru,
in the Years
1712, 1713,
and
1714 (London, 1717).
Rare Books
Division,
New York Public
Library. Reprinted
with
permission.
134
'^^
2009
relacin
commemorating
the ceremonial entrance of the
viceroy
into Lima
in
1590
described a
group
of covered women
("embocadas")
who watched
the
procession
from those balconies and
windows;
only
those observers
familiar with the
corresponding
houses could
identify
the veiled ladies
above.62 In the section of his
epic poem Argentina y conquista
del Ro de la
Plata
(1602)
dedicated to
Lima,
the
cleric-poet
Martin del Barco Centenera
effusively
evoked the
elegant tapadas perched
at their
windows,
bringing
pleasure
to the
passersby:
"Por las calles
y plaza
a las ventanas / se
ponen [las
tapadas],
/
que
es contento de
mirallas, / con ricos aderezos
muy galanas"
(canto 23,
stanza
15,
lines
1-3).
The charms of Lima's veiled ladies
inspired
not
only
tributes but also con-
cerns that culminated in laws
banning
the fashion. The first
anti-tapado legis-
lation in
Peru,
from
1583,
came from an ecclesiastical
body,
the Third Council
of Lima. Summoned
by
the
powerful Archbishop
Toribio de
Mogrovejo
as
part
of a
larger project
to consolidate church
authority throughout
the vice-
royalty,
the council dealt with issues
ranging
from the
evangelization
of
indigenous populations
to the
responsibilities
of the
clergy
to the behavior
of women
during religious
observances. It was in this context of
reforming
Christian customs that the council issued its
prohibition against tapadas,
which focused on the distraction that "feminine
frivolity" posed
to the
pub-
lic
during religious processions.
The council banned women from
going
out
on the streets or
appearing
in their own windows with their faces covered
during
sacred feast
days
like
Corpus
Christi,
and it threatened violators with
immediate excommunication.63 As we have seen
already
in theatrical works
62. The relacin de
fiesta
describes the
viceregal
entrance as follows:
"Debajo
el
palio yva
el Virrei
bien sealado con su buena
disposicin y agradable presencia, dejndose
ver
generosamente
sin
austeridad ni altivoz de todos los balcones
y
Ventanas haziendo
algn
modo de
pausa
donde los
cavalleros
que
llevavan el
palio
le dezian
que
avia
algunas
damas
y
seoras
por que
como todas
estavan
embocadas
no eran
conocidas,
sino de los
que
saban las ventanas do avian de estar"
{De
virreyes y gobernadores
fol.
123O.
We thank
Juan
Carlos Estenssoro for this
transcription.
63.
The ban reads: "En los
tiempos, que
se hacen las
procesiones
solemnes de
Corpus
Christi,
y
en los das de semana sancta
y
en
cualquier
otro
tiempo que
huviere
pblicas processiones
nin-
guna muger
ande
por
las calles,
ni est a las ventanas
tapado
el rostro,
y
esto se les manda so
pena
de
excomunin,
y
en
que yncurran ipso
facto,
pues
no es razn
que por
la liviandad de
mugeres
se
distrayga
el
pueblo, y aparte
del culto divino, antes con la honestidad
y
decencia de su
traje y
modestia de su rostro
procuren
mostrar la fee
y
devocin
ynterior, y
a las
justicias y
ministros de
la
republica
avisamos
y
exortamos en el seor
que, para que
se
hagan
las dichas
processiones
con
ms orden
y
devocin
procuren por
todas vas
que
no
vayan
mezclados
y
rebueltos hombres
y
mugeres,
sino
que
los hombres
vayan
todos adelantes
y
las
mugeres aparte (como
ensea el
propheta) sigan
a los ministros de la
iglesia" (Vargas Ugarte,
Concilios limenses 1:
332).
- >
135
set in Madrid and
Seville,
it was a
commonplace
that the
tapada
distracted
men from
proper
Christian devotion
(later
legislation
in Lima would
actually
fine men for
talking
to
tapadas
in
church).64
But
only
in the New
World,
in
the context of a Catholicism entrenched in the
extirpation
of
indigenous
idolatry,
did the Church lead the
campaign against
what one satirical
poem
referred to as the
"profane
cult"
("profano
culto")
of the
tapado.65 Following
in Lima's
footsteps,
the
1585
Council of Mexico also
prohibited
women from
veiling
themselves
during religious processions
(Len
Pinelo 2:
297-98).
But in
1609,
the
viceroy
of
Peru,
the
Marqus
de
Montesclaros,
com-
plained
to the
king
that he found it
wholly impracticable
to eliminate the
tapado^ arguing
that if husbands could not
prevent
their wives from
going
around with their faces
covered,
then he had no
power
to
stop
hundreds of
women.
According
to the
viceroy,
this was a
problem
for the
preachers,
whose
duty
it was to convince the husbands not to tolerate their wives' mis-
behavior.66 Preachers
did, indeed,
seek to
persuade
their audiences to
reject
the
tapado.
In the late seventeenth
century,
the
Jesuit Jess
de
Aguilar
listed
the fashion as one of the
many
urban distractions that a
good
Christian
needed to
avoid,
alongside promenades,
music, theater,
and dances.67 The
Jesuit
preacher's
list calls to mind the association that we have seen in Seville
between the
tapada
and the
vanitas,
between the
mysterious
veiled
lady
and
the
worldly pleasures
that distract one's attention from the afterlife.
Like
Seville,
Lima was a
wealthy
commercial hub renowned for the
sump-
64.
See the discussion above of La celosa de s
misma,
in which Don Melchor
worships
the covered
lady
instead of the veiled
Virgen
de la
Soledad;
and of El amor
mdico,
which makes a
pun
on the
tapada
de medio
ojo
and the
Virgen
de la O. The
1624
decree in Peru threatened men with a fine
of one hundred
pesos
and the loss of sword and
dagger
for
speaking
with
tapadas
in
places
of
worship ("Provisin para que
las
mugeres
no anden
tapadas"
fol.
271V).
65.
On the
extirpation
of
idolatry,
see both Mills and Estenssoro Fuchs. For the
poem,
see "Al
mismo
intento,"
line
1,
in
Chang-Rodriguez
60. This
anonymous poem
and
another,
"Al desem-
boco
de las
mugeres" (also reproduced by Chang- Rodrguez),
took their
inspiration
from the
1624
prohibition.
66. "Los celadores
que
es oficio en las Indias
compatible
con todo
oficio,
han murmurado
que
no se les
quiten
los rebozos:
alguno
de mis antecesores
quiso
intentarlo, mostr su
diligencia
la
imposibilidad
de
conseguirlo
sin
algn
efecto. Yo me rend a la dificultad
y por
menos animoso
lo
dej
correr,
encargando
a estos
predicadores persuaden
los maridos a
que
no las consientan
andar
tapadas, y
como he visto
que
cada uno no
puede
con la
suya,
he desconfiado de
poder
con
tantas"
(Beltrn y Rzpide,
ed., Coleccin de las memorias 1:
174).
67. Aguilar
s list of Lima s
multiple
distractions also included
paseos,
alamedas, musicas,
Come-
dias, Bailes,
concurso de
tapadas" (Vargas Ugarte,
Elocuencia
sagrada 48;
mentioned in Silverblatt
2711131).
136
( -
2009
tuous
clothing
of its women.68 The
tapada
limea was known for
showing
off
her
opulent
clothes without a cloak to cover
them;
it seems that the rebozo
referred to
by
texts in the Peruvian context was a shorter cloak than the full-
length
mantle
typically
worn in
Spain.69
Barco Centenera describes Lima's
tapadas
as
revealing
too much of their fine clothes in
public
festivals,
and too
little of their faces.70 This author seems to take some
poetic pleasure
in the
dismay
of Lima's ladies
following
the masculine
clampdown by
the Council
of
Lima,
writing
that
they
suffered
greatly
when
deprived
of their face cover-
ings
("No
fue
poca
la
pena que
/ sintieron las damas de verse as
privadas
/
del rebozo"
[canto 23,
stanza
17,
lines
1-3]).
Lima's
complex
racial
composition
also
played
a
significant
role in
shaping
the
representation
of the
city's tapadas^
even more so than in the Old World.
Anxieties of race were
certainly
at
play
in the
tapado phenomenon
in
Spain.
For
example,
in Francisco de
Quevedo's
satirical verse "confession" of the
outlawed mantles
("Confesin que
hacen los
mantos"),
composed
in the
wake of the
1639
pragmatic,
one of the
personified
veils confesses to
having
made women "blacker than burial"
(i.e., soil)
pass
as white
("A
otras ms
negras que
entierro, / embelecaba de
blanco,"
lines
121-22).
And in Francisco
Santos's Da
y
noche de Madrid
(1663)
a white
lackey {lacayo)
is shocked to
discover that his covered
companion
hides the face of a black
Portuguese
woman with "a snout
bigger
than a
pig's"
behind her veil
("ms
hocico
que
el de un
puerco, pero
ladina
portuguesa" [188]).
The incarnation o desen-
gao
in the form of a woman of color found fertile
ground
in
Lima,
where
people
of
non-European
descent outnumbered the
Spanish population,
and
where
literary
satires of
miscegenation
were
widespread (see
Hill and
Hig-
68. As
emporio
for the whole
viceroyalty,
in the words of Cobo
(320),
or as a sort of
"Repository
of the Treasures of
Peru,"
in the words of Amde Frzier
(218-19),
Lima was well known for its
costly clothing.
See also the introduction in Osrio on Lima's
reputation
for
opulence.
69. Addressing
the
controversy,
the
Marqus
de Montesclaros observed that Lima's local
women,
though they
covered their
faces,
did not wear
long
mantles that covered their clothes: "De las
mujeres
no hemos hablado:
sepa
V.E.
que
son como en
Madrid,
menos las
ropas, porque
andan
en
cuerpo por
las calles. Los celadores
que
es oficio en las Indias
compatible
con todo
oficio,
han
murmurado
que
no se les
quiten
los rebozos"
(Beltrn y Rzpide,
ed.,
Coleccin de las memorias
1:
174).
In Minsheu's
Spanish-English dictionary,
"Andar en
cuerpo"
means "To
goe
without a
cloake."
70.
"En Lima veris damas
muy
costosas / de sedas trama,
sirgos y
brocados / en las fiestas
y
juegos
areadas, / mas los rostros
y
caras
muy tapadas" (Barco
Centenera canto
23,
stanza
14,
lines
5-8).
-
137
gins).71
We find one echo of the
topos
in
Juan
Mogrovejo
de la Cerda's novel-
istic sketch of
Lima,
"La endiablada"
(1626),
in which the local devil
protagonist
laments that a
1624 prohibition
of the veil has
deprived
him of a
most useful instrument of
deception:
no
longer
can
literally one-eyed
ladies
inspire
love;
no
longer
can skeletal faces
(as
in
Camprobin's painting, fig.
12)
pass
for those of
saints;
and no
longer
can dark ones
pass
for
light. Mogro-
vejo's
devil declares that with the
passing
of this
law,
"now faces
speak
the
truth and women can no
longer
lie about their
ages."72
The
language
of Lima's
1624
legislation
is
especially revealing
of the
height-
ened
preoccupation
with race in the colonial
capital.
Ordered
by viceroy
Marqus
de
Guadalczar,
the ban
prohibited any
woman from
appearing
anywhere
in
public
with her face
veiled,
emphasizing yet again
that the
"excesses" of Lima's
tapadas
were
disrupting
devotion in churches and
pro-
cessions. It went on to
specify punishments according
to race as well as
status: all
guilty
women
paid
the same
fine,
but members of the
nobility
spent
ten
days
in
prison,
while
negras-,
mulatas-,
and mestizas were sentenced
to
thirty.73
In
contrast,
near-contemporary anti-tapado legislation
in
Spain
was
vaguer
in
ordering punishments according
to the woman's status
("segn
la
calidad,
y
estado de la
mujer"
[Prematica
n.
pag.]).
The Lima
71. According
to a
1614 census,
there were
11,867 Spanish
men and women
-
"Spanish" referring
both to
people
from
Spain
and of
Spanish
descent
-
and
13,300 blacks, mulattos, mestizos,
and
Indians
(Bowser 339).
These
categories
of race were themselves
highly
unstable
(see
Ares
Queija).
72.
"Y alas
mujeres
no enamoran tuertas;
ya
los mantos no son
testigos
falsos de las
caras;
ya
unos rrostros
que
con un uelo
parecan reliquias,
confiesan
que aunque
no de santos, son
gesos;
ya
otros
que
los
esperauan cielos
rrasos,
en
quitando
las
nuues,
los hallan
pardos,
aun
quando
estn ms
rrasos;
y,
en fin,
ya
dicen la uerdad los
jestos y
hablan claro las hedades"
(Mogrovejo
284).
A
long-lived
theme in
Lima,
the
relationship
between the
tapada
and racial
desengao
would
recur in the comic sketch
(sanete) by
Jernimo
de Monforte
y
Vera,
El amor duende
(1725),
a
spoof
on Calderni La dama duende,
in which a newcomer to Lima is
eager
to meet the
city's
famous
tapadas only
to find his
fantasy
of ideal
beauty
behind the veil thwarted when a black
woman's face is revealed.
73.
"el exesso de las dichas
Tapadas
ha crecido tanto
que
ha
causado,
y
causa
graves
daos,
y
escndalos en esta
republica, y
turban,
e
inquietan
la asistencia,
y
devocin,
de los
templos y
de
las
proseciones, y
dems actos
religiosos que
se
procuran
hazer
para aplacar
la ira de Dios ... las
que
contraviniendo a esta
prohibicin
fuezen
halladas,
y aprehendidas
estando
tapadas,
o se
pro-
bare,
y aberiguare
con informacin bastante
que
lo han
estado,
tengan perdido y pierdan por
el
mismo caso el manto con
que
se
tapazen
...
y
con diez dias de Crcel con declaracin
que
si la
que
assi se hallare
tapada
fuese
muger
noble ...
y
si las tales
Tapadas
fueren
negras,
o mulatas, o
mestisas,
han de
tener,
y tengan
la
pena
misma
pecuniaria, y
del
manto,
y
treinta dias de
crcel,
y
por
la
segunda
vez la
propia pena
con mas destierro de esta ciudad
por
un ao"
("Provisin para
que
las
mugeres
no anden
tapadas"
fols.
269r-7ov).
138
<-
2009
law invokes
categories
of race and social status as if
they
could be so
easily
distinguished,
when in fact one of the
deepest
anxieties that faced Lima in the
colonial
period
was the
very indeterminacy
of racial identities.
Ultimately,
all
an-tapado legislation
in
early
modern
Hispanic
cities was a
quest
for
clarity
in an
increasingly complex
world. As
Quevedo put
it,
"Mantles shall be left
wide
open
and serve
[faces]
in total
clarity"
("Que
vivan de
par
en
par,
/
que
sirvan de claro en claro"
[lines 133-34]).
* * *
Despite
the differences of
emphasis
that we have seen in
representations
of
tapadas
in
Peru, Madrid,
and
Seville,
much more
striking
are the similari-
ties on both sides of the Atlantic in
art, literature,
and
legislation.
With their
shared
commonplaces,
these media constructed the
tapada
as a
figure
of both
trepidation
and titillation.
Perhaps
of
greatest
interest is the
way
that the
legal
discourse,
for all its
presumed authority,
drew on the same
topos
of the
tapada
as a
deceptive
seductress that runs
rampant
in
plays, poems,
and
visual
images.
Dense with
hyperbole
about the
"grave
and scandalous dam-
age"
that
tapadas
caused the
republic,
the
very language
of the lawmakers
suggests
that their efforts to curb the
tapado
fashion
likely
contributed to its
attractive
mystique.
As we stated at the
outset,
there is no
way
to document
just
how
widespread veiling
was in the
early
modern
Hispanic
world or how
much
disruption
it
may
have
actually
caused. What is
clear, however,
is that
the veil focalized
deep
uncertainties within the
great early
modern
Spanish
cities.
Tapadas signified
the confusion and alienation of urban life: as
pic-
tured and
projected
in the
media,
they
were able to conceal or reveal their
faces at
will,
to
pass
for other than what
they really
were,
to
navigate public
spaces
as
they pleased,
and
-
perhaps
most
unsettling
of all
-
to circumvent
the
authority
of male
relatives, church,
and state.
But,
we would
argue,
Golden
Age tapadas
did not so much rebel
against early
modern
Spain's
putative
"culture of control" as
they
tested the
very possibility
of control.74
Envisioning
and
enacting
scenes of
tapadas causing disruption
inside and
outside the
home,
a
newly
urbanized
society
at once constructed and decon-
structed its boundaries of
authority.
And it was the
ability
of
tapadas
to
transgress
limits under the cover of the mantle that made them so seductive
and scandalous in the
early
modern
Spanish
world.
74.
See
especially
Maravall,
and Cruz and
Perry.
- ^
139
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The Veiled Ladies of the Early Modern Spanish World: Seduction and Scandal in Seville,

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