20140523-G. H .Schorel-Hlavka O.W.B. To MR Tony Abbott PM - Re Women Issues

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WI THOUT PREJ UDI CE
Mr Tony Abbott MP 23-5-2014
Tony.Abbott.MP@aph.gov.au
5
Cc: Mr Clive Palmer
Palmer United Party Admin@PalmerUnited.com

Ref: 20140523-G. H .Schorel-Hlavka O.W.B. to Mr Tony Abbott PM- Re Women issues
Tony, 10
Ever wondered why the message of violence against women doesnt seem to get through?
Well, lets use an example.
Last week I happen to change channels on the television when on channel 9 I just happened to
see the last minute of The big Bang theory program. And just when a female character is
shown to kick a man between the legs, and the male slumping down in pain and you can hear the 15
laughing. So, violence against a man seems to be portrayed as all right? Now, when this kind of
violence is promoted then surely do not expect men to accept violence against women is not
acceptable!
Why have an office for the women but not for the men?
I happen in the last few days receive an email about Tough On Crime' Means Tough On 20
Women. (https://newmatilda.com/2014/05/21/tough-crime-means-tough-women#comment-
65802)
It for example stated:
QUOTE
The net result as absurd as it is is that a large percentage of the women who will fill the 25
145 new prison beds in Victoria will themselves be victims of not only family violence but the
states inadequate response to it. One might conclude that investing a percentage of the
money spent on the prison beds into improving responses to family violence could eliminate
the requirement for many of the new beds in the first place.
Its an easy sell for governments to spruik law and order agendas and claim prison expansion 30
will build better and safer communities but in reality it achieves little more than prolonging and
entrenching the cycles of institutionalisation, trauma and neglect experienced by many female
prisoners.
A challenging but more cost effective approach would be to attack the root causes of the
behaviour that in so many cases is an underlying factor in women ending up behind bars. 35

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END QUOTE

The one thing generally used to explain away womens violence is to claim they suffered from
domestic violence or whatever. Surely that \bastard deserved to die for abusing his wife! would
be the argument, albeit the man is dead and cannot defend himself, even so he might never have 40
been abusive to his wife.

I added the following comment:
QUOTE
INSPECTOR-RIKATI 45
Posted Thursday, May 22, 2014 - 17:30
The author appears to ignore reality. My former wife was convicted of assault upon me (yes
she had a lawyer) after SHE PLEADED GUILTY and got 6 months probation. This even so she
had used a large carving knife to demand I would stay the night, as I had just dropped off the
kids. 50
In another case she got 6 months probation for committing assault (no conviction recorded\)
upon one of our sons, she was represented by a lawyer and she pleaded GUILTY TO
ASSAULT.. Evidence was led by the police (I took no part in that case) that she had used
pipes and cricket bat, she broke in the process) hitting this son. She had nearly strangled to
death another son. She even attacked the sleeping son in the police station throwing him of 55
the chairs. The police officer then warned her that if she did it again she would be in a cell.
Any man doing the same would have been immediately placed in a cell and convicted and
spend a long time in prison.
She also was attacking numerous other people, that she was even banned to go to any school
outings because of her conduct to other children. 60
No she had no drug or drinking issues.
When I reported violence upon me the police laughed and told me I was strong enough to take
her on. This I refused as then I be b lamed. I then lodged a complaint against the police
officers with the chief commissioner of police and she was charged AND PLEADED GUILTY
(being represented by a lawyer), placed on a 6 months good behaviour and no conviction 65
recorded.
Too often women get off because the courts are too soft on them using the children as an
excuse to not imprison them and by this the violence escalate.
We must stop excusing violence by women as to that they may have suffered trauma as in my
wife's case such was never raised in any litigation, she simply was violent. In the end the 70
Children Court removed the children from her care, because of torture upon them, etc, and
they were placed in my care. The problem was that those children suffered for more than a
decade because of the soft-soft approach upon women.

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Women desire equality and I have always held them to be so but the courts apply double
standards and in that case you do not find women complaining about getting off where a man 75
would be imprisoned.
Last week, on channel 9, there was this "The Big Bang Theory" where I was just switching to
Channel 9 to watch the next program and saw that this woman actress kicked a man between
the legs (seemingly as joke) and the sound of laughing was noticeable. Now, we hear all the
time about no violence against woman but somehow it is violence against men being 80
promoted. Get away from this male v female issue and just consider that regardless of the
gender there should be no violence against any person!
If getting tough means more women will be convicted for the kind of crimes men are ordinary
convicted for then this is no more but appropriate.
Stop using abuse as some excuse to justify womens violence. 85
Are you going to promote that as I was subject of ongoing violence by my former wife I then
can somehow justify this to become violent to others or commit crimes? Get real and get your
facts right. The figures do not at all represent the real crime wave women were engaged in and
it is long overdue they are equal before the courts and get the same kind of sentence as a
man would get in the same or similar circumstances. 90
Your article would have needed statistics as to how often women committing violence are let of
without conviction by comparing it with a man doing the same.

END QUOTE
95
When a male is raped by a women the general view might be he was lucky she did. Why? You
see when you ignore reality and promote that violence against women is unacceptable but do not
likewise promote that violence against men is also unacceptable then you will find that your
message isnt going to go anywhere.
. 100
It is a common practice for women to use sex, that that the denial of sexual intercourse as a
weapon to force a man to do something he may desire otherwise not to do. When a man desires
to have sexual intercourse with his wife then the slogan No means No is used, but when the wife
wants sex against the wishes of the husband then No means Yes!
105
Women do rape men but generally get away with it. Consider the humiliation for a man to go to
the police to ask for their assistance being raped. The police will more than likely make jokes
about it rather than to assist the victim, the male!
.
When a woman commits the same kind of violence as a man then it is generally excsed that she 110
obviously must have been abused, she has children, you cannot imprison a woman, etc. And this
is why the statistics are generally incorrect because they do not show a comparison to similar
incidents and follow this through as to conviction rates.
Why should a man being a single parent face imprisonment for something where as a single
mother in the same situation is left off without conviction? 115
.

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If you do not root out the cause of problems then I cannot see how you are going to get your
message through.
.
Women can be very manipulative and not uncommon will use sexual intercourse as to bargain 120
from a man (boyfriend/husband/etc) as to get the male to do something first. Then after the male
has done what the women demanded she may then announce she doesnt want sexual intercourse
and No means No.

So hear you have this woman making clear her body is her property and she decides what to do 125
with it and if she wants an abortion then that is her decision to make. Excuse me, if she hadnt
pended her leg in the first place she wouldnt have become pregnant. As such, when she engaged
voluntarily that is into sexual intercourse then she implied accepted the consequences of
becoming pregnant. She no longer has the say over her pregnancy as by implication she has to
accept that until the child is born she gave up this right. 130
What an utter and sheer nonsense can it be that a male causing a female to become pregnant is
then deemed in law responsible towards the associated cost, but the female at any time can abort
this unborn child? If you make a man liable towards the cost, including prior birth cost, then this
implies he has rights. No obligations without rights!
. 135
I oppose violence against any person, not just women, and this should be the real message.
.
What if one of your daughters were to become pregnant and then decides to have an abortion
because she no longer decides wanting this male in her life? Is that a real justified reason to
murder the unborn child? And while not seeking to justify violence can you understand how 140
some men may want an eye for an eye?

When I was in management of factories in the 1970s I made clear to my workers (both male and
female) that I would not tolerate any abusive gestures or words to anyone and this included no
nick names. And when a worker sought to test me on this, I sacked him on the spot, and senior 145
management as well as the union backed me on this.

Do you really understand what it is for a man to having so to say to stand by knowing his wife is
bashing his children and torturing them (such as kneeling onto a pea with their knees and
remaining sitting like this no matter the pain, and using hot chilli on their tongs and the children 150
not permitted to wash it away, etc?), and finally after more than 10 years of this kind of tortures
conduct, and even when pleading GUILTY (while represented by a lawyer) merely get a
probation without conviction.

Some men do resort to violence because they simply no longer can stand by this kind of abuse 155
upon their child(ren) and while this may not be an excuse the alternative is to ensure that
authorities are even handed and no longer will so to say ignore violence perpetrated by women.

Do you really understand the fear in children seeking their mother holding a knife against their
fathers throat for no more but she didnt want her husband (even so separated) to leave but stay 160
the night?

For more than 10 years the police were in attendance upon numerous reports by neighbours
hearing the children screaming but time and time again they return to conclude the children are
not abused. This, because in the presence of their mother they are asked if there is anything 165
wrong, and the children under threat of further violence deny anything wrong. Just when finally a
teacher after more than 10 years of sustained violence happen to be shown the injuries that were

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inflicted upon one of the children then report this, and finally the Children Court steps in,
whereas the Family Court of Australia in all those years refused to do so.
170
I could endlessly write about the bias by the Family Court of Australia but the above may
indicate that when it comes to the children the bias clearly results that the children are suffering
uncalled for.

Stop this rot about excusing at every turn women violence and abuses as that they must have 175
been victims themselves. There is no excuse for violence!

A woman can in my view be more sadistic then a man but it seems society seems to excuse this,
and women take advantage of this.
. 180
I have always accepted that where it concerns a child being caused pregnant against her will,
such as by raped, that then in certain circumstances an abortion may be justified. That however
should be the exception and not the rule. But it is nonsense for women to have this rate of
abortion at taxpayers expenses merely because they do not desire to have the child, but ignored
to use any contraceptive to avoid becoming pregnant. 185

I recall where a sergeant of Lalor made known that 9 out of 10 alleged rapes were found to have
been fabricated by women who had engaged voluntarily in sexual intercourse such as at an office
party but then coming home didnt want their husband to find out and fearing that they may have
become pregnant then instigated rape allegations. 190
Do you realise what these false allegations can do to an innocent victim (the male)? And what
this kind of conduct causes to real victims of rape? Why is it that women who proved to have
made false rape allegations are not then held legally accountable for doing so? They harmed their
victim. They causes a considerable waste of time and resources of authorities and the courts and
at cost of taxpayers. 195

What is needed is that any person who makes a rape claim to the authorities must be video
recorded when making such a claim. I recall when being a witness to the police in a criminal case
the police women provided me with a print out of a statement she asked med to sign. I insisted to
read it first, despite that she urged me to just sign it, and then noticed she had different statements 200
then that which I had given. She explained to me that this was to seek to get a conviction. I made
clear I couldnt sign a statement that was tampered with. She then argued that it was the
computer program that automatically altered the wording to better English, etc. I made clear that
unless the statement was corrected to what I had actually stated I wouldnt sign. And so she
ended up printing out my original given statement, despite her previous arguments she couldnt 205
do so. And during the trial I then gave evidenced that in my view the accused had been speaking
with a slur and from this I concluded that he had been intoxicated whereas the police prosecutor
denied this. The magistrate then directed that the audio tapes were provided to him so he could
for himself establish if the accused had been speaking with a slur or not. After adjournment the
magistrate ruled that in his view the accused had been speaking with a slur and appeared by this 210
to have been showing indications of being intoxicated and that would make a difference to what
he was to order. The magistrate actually thanked me for having been so honest in my evidence.

So, I know police at times do fabricate versions of events and in rape cases this can be very
harmful to an accused. How can the conviction of an innocent person serve the community one 215
may ask?
How can one serve the safety of the community where an innocent person ends up in prison and
the real culprit can roam around repeating his rapes upon others?

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.
In Victoria we had the prosecutor (the wife of the then attorney general) concealing from the 220
court evidence proving the accused to be innocent of the alleged rape) and so he ended up
convicted. It was only after this man engaged another lawyer that after 18 months the lawyer
discovered the concealed evidence on file by the Prosecutor but withheld from the court and the
court ordered his release. Yet the prosecutor having actually committed CONTEMPT IN THE
FACE OF THE COURT by deliberately concealing relevant details and perverting the course of 225
justice was not held legally accountable for her deceptive conduct at all!
By all of this the real rapist avoided to be held legally accountable. Again, how does this serve
the general community I wonder?
.
In the USA a reporter went as far to claim her father had raped her, this because she had in her 230
dream seen a hand and was advised by a counsellor that this must be interpreted that her father
has sexual abused her. Decades later she admitted that in fact her father never had sexual abused
her but she nevertheless didnt regret her father having been imprisoned because he served as a
warning to others not to rape a child. Her excuse was, that there was this mania going on about
fathers having raped their daughters and she just fell for the same hysteria. Many fathers 235
subsequently sued their daughters successfully for the harm that was inflicted upon them but how
do you give a man his life back that was lost during the prison term and the loss of standing in
the community, etc, I wonder?
How on earth can the imprisonment of an innocent man serve as a warning I ask?
. 240
The real way to support any person (not just women) subjected to crime is to make sure that
those who make false allegations are facing the legal consequences of doing so.

Instead of the Office for Women we should have the office of the person so irrespective of
the gender of the person we provide equal rights for those who are victims of abuse. 245

Lets be clear about it that we cannot excuse sexual intercourse by an adult with a minor but
there can be situations where the alleged perpetrator himself may actually be the victim. There
are women who use their daughters to so to say snare a man. So, when the man is asleep besides
them then get a daughter to go on top of the man and then the man unaware it is the child ends up 250
having sexual intercourse with the daughter. Where the child is close to the same size and weight
of the mother then a man may simply not realise he is trapped. And to expect that a man waking
up in the middle of the night first put on a light to check who is on top of him hardly is realistic
in the circumstances as he perceive them to be. Yet, the mother then can so to say blackmail the
man afterwards and yet authorities rather focussing upon the real culprit, the mother, will go after 255
this man who never had any intent to have any sexual intercourse with the daughter.
So, yet again the man is the culprit even so being the victim in its all.
That is why it is so essential to make sure that any claim of rape is videotaped and any
subsequent claims as to catch out those who are fabricating rape allegations and by this we
protect the real victims, this as less likely false rape allegations will be occurring. 260

It is nonsense to argue that to hold those making false rape allegation legally accountable then
this may cause rape victims not to come forwards. It rather may be that real rape victims may
now not come forwards knowing that there are too many false rape allegations and so it makes it
difficult for them to be accepted as real victims of crime. 265

And, as a CONSTITUTIONALIST (Yes, I could obviously not leave this out of my writings) I
obviously question where is the constitutional authority for the Office for Women or
something like that?

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270
The following will also make clear that the Framers of the Constitution intended to have CIVIL
RIGHTS and LIBERTIES principles embedded in the Constitution;
HANSARD 17-3-1898 Constitution Convention Debates (Official Record of the Debates of the National
Australasian Convention)
QUOTE Mr. CLARK.- 275
for the protection of certain fundamental rights and liberties which every individual citizen is entitled to
claim that the federal government shall take under its protection and secure to him.
END QUOTE
.
HANSARD18-2-1898 Constitution Convention Debates (Official Record of the Debates of the National 280
Australasian Convention)
QUOTE Mr. ISAACS.-
The right of a citizen of this great country, protected by the implied guarantees of its Constitution,
END QUOTE
. 285
HANSARD 27-1-1898 Constitution Convention Debates
QUOTE
Mr. BARTON.-Our civil rights are not in the hands of any Government, but the rights of the Crown
in prosecuting criminals are.
END QUOTE 290

Nothing in the constitution provides for the protection of one particular gender only!
.
Promoting womens rights in defiance of the constitution and at cost of mens rights is not going
to serve anyone. 295
.
QUOTE Mr. GORDON.-
The court may say-"It is a good law, but as it technically infringes on
the Constitution we will have to wipe it out." 300
END QUOTE
And
QUOTE Mr. BARTON.-
The position with regard to this Constitution is that it has no legislative 305
power, except that which is actually given to it in express terms or which is
necessary or incidental to a power given.
END QUOTE

. 310
What we therefore are ending up with is a Prime Minister who obviously doesnt understand the
true meaning and application of the constitution.

QUOTE Sir HENRY PARKES: 315
The resolutions conclude:
An executive, consisting of a governor-general, and such persons as may from time to time be
appointed as his advisers, such persons sitting in Parliament, and whose term of office shall depend
upon their possessing the confidence of the house of representatives expressed by the support of the
majority. 320
What is meant by that is simply to call into existence a ministry to conduct the affairs of the new nation as
similar as it can be to the ministry of England-a body of constitutional advisers who shall stand as nearly as
possible in the same relation to the representative of the Crown here [start page 27] a her Majesty's imperial

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advisers stand is relation to the Crown directly. These, then, are the principles which my resolutions seek to
lay down as a foundation, as I have already stated, for the new super structure, my object being to invite other 325
gentlemen to work upon this foundation so as to best advance the ends we have in view.
END QUOTE

QUOTE Mr. OCONNOR.- 330
We must remember that in any legislation of the Commonwealth we are dealing with the Constitution. Our
own Parliaments do as they think fit almost within any limits. In this case the Constitution will be above
Parliament, and Parliament will have to conform to it.
END QUOTE
335
How can Ministers in government claim to be a body of constitutional advisers when they do not
even understand/comprehend the true meaning and application of the constitution I wonder?
.
It seems to me that the State of Victoria despite the imputations of the article 'Tough On Crime'
Means Tough On Women may just go the right way about it, and that is that no matter the 340
gender of an perpetrator/offender it will equally deal with them in application of punishment and
if this results to more women being imprisoned then so be it. The role of a prosecutor is not to
score convictions, but to present all relevant details before the court to pursue JUSTICE.
.
We must also understand the role of the courts is not to score convictions but to provide 345
JUSTICE upon the evidence presented to the court, and if this happens to include a conviction
then so be it.

We should get rid of this gender war and protect any person subjected to abuse/crime
regardless of gender! 350

There can be no doubt that the Royal Commission in regard off sexual abuse has resulted to
exposure of prolonged sexual abuse but this should not result to that we then hold that anyone
accused of sexual abuse then is deemed GUILTY regardless if innocent of any wrongdoing. 355

While one may argue that one should check the age of a person as to establish the person is not a
minor before engaging in a sexual encounter, reality is that many fake or false identities exist
used for the purpose to deceive others as to the age of the person. Many underage children use
this to gain ac cess to particular venues. And patrons of those venues then rely upon that the 360
person must be of age as otherwise not allowed to be there. If then afterwards a sexual encounter
result then really who is the blame?

Sexual abuse is very serious but we must never ignore and neither condone the false allegations
modus operandi that is existing! Some as I understand it driven by hoping to be receiving a crime 365
compensation payout (with or without a conviction being required) or other benefits such as
television appearance payment, etc.

I will now quote the articles referred to and/or relevant to the above stated;
370
The following is not quoted in its entirety as it would be about 48 pages and so the web-link
refers to the entire article.

http://robertscourt.blogspot.com.au/2006/03/how-conservative-hysteria-about-sex.html
How a Conservative Hysteria about "Sex Abuse" is destroying a family in Bedford, 375
Pennsylvania

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QUOTE
Put simply, unchecked governmental tyranny has now afflicted most of America.
Over 25 million so-called "noncustodial" parents as direct victims... 3000 helpless 380
children removed from their loving families every week, 9/10ths of them falsely
began, and 1 child dying in foster care every hour... that's every hour... Countless
victims of legal plundering upon our elder citizens... The list of flagrant due process
and civil rights violations is dwarfed only by the number of American families
directly affected by their atrocities. We are everywhere. Oh, and, by the way, even 385
when you count all of the governmental personnel involved in these numerous
horrors, we - the victims and their families - outnumber, and can outshout and
outpaper, those government people, by at least a factor of 10,000 to 1, if not more...
END QUOTE
390
1. Day care sexual abuse hysteria | Online references ...
en.cyclopaedia.net/wiki/Day-care-sexual-abuse-hysteria
Day-care sex-abuse hysteria was a panic that occurred primarily in the 1980s and early 1990s featuring
claims against daycare providers of Satanic ritual abuse and ...
2. How a Conservative Hysteria about "Sex Abuse" is ... 395
robertscourt.blogspot.com/.../how-conservative-hysteria-about-sex.html
20/03/2006 How a Conservative Hysteria about "Sex Abuse" is destroying a family in Bedford,
Pennsylvania
3. Sex abuse hysteria: Salem witch trials revisited - Richard ...
books.google.com Family & Relationships Abuse Child Abuse 400
IPT Journal - "Sex Abuse Hysteria - The Physicians" 1 This is taken from Richard Gardner's new book,
Sex Abuse Hysteria: Salem Witch Trials Revisited ( Hardcover ).
4. Zealous Prosecutors Promote Sex Abuse Hysteria
www.fathermag.com/news/prosecutor
Zealous Prosecutors Promote Sex Abuse Hysteria Without truth, there is no justice. These scammers 405
are seriously concerned about your children the way an undertaker is ...
5. 'Sexual Abuse Hysteria,' O'Reilly and The Courant - Karen ...
blogs.courant.com/.../2005/09/sexual-abuse-hysteria-oreilly.html
14/09/2005 Monday's lead editorial "Sexual Abuse Hysteria" has been generating more e-mail traffic
than I usually get in response to editorials. Tuesday, Bill O ... 410
6. Day care sex abuse hysteria - infosources.org
www.infosources.org/what_is/Day_care_sex_abuse_hysteria.html
"Sex Abuse Hysteria" is a term popularized by VOCAL/FMSF/IPT Journal owneres Ralph Underwager
and his partner Hollida WakefieldVOCAL Victims of Child Abuse ...

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7. Day Care Sex Abuse Hysteria - YouTube 415
www.youtube.com/watch?v=eIbFZ54WPrk
o By es hrfnes fleh heah and feor!
o 10 min
o 54,318 views
o Added 30/03/2009 420
John Stossel investigates the case of the Amirault family and Fells Acres Daycare. These people were
accused and falsely convicted of sexually abusing the ...
8. Pedophileophobia -- A site concerned with the hysteria ...
pedophilehysteria.com
Welcome to Pedophile Hysteria - A site dedicated to telling the truth concerning pedophilia and thwarting 425
the gross hysteria concerning sexual abuse of ...
9. Child Sexual Abuse Hysteria Takes Another Turn for the ...
voices.yahoo.com/child-sexual-abuse-hysteria-takes-another-turn...
6/11/2006 Child Sexual Abuse Hysteria Takes Another Turn for the Worse In Light of Child Sexual
Abuse Hysteria, in Relation to Them, the Horrific Crimes of Charles ... 430
10. More On 'Sexual Abuse Hysteria' - Karen Hunter | Reader ...
blogs.courant.com/.../2005/09/more-on-sexual-abuse-hysteria.html
16/09/2005 Readers still have opinions to share about the editorial "Sexual Abuse Hysteria." The Page
1 story Thursday "Rapist Keeps Confronting Victim, Via Courts ...
435

The following is not quoted in its entirety as it would be about 154 pages and so the web-link
refers to the entire article.
http://sexhysteria.wordpress.com/category/child-sexual-abuse/
440
QUOTE
Sexhysteria's Blog
Is the concept of "premature sexualization" a key to understanding sex hysteria?

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445
Skip to content
Home
About
Is Your Child a Sex Maniac?
450

http://www.avoiceformen.com/mens-rights/conor-oberst-brighteyesband-fights-false-rape-
culture/
QUOTE 455

Conor Oberst fights False Rape Culture
February 25, 2014 By Diana Davison 38 Comments
Conor Oberst made a mistake.
On February 19th, the lead singer and founder of the band Bright Eyes filed a $1M 460
lawsuit against Joanie Faircloth for falsely accusing him of rape. Faircloth had made the
accusation in the comments section of an XOJane article about domestic violence and
on her Tumblr page. (All are now deleted)
She claimed that Obersts brother got her backstage after a concert ten years ago and
that the singer stole her virginity after ignoring her protests when he started touching her 465
sexually. Brief investigation shows that Joanie Faircloth is an Oberst fanatic who, until
recently, claimed that attending the concert was the Best memory ever!
Either shes lying about the assault or rape just isnt what it used to be.
Faircloth refused to retract her statements after Obersts lawyers contacted her, leaving
Oberst limited options to clear his name. His press statement, printed in Rolling Stone, 470
also announced that Oberst intends to donate the proceeds of this suit to charities
benefitting the victims of violence against women.
And there is the mistake. Not just the misspelling of the word benefiting.

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Faced with false rape allegations youd imagine Oberst would want to help other men
who have been falsely accused. Most likely, the idea was to show that he cares about 475
actual victims of rape but, as it turns out, the womens charities dont care about him.
And they dont want his money. Emily Davis, the spokesperson for Right to Speak Out
demanded Oberst drop his lawsuit because hes scaring the womenfolk. Her reasoning
goes like this:
Even if Ms. Faircloth was not truthful, vilifying discussion of sexual assault by filing such 480
a lawsuit only adds to the problem of under-reporting that enables sexual assault to
proliferate at alarming rates.
Vilifying discussion? That sounds a little bit like, hmmm, what do they call it? Victim
blaming.
Ms. Davis went even further. She advises us that people are innocent until proven guilty 485
so we should assume that Faircloth is telling the truth which, incidentally, makes Oberst
guilty of rape. Let that one circle around in your skull for awhile. Seems rather
appropriate that Davis brand of logic was published on a site called Spin. Its not too
late to switch your charity choices, Conor.
Perhaps hed like to consider helping out Community for the Wrongly Accused. Or The 490
Innocence Project. Or A Voice For Men. At least we believe the libel committed against
Conor Oberst is a serious crime. If Conor would like to see justice done, and wants to
help other men like him, he might want to consider donating to mens rights groups
instead of the feminists who encourage women to make anonymous accusations online.
While the feminist site Jezebel claims to understand Obersts desire to clear his name 495
they dont approve of his method. Where Conors attorneys have evidence that [t]he
only connection between Oberst and Faircloth was one of artist and fan a fan who has
posted laudatory comments about Oberst elsewhere online, Jezebel accuses him of
using a classic move. The only thing problematic when women, who claim to have
been raped, are caught praising their supposed rapist after the event is that it creates 500
powerful evidence that they are lying.
But, were supposed to chalk this behavior up to one of those weird things women do
sometimes when theyve been raped. No two women react the same way to rape. Rape
is a horrible crime that can turn the victim into a crazed groupie compelled to flood the
internet with fanpics and gushing praise. 505
The facts of this reaction to the lawsuit are simple. Feminists run the nonprofits that fight
violence against women. Feminists insist that false accusations dont happen. When
you get falsely accused of rape you dont want to give funding to the groups that wish to
silence you. If feminists take money from a false allegation libel suit they have to admit
women lie about rape. 510
But some of us care about truth and justice. As a commenter on Jezebel, called
HermioneStranger pointed out:

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Wow, MRAs hit this one fast, didnt they?
Im sort of surprised he even knew about her accusing him in the comments. Theres
so much said in the comments about so many celebrities, it seems like keeping track 515
of them to see if someones saying potentially libelous things wouldnt really even be
possible.
Whos got your back, Conor? MRAs (Mens Rights Activists). That would be us.
This comment also correctly points out that women are rampantly typing libelous
comments all over the internet with the belief that the victim wont see it. Its sort of a 520
pastime for them. It seems rather unwise to give them more money for their games.
Comments on Jezebel run the gamut of other sins: Saying that Oberst is just filing the
lawsuit to get attention. That hes using his financial privilege to silence his victim. That,
as quilta21 says, crimes against men dont matter.
If, he is in fact innocent, I understand his lawsuit, but I agree that he should drop it. 525
Maybe, instead he should speak out, talk about it encourage more survivors of sexual
assault to report it, speak up, so that false accusations (if that is indeed what happened)
dont get near as much press.
Im probably hoping for far too much though
From the same comment thread, GrtWhiteChoclit asks And what does punishing false 530
accusers do? Does it make you feel better about yourself as a person?
Obviously we cant count on women to stop false rape allegations, Grt. Theyre too busy
spreading False Rape Culture.
END QUOTE
535
https://newmatilda.com/2014/05/21/tough-crime-means-tough-women#comment-65802
QUOTE
21 May 2014
'Tough On Crime' Means Tough On Women
By Sally Parnell 540
The Victorian Government is about to greatly increase its female prisoner population. It's time to stop
punishing vulnerable women and start helping them, writes Jesuit Social Services acting CEO Sally
Parnell
Lost among the headlines about the unprecedented infrastructure spending in this months Victorian
State Budget, tucked away in a government issued media release, was a highly disturbing statistic. 545

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As part of the Governments $453 million prison expansion, the state will increase the capacity of the
womens prison system by 34 per cent or, in human terms, from 416 to 561 places.
This correlates with the overall corrections picture, and the fact that the number of female prisoners
in Australia has grown by 46 per cent to a total average daily count of 2,349 in mid-2013. However,
there is little analysis to explain the increase which has occurred at a much higher rate than the 550
male prison population.
Increases in crime alone cannot explain our rising female prison population. This is evidenced by
crime rates which have with the exception of assault and sexual assault been on a steady
decline over the past decade. While more women are in prison for assault-related offences than 10
years ago, an increasing number of women are imprisoned for offences that have otherwise declined 555
throughout society such as fraud, theft and drug offences.
The growing female prison population is the result of deliberate policy choices and reforms to
sentencing, bail and parole. State governments of both political persuasions have proudly embraced
tough on crime stances, increasing the strain on our already overcrowded prison system.
This trend fits with a wider phenomenon in western democracies known as the penal turn. Its 560
become fashionable for politicians to campaign and govern on these tough on crime policies,
promising safer communities when in fact the solutions proposed do not have an evidence base to
substantiate their effectiveness.
A clear consequence of these punitive approaches is that we, as a society, are locking up some of
our communitys most vulnerable members in greater numbers than we ever have before. Prisons 565
have become the asylums of 21st century Australia. Through Jesuit Social Services lengthy history
working with women exiting prison, we know that the majority are victims themselves of abuse,
domestic violence or exploitation. A 2004 study, Drugs and Crime: A Study of Incarcerated Female
Offenders by Holly Johnson, indicated that a staggeringly high 87 per cent of a sample of female
prisoners in Victoria were the victims of sexual, physical or emotional abuse prior to entering the 570
criminal justice system.
Of the female prisoners we provide hands-on services to, many have experienced homelessness,
mental illness, drug and alcohol issues or have a disability.
It is an indictment on Australian society that instead of addressing these widespread social problems
and supporting women that live with them, we are instead criminalising them. It is shocking to think 575
that for a number of women, prison provides them with a sanctuary from the violence and other
issues they face offering a form of stability not present in their day-to-day lives.
Spending hundreds of millions of dollars on prison expansion is not what our society needs. Yet in
Victoria, annual prison spending has increased by 54 per cent in real terms, to a total of $942 million,
in just five years. At the same time as expanding womens prisons, the 2014 state budget included 580
the Victorian Government's efforts to respond to family violence and the series of tragic events
throughout the state in recent months.

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Included in the budget was an additional $4.5 million in 2014-15, a figure criticised by Victorian peak
groups as "paltry" a figure that will fail to address the severe pressure existing services are
already under. 585
The net result as absurd as it is is that a large percentage of the women who will fill the 145
new prison beds in Victoria will themselves be victims of not only family violence but the states
inadequate response to it. One might conclude that investing a percentage of the money spent on
the prison beds into improving responses to family violence could eliminate the requirement for many
of the new beds in the first place. 590
Its an easy sell for governments to spruik law and order agendas and claim prison expansion will
build better and safer communities but in reality it achieves little more than prolonging and
entrenching the cycles of institutionalisation, trauma and neglect experienced by many female
prisoners.
A challenging but more cost effective approach would be to attack the root causes of the behaviour 595
that in so many cases is an underlying factor in women ending up behind bars.
Such an approach would undoubtedly demand more from us as a society, as it would force us to
confront and respond to some of our deepest social problems. Only when we adequately address
entrenched disadvantage and issues such as family violence, experiences of trauma and neglect,
mental illness and alcohol and drug abuse, will the most vulnerable members of our society be able 600
to break what are often lifelong affiliations with our criminal justice system.
END QUOTE

605
http://www.ipt-forensics.com/journal/volume2/j2_1_4.htm
QUOTE

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The Phenomenon of Child Abuse Hysteria as a Social Syndrome: The Case for a
New Kind of Expert Testimony
Lawrence D. Spiegel
*

ABSTRACT: This article provides a foundation for viewing group hysteria about
child sexual abuse as part of a recognizable social syndrome. Information from
sociology and social psychology, cognitive development, and clinical psychology is
combined in a three-stage process to explain the abuse hysteria phenomenon.
These stages provide a cohesive set of behaviors which constitute a recognizable
social syndrome. This abuse hysteria syndrome has contributed to over-reporting
and sometimes improper prosecution of such cases.
A child abuse hysteria syndrome may be useful in determining the truthfulness of
an abuse allegation. It is suggested that expert testimony using these concepts can
add a generic dimension to explain the public climate, and can therefore encourage
the courts to move toward a new kind of non-adversarial expert testimony which is
more educative and objective, as opposed to the argumentative and subjective
nature of much testimony offered in adversarial proceedings.

Within recent years we have witnessed an explosion of media reports, professional
articles, educational programs, child protection services, and legal reforms dealing
with child abuse, especially child sexual abuse. There is little doubt among
professionals in the field that we are experiencing a national phenomenon. The
issue of child abuse, after having been kept in the shadows for so many years, has
finally emerged. Yet it has done so with such a fury that some have characterized it
to be of almost hysterical proportions.
The term hysteria, as used here, is not used in its traditional or psychological
sense. Traditionally, dictionary definitions characterized hysteria as "an
uncontrollable outburst of emotion or fear, often characterized by irrationality,"
(Random House, 1981). In the psychological realm, the term hysterical generically
refers to an irrational fear or state of anxiety or emotional shock (Random House,
1981).
When used in its sociological sense however, the term takes on a broader quality
which incorporates and transcends the other definitions. Since it is being used with
respect to a group, an entirely different dimension is added in that the emotion is
now shared by more than one person. Most basically, the term mass hysteria is
closely associated and often used synonymously with mass suggestion (Freud,
1922; Tarde, 1903) in the sociological literature. The origins of both these concepts
are attributed to Gustave LeBon as used in his now classic work, The Psychology
of Crowds (1895). Since then, these terms have been expanded upon by many
others. Both terms reference the notion that there exists within a group the
possibility for a contagion of emotional and irrational thoughts and behavior which
causes a circular reaction within the group. The group then acts on these
irrationalities in a homogeneous manner (McDavid & Harari, 1968).
The current cultural climate regarding child abuse fits within these broad
definitions. It has been fueled by a variety of things and seems to have reached
hysterical proportions in a number of instances. Sensationalist media accounts

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which quote government figures tell us that there is an "epidemic" of child abuse.
We have been barraged with attempts to heighten public awareness. Public
service announcements on television, feature newspaper articles, pictures of
missing children on milk cartons, and prime time television movies have all
contributed to the contagion.
These efforts, along with a multitude of other innovative approaches, have
generated a fever-pitched public response to "do something" about the problem.
These efforts include books and movies on such topics as "Good Touch, Bad
Touch," as well as school presentations which take the form of puppet shows,
lectures, and even groups of traveling actors, all portraying the dangers of abuse.
The March 10, 1986 issue of Newsweek tells of some even more novel
approaches. In addition to the flood of books and pamphlets which include titles
like It's Okay To Say No, the new offerings now include board games called Safe
City USA and one developed by a former prosecutor in Illinois titled, Strangers and
Dangers. One of the most popular writers of children's stories, Stan Berenstain,
has written The Berenstain Bears Learn About Strangers. Although the titles don't
always suggest it, the message today goes far beyond the old adage, "don't talk to
strangers" (Kantrowitz & Leslie, 1986).
Indeed, if we note the figures complied by the National Center on Child Abuse and
Neglect, the numbers would justify such extreme measures. According to these
official figures, the number of reports of child abuse have skyrocketed from
675,000 reports m 1974 to 1.6 million in 1985, a staggering increase (Besharov,
1985). Not surprisingly, the professionals have been quick to rally to the cause.
The proliferation of literature has been interdisciplinary. From the abundance of
legal articles which led to the 1974 Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act
(sponsored by Mondale), to the fields of social work, psychiatry and psychology, the
response has been reflective of the public climate. Each of those fields have seen
the development of new theories and syndromes seeking to explain, diagnose and
treat child abuse in general, and sexual abuse in particular.
Several authors have produced writings on abuse which now form the backbone of
the child saver movement. Finkelhor (1984), Goodwin, Sahd, and Rada (1980),
Sgroi (1982) and Summit (1983) are just a few of the many writers developing
theories which attempt to define syndromes of abused children. New tools such as
"anatomically correct" dolls, and other diagnostic aids are being touted as the
cutting edge of the field. All of these professional attempts to address the issue of
child abuse have been spurred by the public passion and, paradoxically, seem to
have contributed to it.
Perhaps the most telling sign that public concern has reached epidemic proportions
has been the abundance of responsive or backlash literature. These works have
not only identified the public hysteria, but have pointed to the resulting problem of
over-reporting. Many of these authors cite the government figures mentioned
previously, but add a crucial dimension. Though the number of abuse reports has
indeed sky-rocketed, so have the percentage of unfounded reports. These writers
now tell us of a second epidemic, that of false reports, a problem which in their view
is as damaging as abuse itself (Wakefield & Underwager, 1988).

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Again, this responsive or backlash literature has been interdisciplinary and equally
vociferous. Legal experts such as Douglas Besharov, the first director for National
Center on Child Abuse and Neglect, tells us that the percentage of unfounded
reports in 1985 reached 65%, as opposed to 35% ten years ago (Besharov, 1985).
Practicing attorneys Gordon (1985) and Herzog (1986) have expressed vigorous
concerns over the growing legal trends which have stretched the rules of evidence
precariously thin. Over the past two years there has also been an explosion of
articles on the problem of false reports. Social work specialists like Schultz (1985)
as well as psychological and psychiatric experts have responded. Coleman (1986),
Green (1986), and Gardner (1987), among many others, are also warning about the
dangers facing the clinician as a result of the "epidemic" of false reports.
Indeed since the publication of my own book, A Question Of Innocence, in
December of 1986,1 have received numerous letters, articles, court decisions,
books, research projects, etc. I have been advised of and participated in numerous
conferences and symposiums held by a host of professional associations. I have
been called upon to testify as an expert in both civil and criminal cases of child
abuse. I have been advised of and testified before legislative hearings on both a
state and federal level, and consulted with numerous law firms all over the country.
Most of the authors mentioned earlier have addressed the false accusation problem
for the express purpose of neutralizing the "expert" testimony of those who testify
for the prosecution as validators as part of the adversarial court proceedings. Their
rebuttals, however, are usually allowed as testimony only to refute points made by
the expert witness for the prosecution. These include efforts on the part of some
authors to neutralize evidence resulting from the use of the anatomical dolls (
Mclver,1986; White, 1987). In essence, many child abuse cases are coming down
to a battle of experts, psychologists and psychiatrists refuting one another, usually
leaving the judge or jury more confused than ever.
Coleman (1986) and Green (1986) have responded to the so-called abuse
syndromes, both by methodically picking them apart, and/or by presenting their own
syndromes in an effort to counterbalance them. A credible effort in this regard is
the SAID Syndrome by Gordon Blush and Karol Ross (1986). Still others, such as
Schetky and Boverman (1986) and Schuman (1986), have discussed even broader
problems including competency issues, biased interviews and other "red flag"
indicators. By far, the most comprehensive treatment of the problem of false
accusations which this author has seen is the work by Hollida Wakefield and Ralph
Underwager (1988).
The so called backlash phenomenon and the hysteria it points to has not escaped
the media's attention. Within the past few years, a grass roots organization called
VOCAL, an acronym for Victims Of Child Abuse Laws, made up of parents who feel
they've been victimized by witch hunt mentality, has over 3,000 members nationally
(Besharov, 1986). In the past year, virtually every network and newspaper, major
magazine and radio station in the United States has covered the problem of false
accusations, and has referred to them as epidemic (Dorschner, 1985).
The inherent paradox, however, and therefore the need for a more thorough
understanding of the social climate, is that along with endangering innocent people,
false reports also endanger children who need protection, by misdirecting the

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resources of child protective services. Just as false alarms to fire or police
endanger those facing a real emergency, false reports take child protective workers
away from those cases where children are truly in danger.
The fact that the media has now not only reported the zeal of the public to stop
abuse, but the backlash as well, is further substantiation of the confusion and
conflict. Every social movement of any magnitude always creates a reaction. On a
segment pf the Phil Donahue program, Mr. Donahue characterized the prevailing
attitude toward the end of the show, "Show me a man who is accused of child
abuse, and I'll show you a child abuser" (Donahue, 1987). CBS News
correspondent, Bernard Goldberg, summed up the paradox which we are facing. In
his statement on the CBS Evening News, Mr. Goldberg commented that the efforts
to do something about child abuse seem to be "not only overdue, but overdone as
well" (Goldberg, 1987).
The climate of hysteria, as previously defined, and growing public and political
pressures have already impacted the courts. As a consequence of the need felt by
the judicial system to respond to the public clamor, there have been several
changes in the structure of the legal system itself. Rules of evidence have been
significantly relaxed when it comes to cases of alleged child abuse, seemingly
because of the public outcry. These recent trends should be of particular concern
to the psychological community, since it is psychology as "the science of human
behavior," which is most ethically obliged to evaluate the phenomenon which has
these changes in the courts.
In most states, expert testimony is now guided by three basic criteria: it must be of
more probative value than prejudicial, it must not invade the province of the fact
finder (judge or jury), and it must be based on accepted scientific principles.
Traditionally, expert testimony in cases of alleged child abuse has become more
and more a part of court proceedings, but has been limited to specific areas, i.e.
evaluation of children, parents, and/or defendant, as well as some limited testimony
on the dynamics of sexual abuse generically. To a lesser degree, some courts
have also permitted experts to offer opinion with respect to the cognitive capability
of child witnesses, usually at a pretrial competency hearing, out of the presence of
the jury (Schuman, 1986). This is especially true of cases which involve very young
children, or those which emanate from divorce and/or custody disputes (Benedek &
Schetky, 1984).
Most states have now adopted one or more legal reforms, which directly impact
cases of child abuse, especially when the charge is sexual abuse. In general, in
addition to more frequent use of expert testimony, the rules of evidence have been
modified to allow more latitude for experts. Even in the criminal courts, experts are
now allowed to testify to facts which have not been admitted into evidence. These
include history which may have been taken, hearsay statements and hypotheticals.
Other changes in legal procedures are even more far reaching. The recent
tendency to permit younger and younger children to testify by relaxing or amending
the requirements for competency, and/or the use of closed circuit television
(Spiegel, 1986) are two examples. Another is the recent tendency of prosecutors to
bring cases to criminal court which in the past might never have been pursued.
Even more disturbing is the stretching of hearsay laws, which now make admissible

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certain testimony from parents or professionals and/or the use of proxy testimony
by an adult in the event the child is found not to be competent. In most cases,
however, it is the adversarial process itself which is most problematic for the expert
witness.
For these reasons, the purpose of this preliminary effort to develop a more generic
type of expert testimony is twofold: first, to add a generic dimension which explains
the public climate, and second, to encourage the courts to move toward a new kind
of non-adversarial expert testimony which is more educative and objective, as
opposed to the argumentative and subjective nature of much testimony offered in
adversarial proceedings. This discussion is therefore designed to impact the nature
of expert testimony both in substance and procedure.
In substance, generic testimony with respect to the public climate is necessary to
give the fact finders the broadest and most comprehensive view of the problems. If,
in fact, it is the weight of public pressure produced by this group hysteria which has
caused the scales of justice to tilt, then the psychological community needs to
objectively investigate the climate of hysteria more precisely, as an entity unto
itself. This could aid the fact finders and courts in evaluating whether the recent
legal changes are too reactionary. In almost all of the backlash literature, the
problem of the "climate of hysteria" has been discussed, yet nowhere has it
appeared as a cohesive and comprehensive issue unto itself. Given opportunity for
research and data collection, it could constitute a new kind of expert testimony
testimony not designed to add to the already troubled battle of experts, but to offer
a broad context to the court to aid all those involved in developing a more balanced
and objective approach.
This article is only a preliminary attempt at a new perspective which transforms the
hysteria phenomenon into a empirically identifiable syndrome. It must be made
clear that this effort is a theoretical formulation, not a scientifically accepted
syndrome and is not being proffered as such. Perhaps ultimately this may help to
balance the scales of justice and create a deeper understanding of the complexity
of child abuse cases and add another scientific tool for analyzing and differentiating
false reports from true ones.
What is being proposed is an integration of variety of heretofore separate areas of
psychology and sociology in order to develop a new paradigm which will more
adequately define the phenomenon of "hysteria," or "witch hunt" mentality. Through
a cross-fertilization of disciplines, it is possible to arrive at such a paradigm. This is
accomplished through a three-stage process which transposes the notion of a
"phenomenon" (which implies something remarkable or extraordinary) into a more
defined and scientifically refined concept of a social syndrome. The term syndrome
is used here in its strictest sense, "a recognizable set of social characteristics or
behaviors" (Random House, 1980), as opposed to the rather vague concept of a
phenomenon, which implies something remarkable or extraordinary. Naturally, only
through ongoing research and testing can an initial formulation such as this be
determined to be scientifically sound and acceptable.
The reality of the current public behaviors toward child abuse is neither remarkable
nor extraordinary, given an appropriate understanding of the factors from which
they have evolved. This understanding is developed in a three-stage process of

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combining information from sociology and social psychology, cognitive development
and clinical psychology.

STAGE ONE - Collective Behavior
Both sociology and social psychology refer to the cultural phenomenon of mass
hysteria or mass suggestion as defined previously in the broad category of
collective behavior (Johnson, 1945). Collective behavior includes riots, mob
behavior, lynchings, social movements, crazes, fads, and rebellions.
In general, the category of collective behavior is further delineated by the distinction
of being either the congregated or uncongregated variety. The definitions of each
are implicit in the terms used to identify them. The former would involve
circumstances in which the groups of people meet personally in the context of a
meeting or rally, as opposed to the latter category in which those involved do not
meet in any formal setting, but are united indirectly as a function of an event or
phenomenon.
Most collective behaviors involve circumstances which are bizarre or extraordinary
and therefore become a popular topic for study (Light & Keller, 1975). Although
incidents of collective behavior have been extensively researched and written
about, controlled studies are difficult, owing to the nature of the phenomenon. Child
abuse hysteria includes both congregated and uncongregated behavior.
As one might suspect, uncongregated movements can evolve into congregated
ones (Light & Keller, 1975). Some of the more common examples are the civil
rights and women's movements of the past two decades. The advent of mass
media seems to have aided these transformations. One can only surmise that had
there been network news coverage of the witch trials in Salem, Massachusetts, it
may have grown to a national epidemic. Court rooms all over the country might
have been overflowing with witch trials, as they are now with child abuse
proceedings.
It is the electronic media which has provided the vehicle to transform
uncongregated movements into a congregated mass media audience. The medium
is, in part, the message. (McLuhan, 1968). One could make a case for the fact that
the current child abuse phenomenon has resulted from just that. The momentum of
the current climate began just after the much publicized arrests of twenty-four
parents in the small town of Jordan, Minnesota. This was quickly followed by day
care scandals in New York, California, New Jersey and a number of other states.
Less publicized, however, were the eventual outcomes of many of these cases. In
the Minnesota case all of the charges were eventually dismissed against the
parents, and the only person found guilty was a trash collector, James Rud.
Ultimately, it was learned that Rud had begun the hysteria by "cooperating" with the
prosecutor by giving her the names of those involved in the "sex ring" which she
was certain existed, in a swap for a plea bargain deal for Rud. Most of the public is
still unaware of this. The public is also largely unaware that the prosecutor,
Kathleen Morris, was found guilty of malfeasance after investigations by the FBI
and special task force appointed by the Attorney General of Minnesota. She was

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later voted out of office.
Now, some years after the arrests of seven people in the McMartin Preschool case
in California, we find that charges have been dismissed against five of the seven
defendants. We are told by the defense council and the former prosecutor of the
case, that the accusations of the children are "patently absurd," and that the initial
charge came from a psychologically disturbed mother who has since committed
suicide. Still, the charges against Raymond Buckey and his mother have not been
dropped and the state of California has spent close to five million dollars of
taxpayers money to date. (CNN News, 1987).
The literature in social psychology and sociology is replete with historical examples
of collective behavior, which, like the phenomena being discussed here, seem to
defy scientific explanation. Popular writers and journalists, as well as some
academicians, have described these instances as mass hysteria (Brown, 1965).
There are many examples of congregated "mass hysteria," dating back to the
Spanish Inquisition. Most work on the subject cites other examples such as the
Salem Witch Hunts, early lynchings in the South, religious movements, the civil
rights marches, and the women's movement. The remarkable similarity between
the Salem Witch Hunt in 1692 and the current topic has been addressed by several
modern writers. One of the most notable accounts appeared in the August 1985
issue of Persuasion At Work:
Salem, Massachusetts, 1692. Tituba, a servant girl steeped in the "black magic" of Barbados, has
excited the imagination of two children, nine-year-old Betty and eleven-year-old Abigail. The
youngsters writhe, scream, and moan on demand before amazed, frightened adults. The experts
arrive from Boston, question the girls with techniques handed down from the Great Inquisition, and
discover the cause: witches! Townspeople some strange, most ordinary are brought before the
bewitched children. The girls identify 40 of them as those who had caused their maladies. With a
passion for securing confessions, zealous prosecutors toss out factual evidence as the Devil's work.
Instead, special evidence is introduced: "I saw him fly on a stick across the face of the moon."
Those of the accused who deny their guilt are subsequently tied to a stool and dunked beneath
water. If they drown, this is clear evidence of guilt. If they survive, the Devil is surely responsible
and they are promptly hanged. Twenty "witches" so perish.
Jordan, Minnesota, 1984: James Rud, a trash collector and baby-sitter, has been arrested for
sexually molesting two children. Once in custody, he plea bargains with the prosecutor and, in
exchange for a reduced sentence, describes his involvement in a large child-sex ring composed of
Jordan parents. With no prior investigation, police arrest the parents and seize the children, placing
the latter in the care of social workers. Once in custody, the children are grilled for hours by a
battery of experts. Therapists strip the children down and perform physical exams. Doctors stick
their fingers in the little girls' vaginas, asking, "Is this what they did to you, and do you think it went in
the far, and did it bleed? Anatomically correct dolls are given the the children so they can "role
play." Many of the children are told that if they reveal the truth about their abusing parents, the
families might be reunited. The children start confessing. More experts come. Citizens who
complain about police tactics are arrested, and their children also seized. In all, 24 adults eventually
face charges. Yet as the months pass, the prosecutor fails to come up with any hard evidence. The
hymens of the little girls are all intact. None of the children show any signs of physical harm. In
desperation, the prosecutor turns to some of the accused and begins plea bargaining. One of them,
a police officer, is offered a new identity, relocation, no jail time, even money in exchange for
testimony against the other adults. Yet he refuses the offer, demanding a trial. In September, the
first couple brought before the jury is acquitted. The prosecutor begins hinting about the parents'
involvement in ritual murders. In November, Rud admits in a radio interview that he had lied: there
was not sex ring; he made it all up. The children also recant. Yet the prosecutor is unmoved. The
adults are guilty, she insists; they will never get their children back (Carlson, 1985).

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In both these circumstances we find all the elements of group hysteria, including
irrational emotions which became contagious and are self-reinforcing or cause a
circular reaction. The fact that one might question the analogy because "witches do
not exist" and child abusers do, does not really undermine the foundation of the
analogy. Although most of us now think we know witches don't exist, certainly that
was not the case in 1692. Indeed perhaps it is not the case at all.
Since the advent of mass media, there have been many examples of
uncongregated phenomenon. The most familiar examples of uncongregated
events include the panic which ensued during the Halloween broadcast by Orson
Wells of "War of the Worlds" in 1938, and the paranoia about communism
generated by the McCarthy hearings in 1945 (McDavid & Harari, 1968). Lesser
known, but perhaps even more interesting are some other unique phenomenon.
One example follows:
In September of 1944, a woman in the small city of Mattoon, Illinois, reported that someone had
opened her bedroom window and sprayed her with a sickish-sweet-smelling gas that partially
paralyzed her legs and made her ill. During the ten-day period that followed, dozens of cases with
similar symptoms were reported, and police exerted full effort to catch the "gasser," who had
become known in newspapers throughout the nation as the phantom anesthetist of Mattoon.
Although the story died away within two weeks, an investigation through interviews with "victims"
and police in Mattoon was carried out during the subsequent six weeks. On the basis of this
evidence, the episode was attributed entirely to hysteria and a wave of mass suggestion. Rumor
spread rampant, people became apprehensive and disoriented, and they were gullible and
suggestible. Those most susceptible were women who were below average in educational and
economic level. Following the wave of hysterical suggestion came a successive wave of
"contrasuggestion," with critical public attitudes toward hysterical suggestion, and low ebbs in
prowler reports. Without mob congregation, a cultish wave had united a collection of "victims" and
subsequently a collection of "critics" of these victims (Light & Keller, 1975).
In recent years, both the disciplines of sociology and social psychology have
analyzed the phenomena of congregated collective behavior in more contemporary
terms. Several facets of these analyses represent more scientific attempts to both
explain and understand these occurrences. Most of the research done on collective
behavior is, by necessity, historical and analytical in nature. These events are
unique and so unusual that they are difficult to replicate experimentally. The most
relevant data, therefore, has come from analysis of real events. One important fact
upon which most social scientists agree is that there are certain preconditions
which must exist in order for a phenomenon of collective behavior to occur.
Social ambiguity is perhaps the important construct. Collective behavior is more
likely when there is an inherent paradox or contradiction. For years, child abuse,
especially sexual abuse, remained a secret. It was rarely reported and was not
likely to be taken seriously when it was (Schuman, 1986). This seemed due in part
to our Puritan heritage and embarrassment with sexual matters in general, as well
as to the influence of Freudian psychology which tended to dismiss children's
complaints as fantasies. With the infusion in 1979 of huge amounts of federal funds
into the social service system came the mandatory and anonymous reporting laws.
Yet the conflicting issues are complicated for America. The desire to do something
about child abuse stands in opposition to our long history of difficulty in dealing with
sexual matters and the privacy of the family. Add to this the confusion created by
adversarial expert testimony and opinion, and we have a true dilemma.

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Three other sociological constructs are germane to our analysis: frustrated social
concerns, normlessness, and unanticipated events. Certainly, after decades of
secrecy, there is a frustrated collective social concern to stop child abuse.
Normlessness ensues when people are caught between conflicting social values.
When, for example, should a neighbor report suspicion of abuse? The conflicting
needs to do something and the regard for privacy, as well as embarrassment,
generates a condition of normlessness. There is no clear historical norm for such a
dilemma. With regard to an unanticipated event, it is doubtful that anyone in the
United States could have anticipated the news headlines which came from Jordan
Minnesota in 1984.
Taken together, these constructs provide a foundation for understanding collective
behavior and the hysteria which has resulted in so many false reports of abuse.
But it is more difficult to explain why both children and parent(s) often insist that
abuse has taken place, even when it hasn't. In order to provide a sufficient
scientific base for understanding this phenomena, we must now couple the
information from Stage One with some well-known and researched areas of
cognitive psychology in Stage Two.

STAGE TWO - Cognitive Issues
The cognitive capacities of children as witnesses has been widely discussed by a
number of the authors mentioned earlier. Many authors who have written about
false accusations have illustrated how easily children are led into creating fantastic
stories, which they learn to believe through repeated interrogations. These
interrogations employ the powerful learning variables of repetition and
reinforcement, even when it is not the intention to do so. Often the interviewers are
case workers or law enforcement personnel who do not have sufficient training or
skills to conduct an unbiased interview.
The repeated interrogations are often accompanied by a process of bureaucratic
escalation, in which the accusation itself becomes more and more defined and
often enlarged. This can be deliberate, on the part of an overzealous worker, or
simply be an inadvertent consequence of the accusation being passed from one
division to another. Often the term "alleged victim" is replaced by the word "victim."
The term "subject" is replaced by "perpetrator" and so on. Hence, one
investigator's zeal may spark another's and all serve to reinforce and solidify the
accusation for those who reported it. This is exactly the circular reaction defined in
group hysteria.
The use of so-called diagnostic aids, such as puppets, anatomical dolls, books, and
drawings, can contaminate children's perceptions even further. When encouraged
by a zealous investigator, because children tend to view these items as playthings
(to be associated with "make believe"), they may conjure up fantastic stories
(Wakefield & Underwager, 1988). Yet, in controlled studies (Mclver, Wakefield, &
Underwager, 1989), it has been shown that there is no significant difference in the
way that abused and non-abused children interact with the dolls.
Piaget (1926) states that children cannot reliably discriminate between internal and
external stimuli until age eleven or twelve. Kohlberg (1968) claims that children do

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not distinguish their own dreams from external reality until about age five. Yet
children as young as three years of age (Spiegel, 1986) are being asked to testify
as witnesses in criminal proceedings, often sitting on the lap of a parent who made
the accusation. When the cognitive limitations and suggestibility of children are
considered in light of these repeated interrogations, usually being done by biased
adults with few or no interviewing skills, a terrifying picture emerges.
Hollida Wakefield and Ralph Underwager describe the position of the science of
psychology with regard to the testimony of children in cases of alleged abuse:
The procedures followed in the interrogations of children contaminate, confuse, and make
statements made by children unreliable. ... The younger the child, the more powerful the teaching
and learning experience will be. When there is no supporting or corroboration data or no admission
from the alleged perpetrator, children's statements standing alone must be viewed with great caution
... (Wakefield & Underwager,1988, p.33).
There is no evidence establishing that these procedures [anatomical dolls, drawings, books, play
therapy, puppets] are reliable or valid techniques in in assessing possible sexual abuse in children
(Underwager & Wakefield, 1989, p. 30).
If we now look at the components of Stage One and Stage Two together, there is a
definable group behavior of an uncongregated and congregated nature, which,
within the definition of terms as used here, has generated a climate of hysteria with
respect to child abuse. It has also generated a zeal on the part of the authorities to
put a stop to abuse. When these factors are combined with the suggestibility of
children discussed in Stage Two, there is a resulting synergistic effect. These two
stages taken together explain not only how so many cases of abuse are reported,
but also why so many of those involved come to believe that abuse has occurred,
even when it hasn't.

STAGE THREE - The Clinical Component
Thus far, most of the authors who have addressed the issues discussed in Stage
Two have not directly combined them with the collective behavior constructs
discussed in Stage One. Nor have most made the connection to certain clinical
components which often exist when allegations of abuse are false. There are a
variety of psychiatric and psychological factors which can come into play in cases of
alleged abuse. Some of these are extremely pertinent, and provide a foundation for
differentiating a possible false accusation from a true one. Often this type of
pathology can be triggered by the group hysteria and suggestibility of children
discussed in Stages One and Two. There are always many possible psychiatric
problems when an allegation is false. Obviously, there is the possibility of true
psychotic behavior, if someone is convinced abuse has taken place when it actually
hasn't. For the most part, only a few of the authors have examined carefully
specific clinical syndromes which may be applicable to cases of alleged child
abuse.
There are a few authors who have discussed specific clinical syndromes which may
be applicable to cases of alleged child abuse (Schuman,1984; Schetky &
Boverman, 1985; Blush & Ross, 1987). These authors have discussed the specific
psychopathology found in accusing parents, and less in depth, the individual

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pathology which might be found in the child. So far, this author has found few
articles which expand these formulations to include the application of a lesser
known psychiatric entity, which is perhaps the most appropriate diagnosis in these
cases.
Kaplan and Kaplan (1981) discuss the psychiatric entity known as Shared Paranoid
Disorder, or Folie a Deux. This is a clinical diagnosis listed in the Diagnostic
Manual of the American Psychiatric Association III-R as 297.30 (Induced Psychotic
Disorder). As stated by Kaplan and Kaplan. "Folie a Deux provides a useful clinical
perspective ... It is a well defined clinical entity" (p.92). In a frequently cited article,
Gralnick (1942) defined a Folie a Deux as a "psychiatric entity characterized by the
transference of delusional ideas and/or behavior from one person to one or more
others who have been in close association with the primarily affected patient"
(p.232).
This diagnosis can be applicable in cases of alleged abuse, especially when
charges are brought by the custodial parent in instances of divorce/custody
litigation. Yet, it may be applicable in other cases as well, in that this type of
psychiatric entity can be manifested by a child in interaction with adult interviews,
investigators, etc. Social workers often remove children from the home in cases of
alleged abuse, and hence become t a sort of surrogate parent.
The central dynamic which makes this diagnosis applicable is that the relationships
are characterized by a dominant/submissive dynamic. The very nature of the
relationship of a child to an adult is that of dependency and submission. Thus,
there is a considerable amount of secondary gain on the part of the child in
adopting the dominant adult's ideas and/or behavior. The child seeks in this way to
gain the approval and love of the adult. These are very powerful motivators. The
only therapeutic intervention which can be made must include separation of the
child from the primarily affected adult(s). When this is accomplished, the child will
lose the delusional effect if it was a result of such a disorder.
It must be stressed that the existence of such a clinical disorder is only a
possibility. The fact that an accusation, even a false one, is made does not indicate
the presence of a psychiatric entity. This determination must be made by a
qualified professional, after a careful evaluation of all the parties involved. If,
however, such a diagnosis is made, it can be extremely valuable in assessing the
situation, and can aid in determining the veracity of the charges. Even then, such a
diagnosis should be subjected to a second opinion. Most importantly, even the
presence of such a disorder does not prove that the accusation is false. The third
component must be evaluated along with the first two stages to obtain a complete
picture.
When taken together, the three concepts or stages taken from the various
disciplines provide a compelling argument for a cohesive set of behaviors which
may constitute a recognizable social syndrome. It is characterized by the three
stages which interact in a synergistic fashion thus producing the possible
syndrome. The concepts of collective behavior in Stage One explain the conditions
which have contributed to the public hysteria regarding the problem of child abuse.
This contagion may then predispose both parents and children as well as
professionals, to misinterpret, misconstrue and overreact to the possibility of abuse,

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and therefore report what might otherwise have gone unnoticed.
In Stage Two, the cognitive capacities which make children so suggestible are
exploited either consciously or unconsciously by the reporting adult, social workers
and/or investigators and the allegation is subjected to a process of bureaucratic
escalation. The alleged child victim is subjected to repeated interviews and
interrogations, often by biased or poorly trained "professionals" and the child, in
effect, learns the story. This is then reinforced by the interrogator and the
perceptions of the reporting adult.
In the Third Stage there can develop a psychiatric disorder known as Folie a Deux
or shared paranoid disorder in which the child imitates the accusers' perceptions,
ideas and behaviors.
This then is the general scenario of a Child Abuse Hysteria Syndrome. In certain
instances there can be additional facts which add to the predisposition or motivation
to find abuse, especially in divorce and/or custody disputes; though this does not,
by itself, mean that the accusation is false.

Conclusions
This paper is a preliminary effort to identify a recognizable set of behaviors, which,
if verified through further research, may help determine the veracity of an
accusation of child abuse. The formulation is based on the integration of three
heretofore separate areas of widely accepted scientific principles, and thus
constitutes a presumptive basis for foundation testimony from an expert of a more
generic and neutral variety than currently exists within the adversarial court
system. This attempt to identify a social syndrome is with the hope that this and
similar formulations can ultimately be used as new kind of expert testimony.
Foundation testimony of a generic nature, which is not biased or adversarial, might
encourage the courts to use a team of appointed experts, who could assist the fact
finders in gaining a broad understanding of the complex issues in a child abuse
proceeding. Such a team with members well versed in applying scientifically sound
formulations could then be applied to the case at bar without the intrusion of the
adversarial process. In this manner, a team could provide the court with the most
objective and non-biased interpretation of the matter, from a myriad of
perspectives. This team, acting almost as a committee, would subject the case to
the various analysis and report their clinical perspective to the judge or jury.
The guidelines for opinion testimony have been broadened by rule 702 of the
Federal Rules of Evidence, and may permit opinion testimony of this type if it can
assist the trier of fact (Schuman, 1986). Such opinions by experts are usually
governed by the discretion of the trial judge, but guided by similar principles.
Opinions which can be of value to the fact finder may be acceptable, while opinions
regarding the ultimate issue in the case are rarely permitted. In the past the expert
opinion has been devalued as a consequence of the adversarial process. Expert
opinion from a court-appointed team, however, may be far more useful, as well as
valid.

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Generic and broad-based theoretical formulations like those in this paper, could
provide a far greater understanding of the large picture for the fact finders, just as
other clinical tools prove useful in evaluating specific cases. Such testimony could
only be useful, however, if it is exempt from the adversarial process, and therefore
presented in an unbiased fashion. It is in the spirit that these preliminary
formulations are being presented.
The adversarial system which pits the specific knowledge and expertise of one
mental health professional against another is not only a waste of money and
valuable resources, it often creates a tunnel vision in the mind of the fact finders
and prevents them from gaining a broad understanding of the complexity of child
abuse cases. It's time for both the mental health and judicial establishments to
recognize that our obligations transcend merely adding to the confusion through
participation in the adversarial process. Our energies must be devoted not only to
theoretical formulations or clinical opinions, but to aiding the courts in implementing
effective procedures as well.
If any of the preliminary formulations in this paper turn out to be on sound scientific
footing, then we the health professionals must assume the responsibility of
demonstrating their value to the courts. We cannot afford to allow ourselves to
continue to be drawn into battles of the experts any longer. We must impress upon
the judiciary that this approach not only limits our abilities to assist the fact finders,
but compromises the value and objectivity of our input. The time has come for a
court appointed team approach, not only for child abuse proceedings, but for most
areas of family court. We must be responsible not only for the content of our
opinions, but the context in which they are presented as well.

References
Benedek, E., & Schetky, D. (1984, October). Allegations of sexual abuse in child
custody cases. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Academy of
Psychiatry and the Law, Nassau, Bahamas.
Besharov, D. (1985). Doing something about child abuse. Harvard Journal of Law
and Public Policy, 8, 539-589.
Blush, G. L., &Ross, K. L. (1987). Sexual allegations in divorce: The SMD
Syndrome. Conciliation Courts Review, 25(1), 1-11.
Brown, R. (1965). Social Psychology ( ). New York: Free Press.
Carlson, A. (1986, August). The child savers ride again. Persuasion at Work, 8(8),
1-8.
Coleman, L. (1986, January/February). False allegations of child sexual abuse:
Have the experts been caught with their pants down? Forum, 13(1),1-22.
Cable News Network, (1987; April 21). [Television program]. Atlanta, GA.
Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act, 42 U.S.C.

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Donahue, P. (1987, March 17). The Phil Donahue Show [Television program]. New
York: National Broadcasting Company.
Dorschner, J. (1985, July 25). A question of innocence. Miami Herald, pp.10-15.
Finkelhor, D. (1984). Child Sexual Abuse: New Theory and Research ( ). New
York: Free Press.
Freud, S. (1922). Group psychology and the analysis of ego. London: International
Psychoanalytic Press.
Gardner, R. (1987). The Parental Alienation Syndrome and the Differentiation
Between Fabricated and Genuine Child Sexual Abuse ( ). Cresskill, NJ: Creative
Therapeutics.
Gralnick, A. (1942). Folie a deux: The psychosis of association. Psychiatric
Quarterly, 16, 230-263.
Green, A. (1986). True and false allegations of sexual abuse in child custody
disputes. Journal of American Academy of Child Psychiatry, 25, 449-456.
Goldberg, B. (1987, February 23). The CBS Evening News with Dan Rather.
[Television program]. New York: Columbia Broadcasting Systems.
Goodwin, J., Sahd, D., & Rada, R. (1980). Incest hoax: False accusations, false
denials. In W. M. Holder (Ed.) Sexual Abuse of Children ( ). Englewood, CO: The
American Humane Association. (Reprinted from The Bulletin of the American
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Gordon, C. (1985). False allegations of abuse in child custody disputes. Minnesota
Family Law Journal, 2(14), 225-228.
Herzog, P. (1986, May). Some important aspects of pre-trial investigations and
motions. Paper presented to North Carolina Academy of Trial Lawyers Seminar,
Fayetteville, NC.
Johnson, D. M. (1945). The "Phantom Anesthetist" of Matoon: A field study of mass
hysteria, Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 40, 175-186.
Kantrowitz, B., & Leslie, C. (1986, March). Teaching Fear. Newsweek p.14.
Kaplan, S. L., & Kaplan, S. J. (1981). The child's accusation of sexual abuse during
a divorce and custody struggle. The Hillside Journal of Clinical Psychiatry, 3(1), 81-
95.
Kohlberg, L. (1968). Early education: A cognitive developmental view. Child
Development, 39, 1013-1062.
LeBon, G. (1895). Psychologie des foules, Paris: Odeon. [The Crowd ( )]. London:
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Light, D. Jr., & Keller, S. (1975). Sociology ( ) (pp. 520-543). New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, Inc.
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(pp. 367-397). New York: Harper & Row.
Mclver, W. (1986, January/February). The case for a therapeutic interview. The
Oregon Defense Attorney, 6(4), 34.
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abused children in interviews with anatomically-correct dolls. Issues in Child Abuse
Accusations, 1(1), 39-48.
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Harcourt, Brace.
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1333.
Schetky, D., & Boverman, A. (1985, October 10).Faculty assessment of child sexual
abuse: Legal and emotional sequalae. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of
the American Academy of Psychiatry and Law, Albuquerque, NM.
Schuman, D. (1984, October). False accusations of physical and sexual abuse.
Paper presented at the annual conference of the American Academy of Psychiatry
and the Law, Nassau, Bahamas.
Schuman, D. (1986). Psychiatric and Psychological Evidence ( ). Colorado
Springs, CO: McGraw-Hill.
Schultz, L. (1985, November). The social worker and the sexually abused minor,
where are we going? Paper presented to the National Victims of Child Abuse Laws
Conference, St. Paul, MN.
Spiegel, L. (1986). A question of Innocence: A True Story of False Accusation ( ).
Parsippany, NJ: Unicorn.
Sgroi, S., Porter, F., & Blick, L. (1982). Handbook of Clinical Intervention in Child
Sexual Abuse ( ). Lexington, MA: Lexington Books.
Summit, R. (1983). The child sexual abuse accommodation syndrome. Child Abuse
& Neglect, 7,177-193.
Tarde, G. (1903). The Laws of Imitation ( ). New York: Holt, Rinehart, Winston.
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Wakefield, H., Underwager, R. (1988). Accusations of Child Sexual Abuse ( )( ).
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Washington, D.C.

*
Lawrence D. Spiegel is a psychologist and can be contacted
at 40 Baldwin Road, Parsippany, NJ 07054.
This article was presented as the keynote address at St.
Joseph Hospital Children and Youth Center Conference;
November 4, 1988. [Back]
[Back to Volume 2, Number 1] [Other Articles by this Author]
END QUOTE

610

QUOTE EMAIL
http://www.avoiceformen.com/mens-rights/domestic-violence-industry/us-national-survey-more-
men-than-women-victims-of-intimate-partner-violence/ 615

US National Survey: more men than women victims of intimate partner violence
USA, December 9, 2013 By Janet Bloomfield (aka JudgyBitch) 26 Comments
Here are two stories about domestic violence in the news. The first one involves Aron Ralston.
If you recognize that name its probably because hes the guy who was trapped in a canyon in 620
Utah and cut off his own arm to survive.
Aron was arrested on DV charges, but when prosecutors learned that the violence involved his
domestic partner, Vita Shannon, punching him in the back of head twice, to which he responded
by shoving her on the shoulder, the charges against Aron were dropped, and Vita is facing
assault, disturbing the peace and wrong-to-minors charges instead. That last charge means that a 625
child was present (the couples infant daughter) but was not hurt.
James McGill, of Englewood, punched his wife, tried to strangle her with a power cord, beat her
with a laptop and threatened her with a knife. He is charged with aggravated assault, criminal
restraint, making terroristic threats, weapons possession and two counts of child endangerment.
Which one of these stories is more common? Which one reflects the true face of DV? Women 630
not hesitating to assault their male partners, assuming (and generally receiving) no or very
limited retaliation, or men who viciously assault helpless women?
It all depends on who you ask.

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There are two large national surveys of intimate partner violence (IPV) one is conducted by
the Center for Disease Control (CDC) and the other by the Department of Justice (DOJ), which 635
effectively means that one survey frames IPV as a health issue, and the other frames it as a
criminal issue.
Unsurprisingly, they reach different conclusions. Lets look at DOJ survey first, conducted by
two feminist researchers.
Dr. Patricia Tjaden, a professor of sociology specializing in Violence Against Women (her own 640
words) developed and executed numerous federally-funded research projects, including the
highly-acclaimed National Violence Against Women Survey.
Dr. Nancy Thoennes has more than 30 years experience in the design of surveys and data
collection forms and conducts large-scale statistical analyses using SPSS. She is a leading expert
on child protection and the courts, as well as in the field of child support. 645
Patty and Nancy put their heads together and designed a survey called The National Violence
Against Women Survey. Gee, thats pretty objective, isnt it? Not the National Violence
Against Intimate Partners Survey. Not the National Domestic Violence Survey.
The National Violence Against Women Survey.
Who wants to guess what they found? 650
Its called a confirmation bias and it is such a rookie mistake, its almost laughable. 30 years
designing surveys and two PhDs between them yet Nancy and Patty couldnt avoid a common
undergraduate error?
Impressive.
According to Patty and Nancy, approximately 1.2 million women and 835 000 men were victims 655
of IPV in the previous 12 months. They divided IPV into three categories: rape, physical assault
and stalking victimization.
Here are their questions about rape:
Has a man or boy ever made you have sex by using force or threatening to harm you or someone
close to you? Just so there is no mistake, by sex we mean putting a penis in your vagina (female 660
respondents only).
Has anyone, male or female, ever made you have oral sex by using force or threat of force? Just
so there is no mistake, by oral sex we mean that a man or boy put his penis in your mouth (or
someone, male or female, penetrated your vagina or anus with their mouth or tongue).
Has anyone ever made you have anal sex by force or threat of harm? Just so there is no mistake, 665
by anal sex we mean that a man or boy put his penis in your anus.

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Has anyone, male or female, ever put fingers or objects in your vagina or anus against your will
or by using force or threats?
Has anyone, male or female, ever attempted to make you have vaginal, oral, or anal sex against
your will, but intercourse or penetration did not occur? 670
Well then. Only females are asked to respond to the issue of forced sex, and the only thing that
counts as sex is putting a penis in something. Okie dokie. No problems with that question at all,
right? And oral sex never involves women grabbing a man or boys head and forcing him to
perform oral sex. Good thing CK Louis wasnt consulted on this survey.
Gosh, I wonder if male respondents felt maybe a little reluctant to share their experiences when 675
the first question wont even permit them to respond?
Lets look at physical assault:
After you became an adult, did any person, male or female, ever:
Throw something at you that could hurt?
Push, shove or grab you? 680
Pull your hair?
Slap or hit you?
Kick or bite you?
Choke or attempt to drown you?
Hit you with some object? 685
Beat you up?
Threaten you with a gun?
Threaten you with a knife or other weapon?
Use a gun on you?
Use a knife or other weapon on you? 690
Fair enough. Those all seem like assault to me. No problems here at all.

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And finally, stalking:
Not including bill collectors, telephone solicitors, or other sales people, has anyone, male or
female, ever:
Followed or spied on you? 695
Sent you unsolicited letters or written correspondence?
Made unsolicited phone calls to you?
Showed up at places you were even though he or she had no business being there?
Left unwanted items for you to find?
Tried to communicate in other ways against your will? 700
Vandalized your property or destroyed something you loved?
Only victims who were followed or harassed on more than one occasion and who experienced a
high level of fear were counted as stalking victims. Of course, that means men who were
subjected to any of the above, but who were not made afraid by those actions were not counted
as victims. 705
Sweet!
So what did the NVAW survey find?
0.2% of men and 4.5% of women reported forcible rape.
The only surprising thing about that is that 0.2% of men could find some way to report their
rapes, given the way the survey was worded. Overall, 7.3% of men and 21.7% of women 710
reported victimization.
I wish I could post the full article here for you, but it is behind a paywall. If you do have access,
the full citation is:
PATRICIA TJADEN and NANCY THOENNES (2000). Prevalence and Consequences of Male-
to-female and Female-to-male Intimate Partner Violence as Measured by the National Violence 715
Against Women Survey Violence Against Women February 2000 6: 142-161,
doi:10.1177/10778010022181769

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The CDC survey, called the National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey(NIPSVS)
reached some startlingly different conclusions. The article Im going to cite is NOT behind a
paywall, and you can access it here. 720
The tl;dr version:
5.4 million men report being victims of IPV, compared to 4.8 million women.
If you add the 600K rapes reported by women, you still only get 5.4 million women, which is
exactly the same as men, suggesting that IPV is pretty evenly divided. Its extremely
problematic to add the rape numbers however, as 80% of rape victims also report being victims 725
of violence, meaning they are being double counted.
The best case scenario in the NIPSVS is that women and men are equally violent, but the more
likely truth is that women are significantly more violent than men.
Bert Hoff, who wrote the article even has a theory as to why that might be, and I think its a
fascinating possibility. Noting that rates of violence against women are declining, while rates of 730
violence against men are holding steady, Bert theorizes that:
This drop in IPV against females and steady rate of violence against males raises an interesting
policy question. There are many thousands of support programs, web sites and public-interest
media items for female victims of domestic violence (DV), and virtually no programs and only a
handful of web sites in the USA for male victims. Perhaps these programs and public education 735
efforts have resulted in males, but not females, getting the message that DV is wrong.
It gets even more interesting when you consider what the NIPVS considered violence.
Some 21.6 percent of the male victims in that 2001 survey [the NVAW] were threatened with a
knife, contrasted to 12.7 percent of the women The NISVS omission of threats by knife or gun is
not only curious, but it flies in the face of the Center for Disease Controls own 740
recommendations on data for IPV. The section of that document that covers the victims
experience of IPV includes sections on sexual violence, physical violence, threats of physical or
sexual violence and psychological/emotional abuse. But NISVS survey respondents were not
asked about being threatened with a knife or gun.
What is more violent, brandishing a knife at your spouse in the heat of an argument, refusing to 745
wear a condom, or calling your spouse fat or stupid? NISVS did not ask about knife-wielding,
but did ask about condoms and name-calling. Men were more often the victims of both
psychological aggression (expressive aggression and coercive control) and control of
reproductive or sexual health .
The NISVS distinguishes between physical violence (use of force) and expressive aggression 750
(name calling), yet still finds that men are victims more often than women.
Interestingly enough, the police officers who dealt with IPV appear to understand that women are
aggressors more often than not, but were reluctant to do anything about it. Men were only

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slightly more likely to be arrested than women (33.3% vs. 26.5%) and the police identified the
women as aggressors 54.9% of the time, and yet: 755
In 41.5 percent of the cases where men called the police, the police asked if he wanted his
partner arrested; in 21 percent the police refused to arrest the partner, and in 38.7 percent the
police said there was nothing they could do and left.
Here is another interesting fact about male victims: 106 men suffered serious physical injuries,
but only 54 sought medical attention. 90% of those men were asked how they sustained their 760
injuries and 60% were honest: I was injured by my partner.
Only 14% got any information on how to get help from a program aimed at reducing IPV.
The best source of help for men were friends, neighbors, relatives, lawyers and ministers. The
least helpful sources: programs aimed at IPV.
The services least helpful were: 765
. . .those that are the core of the DV service system: DV agencies, DV hotlines, and the police.
On the one hand, about 25% of men who sought help from DV hotlines were connected with
resources that were helpful. On the other hand, nearly 67% of men reported that these DV
agencies and hotline were not at all helpful. Many reported being turned away. The qualitative
accounts in our research tell a story of male helpseekers who are often doubted, ridiculed, and 770
given false information.
Thats not news to regular readers but its nice to see it acknowledged in the research literature.
Now if only Facebook could get its information correct.
Survivors shouldnt have to live their lives avoiding every possible situation that the abusive
person could misuse. They cant control that persons behavior and we should work to 775
continuously hold abusers accountable for their actions. Abusers go to devastating lengths to
isolate their victims from family and friends. It is vital that survivors are able to safely rebuild
those important connections, using Facebook and other social networks. Telling a victim to go
offline to be safe is not only unacceptable, it further isolates her from people who love her.
Her? Really? 780
Its far more likely to be him.
Three things can not long be hidden: the sun, the moon and the truth.
~Buddha

p37 23-5-2014
A 1
st
Looks to me like the sun is about to shine on the truth about intimate partner violence. Women
are far more likely to throw the first punch. 785
Gives new meaning to the saying ladies first, no?
Lots of love,
JB
END QUOTE EMAIL
790
Let us ensure that the matter is left to the states and not used for political advantage by federal
politicians.

And as to your wink and grin regarding the 67 year old women making known earning a bit of
cash by sex phone, I do not accept whatsoever that you were merely indicating to the presenter to 795
go on with the call. Why indeed would you need to indicate this to the presenter where nothing
this woman was stating appeared to be offensive?

If it is your perception that a person earning some monies by sex phone then I view you have a
problem. I have ever needed nor even intended to use sex phone lines but that is my personal 800
choice and position but to hold that somehow because this woman stated she was earning monies
by doing sex phone conversations then need you to indicate with a wink and a grin to the
presenter the call can continue in my view is absurd.
In my view if you are dishonest about it then this makes it worse than the inappropriate conduct
itself. 805
You obviously, so to say, do not have the balls to admit to having been incorrect in your conduct!
.
Awaiting your response, G. H. Schorel-Hlavka O.W.B. (Friends call me Gerrit)

MAY JUSTICE ALWAYS PREVAIL 810
(Our name is our motto!)

20140523-G. H .Schorel-Hlavka O.W.B. To MR Tony Abbott PM - Re Women Issues

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INSPECTOR-RIKATI about the BLACK HOLE in the CONSTITUTION-DVD

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