1

ThegrammaticalizationofmodalverbsinBrazilianPortuguese:Asynchronic
approach

MarizeM.DallAglioHattnher,UniversidadeEstadualPaulista,SoJosdoRioPreto,Brazil
Kees Hengeveld, Amsterdam Center for Language and Communication, University of
Amsterdam,TheNetherlands

1.Introduction

The aim of this paper is to investigate to what extent the grammaticalization process that
involves modal verbs in Brazilian Portuguese may be explained in terms of the layered
approach to grammatical categories in Functional Discourse Grammar (FDG, Hengeveld &
Mackenzie 2008). In this approach grammatical elements are defined in terms of their
semantic scope, and grammaticalization is seen as a process in which linguistic elements
widentheirscope(Hengeveld2011).Inthecaseofmodalverbsthiswouldmeanthatmodal
elements with lower scope develop into modal elements with wider scope. This diachronic
prediction has synchronic consequences: if a modal verb has multiple modal meanings,
these meanings should be of contiguous scope types in their synchronic distribution. In
order to test these predictions, the distribution of modal verbs in Brazilian Portuguese
acrossvariousmodalmeaningsisstudied.
The organization of this paper is as follows. Section 2 provides some basic
background information on FDG and its treatment of modality. Section 3 elaborates the
predictionsthatfollowfromtheFDGapproach.Section4presentsthemodalverbsincluded
in the study and demonstrates their auxiliary nature. Section 5 then tests the predictions
usingexamplestakenfromtheinternet.Insection6wediscusstheresults,andinsection7
wepresentourconclusions.

2.ModalityinFDG

2.1.Scope
1

Modality, and TMAE (Tense, Mood, Aspect, Evidentiality) categories in general, are defined
here using the concept of scope as applied in FDG. The classification we use is based on
Hengeveld & Mackenzie (2008), itself based on Hengeveld (2004), and includes the
modifications proposed in Hengeveld (2011) and Hengeveld & Hattnher (subm.). Table 1
summarizesthisclassification.
Scope relations are defined in Table 1 in terms of four different semantic layers.
Workinginsideout,thesituationalconcept(f)isthesetofpropertiesofapossiblestateof
affairs;astateofaffairs(e)isthesituatedrealorhypothesizedsituationthespeakerhasin
mind; the episode (ep) is a thematically coherent combination of statesofaffairs that are

1
ThissectionislargelybasedonHengeveld(2011).
2

characterizedbyunityorcontinuityoftime,location,andparticipants;theproposition(p)is
thementalconstructentertainedaboutastateofaffairs.

Table1.TMAEcategoriesinFunctionalDiscourseGrammar

propositional
content
episode stateofaffairs situationalconcept
Aspect event
quantification
phasalaspect
(im)perfectivity
Tense absolutetense relativetense

Evidentiality inference deduction event

perception

Mood subjectiveepis
temicmodality
objectiveepis
temicmodality
eventoriented
modality
participant
orientedmodality

Tense,mood,aspect,andevidentialityarenotunifiedcategoriesintheirapplicationtothese
layersofsemanticorganization,butfallintodifferentsubcategoriesaccordingtotheirscope.
Aspectissubdividedintotwocategories,separatingquantitativeaspectualdistinctions(such
as habitual and distributive), which quantify over statesofaffairs as a whole, from
qualitative aspectual distinctions (such as imperfective and resultative), which affect the
internal temporal organization of a stateofaffairs. Tense is subdivided into absolute tense
distinctions(suchaspastandfuture),whichlocate(aseriesof)statesofaffairsintimewith
respect to the moment of speaking, and relative tense distinctions (such as anterior and
posterior),whichlocateasinglestateofaffairsintimerelativetoanotherone.Evidentiality
splitsupininferencedistinctions(suchassupposition),whichindicatehowthepropositional
content follows from the speakers existing knowledge, deduction distinctions (such as
deduction on the basis of visual evidence), which indicate how an episode is deduced from
observable facts, and event perception distinctions (such as witnessed and nonwitnessed),
whichconcernthedirectperceptionofastateofaffairsbythespeaker.Thewidestrangeof
subcategories is found in the area of Mood, where we find subjective epistemic modal
distinctions (such as dubitative modality), which indicate the speakers commitment with
respect to the true value of a propositional content; objective epistemic modal distinctions
(such as alethic possibility), which indicate the outcome of the objective evaluation of the
reality value of an episode; eventoriented modal distinctions (such as moral obligation),
whichcharacterizeastateofaffairsintermsofitsdesirabilityorfeasibility;andparticipant
oriented modality distinctions (such as ability), which express a relation between a
participant in a stateofaffairs and the realization of that stateofaffairs. The modal
distinctionsmentionedherearefurtherelaboratedinthenextsection,usingexamplesfrom
Brazilian Portuguese, a language in which modality is predominantly expressed by modal
verbs(podermay/can,devershould/must,terde/terquehaveto,andsaberknowhow
to) and by modal adverbs (realmente really, talvez maybe, provavelmente probably,
etc.).

3

2.2.Modality

2.2.1.Participantorientedmodality

Participantoriented modality in general describes a relation between a participant in a

stateofaffairsandthepotentialrealizationofthatstateofaffairs.Therearetwosubtypes:

participantorientedfacultativemodalitydescribestheabilityofaparticipanttoengagein
the stateofaffairs type designated by the predicate and its arguments. In Brazilian
Portugueseadistinctionismadebetweenintrinsicability(poderbeableto,can),likein(1)
andacquiredability(saberknowhowto),likein(2):

(1) Adriano no pode mais jogar futebol por falta de condicionamento tcnico e fsico.
(internet)
Adrianocannotplaysocceranymoreduetolackoftechnicalandphysicalcondition.
(2) AxlRosesabecomofazerumbomshow(internet)
AxlRoseknowshowtocreateaniceshow.

participantoriented deontic modality describes a participants being under the obligation

orhavingpermissiontoengageintheSoAtypedesignatedbythepredicate,asillustratedin
(3)and(4):

(3) Eutenhoquetrabalharodiatodo.(internet)
Ihavetoworkthewholeday.
(4) PutindizqueSnowdenpodeficarnaRssiaseinterromperrevelaes.(internet)
PutinsaysthatSnowdenmaystayinRussiaifhestopsthedisclosures.

2.2.2.Eventorientedmodality

Eventorientedmodalitiescharacterizeastateofaffairsintermsofitsfeasibilityor
desirability.Therearetwosubtypesagain:

eventorientedfacultativemodalitycharacterizesastateofaffairsin termsofthephysical
or circumstantial enabling conditions on its occurrence. This type is exemplified in (4) and
(5):

(4) Amensagemnopdeserenviada.(internet)
Themessagecouldnotbesent.
(5) Apesardenoser100%eficaz,aimunizaopodesalvarmilharesdepessoas,
principalmenteempasessubdesenvolvidos.(internet)
Althoughnot100%effective,immunizationcansavethousandsofpeople,mainlyin
developingcountries.

In this type of modality the possibility of occurrence of an event does not depend on the
intrinsiccapacitiesoftheparticipant,butitarisesfromthecircumstancesinwhichtheevent
occurs.
4

eventorienteddeonticmodalitycharacterizesastatesofaffairsintermsofwhatis
generallydesirableorundesirable,asshownin(6)and(7):

(6) Apsaremoodacpsula,deveselimparvigorosamenteogargalo,principalmente
seacpsularemovidafordechumboque,comojfoidito,ummaterial txico ao
organismo.(internet)
After removing the cap, one must vigorously clean the bottleneck, specially if the
removedcapismadeofleadwhich,aswasalreadysaid,isatoxicsubstance.
(7) Deve se contar ou no ao paciente sobre provvel diagnstico de Alzheimer?
(internet)
ShouldoneorshouldntonetellapatientaboutaprobablediagnosisofAlzheimer?

The obligations expressed by means of eventoriented deontic modality do not rest upon a
particular participant, but represent general rules of conduct. This sense of general
applicabilitycanmostclearlybeidentifiedinimpersonalexpressionsasillustratedin(6)and
(7).

2.2.3.Episodeorientedmodality

Hengeveld(2011)distinguishesamodalitytypeattheleveloftheepisodethatinHengeveld
& Mackenzie (2008) was considered a subtype of eventoriented modality. According to
Hengeveld (2011) objective epistemic modality characterizes episodes in terms of the
(im)possibilityoftheiroccurrenceinviewofwhatisknownabouttheworld.
Taking into account that absolute tense is an operator of the layer of the episode,
while relative tense is an operator at the StateofAffairs, this position can be defended by
consideringtheinteractionbetweentenseandmodality.Considerexample(8):

(8) Para os cargos que tiveram poucos aprovados no sei o que eles vo fazer, mas
provavelmenteelesdevemrealizaroutroconcursonoprximoano.(internet)
For those positions for which very few people were approved, I dont know what
theylldo,butprobablytheymayprepareanothertestnextyear.
(9) Rumoresindicamqueelesdevemchegarnoanoquevemnaslojas.(internet)
Rumorhasitthattheymayarriveintheshopsnextyear.

Note that the entire episode eles realizam outro concurso no prximo ano they prepare
anothertestnextyearin(8),includingtheabsolutetemporalmodifiernoprximoanonext
year, falls under the scope of the objective epistemic modal verb dever may. The same
holds for chegar no ano que vem nas lojas including its absolute temporal modifier no ano
quevemin(9).
Theepisodesin(8)and(9)eachconsistofjustoneevent,butanotherstateofaffairs
maybeaddedtothisepisode,asin(10),whichisouradaptationof(8).Inthiscase,thetwo
statesofaffairs show unity of absolute time, place, and participants, as is typical of
episodes:

5

(10) Para os cargos que tiveram poucos aprovados no sei o que eles vo fazer, mas
provavelmente eles devero realizar outro concurso antes da pscoa e contratar
novosprofessoresdepoisdasfriasdeinvernonoprximoano.
For those positions for which very few people were approved, I dont know what
theyll do, but probably they may prepare another test before Easter and hire new
teachersafterthewinterholidaynextyear.

Thefactthattheauxiliaryverbdever canbeomittedinthesecondstateofaffairs(devero
contratar) shows that the future tense expressed on the modal applies to both, that is, the
twostatesofaffairsthatconstituteanepisodehavetemporalunity,andbothfallunderthe
scope of a single modal. Note furthermore that each of the statesofaffairs has its own
relative tense modifier (antes de pscoa before Easter and depois das frias de inverno
afterthewinterholiday),butbothofthemareunderthescopeoftheepisodicalabsolute
temporalmodifiernoprximoanonextyear.

2.2.4.Propositionorientedmodality

Propositionoriented modality expresses the speakers commitment with respect to the

truth value of a propositional content. The relevant subtype here is subjective epistemic
modality, which is concerned with the degree and type of the Speakers commitment with
respecttothepropositionalcontent:itmaybepresentedastrue,doubtfulorhypothetical.
This modality type is expressed in Brazilian Portuguese through the modal adverbs, as
illustratedin(11)and(12):

(11) A habilidade de se expressar , provavelmente, a mais importante de todas as que

umapessoapodepossuir.(RIB:66)
Theabilitytoexpressoneselfisprobablythemostimportantofallabilitiesaperson
mayhave.
(12) FernandaRodriguespossivelmentesermadrinhadobebdeSandy.(internet)
FernandaRodrigueswillpossiblybeSandysgodmother.

Note that this type of modality takes objective epistemic modality within its scope, as
illustratedinexamples(8)and(10),inwichthemodaldeveriswithinthescopeofthemodal
provavelmente.

2.2.5.Summary

Table2summarizesthevariousmodalmeaningsdistinguishedinthissection.

6

Table2:ModalityinFDG

propositional
content
episode stateofaffairs situationalconcept
subjective
epistemic

objective
epistemic
eventoriented
deontic
eventoriented
facultative
participant
orienteddeontic
participant
orientedfacultative

3.Grammaticalizationinthemodalitydomain

Hengeveld(1989:142)hypothesizesthatdiachronicdevelopmentsinthefieldofTMA
expressionswillgofromlowertohigherscope,andnottheotherwayaround.Translated
intothecurrentFDGmodel(Hengeveld2011,forthc.),thepathwayrelevantformodality
maybedescribedasfollows:

(13) pepef

WhenapplyingthisgeneralpathwaytothecategoriesinTable2themorespecificprediction
isasspecifiedinTable3.

Table3:Diachronicdevelopmentsinthefieldofmodality

propositional
content

Episode

stateofaffairs

situationalconcept
subjective
epistemic

objective
epistemic
eventoriented
deontic
eventoriented
facultative
participant
orienteddeontic
participant
orientedfacultative

Modalexpressionsgenerallystartoutatthelowestlayer(f)andthengraduallywidentheir
scopetonexthigherlayers,neverskippinganintermediatelayer.Thus,itisexpectedthata
modal verb that expresses a participant oriented modality may not come to express an
objective epistemic modality without first passing through the eventoriented phase.
Similarly,itmaynotcometoexpresssubjectiveepistemicmodalitywithoutpassingthrough
the objective phase. The synchronic correlate of this prediction, that will be investigated
here, is that the various meanings of a modal verb should occupy contiguous parts of the
pathway in (13). In other words, the following distributions are examples of ones that are
andarenot(*)expected:

7

(14) p ep e f
+
+ +
+ + +
+ + + +
+ + +
+ +
* + +
* + +
* + +
etc.

These predictions are largely compatible with, but are more precise then predictions that
have been made in earlier studies on the grammaticalization of modal verbs, formulated
withinotherkindsoftheoreticalframework.Traugottand Dasher(2002:147),for instance,
arriveatthefollowinggeneralizations:

Not all languages have modals in the strict sense of grammaticalized (auxiliated or
otherwise morphosyntactically specialized) verbs. Of those that do, not all have
deonticepistemic polysemies. But for those that do, we have confirmed earlier
findingsthat:
(i) deontic>epistemic,notviceversa,
(ii) narrow>widescope,notviceversa,
(iii) rootpossibility/necessity>epistemic,notviceversa,
(iv) subjectificationincreaseswithineachdomain.

Note that these individual predictions are all compatible with the generalized prediction
embodiedin(13).
SomefurtherearlierfindingsreferredtointhequoteabovearepresentedinBybee,
PerkinsandPagliuca(1994).Takingintoaccountmetaphoricalextensionasamechanismfor
change,theseauthorspostulatethefollowingpathwaytoepistemicpossibility:

(15) ability rootpossibility/ epistemicpossibility

permission

In this pathway, the more concrete meanings of ability are extended to the more abstract
domainofepistemicpossibilityinwhichthechangeintorootpossibilityisapreconditionto
the development of epistemic possibility. Again, this prediction is compatible with the
generalizedpredictionin(13).

4.ModalverbsinBrazilianPortuguese

Brazilian Portuguese has a number of modal auxiliary verbs that are of interest to our
researchquestion.Thesearedevermust,podercan,saberknowhowto,terque/terde
haveto.Inordertodemonstratetheauxiliarystatusoftheseverbsweapplyatestforthe
periphrasticstatusofaconstructiondiscussedinOlbertz(1998:40).Thistestisbasedonthe
8

idea that the modal value of the auxiliary verb only obtains when the modal verb occurs
together with the lexical verb it modifies, not when it occurs in isolation. A lexical verb can
bedissociatedfromitscomplementwithoutmeaningeffects.Thelatterisshownin(16):

(16) A Oquevocquer?
Whatdoyouwant?
B Queroirpraia.
Iwanttogotothebeach.

In this case the verb querer want can be dissociated in (16A) from the infinitival
complement it takes in (16B). The modal auxiliaries listed above do not allow this
dissociation,asshowninexamples(17)(20):

(17) A *Oqueeledeve?
Whatmusthe?
B Eledevefazerastarefas.
Hemustmakehishomework.
(18) A *Oqueelepode?
Whatmayhe?
B Elepodeficaremcasa.
Hemaystayathome.
(19) A *Oqueelesabe?
Whatdoesheknowhowto?
B Elesabenadar.
Heknowshowtoswim.
(20) A *Oqueeletem(que/de)?
Whatdoeshehaveto?
B Eletemquesaircedo.
Hehastoleaveearly.

NotethattheungrammaticalityoftheAexamplesin(17)(20)onlyconcernsthemodaluse
of the verbs under study. All of these verbs also have a lexical use outside the periphrastic
constructions(devertoowe,podertobecapableofdealingwith,saberknowsomething,
terhave,possess),asillustratedinthefollowingexamples:

(21) aIrlandaeosbancosirlandesesdevemmuitodinheiroaosbancosdazonadoeuroe
doReinoUnido(internet)
IrelandandtheIrishbanksowealotofmoneytothebaksfromtheEuroZoneand
theUnitedKingdom.
(22) Senopodecomaconcorrncia,junteseaelas.(internet)
Ifyouarenotabletodealwiththecompetition,jointhem.
(23) Maioriadosalunosdoensinomdionosabematemtica.(internet)
Moststudentsofhighschooldonotknowmathematics
(24) Ocaraummagnata,temvrioscarrosnagaragem.(internet)
Theguyisatycoon,hehasseveralcarsinthegarage.

9

The criterion of dissociation of the verbal complement has to be applied with care in
Brazilian Portuguese for two further reasons. First of all, a complement that is given in the
precedingcontextcanoftenbeleftout,independentlyofthelexicalorgrammaticalstatusof
theverbthatitisacomplementof.Example(25)showsthisphenomenonforalexicalverb,
(26)foranauxiliaryverb:

(25) Eupossoirmasnoquero.
IcangobutIdontwantto.
(26) Euqueroirmasnoposso.
IwanttogobutIcant.

These contexts therefore have to be excluded when studying the inseparability of an

auxiliaryverbanditscomplement.
Secondly,inBrazilianPortuguesethepositiveanswertoayes/noquestiongenerally
takestheformofthefiniteverbthatwasusedinthequestion.Thisleadstosituationssuch
astheoneillustratedin(27)and(28):

(27) A Voctemqueir?
Doyouhavetogo?
B Tenho.
Ihaveto.
(28) A Vocpodecompraropo?
Canyoubuybread?
B Posso.
Ican.

In questionanswer pairs like (27) and (28) the answer is the result of a mere copying
procedure and not a semantically relevant use of the verb in the question, such that
situationslikethesehavetobeexcludedtoowhentestingtheauxiliarybehaviourofmodal
verbs.
After thus establishing the auxiliary status of the four modal verbs dever, poder,
saber and ter que we now turn to the distribution of these verbs across the different
modalitytypes.

5.Thedistributionofmodalverbsacrosslayers

5.1.Introduction

Inthissectionwetestthepredictionselaboratedinsection3usingexamplesfromthe
internet.

10

5.2.Usesofdever
2

The lowest layer at which the modal dever occurs in Portuguese is that of the Situational
Concept(f).Inthisuseithasadeonticmeaninganddescribesaparticipantsbeingunderthe
obligation to engage in the SoA type designated by the predicate. This use is illustrated in
thefollowingexamples:

(29) Euachoquevocdevefalaragora!(internet)
Ithinkthatyouhavetospeaknow!
(30) TreinadordeWeidmanironizaAndersonSilvaedizqueeledeveaprenderaperder.
(internet)
ThecoachofWeidmantalksironicallyaboutAndersonSilvaandsayshehastolearn
howtoloose.

DeverisalsousedtocharacterizeaStateofAffairs(e)asundesirableorprohibited,asinthe
followingexamples:

(31) Nosedevefumaremrestaurantes,taxis,baladas,porquesoambientesfechadose
comunsavriaspessoas.(internet)
One should not smoke in restaurants, taxis, parties, because they are enclosed
spacessharedwithseveralpeople.(internet)
(32) Nosedevedarcastigoscorporaisscrianas.
Oneshouldntpunishchildrenphysically.

Thethirdattesteduseofdeverisanepistemicone.Hereanepisodeisqualifiedas
probable.Thisisillustratedin(33)and(34):

(33) DesempregodevevoltaracrescernoBrasil,alertaaOrganizaoInternacionaldo
Trabalho(internet)
UnemploymentmaygrowagaininBrasil,warnstheInternationalLabour
Organization.
(34) DvidatotaldoSNSdeverserde1.500milhesdeeurosnofinaldoano.
TheoveralldebtofSNSmaybe1.500millioneurosbytheendoftheyear.

Anotheruseofdeverisalsoattested,nowatthepropositionallayer.Inthiscase,itqualifies
thepropositionalcontentasaresultofaninferenceprocessedbytheSpeaker.Althoughthis
useisnotstrictlymodalbutratherevidential,weregisteritheretoshowallthelayersat
whichtheverbdeveroccurs:

(35) Pelooqueeusei,Joodevetersidoumapessoaimportantenosanossetenta.
AsfarasIknow,Joomusthavebeenanimportantpersonintheseventies.

2
Themeaningsofthedifferentmodalverbsanalyzedherehavebeendiscussedinseveralstudiesonauxiliary
verbs in Brazilian Portuguese. Among many others we would like to mention Pontes (1973), Lobato (1975,
1984), and Almeida (1988). More recent studies within different functional approaches are Neves (2000),
DallAglioHattnher(2008),andComparini(2008).

11

(36) Eledeveterconsumidoalgumasubstnciaparaterperdidoojuzo.(internet)
Hemusthavetakensomethingtohavelosthismind.

Summarizing,theverbdevermaybeusedatalllayersunderinvestigation,asshowninTable
4.

Table4.Usesofdever

dever p ep e f
Deontic + +
Epistemic +
Evidential +

5.3.Usesofpoder

ThelowestlayeratwhichpodermaybeusedisthatoftheSituationalConcept.Oneofthe
meaningsitexpressesatthislayerisintrinsicability,afacultativemodality,asillustratedin
(34)(35):

(34) Umcamelopodeficarvriosdiasemesessembebergua.(internet)
Acamelisabletospendseveraldaysandmonthswithoutdrinkingwater.
(35) Qualquerumpodeaprenderaaumentartremendamenteasuacapacidademental.
(internet)
Anyonecanlearntoincreasehismentalcapacitiestremendously.

Asecondmeaningpoderexpressesatthislayerisadeonticone.Inthiscaseitexpressesthat
aparticipantinastateofaffairshasthepermissiontoperformthatstateofaffairs.Thisis
illustratedin(36)(37):

(36) Opsicoterapeutanopodeseenvolveremocionalmentecomopaciente.(internet)
Thepsychotherapistcannotgetemotionallyinvolvedwiththepatient.
(37) SenhoresMinistros,nopodemosperderumsminuto.(internet)
Ministers,wecannotlooseasingleminute.

The modal poder can also modify an event, in which case it may express two different
meanings.Thefirstmeaningisafacultativeone.Inthisreadingitexpressesthepossibilityof
occurrenceofaneventintermsofgeneralenablingconditions,asillustratedin(38)(39):

(38) Apginanopdeserexibida.(internet)
Thepagecouldnotbedisplayed.
(39) Desculpe, sua solicitao no pde ser processada. Por favor, tente novamente.
(internet)
Sorry,yourrequestcouldnotbeprocessed.Pleasetryagain.

The second meaning of poder at this layer is a deontic one. In this use it expresses the
permissibilityofaneventingeneralterms.Thisisillustratedin(40)(41):
12

(40) Podesefumarnesterestaurante.(internet)
Onemaysmokeinthisrestaurant.
(41) AquipodeseentrarcomUS$500emdestilados.(internet)
HereonemayenterwithliquoruptoavalueofUS$500.

A third layer at which poder may operate is the Episode. In this case the modal expresses
objective epistemic modality, more specifically, it indicates the objective possibility that an
episodeoccurs.Thefollowingexamplesillustratethisuse:

(42) Ospoliciaispodemchegaraqualquermomento.(internet)
Thepolicemenmayarriveanytimenow.
(43) Aeroporto de JiParan poder ficar sem voos se no houver investimentos.
(internet)
TheJiParanaairportmaybecloseddowniftherearenoinvestments.

Summarizing,podercanbeusedatthreeofthefourlayersunderinvestigation,asshownin
Table5.

Table5.Usesofpoder

poder p ep e f
Deontic + +
Facultative + +
Epistemic +

5.4Usesofterde/terque
3

The lowest layer at which the modal ter de/ter que occurs in Portuguese is that of the
Situational Concept, where it expresses a deontic meaning. At this layer, it describes a
participants being under the obligation to engage in the SoA type designated by the
predicate,asshowninthefollowingexamples:

(44) Voctemquepedirdesculpaspessoalmente.(internet)
Youhavetoapologizepersonally.
(45) AmricaLatinatemdeapostarmaisnomercadointerno.(internet)
LatinAmericahastorelymoreonthedomesticmarket.

Ter que/ter de is also used to characterize a StateofAffairs as obligatory, as illustrated in

(46)(47):

(46) Temsequereconheceroesforo.(internet)
Onehastorecognizetheeffort.

3
Thesetwousesareconsideredinthispaperasalternativeformstoexpressthesamemodalvalue.The
differencesbetweenthemarerelatedtolevelsofformality,terquebeingmorecolloquialthanterde.
13

(47) Temquepensarduasvezes,temsedepensarsempreantesdefalareagir.(internet)
Onehastothinktwice,onealwayshastothinkbeforetalkingoracting.

Atthislayerthesemodalsmayalsobeusedinafacultativesense,expressingthenecessary
conditionsforaneventtooccur.Thisuseisillustratedin(48)(49):

(48) Paraseserjogadorderugbytemsedetergrandepesocorporaleumfisico
musculado?(internet)
Doesonehavetobeheavyandmusculartobearugbyplayer?
(49) ViqueparairatltemqueserdeRERlinhaB.(internet)
IsawthatinordertoarrivethereonehastotakeRERlineB.

Summarizing,terde/terquecanbeusedattwoofthefourlayersunderinvestigation,as
indicatedinTable6.

Table6.Usesofterde/terque

terde/terque p ep e f
Deontic + +
Facultative +

5.5Usesofsaber

Expressingafacultativemeaning,theonlylayeratwhichthemodalsaberoccursisthatof
theSituationalConcept.Atthislayer,itdescribestheacquiredabilityofaparticipantto
engageinthestateofaffairstypedesignatedbythepredicateanditsarguments:

(50) Brasilsabefazergrandeseventos,dizembaixadorbritnico.(internet)
Brasiliscapableoforganizingbigevents,saystheBritishambassador.
(51) Mitrovicjsabefalarportugus(internet)
MitrovicknowshowtospeakPortuguesealready.

Summarizing,sabercanbeusedatoneofthefourlayersunderinvestigation,asindicatedin
Table7.

Table7.Usesofsaber

saber p ep e f
Facultative +

5.6.Summaryofresults

ThedistributionofmodalverbsacrosslayersissummarizedinTable8.

14

Table8.Thedistributionofmodalverbs

p ep e f
Deontic dever
poder
terde/que
dever
poder
terde/que
Facultative

poder
terde/que
poder
saber
Epistemic dever
poder

Evidential dever

Wewilldiscussthisdistributioninthelightofourpredictionsinthenextsection.

6.Conclusion

Wepredictedinsection3that,asaresultofthehypothesizeddiachronicpathwaysof
change,thevariousmeaningsofamodalverbshouldoccupycontiguouspartsofthe
pathwayin(13),repeatedhereas(52):

(52) pepef

OnthebasisoftheresultssummarizedinTable8wemaynowconcludethatthisprediction
iscorrect.Thefourmodalverbsinvestigateddistributeacrossthevariouslayersintheway
indicatedinFigure1.

Figure1.Distributionofmodalverbsacrosslayers

Modalverb p ep e f
Dever + + + +
Poder + + +
terde/terque + +
Saber +

AsFigure1indicate,allfourmodalverbsoccupycontiguousportionsofthepathwayin(52),
withdevershowingthewidestrangeofapplicationsandsaberthesmallestone,withpoder
andteroccupyingintermediatepositions.Furthermore,thefourmodalsshowasystematic
differenceinthattheycanberankedonestepatatimeatthepathwayin(52),asindicated
bytheboldlineinFigure1.Thepredictionisthusfullyconfirmed.
15

Wemaytakeonefurtherstepnowandspeculateaboutthediachronicdevelopments
thatlaybehindthesesynchronicdata.Aswearguedinsection3,grammaticalizationcanbe
seenasaprocessofwideningofscopealongthepathwayindicatedin(52).Giventheresults
ofoursynchronicanalysis,andcombiningthedatainTable8andFigure1,wemaythus
speculatethatthemodalverbsdever,poder,andterhavedevelopeddiachronicallyinthe
waysindicatedinFigures24.Thedevelopmentofsaberisirrelevanthereasithasonly
grammaticalizedonestepawayfromitslexicalmeaning.

Figure2.Hypothesizeddevelopmentofdever

p ep e f
Deontic dever dever
Facultative
Epistemic dever
Evidential dever

Figure3.Hypothesizeddevelopmentofpoder

p ep e f
Deontic poder poder
Facultative poder poder
Epistemic poder
Evidential

Figure4.Hypothesizeddevelopmentofterde/que

p ep e f
Deontic terde/que terde/que
Facultative terde/que
Epistemic
Evidential

Notethatourpredictionsdonotallowustopredictwhethertheepistemicuseofpoder
developedfromitsdeonticoritsfacultativeuseatthelayeroftheStateofAffairs(e),which
iswhyweindicatebothpossibilitiesinFigure3,inaccordancewiththepathwaypredicted
byBybeeetal.givenin(15).Futureresearchusingdiachronicdatawillhavetoestablish
whattherelevantconnectionwasinthehistoryofPortuguese.
Notwithstandingthisopenquestion,ourresultsshowthatthetheoryof
grammaticalizationdevelopedwithinthecontextofFDGmakestherightpredictions
concerningthesynchronicdistributionofmodalverbsacrossscopallayers.Itthusprovidesa
promisingavenueforfutureresearchintotheintricaciesofthegrammaticalizationof
temporal,modal,aspectual,andevidentialcategories.

16

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