Shoppers reactions to modern

food retailing systems

in an emerging country
The case of Morocco
Abdelmajid Amine and Najoua Lazzaoui
University of Paris-Est Creteil, Creteil, France
Abstract
Purpose This article aims to explore the effects of the massive arrival of foreign distribution
concepts inemergingcountries onthe evolutionof the local buyers shoppingpractices. The confrontation
of the latter, long accustomed to the traditional network, with the new retail outlets gives rise to the
emergence of new modes of shopping and purchasing.
Design/methodology/approach The use of a qualitative approach, combining in-store
observations of behaviours and in-depth interviews, highlighted rich and complex trends in
consumption in an emerging country; Morocco for instance.
Findings The content analysis of collected data shows that the differences in social classes give place
to varied shopping strategies and generate singular symbolic representations of shopping experiences.
The research reveals also a hybridization of shopping practices where the consumers transpose some
values and shopping behaviors inherited from the traditional trade into the modern distribution stores.
Finally, the research also shows differences between global and local retail banners laying on their
perceived images, store attendance and shopping practices which reect their contrasted positioning
strategies.
Practical implications The ndings enable the retailers to adapt/shape their location strategy,
assortment policy and positioning strategy to improve their store image and attractiveness and gain
market power. The results have also implications on the public policy to manage the balance and the
future of local traditional shops and modern retail stores.
Originality/value This paper points out the role of cultural anchorage in producing hybridized
shopping practices that allows the domestic buyers to cope with the uncongruency between their
inherited traditional values and those associated to the modern distribution. It also shows how these
local customers use the modern retail stores as a scene of symbolic exhibition for their social status and
invent hybrid shopping practices to cope with this incongruency.
Keywords Modern vs traditional retail formats, Emerging countries, Consumption practices,
Shopping experience, Hybridization, Interviews, Consumer behaviour, Morocco
Paper type Research paper
I. Introduction
Emerging market countries are experiencing major changes that affect their
economies and by extension their retail systems. The massive arrival of foreign
sales concepts added to the local commercial landscape, inevitably affects the structure
and the equilibrium of the retail system and modies the practices of consumption.
These changes are at the root of the evolution of concumers purchasing and shopping
behaviours that are becoming increasingly complex and changing. In this context,
consumers tend to adopt a variety of options: maintain their commitment with
traditional commerce to preserving their habits and values from their culture of origin,
The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available at
www.emeraldinsight.com/0959-0552.htm
IJRDM
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Received 26 October 2010
Revised 13 November 2010
Accepted 8 March 2011
International Journal of Retail &
Distribution Management
Vol. 39 No. 8, 2011
pp. 562-581
qEmerald Group Publishing Limited
0959-0552
DOI 10.1108/09590551111148659
go to the selling format imported from the west to access the modernity and
breakaway from tradition or adopt a multitude of intermediate positions to make
mixes of the two supply modes depending on the product category, the situation of
consumption and the social characteristics of the consumer.
Several studies have focused on the analysis of the evolution of the retail system in
emerging countries (Goldman, 1974, 1981, 1982; Kaynak and Cavusgil, 1982; Samiee,
1993) even on analysis of retail formats in specic countries such as China (Blois, 1989;
ChowandTsang, 1994; Sternquist andQiao, 1995; Lo et al., 2001), Vietnam(Venard, 1996),
Russia (Huddleston, 1993), Cuba (Cervino andBonache, 2005) andHungary (Mueller et al.,
1993). These works have studied the changes in retail system in these markets without
seeking to understand the changing attitudes and behaviours of local consumers.
While emerging economies present real opportunities for development (political
openness and economic liberalization) for the retail groups already operating in
saturated Western markets. However, implementation of new concepts of retail would
not have been so successful if consumers did not adopt them. Yet, these new selling
formats mostly convey cultural values away from those of the emerging country which
affect the consumption patterns and shift purchasing practices.
This suggests that there is a potential consumer at the origin of the outbreak,
accompanying the rise of new signboards of modern retailing. The increasing
installation of international retailers, the multiplication of outlets and changes in the
retail sector in emerging countries are put in perspective with the trends of local
consumers to accept and adapt to these new sales formats (Amine et al., 2005).
Thus, the conversion of consumers to these new forms of retail led to questions
about new trends in consumption in these countries. The purpose of this article is to
understand howthe arrival of modern food retail format produces signicant changes in
the way consumers in an emerging country, Morocco for instance, shopped for food,
negotiate their relationship to the store and give sense to their shopping activity both
within global and local retail signboards.
We will rst of all proceed with a brief overview of the retail in emerging countries.
Hereafter, we will concentrate in developing an empirical research, based on qualitative
method, to analyzing the role of modernization of food retail in Morocco on the
emergence of new consumption and shopping practices.
II. Modernization of the retail environment in the emerging countries
The trade landscape has undergone major changes in many emerging countries during
the past three decades. Until the 1970 s, the retail system in these countries was
fragmentedandatomised(KumcuandKumcu, 1987). The local retailers withlowcapital,
the independents and family-owned properties dominated the trade (Samli, 1964;
Kaynak, 1982). Retailers worked themselves mostly in their own small premises and few
of them held more than one store. They relied only on the support of those around them
(both in terms of funding and manpower) and a single location (Tokatli and Boyaci,
1998).
Recently, signs of transformation of the retail industry in these countries are
apparent. The trade landscape in emerging countries has several retail networks. There
is mainly the co-existence of three different sales formats: the traditional format and the
informal network, rooted in their local culture and habits, and the modern, recently
adopted by an increasing fringe of customers.
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2.1 Determinants of the growth in modern retailing
Emerging economies have been experiencing since a few years a massive implantation
wave of new retail formats. These markets provide an environment conducive to the
establishment and proliferation of signboards of modern retailing. Thus, openness to the
international and implementing economic policies attractive to foreign investment
(through the adoption of new more exible laws, the reduction of tariff barriers and
tax reforms) makes these destination countries highly coveted by foreign retailers.
The problems of organization and logistics requirements may be remaining barriers
to the implementation of these new sales formats in emerging countries. In contrast,
increasing the density of population, development of the middle class, development of
both individual and collective modes of transport are factors promotingthe development
of modern commerce. This responds to a growing demand volume and can cope with
the problems of insufcient number of outlets in the traditional neighbourhood,
their inability to quickly manage large consumer ows, the rising cost of labour and lack
of control of employees loyalty (Kaynak and Cavusgil, 1982).
The existence of expectations not met by the local traditional offer facilitates
the consumer support for the modern retailing formats. The needs and consumption
in emerging countries have experienced great changes following the general access
of people to satellite channels and the dissemination of the international media.
This openness has contributed to the cultural permeability (of some layers) to the
consumption values favoured by the west with the gradual increase in the level of
education in these countries. The upper and middle classes are more likely to welcome
these newsale formats. These categories of clients have become more informed, familiar
and more demanding in terms of choice and quality of the retail offer. Therefore, they
quickly adhered to the modern retail to meet a need for diversity of choice, hygiene
(cold chain) and seeking for variety of the places of purchase to re-enchanting the
activity of shopping (Amine et al., 2005).
The support of local consumers to the modern retail format in emerging markets is
taking place fairly rapidly. This explains partially the massive development of new
retail banners and is at the origin of an impulse of the life cycle of retailing in these
emerging countries (Figure 1). An explanation of the development trend of the modern
retail format shows two surprising events in the case of Morocco:
(1) The appearance of supermarkets after hypermarkets is disturbing in
consideration of the observations made in numerous emerging countries which
show the inverse order. Indeed, the supermarket format appeared in Morocco in
the mid-1980s (before the launching of the rst hypermarket), but these few
experiences which take the form of a unique store ended in a failure. Figure 1
shows then the launching dates of retail format chains (networks).
(2) The maturation phase is marked by a strong and quick acceleration compared
to the phases and pace of development experienced by Western countries
(Amine et al., 2005). The local and international competition becomes more
intense, it promotes saturation faster for modern trade. This has been observed in
several emerging countries on different continents. Chile has experienced strong
trade maturity and development of a wave of local challengers. Poland is another
example of very rapid growth signboards. Turkey, Lebanon and Morocco are
also part of the same movement.
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The functions of modern retail are no longer limited to economic, logistical, nancial,
commercial, marketing and political aspects. It has much more non-economic nature
in sense that the newretail formats are viewed as places of social interactions, discoveries,
experiments, ownership and self-expression and even for relaxation and strolling
entertainment (Filser, 2001). Modern retailers have become aware of the hedonic and
experiential aspect of the shop and have implemented the necessary means to make their
store a place of relaxation and production of experience (Hirschman and Holbrook, 1982).
Thus, to support customers with experiments seeking to re-enchant their daily lives
(Firat and Venkatesh, 1995) has become a priority for retailers to show their uniqueness
facing tough competition that tends to standardize.
2.2 Resistance attempts of traditional commerce
Because the new format of sales are a threat to traditional retail groceries, as their
function is not limited to marketing, local shops tried, somehow, to organize and act to
contain the onslaught of modern retail. Thus, despite the development of modern retail
networks, the traditional commerce still resist because it fulls, beyond its economic
function, a quasi-natural task of the social bond. Large segments of the population in
emerging countries (low and middle classes) remain attached to their grocer who tends
to have a personalized relation with customers and do not necessarily looking to expand
his circle of clients (Kaynak and Cavusgil, 1982). Hence, traditional commerce meets
the expectations and socio-cultural demands that the modern retail does not (yet)
Figure 1.
Evolution cycle of large
retailers in Morocco
Department
store
Hypermarket
Supermarket
Shopping
center
Hard-discount
- Alpha 55 (1979)
- Marjane (1989)
- Makro (1991)
- Makro acquired by Metro
(1997)
- Aswak Essalam (1998)
- Gant-Casino (2004)
- LabelVie (2000)
- Acima (2002)
- Supersol acquired
by LabelVie (2002)
- Galeries Ben Omar (early
90s)
- Galeries Ben Jdia (mid 90s)
- Twin Center (mid 90s)
Cosmopolitan
clients (urbans
and foreigners)
Time
Local
clients
- Franprix (end 2004)
- Hanouty (end 2006)
Traditional commerce
Modern
groceries
1980 1990 2000 2005
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565
bridge (Goldman, 1982; Goldman et al., 2002; DAndrea et al., 2006; Lenartowicz
and Balasubramanian, 2009). The daily shipments are an important part of the routine of
the consumer which lead him to be in regular contact with the merchant and moreover
with the outside world (Savguc, 1969). Prices and credit facilities it grants strengthen
its competitive advantage over players in modern trade especially for households
with low incomes.
Thus, the traditional grocery almost naturally rises as an economic and social hub
around and through which is organized the daily life and woven the social bond.
It provides a multitude of functions ranging fromthe retail of goods and service, delivery
(free at home) and the granting of credits (free). It makes its sale point a space for
meetings and exchanges usually invested by local residents where it acquires the
status of a condant, friend, or even quasi-family member.
Moreover, while supermarkets have capturedagoodnumber of customers, some of them
continue to use the traditional channels for part of their purchases. The adoptionof selective
choice of retail format (modern vs traditional) by consumers is very common in emerging
economies (Goldman, 1982; Goldman et al., 2002) depending on the nancial resources,
the format image, the type of product, the context of usage, the emergency of needs, etc.
Whereas a large proportionof the populationhas adoptedthe purchase insupermarkets,
only a small portion of these followers buy all of their food needs. In simplifying, the
supermarket or hypermarket is used to endow sophisticated or rened products, while
traditional shops continue tohave priorityfor the purchase of commonconsumptiongoods.
But even if the traditional commerce resists, the main trend shows that traditional
commerce based on interpersonal contact is gradually replaced by the self-service concept
especially in urban areas in the emerging countries.
As underlined above, several studies have focused on the evolution of the retail
system in emerging countries (Goldman, 1981; Kaynak and Cavusgil, 1982; Samiee,
1993; Coe and Wrigley, 2007; Reardon et al., 2007) or on analyzing the modernization of
the retailing sector in specic countries or geographic regions (Huddleston, 1993;
Mueller et al., 1993; Venard, 1996; Lo et al., 2001; Cervino and Bonache, 2005; White and
Absher, 2007). However, despite the interest in the evolution of retail in those markets
as well as strategies for installation of the foreign retail signboards in emerging
countries, previous studies have less sought to analyze the changing attitudes and
practices of local consumption on the co-existing development of modern trade.
To better understand the emergence of new consumption practices and
retail patronage due to the development of new supermarket/hypermarket retailing
system in emerging countries, we adopt a socio-cultural approach of consumption to
capture the differences among social classes (Holt, 1998b) toward the appropriation of
food retail format. Furthermore, this approach enables us to understand how the
customers use these new places of sales as a scene of symbolic exhibition for their social
status. We choose to study the Moroccan emerging market which has been undergoing
profound changes in its retail system for almost two decades.
III. Purpose and research methodology
The objective of our research is to understand the changes of consumption practices and
shopping habits further to the transformations which the food retail sector has
witnessed in an emerging country, Morocco for instance. This country of more than
30 millions inhabitants is a coveted destination for foreign retailers, a trend which began
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in the early 1990 s. The retail sector is booming with the setting up of modern food
retailers both foreigners (Auchan, Geant-Casino and Metro) and local (Aswak Assalam,
Label Vie and Hanouty) growing rapidly.
We selected the two main banners in the retail sector; Marjane (a joint venture
between Auchan and the most important Moroccan holding Omnium Nord Africain
(ONA)) and Aswak Assalam (a 100 per cent local owner Ynna Holding), which among
them account for almost the entire hypermarket format of food and cover virtually the
whole territory. Our study was conducted in two stores in the city of Rabat (one shop by
hypermarket signboard).
These two store banners differentiate, however, by their varied positioning where
Marjanes focus is on the values of modernity and openness to the west, where you can
nd all the families of products including alcohol and pork, while Aswak Assalambased
its positioning on family values and Moroccan traditional culture where all cultural and
religious banned products are not offered (alcohol, pork, etc.). Nevertheless, if the
selected two stores exhibit no signicant differences in price levels they differentiate
however on their size. Marjane hypermarket is located in an upper class quarter
(Hay Agdal), was launched in 2000 and has a surface of 7,000 square meter, whereas
Aswak Assalamis situated in a middle to high class quarter (Hay Riad), was launched in
1998 and has a supercie of 4,000 square meter.
A qualitative study was conducted. For the collection of data, we used either
behavioural in-stores observations and in-depth interviews to favour cross-validation
methods. This approach allows studying more precisely and as openly as possible the
consumption practices and shopping strategies embedded in the social interactions. The
interest of combining different sources and data collection methods lls the weakness of
each and reduce the gaps that may exist between the behaviours and verbalization
during the interview. The empirical data gathering procedure used in this research
was composed as follows:
.
A total of 17 hours of observation divided between the two stores transcribed on
a logbook and 20 grids of observation (20 customers observed from their entry
until they leave the store).
.
A total of 16 individual face-to-face interviews with clients previously observed
in these shops and three interviews with store managers and a marketing
director belonging to the two hypermarkets under study (The Appendix).
The interviewed customers were selected on the basis of varied criteria (age, income,
type and location of housing and type of employment) to be able to confront the speeches
of people (older) who lived the transition to modern retail format and those (younger)
who knewdirectly the newretail stores, and those belonging to the upper vs lower social
classes.
The interview guide was structured around topics covering the nature of
the consumers relation with the various types of food retail formats, the motivations
and the brakes in their attendance, the selection criteria of the places of purchase and
nally the products/brands bought within each type (or store signboard) of retail format.
After carrying out the collection of data, we made a thematic analysis via a
post-categorization of the discursive material collected (Miles and Huberman, 1994).
In doing so, we construct categories of meaning from speeches and comments recorded
in the logbook enriched by observation material. Two different types of homogeneous
Reactions to
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567
speeches based on the representations and shopping practices associated with modern
(vs traditional) retail stores could be identied. They met the categorization in social
classes in the sense of Bourdieu (1984) that are distinct on the basis of their cultural
capital (knowledge, distinctive tastes and skills), social resources (network,
relationships) or economic capital (nancial resources).
IV. Emergence of new consumption and shopping practices in Moroccan
food retail system
Some previous work has shown that, whatever the emerging country in question, the
advent of modernsale formats is always at the emergence of newpatterns of consumption
and shopping (Amine et al., 2005). In these circumstances, consumers in general remain
torn between the desire to move towards modernity and the need to preserve values and
traditions. Some remain committedto traditional trade, characterizedbya combination of
economic and social ties. While others choose to convert entirely or partially by selling
modern formats to meet a need for diversity of choice, hygiene (conservation by the cold
chain) and re-enchantment of the activity of shopping.
The content analysis of our corpus of collected data revealed that large-
and medium-sized modern food stores appear to be in turn symbolic places of social
confrontation (Section 4.1) and spaces for bricolage of singular consumption and
shopping practices (Section 4.2).
4.1 Modern retailing stores as a place of social confrontation and categorization
Morocco is characterized by heterogeneity of its population which is clustered in three
social classes (low, middle and upper segments)[1]. A remarkable difference is noted in
their income and standard of living, their educational level and their degree of
commitment to tradition and religion values. Thus, these several groups of customers
may attend the same stores but for different motives.
The analysis of consumers representations and shopping practices within modern
vs traditional food stores allows us to identify two main homogeneous discourses
that refer to high and medium vs low social groups that are distinct in terms of access
to consumption (purchasing power, transportation means and housing location), access
to education (level of education) and openess to foreign cultures (travelling abroad,
speaking languages).
The rst result of this research shows that hypermarkets are perceived as a place of
confrontation between social layers. The modern retail stores are frequented by different
social groups but not for the same purposes. These categories of clients have different
motives to attend these places of sale and draw diversied purchasing behaviour and
shopping:
Among the clients of Aswak Assalam (hypermarket signboard) [. . .] you can nd a woman in
djellaba (traditional dressing) as you can nd one dressed in the European;
There are some who leave with the shopping cart overloaded (value of 2,000 to 3,000 Dh[2]).
There are some who leave with a small bag (laughter);
Typical customer of Aswak Assalam is I would say, either a customer immaculately dressed
making his purchases or either a modest/popular person with no purchasing goal, but
considering the supermarket as an exit or a recreational place.
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The existing gaps between different social classes in emerging countries in particular,
give rise to very different shopping behaviours. So, some consumer groups have
virtually abandoned the traditional commerce to convert to modern means of retail as a
place of main supply (middle class) or exclusive (upper class), while the lower social
group that did not reach till recently the hypermarkets, through the extension of public
transportation means, use it mainly as a time place of relaxation, strolling and discovery.
4.1.1 Modern retail as a scene of social distinction for the upper and middle classes.
The upper class converted quite early to modern retail network and made it his main
source of supply followed after a while by consumers belonging to the medium class.
The observations have revealed that the shopping trolleys of these customers are made
up of diverse product categories, including basic necessities (food, cleaning, etc.), usually
bought in the traditional circuit. This shows the conversion and the support of these
customers to this new form of supply.
The trolleys of high-income customers also contain the products they describe as
rened and are not necessarily part of traditional consumption patterns of the country
(frozen meat, pie, cheese, smoked salmon and foie gras). Often, these brands imported
from abroad (Lu, President, etc.) are vectors of social tagging on the exhibits, especially
on their way to the cash counter.
This category of customer does not see the activity of shopping as an exit, but rather
as mainly a utilitarian task with a small allocation of time dedicated for this activity.
Moreover, for these customers, the hypermarket would be an ideal store where you
maximize the time.
They also do not hesitate to use tools, such as preparation of purchase lists or
possession of privilege cards that allowthemnot to wait at large queuing, recordedin the
observations and responses of interviewees. Furthermore, the observation of the route of
these customers within the hypermarket revealed that this category of consumers are
familiar with the store and go directly to the shelves where they used to go and not trying
to loiter in point of sale. These people are accurate in their choices and actions. They
are familiar with such retailers and have fully integrated the internal organization of this
mode of retail:
I never exceed an hour. Its fast I take the essential;
First I make a list before leaving. Im not going without anything just like that because I forget
things;
The ideal hypermarket would be the one where it is well labelled because sometimes at the
checkout they tell you: ah here youare! There is no reference! So it is a waste of time [. . .]. I would
like not to wait too much at the checkout, and that there is always someone who packs [. . .];
But the ideal thing, thanks to the magnetic sticker, the terminals or sensors recognize the bar
codes, each product emits its own waves, they give you the ticket, you check it and you pay.
Even when customers belonging to these higher social classes have joined the modern
retail network due to convenience and time saving reasons, they are not less in search of
other symbolic elements. Indeed, the activities of consumption and shopping are also
understood as a marker of the game of social distinction and an expression of social
belonging. This symbolic dimension/meaning of consumption showed how consumer
habits, possessions and shopping practices were indicators of class identity,
Reactions to
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569
markers of condition and of social status and more generally, of individual and collective
identity (Holt, 1998a).
Moreover, through their visit to modern retail stores, upper classes customers
seeking to preserve consistency between their self-image and the perceived positioning
of the retail outlet. In doing so, it is for them a way to differentiate themselves from the
lower classes and to express a sense of belonging and a unique social identity. At the
same time, the categorization function associated with the use of modern trade,
represents for clients from the upper classes a chance to meet with their peers and to
avoid the mixing of genders (for instance with lower classes), something that the
traditional format does not offer. The presence of this more modest consumer category
seems to bother certain customers of higher social class who would continue to own the
modern retail network (such as at the time of launching of this retail format) as a symbol
of renement, modernity and social distinction.
As a result, to do their shopping in hypermarkets, this category of customers use
some strategies of avoidance (of waste of time and of mixing with lower classes)
consisting in:
.
choosing the moments when the stores are not big crowded and avoiding those
characterized by the strong presence of the modest category (afternoons and
week ends); and
.
delegating the purchase to their servants.
Buyers come during the week, because they know that there will not be as much jostling;
I prefer to do my shopping in the morning. In the morning there are less people;
Marjane (hypermarket banner) [. . .] it has became like the souk (popular open market) in
these last days;
If Marjane was a country it would be China. There are already many people, its too much [. . .].
4.1.2 Modern retail stores as a gateway to upgrading of self-image for the lower class.
The modest categories consider the walk in hypermarkets as a relaxing and strolling
moment. They usually go there with family, not necessarily to make shopping, but
for entertainment and to roamaround. This category of customers seeks also to discover
what is in these large stores of which they have only heard of and which represent
the temple of consumption that gives an image of opulence enhanced by the genuine
display of the offer.
Consumers of modest segments are provided with a basket or a shopping
trolley, indispensable tool and symbol of immersion in the experience of consumption,
although they generally limit themselves to a few promotional products and other small
purchases. They showtheir access to the consumption in this type of stores in particular
by showing the bag with the efgy of the store signboard. We are here in presence of a
sort of consumer identity construction through the cultural transfer of objects meanings
(McCracken, 1986). The circuit of these customers in the store is not structured. They
usually go to all the shelves to nd cheap items and droped prices. The observations
have revealed that some of these customers may spend hours in the store without buying
anything. The time is not at all a constraint for them precisely because they are going
there to spend it:
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The supermarket, I go there once every month or every 2 months [. . .]. I go there only in the
afternoon for a walk for 1 hour to 1h30 [. . .]. Marjane is for walking, especially for strolling;
They are with family even if they have a small basket. They spend a lot of time, walking [. . .]
You nd a shopping trolley and behind it you see 4 or 5 people [. . .]. There are also people
who come for curiosity;
There are people who come [. . .] to walk, because they come to have an ice cream. They take
the opportunity to buy small things, lets say a trolley that does not exceed the 200 Dh;
Customers who leave with a Marjane bag, for them that makes them different.
Customers belonging to the modest class have long feel excluded from modern retailing
(located in the periphery of the city) since they perceived them as physically distant and
symbolically rened. These stores are seen not intended for them, as they were initially
largely frequented by higher classes. For them, the fact of having crossed the
psychological and sociological barriers to access to such places of consumption and
make some small purchases is an act highly charged of meaning.
Despite their modest income, parents are happy to please their children by buying a
few sweets or small toys. It is also a symbolic act of self-fullment through which
individuals try to compensate the perceived lack of resources in their daily lives
(Wicklund and Gollwitzer, 1982). In other words, it is a way to ll a sense of exclusion
long perceived and experienced by this segment of the population, for long unable to
access the consumption. This behaviour comes also from a desire to achieve an ideal
image of oneself, reected by going to the same places as the upper social classes.
By attending these new stores, modest classes are therefore looking to express
alongside a high class considered inaccessible in daily life, and with which it does not
have the opportunityto mingle. This is a symbolic andexperiential part of the purpose of
going out to the hypermarkets. The interviews have revealed that these consumers
prefer to go to a store located in a up class neighbourhood even though it is far away, to
the one carrying the same signboard, but situated in a popular area where they nd
themselves uniquely with their peers:
The fact that Marjane Sale, is an old and popular hypermarket, its neighbourhood customers
are moving to the far new ones (under the same banner) located near higher class quarters;
On sundays, things change, we see people from Temara (small city in the popular suburbs of
Rabat) for example. It is a little part of their stroll;
But in fact, in hypermarkets, it begins to mix. You nd even less civilized people [. . .]
The ideal hypermarket would be [. . .] that one where there are rened people.
4.2 Bricolage of singular practices of consumption and shopping
The notion of bricolage as used here is a metaphor borrowed from Levi-Strauss (1960)
to designate the reinscriptions/reconstructions of meaning that people from a given
culture use to reorganize their view of the world (and of objects) and their behaviors on
the basis of various cultural traits, which are cobbled together to produce new
meanings. The objects/behaviors thus obtained lose their original purpose or aim and
become the construction materials for another project. This concern for recovery can
be used to create meaning, weaving signicant connections between often apparently
heterogeneous objects. The notion of bricolage thus allows cultural,
Reactions to
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571
social and economic transformations not to be reduced to a strict opposition between
tradition and modernity, and at the same time brings into play the notion of cultural
hybridization.
Affecting consumption patterns and redirecting purchasing practices, the expansion
of foreign sales formats has caused a cultural hybridization (Thompson and Tambyah,
1998; Sandikci, 2001). This cultural melange initiatedthe emergence of complexconsumer
behaviour patterns, tornbetweenthe needof maintaininglinks withthe cultural roots and
the search for a symbolic consumption referring to imported cultural values. Then, this
hybridization can be understood as a contribution to a sociology of the in-between,
a sociology from the interstices. This involves merging endogenous/exogenous
understandings of culture (Pieterse, 1995, p. 64). The concept of hybridization enables
to explore how stores and products meanings are appropriated and sometimes
recongured in singular manners, to help consumers to negotiate and to shape their
identities and to allow them to live their consumption and shopping experiences.
We have observed that individuals build contextualised consumption practices
which new retailers did not expect. Indeed, some practices related to traditional
commerce, such as the search of interactions withthe staff (salespeople and cashiers), the
tendency to break up (fragment) purchases and the strategies of appropriation of the
space, are transposed to modern retail formats. This reects the tendency of local
consumers to create hybrid practices of consumption with respect to the modern trade.
4.2.1 Tendency to break up purchases even when attending modern retail stores.
The Moroccan city of Rabat, like those of many emerging countries, has a systemof food
retail dominated by traditional units (small neighbourhood grocery stores), whose
strength is their closeness and geographic density although they are independant and
not structured in a network. The geographical proximity that results enables consumers
to buy frequently in small quantities and to adopt fragmented purchase practices for
many categories of products. Thus, the daily supply expeditions to traditional stores are
catalysed by their proximity and by the natural need for interaction and social ties
with the merchant and other customers (even without a purchasing goal).
In stead of decreasing vis a` vis traditional commerce, these purchase habits and
practices are extended to hypermarkets. It is sufcient that a modern retail store is
located not far from a residential area for the consumers returning to fragmented
patterns of purchases they apparently nd it difcult to detach for cultural reasons:
So we have a special feature, for Aswak Assalam. We can position ourselves as hypermarket
but we have a sales behaviour that looks like a traditional store. We see customers coming on
a daily basis;
[. . .] We are exactly in a [. . .] in a residential neighbourhood. So it was full of houses around,
people who want to come by foot [. . .]. So we have an inow which varies between 4 and 7
times per week, and even more times. Its people who come almost every day;
[. . .] Aswak Assalam is surrounded by apartments so people send regularly their servants to
shop. Its like a grocery store but this is Aswak Assalam (a hypermarket).
4.2.2 Search for social link and spatial appropriation in modern retail stores.
Customers are very sensitive to the friendliness that such a modern store can also
present. This point is highly appreciated and can be the origin of the loyalty of some
people to the point of sale.
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The people come from a culture in which social life has an important place looking
to meet and seek weaving relationships including going shopping. The comments
of shoppers in the stores have shown that they are looking to speak and interact
with sellers, cashiers and other customers in order to learn, to share a shopping
experience or simply to (r) establish the social link in the urban city of Rabat, where it
tends to deteriorate. The store is therefore a space of life, experience and social
interactions. The behavioural patterns developed with traditional trade were recurring
and cultural values associated with it are transposed and perpetuated with modern retail
formats.
Inaddition, the presence of characteristics suchas geographical proximityof residence
and the warm-hearted reception in some modern retail stores favour the tendency of
shoppers to appropriate the space of the point of sale. The behaviours observed and the
interviews conducted with shoppers within the two stores surveyed testify of it.
Some people living near supermarkets did not bother to go dressed casually or even in
slippers to conduct their purchases. It is noteworthy that this singular behaviour take
place primarily in the hypermarkets located near residential areas. These points of sale
are then seen as an extension of home and therefore permit a practical demonstration of
consumer informality and an expression of strategies of spatial appropriation inherited
from traditional trade and the peculiar relationship with the grocer:
In Marjane, they apply the Auchan theory, i.e. we are here to serve the customers [. . .]. They
get what they want and that is it. On the contrary, we (Aswak Assalam) establish relations
with the customers. And that pleases. In Morocco we still need a shopkeeper in front of us, to
talk to him. This is trade (commerce) and not retail (distribution);
I always have the image of people who come to Aswak Assalam in slippers, something that
does not happen at Marjane where they neither see them coming in slippers nor in pyjamas
(At Aswak Assalam). They feel at home, it is the local grocer, but on a large-scale.
V. Differentiation of assortment and positioning between the global retail
signboard (Marjane) and the local retail banner (Aswak Assalam)
The settingup of foreign modern retail banners inMorocco (andin emergingcountries in
general) has altered the local trade system/environment by speeding up the arrival of
local actors of modern mass-market retail. Some of them have copied and duplicated
the Western hypermarket concept imported by Marjane while others have chosen
a different positioning, by suggesting a slightly different assortment and conveying
traditional values as did Aswak Assalam. This local hypermarket chain excludes
alcoholic drinks, pork and derivatives from its products offer. It favours local and bulk
products (following the example of traditional selling format), and positions itself as the
large food hypermarket of the traditional Moroccan family. Thus, Marjane (Auchan) and
Aswak Assalam adopted different positioning, reected in their respective offers,
marketing strategies and images as conrmed by the interviews. Marjane is dened and
perceived as a modern, Western retailer whereas Aswak Assalam is positioned and
identied as a modern trader rmly anchored in the local tradition.
5.1 Aswak Assalam, a retail concept synonymous with tradition and authenticity
This signboard is strongly associated with the local Arab and Muslim culture in
conservative consumers minds, as stated bellow:
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If Aswak Assalam was a country, it would be Morocco!;
It would be an eastern country;
If it was a colour, it would be red and green (Moroccan ag);
If it was a colour, it would be green (symbol of Islam).
The well-identied Moroccan style is reinforced by the policy of Aswak Assalam that
positions itself as a retailer respecting the Moroccan values and the Islamic traditions.
Such a position is well conveyed by the fact that alcohol and pork are banned from its
shelves. The hypermarket features a prayer room on the food court oor. Therefore,
it strengthens its image which is strongly associated with family and the traditional
Moroccan values and culture:
The typical customer of Aswak Assalam? Its the head of the family, I always have the image
of a family or a group of friends [. . .] rather conservative people;
Its very clear when we ask our customers, they say, we chose to come here with our families
because there is no alcohol;
Aswak Assalam is for families.
These aspects also bring to the customers a feeling of comfort and security:
We feel more secure at Aswak Assalam. Maybe because, [. . .] err, alcohol attracts another
category of customers that some people dont want to meet. Seeing someone leaving and
carrying a bag of alcohol is a bit scary. We dont want to get close to this person [. . .] Aswak
Assalam is more for families. It is strange but sometimes I prefer to pay more to spend a
pleasant moment and feel secure;
We always have the impression that Chaabi (Aswak Assalam owner) inspires condence,
takes a lot of social actions, forbids alcohol. Even if you pay more you have the feeling of
participating to these actions;
Condence, security, rest for Aswak.
5.2 Marjane, a retail concept reecting modernity and Western lifestyle
Although Aswak Assalam is appreciated by the conservative category that recognizes its
traditional and Muslim identity and values, this signboard is perceived negatively by the
liberal consumers who aspire to a Western lifestyle. These are rather searching for
modernity and symbols reecting open mindedness and renement. This category of
customers tends to depreciate local banners and associate themwitha dull and archaic image:
I think that in Marjane, we nd quite good/rened people, compared to Aswak Assalam;
If Aswak Assalam was a country, it would be Morocco (laughing) [. . .]. I dont know, its like
marche central (local popular market);
If Aswak Assalam was a colour, it would be grey (dull).
Conversely, these liberal consumers attribute to Marjane a very positive image
associated with the Western way of life and modernity. This image is strengthened
by its partnership with Auchan, which explains the availability, among other things,
of imported products, foreign brands and Auchan private brands. This positive image is
expressed in the following statements extracts:
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If Marjane was a country, it would be France;
If Marjane was a country, it would be wonderland;
Marjane inspires/reects the Westernworld. I wouldsay, it looks a lot like Auchan, as its verybig;
Marjane is a big shopping centre [. . .] there is a lot of French brands. You can nd roughly the
same brands as in France;
Marjane has a good reputation. It has Auchans design. People who travel abroad like
Marjane because it looks like Auchan;
Maybe Marjane is more popular with Europeans than Aswak Assalam. Thats what I notice.
There are a lot of foreigners in Marjane compared to Aswak Assalam;
The customers of Marjane are modern people.
The perceived image of Marjane is consistent with the positioning policy adopted by this
banner as its image is very different than the one reected by Aswak Assalam. Its
strategy values things that are synonymous with modernity, sophistication and
renement such as offer theatralization, assortment attractiveness, merchandising
dynamism or shelves display that reect a Western lifestyle.
5.3 Hybrid shopping practices tied for the retail banner expressing a strong local identity
Hybrid behaviours reminding us of traditional commerce (rapid adoption of the
premises/spatial appropriation, purchase fragmentation and search for a social bound)
take place in modern stores especially in the ones with a strong local identity, such as
Aswak Assalam.
The policy of Aswak Assalam, by highlighting the Moroccan tradition and the
Muslim religious values, makes the customers strongly identify with the banner and
adopt the store as a domestic space. Thus, the purchase fragmentation, the fact that
customers visit the store dressed very casually (slippers and pyjamas), the search for
social interactions with other customers and with the staff are some behaviour patterns
that are more pointed out in Aswak Assalam than in Marjane. Aswak Assalam
marketing manager conrms the same in the following statement:
So we have a distinctive feature for Aswak Assalam. We can position ourselves as a
hypermarket, which means a large self service surface, but our selling practices are like in a
convenience store [. . .] the customers feel at home, it is the corner shop, but at a large-scale.
So we have an inow which varies between 4 and 7 times a week, and even more. Some people
come almost every day.
The strategy of Aswak Assalam reects the Ynna group culture, founded and managed
by Miloud Chaabi, a pious man, a devout muslim, owner of a hotel chain Ryad Assalam,
among other things, where the same principles are applied (neither alcohol nor pork are
suggested at the chain restaurants). In competition with this group, founded by a
self-taught manwhohas beenbrought upthe hardwayandhas remainedveryclose to his
humble and traditional origins, there is the ONA holding, owner of Marjane and Auchan
partner. It is managed by young managers, trained in leading Western universities
(American, British or French ones), less affected by local culture and open to Western
values and lifestyle. This background information contributes to a better understanding
of the strategic differences established by each one of these two retail banners in Morocco.
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VI. Concluding remarks and research implications
The retail sector is undergoing major changes in emerging countries that have
signicant impact on both the restructuring of the commercial apparel as a whole and on
the evolution of both the purchasing behaviour and attendance stores of local
consumers.
This research has shown that in the case of Morocco, the movement was behind the
emergence of hybridization of consumption practices and the evolution of symbolism of
consumption and shopping activities. These changes reect the need for nesting
modernity and entertainment offered by the modern sales network and commitment to
cultural habits and values related to traditional commerce.
Behaviours differ between social groups. Thus, the upper and middle classes
that have converted early to modern retail network will have (symbolically) seized and
made it their main source of supply. This category of customers attributes to the work of
shopping as utility and as an ordinary activity. Howerver, these practices of shopping,
although they meet the needs of utilities, are full of symbolic meaning. Through the
frequentation of modern retail banners, these shoppers are obviously looking to
differentiate themselves from those belonging to lower classes who still frequenting
traditional shops, expressing though a sense of unique social identity. The store gives
them a way for self-expression and social tagging. The presence increasingly felt for the
most modest in the store seems to be undesirable by the upper class who would continue
to own the modern retail system by adopting avoidance strategies of mixing with
the lower social classes.
For the more modest, the fact of not having the means to buy in supermarkets
does not prevent them to attend. This category of customers is seeking to go to
hypermarkets for reasons that do not routinely order to buy (loitering, drag [. . .]) and
nds out more in these modern retail stores as a moment of relaxation, entertainment
and stroll with their family. These consumers prefer to also attend a store located in a
up class neighbourhood although geographically distant to the nearby supermarket of
the same signboard, but situated in a popular area where they would end up with their
peers. These people stemming from low social classes are trying to meet (and to mix
with) consumers belonging to higher classes, they do not have much opportunity to meet
and with whom they wish to be seen.
The ndings of this research enable to lay out some managerial implications for
both the location and positioning strategies of modern retailing in emerging countries
(like Morocco) and in terms of public policy to manage the balance and the future of
local traditional shops and modern retail stores.
The establishment of new retail actors (as in the case of foreign store
signboards) requires obviously some adaptation to local traditions and constraints of
the consumers either in terms of location of the points of sale and on the functioning
and the organization of the stores. A settlement on the outskirts of the cities responds to
the concerns of cost of land but generates access difculties, due to poor development of
public transportation (for the mediumand lowclasses). Acontrario the opening of stores
close to residential areas certainly increases the visiting frequency but is accompanied
by a purchase fragmentation generated by an increase in visits with a low basket
average and the need to mobilize number of cashiers regularly. It is therefore necessary
to anticipate managing major ows in order not to affect negatively the perceived
quality of service, used as an important store selection cue for afuent customers.
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Second, quality of the service, focus on the in-store atmosphere attributes, cleanliness,
dramatizations of the offer, courtesy and competence of the sellers, are highly expected
by middle to upper classes customers and should be particularly taken care of by
retailers. Despite being a young sector, the consumers have high expectations in the
modern retail eld and a need to re-enchanting their shopping experiences (Firat and
Venkatesh, 1995; Filser, 2001). The reasons can be found at both, the high exposure
of urban consumers to the satellite channels that provide foreign exposure (and/or
experience abroad), the side role of the upper class in establishing of quality standards
for the shop and the high requirements of foreigners living in Morocco and Moroccan
Diaspora living in Western countries.
On the other hand, regarding the banners positioning for new entrants (local or
foreign retail actors), these research results show that to set up in an emerging economy
such as Morocco, among others two contrasting positioning strategies seem to be
suitable for a banner:
(1) Emphasizing local distinctive features (culturally emic rooted/dependent
perspective) while introducing some modern services (self-service, parking,
trolleys, etc.) and expressing it through an assortment which excludes products
and brands that are far from or against local values and traditions (alcohol, pork,
non-halal meals, etc.) and suggesting conversely more bulk, local and traditional
products (precooked meals, local fruits and vegetables, etc.), and possibly by
developing new services consistent with this positioning such as traditional
dressing for the staff, interest free consumer credit (without Riba in Islamic
Finance meaning), etc. This kind of positioning has advantages related to
attendance motivation as well (deep anchoring in local traditions, authenticity)
and disadvantages that form as many avoidance motives (perceived archaic
image, lack of modernity).
(2) Showing off and asserting a resolutely modern positioning (etic
neutral/standardizing cultural perspective), reecting it in the store interior
design, in shelves display and in the assortment by suggesting more foreign
(Western) products and brands, rened or sophisticated products (salmon, foie
gras, cheese, etc.) and other services that better t with this image, thus
facilitating the immersion in an idyllic or enchanting consuming world, which
enables the consumers to escape from the daily routine. This kind of positioning
has as many advantages (modernity, open mindedness and Western lifestyle) as
disadvantages or reasons for rejection (loss of cultural identity, denial of origins
and loss of traditional values/authenticity).
The outcome of this research, lead also to questions about future changes in the retail
system in an emerging country like Morocco. Some changes are already noticeable and
predictable of more substantial amendments in trade scenario of Morocco. Thus, the
recent emergence of new concepts that combine local tradition values and requirements
of the modern retail, as illustrated by the case of the new chain of local shops Hanouty
raises the question of sustainability of the current system of dual retail modes. These
new small-sized stores provide high-quality service and competitive prices, while
respecting the proximity, ease and credit facilities and social bonds as provided by
traditional stores and claimed by local customers. We witness hence, a structural change
that gradually will lead to the extinction of traditional trade in its current form,
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577
or well is it not that the proposal of start of resistance ahead of the latter in the
battle against the modern retail format? Some elements of the answer are in the project
of the Moroccan Ministry of Trade Rawaj 2020 which aims to revitalize and modernize
the internal trade, through the balance of power between local traditional shops and
modern retailing. The public policy has to assist the small commerce either to convert or
to specialize or, at least to modernize and to upgrade existing stores, with incentives.
Finally, this research is not exempted from limitations which open interesting
research avenue. The rst being the difculty to extend the results (beyond big cities to
mediumsize ones) since the data collection took place within the city of Rabat, the capital
of Morocco. A second shortcoming underlines the study of the single food retail sector
and raises the question of expanding on the new consumption and shopping practices
observed in non-food sector such as the ready-to-wear (with store signboards like Zara,
Morgan and Etam) and cosmetics (with the recent setting up of Sephora) which are
growing rapidly in the main cities of this country.
Notes
1. According to the department Haut Commissariat au Plan of the Economic and Financial
Ministry.
2. Approximately ten Dh (Dirham is the Moroccan currency) equal e1.
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Appendix
Customers Social class
a
Gender
b
Age (years)
C1 H F 25-34
C2 M F 35-44
C3 H F 25-34
C4 H F 25-34
C5 M F 25-34
C6 M M 25-34
C7 M F 45-54
C8 L M 25-34
C9 H F 35-44
C10 L M 45-54
C11 L F 35-44
C12 L F 45-54
C13 H F 45-54
C14 L F 25-34
C15 M M 45-54
C16 H F 18-24
Notes:
a
Categorization of interviewees in high (H), middle (M) and low (L) social classes is based on
income, education level, housing location and owning transportation means;
b
F female and M male
Table AI.
Customers interviewees
proles
Retailers Function Hypermarket signboard
R1 Store director Marjane
R2 Marketing director Aswak assalam
R3 Marketing director Marjane
Table AII.
Retailers interviewees
proles
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About the authors
Abdelmajid Amine is Professor of Marketing at IAE Gustave Eiffel School of Management,
University of Paris-Est, France. He was formerly Director of Institute of Research in Management
(IRG) at the same university. He received his PhDin Marketing fromUniversity of Paris Pantheon
Sorbonne and a qualication to supervise doctoral theses from University of Paris Dauphine. His
research interests include consumption practices, online communities and retailing in emerging
countries. He is the author of a book on consumer behavior and has published many articles in
French and English academic journals. Abdelmajid Amine is the corresponding author and can be
contacted at: amine@u-pec.fr
Najoua Lazzaoui is a PhD student in Marketing at IRG, University of Paris-Est, France. After
graduating from ENCG Business School of Settat in Morocco in 2003, she holds a Masters degree
in Marketing Research from the University of Paris-Est (IAE Gustave Eiffel School of
Management). Her current research interest includes consumer behavior in emerging countries,
modern and traditional retail, consumption symbolism and cultural values. Prior to entering the
doctoral program, she worked as a Customer Relation Manager in an international bank
established in Morocco and as a Marketing and Communication Manager of the Moroccan TV
sport channel for more than three years.
To purchase reprints of this article please e-mail: reprints@emeraldinsight.com
Or visit our web site for further details: www.emeraldinsight.com/reprints
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