2

/ndausan Nusc and thc

Cun/igu: dc un/u Auriu
Manuel Pedro Ferreira
When the question of the relationship between the Cantigas de Santa
Mara and medieval Hispano-Arabic music is raised, the shadow of
Julian Ribera's partial musical edition of the Cantigas, published in 1922,
cannot be avoided. 1 In Ribera's edition, the Alfonsine songs are pre
sented as derivatives of classical Arab music, and transcribed according
to what Ribera thought was typically Arab; as a consequence, their
original notation was often disregarded. Ribera's approach came under
heavy critcism from professional musicologists, amongst them Higinio
Anges, who in his monumental work of 1943-58 buried-seemingly
for good-scholarly pretensions to read Arb music into the Cantigas.
2
In the past half-century (1943
-
93
)
, the pro-Arab stance has therefore
been confined to the perorming domain as a kind of colouristic
exotcism, of doubtful historical seriousness, which is sometimes made
vaguely respectable through menton of the Islamic instruments de
picted in one of the manuscript sources of the Cantias (MS E
)
. This
tendency to value instrumental colour can be explained not only on
the basis of Ribera's claim that the repertory has an 'orchestral'
character,
3
but also in relation to the history of the modern 'early music'
movement; in actual practice, instrumental colour has been ser ved as a
kind of dressing added to Anges's transcriptions, which have been
generally accepted by performers.
A lot has none the less changed after Ribera's edition in our
knowledge of medieval Arab music; and our understanding of the
original notation of the Cantigas has prgressed in the past few years.
The tme has come to re-evaluate the Arab question from a scholarly
point of view.
8 MANUEL PEDRO FERREIRA
The first thing to do is to rephrase the question, substituting
'Andalusian' for 'Arab'. Moorish-Andalusian (or Ibero-Arab) music is
not just, or even mainly, Arab music per se. It is a hy brid Western
tradition which evolved independendy from oriental trends from the
ninth century onwards and reached its highest level of integration of
Western and oriental elements in the twelfth century. 4 The originality
of Andalusian music, when compared with other Western medieval
traditions, is to be sought primarily in the aspects of form and
rhythm. Form represents the Peninsular indigenous element; rhy thm
the Arab one.
The question of musical form in medieval Andalusian song has
generally been ignored; recendy, Vicente Beltran and, most importandy,
David Wulstan have faced the problem and attempted to give it a
solution. 5 Both take as their starting point the formal structure of the
poems, to which they remain anchored as their only secure evidence;
naturally, since the textual data gives minimal musical information, their
conclusions cannot be firmly founded from a musical point of view. I
have therefore taken the opposite apprach: to start with the surviving
music from Moorish Andalusia.
My work was made possible by the recent publication, by James
Monroe and Benjamin Liu, of nine surviving azjal and muwashshahat
composed in Al-Andalus between c.IIOO and the mid-fourteenth
century.
6
As complementary data, I have used the analysis of a repre
sentative sample both of today 's North Mrican music of Andalusian
origin7 and of the muwashshah oral tradition in general.
8
The results
of this undertaking, which I will summarize here, will be published in
detail elsewhere.9 The main conclusion is that the muwashshah and the
symmetrical zajal seem originally to have had mainly two kinds of
formal scheme, corresponding to the virelai (A II BBB A, A
I
I
CCC A) or to a special kind of rondeau (A II BBB A, [ ... ] A
BA). The zajal proper, textually asymmetrical, must have had related
schemes, for the zajal and the muwashshah are two faces of the same
tradition.
10
At this juncture, the example of the Cantigas de Santa Maria has to
be taken into account. Poetically speaking, most of them have the
zajal form. Musically, they tend to present the virelai form, which as
we have seen is also characteristic of the muwashshah. In itself, this fact
is not conclusive, for the French virelai could be taken as both the
poetical and musical model for the Cantigas; the only problem with
this hy pothesis is that the virelai hardly existed in France before c. 1300,
ANDALUSIAN MUSIC AND THE CANTGAS 9
while the Cantigas were composed before 1284; this fact led Willi
Apel to propose a Spanish origin for the virelai. I I Moreover, in the
Cantias the influence of the French rondeau is slight when compared
with the important presence of the reverse kind of ronde au (A II BB
A), also characteristc, mutatis mutandis, of the muwashshah; this is
found in more than seventy cantigas. I2 Since this last form is virtually
unknown elsewhere in medieval Eurpe, 13 it is probably indigenous;
and since the Cantias were mosdy composed in a cultural envirn
ment where the Ibero-Arab presence was strongly felt, it probably
derives frm the zajal or its mozarabic counterpart. The Cantigas de
Santa Maria appear therefore, frm a formal point of view, to encap
sulate typical features of medieval Andalusian music: the virelai form
and what I propose to call the Andalusian rondeau.
Let us now turn our attention to rhythm. Rhythm is intrinsically
linked with the musical notation of the manuscripts. The notation has
been variously described by diferent authors, depending on the inter
pretative model used to apprach it. Hendrik van der Werf, for instance,
compared the notation with the late-thirteenth-centur Frnconian
system, and inevitably concluded that the Alfonsine notation is not
Franconian, I4 which is hardly surprising since this system was formu
lated in writing only around 1280, when most of the Cantigas were in
the process of being copied. IS It does not follow, though, that the
Alfonsine notation lacks a mensural character, for there were mensural
systems in existence before Franco of Cologne. On the contrary, I think
that it can be prved that the mensural dimension is an important one,
regardless of how we choose to interpret it.
16
Interpretation is about ways to make the data historically
intelligible. Angles was right when he accepted the notation as it
stands without trying to force it into preconceived moulds, as Ribera
did; he also realized that the rhythms written down by the copyists
were often equivalent to the contemporary French patterns known as
'rhythmic modes' , but that this was not always true. Unable to accept
Ribera's hypothesis of an Arab derivation, he championed the theory
of a folkloric origin for the cases of non-modal rhythm; needless to
say, the 'folk music' label could embrace everything, and because of
this generality could be neither proven nor challenged; it was an easy
way out of the problem. In my own work, I have expanded the frame
work of possible pre-existing models-French developments of modal
rhythm, trubadouresque isosyllabism and the rhapsodic rhythm
found in the cantias d' amigo; since even this large range of possibilities
10 MANEL PEDRO FERREIRA
does not exhaust the rhythmic variety found in the repertory, I had
eventually to confront the long-discredited hypothesis of an Anda
lusian connection.
According to one of the leading specialists in Arab music, Baron
Rodolphe d'Eranger, 'le rythme est, en musique arabe, 1' element
principal et preponderant de toute composition vocale ou instru
mentale'. He also remarks that the rhythmic system used by Arab
musicians today is substantially the same as it was during the first
centuries of Islam. 17 This system is based on the principle of period
icity: the repettion of a rhythmic period defned by the number and
quality of the attacks and the time elapsing between them. This tme
is stricdy measured, meaning that it is counted in units of time.
Among the ancient music theorists, Al-Farabi (d. 950) is the only one
who tries to describe actual musical practice, instead of following
Greek music theory;1
8
he eschews the Greek defniton of the basic
tme-unit as the shortest perceptible time value, choosing instead as
tme-unit a compound time, as Arab musicians do today. 19 According
to Al-Farabi, a rhythmic period is typically composed of two identcal
rhythmic cycles. A cycle is a repeated rhythmic pattern superimposed
on a given metre. From an abstract point of view each cycle has a basic
form in which all the attacks are separated by equal tme-intervals, and
the last attack is followed by a silence of the same length (the
disjuncton). In actual practice, this basic scheme gives way to more
complex rhythmic patterns which have the status of standard metric
fngs. These metric flngs can be varied over a wide range, and two
diferent variants can be joined together in a period. Al-Farabi himself
lists a large number of rhythmic periods derived from each of the
seven basic metres, and describes the conventional variation proce
dures which lead to them; his list is not exhaustve, as he simply wants
to show how these variation prcedures work in practice.20
In the following examples, the spacing between two apostrophes
( 1 1 ) illustrates the minimum time-unit; if an audible attack marks the
beginning of a time-unit, it will be represented (I 1 ); time signatures
will be used for convenience, the minimum time-unit being
equivalent to a quaver.
When the chosen metre is the 'First Thaqil' (or 'First-Heavy')
(a)
(
412)
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
I
1 1 1 1 1 1 1
doubling of the attacks wlprduce the following pattern:
.NDALUSIAN Music AND THE CANTIGAs I I
(
b
)
(
412)
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I I I I I
Adding a loud attack to allow a proportional disjunction will change
it into:
(
c
) (
412)
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1 1
If we reproduce this cycle twice in a row, we have one of the forms
of the 'First-Heavy' rhythmic period listed by Al-Farabi.
Another example is the 'Heavy-Ramal' metre:
(a)
(3
l2)
I
1
1 1
I
1
1 1
1 1 1 1
With another attack added for continuity, this changes into:
(
b
) (3
12)
I
I I I
I
I I I
I
I I I
and with doubling of the second attack, it becomes
(
c
) (3l2)
I
1
1 1
I
1
I
1
I
1
1
1
which corresponds to another form of the cycle mentioned by Al
Farabi.
Variaton can also prduce syncopaton: if we take the continuous
pattern, double al attacks and then drop out the ffth, the result is
(
d) (312)
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I I I
I
I
This is one of several syncopated cycles in Al-Farabi's list. If it is repeated
once, we have a homogeneous rhythmic period; if it is combined, for
instance, with the contnuous double-attack cycle, we have an hetero
geneous variant also listed in Al-Farabi; if combined with the basic
'Ramal' cycle, we have the al-/afi rhythm, used in a thirteenth-century
Andalusian composition which survives in today's oral tradition.21
It is important not to forget that the musical tradition that Al-Farabi
describes trvelled West from Baghdad to Al-Andalus, where it found
fertle ground. Furthermore, Arab rhythmic periodicity has a number
of features which distinguish it from the medieval Western Eurpean
rhythmic traditon: the larger scale of some cycles and rhythmic periods,
the use of syncopation and the importance of quadruple metre may be
mentioned. Accordingy, when a medieval repertory composed in
Spain, written for the most part probably in Toledo or Seville, next
door to a Moorish-Andalusian environment, uses large-scale cycles or
periods, with syncopated patterns or in a quadruple metre, this is likely
to reflect the influence of Arab music.
12 MANEL PEDRO FERREIRA
The Cantias de Santa Maria are such a repertory. In the 'Heavy
Ramal' metre, the combination of variants (c) and (d) listed above
produces the rhythmic period found in CSM 92 (Ex. 1). If we take
the above-mentoned form (c) of the 'First-Heavy' cycle and double
the second attack, we encounter a variant found in CSM 424.22 If, in
the second presentation of the rhythmic variant, we add a fnal attack
for support, as recommended by Al-Farabi, we will have a long
rhythmic period identical to that found in CSM 25 (Ex. 2).23 The
long rhythmical period which begins CSM 100 has two versions
which difer in the second half (Ex. 3); the initial version survives in
the al-B!iyl rhythm of the Andalusian tradition (Ex. 4);24 both
versions can be described as heterogeneous periods made up of two
of the 'First-Heavy' cycles listed in Al-Farabi.25 In this same song,
there is another heterogeneous rhythmic period which shares its
second half with the second version of the first period (Ex. 5). The
frst half presents a cycle that is another variation on the 'First-Heavy'
metre,2
6
and is found in the al-qa'im wa-nisf rhythm of the Andalusian
tradition (Ex. 6).27 CSM 353 uses exclusively this same cycle. CSM
II6 uses a related rhythmic period, made up of this same cycle
followed by the basic form of the 'First-Heavy' metre (Ex. 7). This
period is strikingly similar to that found in two sister-compositons by
Juan del Encina, 'Senora de hermosura' and 'Una saiosa porfia',
which share the same melodic openings;2
8
and it is reprduced almost
exacdy in the frst version of 'Norabuena vengas' in the Cancionero de
Palacio. 29 CSM 109 exhibits a more complex period based on the same
cycle, produced by repeatng part of it in the middle of the period
a variation procedure also mentioned by Al-Farabi (Ex. 8).
Medieval French rhythmical theory and the alternatve models
mentioned above are unable to explain these seemingy anomalous
facts, whereas they make complete sense in the light of Arabian
rhythmic theory and its influence on Andalusian song. Given the
historical context, one cannot but reach the conclusion that at least
the above-mentioned cantigas were influenced by Ibero-Arab music.
That being so, perhaps there are other traces of this influence.
Again, the first thing to do is to look more closely at what seems to
be a rhythmic anomaly from a French-centred perspective: dotted
rhythm, which is impossible to write within the normal usage of
thirteenth-century French notatonal systems. It can be observed in
seventeen of the Cantigas;
3
0
in two of them it is used to the exclusion
of any other rhythmic pattern.
3
' The way the Toledo and Escorial
1
E.2
Ex. 3
Ex.4
Ex. 5
Ex.6
ANDALUSIAN MUSIC AND THE CANTIGAS 13
CSM 424

CSM 25
. .

. .

. .. . . . . .
CSM 100

,
.

~
. .
AI-Bayii

. ,
.

. .
CSM 100

_
.

..

. .
Al-qa'im wa-nisf 8
I I : I
2 , , c ;_ c c -
Ex. 7
Ex. 8
CSM 353
|
| .
CSM 116
_

[-]
manuscripts solve the notational problem is similar: they add a brevis
to the long, and then write an isolated brevis; or they use short
vertcal lines after the long to signal its ultr mensuram quality, and then
write an isolated brevis (Ex. 9).32 The rhythmical meaning of these
procedures is clear frm the diferent ways the scribes chose to write
down the same musical idea, whether in the same manuscript, when
a phrase is rewritten several times, or in diferent manuscripts which
have the same song; comparatve work shows that a long with a brevis
attached to it is rhythmically equivalent to a long followed by a short
double bar; it also shows that this augmented long is equivalent to a
long followed by a ligature cum opposita proprietate, or a binary oblique
ligature followed by a brevis or a double bar. 33 Sometmes he Escorial
MSS substitute what seems to be a semibrevis for the brevis, 34 but this
can easily be explained as a case of notational inerta-forms of the
Toledo notation which are reproduced without translation in the
Escorial notation (Ex. 10).
The important presence in this repertory of dotted rhythm, ignored
in the surviving Galician-Portuguese troubadour songs and in al the
remaining written European music, can be explained through the influ
ence of the Andalusian tradition. We have seen that one of the Anda
lusian rhythmic cycles uses dotted rhythm; in the Middle East, it is also
found in the Su. fyan rhythm;35 both derive from classical Arab rhythmic
practice. In some of the surving medieval Andalusian songs, 3
6
dotted
rhythm is pervasive: it tends to be associated with the successive
occurrence of a long and a short syllable (Ex. I I). This prbably means
that dotted rhythm was a standard declamation procedure in Ibero-Arab
song, and that it may have infuenced the composers of the Cantigas.
Another feature of the Andalusian tradition is the use of a five-beat
metric pattern already listed in Al-Farabi. Among the seven basic
musical metres acknowledged by this theorist, three have five beats per
cycle; each of them has a variant which is similar to the French third
Ex.11
Ex.12
ANDALUSIAN Music AND THE CANTGAS I 5
. "
Qad niltu ibb wa-ja qurbi
' ' ' '' '
" L.
. . . . . .
Adir la-na 'akwab yasli bi-ha 1-wajdu
' ' ' ' ' '
'-
. . ..
Man l ha'im
' ''"
L_
Third mode
e .e
'Second-Light-Heavy', variant 8
e .e
rhythmc mode, except that the first long has only two units of time
instead of three (Ex. 12). This rhythmic pattern surfaces in a Hispano
Arab song which has been identfed as a muwashshah and was partly
transcribed, in the sixteenth century, by Francisco Salinas (x. 13a);37
the influence of this pattern on folk music is attested to by several
traditional songs whch have come down to us in polyphonic settings
by Encina, Anchieta and others: its survival may be illustrated here by
the song 'Tan buen ganadico' as transcribed by Juan del Encina
(Ex. 13 b) .J
8
It can also be found in CSM 223-alternatve interpretations
of the notation leading, in my view, to unsatisfactory results (Ex. 13c).
Ex.13
(a)

'

Cal- vi vi cal - vi cal - vi a- r - VI

{)
'I
'
' '

'
J

'f
J

Tan buen ga-na - di - co, y m:s en tal

,

, "

, , " ""
(c)
,*
.
|~ J
J
14
.
J
f
'
d
4
To- do -los coi- ta - dos que que-ren sa
1
.
,

I

J
t
.
u - de de -
16 MANUEL PEDRO FERREIRA
Ex.14
,
.
,

,

,I
CSM 339
'I
'

|
L
-

'=

'
|
L
Ca a-cor
-
re en co it' e en pe
-
sa
This last case may not be the only one. It happens, on the one
hand, that some melodies (Prlogue, CSM 10 and 105) or isolated
phrases (cf CSM 38, 41) in the Cantigas de Santa Maria are notated in
such a way that both the five-beat and the six-beat transcriptons are
possible. On the other hand, CSM 339 has a phrase which is clearly
reminiscent, from both a melic and a rhythmic point of view, of the
Ibero-Arab song quoted by Salinas (x. 14); its notation indicates the
third rhythmic mode, which implies a six-beat metre instead of a five
beat one; this suggests that the use of the third rhythmic mode could,
in some cases, be seen as a rhythmic variant based on the 'Light
Ramal' metre, or indicate a notational adaptation of an original fve
beat pattern.
Although the presence of the five-beat metre in the Cantigas cannot
be prven with absolute certainty due to its notational ambiguity, the
important presence in this repertory of Andalusian forms and Arabic
rhythmic features makes it historically plausible, and helps to explain
the relatively generous use of the third rhythmic mode by Alfonso's
collaborators. From this point of view, the preponderance of the
second rhythmic mode over the first in the Gantias, especially in the
Toledo MS, could also derive from the coincidence between, on the
one hand the French second mode, and on the other the fundamental
form of the Arab 'Light-Ramal' metre.
In short, although Angles righdy identifed a strong French favour
in the Marian Cantigas, Ribera was also justified in pointing out its
debt towards Al-Andalus. To these important influences one could
add those of liturgical music, the trubadours and the Galician-Portu
guese love song. We have to conclude that this extraordinary Marian
collection juxtaposes and combines a number of musical styles which
we are just beginning to identif.
Notes to Chapter 2
I. Julian Ribera, L musica de las Cantias: estudio sobre su origen y naturaleza, con
reproducciones fotografcas del texto y transcripcion moderna (Madrid: Real Academia
ANDALUSIAN MUSIC AND THE CANTIGAS 17
Espanola, 1922), meant as a companion volume to Cantigas de Santa Marfa de Don
Alfonso el Sabia, ed. Leopolda del Cueto, Marques de Valmar (Madrid: Real
Academia Espanola, r889), iii.
2. Higinio Angles, L musica de las Cantias de Santa Marfa del Rey Alfonso el Sabia,
3 vols. (Barcelona: Biblioteca Central, 1964, 1943, 1958). The last-published
volume is a facsimile edition of MS E.
3- Ribera, p. r 17: 'siendo todas las melodias de las Cantigas destinadas a ejecuci6n
por varias voces y por orquestra numerosa'.
4- For a historical summary, see Manuel Pedro Ferreira, 'Rondeau and Virelai: Notes
on the Music of Al-Andalus', Plainsong and Medieval Music, forthcoming.
5- Vicente Beltran, 'De zejeles y dansas: origenes y formaci6n de Ia estrofa con
vuelta', Revista de Filolog{a Espanola 64 (1984), 239-66; David Wulstan, 'The
Muwashshah and Zagal Revisited', journal of the American Oriental Society I 02
(1982), 247-64.
6. Benjamin M. Liu and James T Monroe, Ten Hispano-Arabic Strophic Songs in the
Moder Oral Tradition: Music and Texts (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1989)-
7. Leo J. Plenckers, 'Les Rapports entre le muwashshah algerien et le virelai du
moyen age', The Challenge of the Middle East: Middle Eastern Studies at the
University of Amsterdam, ed. L A. El-Sheikh, C. A. Van de Koppel and R. Peters
(Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam, 1982), 9I-III; Jozef M. Pacholczyk,
'The Relationship between the Nawba of Morocco and the Music of the
Troubadours and Trouveres', The World of Music 25 (r983), 5-r6; id., 'Rapporti
fra le forme music ali della nawba andalusa dell' Africa settentrionale e le forme
codificate della musica medievale europea', Culture musicali: quaderni di etno
musicologia 3-5-6 (r984), 19-42. To the data presented in these articles some more
analytical information was added, based on Moroccan sources.
8. Lois Ibsen a! Faruqi, 'Muwashshah: a Vocal Form in Islamic Culture', Ethno
musicolog 19 (1975), r-29.
9- Ferreira, 'Rondeau and Virelai'.
ro. According to the traditional view, the former derives from the latter, but the
reverse seems now to be more likely: Wulstan, 'The Muwashshah'; Samuel C.
Armistead and James T Monroe, 'Beached Whales and Roaring Mice:
Additional Remarks on Hispano-Arabic Strophic Poetry', L Cor6nica 13 (1985),
206-42-
I r. Willi Ape!, 'Rondeaux, Virelais, and Ballades in French 13th-Century Song',
Journal o the American Musicological Society 7 (1954), 121-30.
12. This calculation is based on the tables published by Angles, L musica, iiilra Parte,
pp. 397-400.
13. Friedrich Gennrich, Grundriss einer Formenlehre des mittelalterlichen Liedes als
Grundlage einer musikalischen Fomtenlehre des Liedes (Halle: Max Niemeyer, 1932),
67-8-
14- Hendrik van der Werf, 'Accentuation and Duration in the Music of the Cantigas
de Santa Maria', Studies on the 'Cantias de Santa Maria': Art, Music, and Poetr, ed.
Israel). Katz and John E. Keller (Madison: The Hispanic Seminary of Medieval
Studies, 1987), 223-34.
I 5- Most of the originals which underlay the final compilation of the Cantigas (i.e.
between 250 and 300 pieces) were written before 1280. The collection is
I 8 MANEL PEDRO FERREIRA
presumed to have been completed or nearly so by the time Alfonso died (1284).
On the dating of the manuscripts, see Manuel Pedro Ferreira, 'The Stemma of
the Marian Cantiga: Philological and Musical Evidence', Bulletin o the
Cantigueiros de Santa Maria 6 (1994), 58-g8.
r6. I have dealt with this problem elsewhere: Manuel Pedro Ferreira, 0 som de
Martin Codax: sobre a dimensio musical da Urica galego-portuguesa (seclos X-XV
I The Sound of Martin Codax: On the Musicl Dimension of the Ga/ician-Portuguese
Lyric (XII-XIV Centuries) (Lisbon: lmprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 1986);
id., 'Bases for Transcription: Gregorian Chant and the Notation of the Cantigas
de Santa Maria' , Los instrumentos del P6rtico de Ia Gloria: su reconstruci6n y Ia music
de su tiempo, coord. Jose Lopez-Calo (La Coruia: Fundaci6n Pedr Barrie de Ia
Maza, 1993), ii. 573-621.
17. Baron Rodolphe d'Erlanger, L Musique arabe (Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1959),
VI. I, 4
18. George Dimitri Sawa, Music Perormance Pactice in the Early Abbasid Era, 132-320
AH I 75o32 AD (Toronto: Pontifcal Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1989), 16.
19. D'Erlanger, 7
20. Sawa, 46, 54
21. Liu and Monroe, 82.
22. In Angles's edition, this song is the second in the second Appendix [FJC 2]; its
form belongs to the 'Andalusian rondeau' type.
23. This is true of the version recorded in the Escorial codices E and T, not of the
version in To.
24. D'Erlanger, 148.
25. Sawa, 'First-Heavy' cycles nos u+3 and u+9.
26. This variant is arrived at by adding an attack for continuity, doubling this attack,
and dropping out the frst articulation.
27. Liu and Monroe, 82.
28. Juan del Encina, Poes{a Urica y Cancionero Musicl, ed. R. 0. Jones and Carlyn
R. Lee (Madrid: Cast alia, 1972).
29. The Cancionero de Palacio shows a few striking continuities with the CSM: for
instance, the rhythmic pattern minim-crotchet, minim-crtchet, crotchet
minim, minim-crotchet (or dotted minim), which ofer rcurs in this repert ory,
can already be found in at least ten CSM (34, 46, 104, 199, 232, 295=388, 300,
328, 345 and 398).
30. CSM 1, 26, 37, 47, 51, 61, 88, 89, 101, 109, II2, u6, u8, 158, 193, 353 and
393 See also CSM roo, 315 and 352.
31. CSM II8 and 393
32. The double vertical line may also be used at the end of a musical phrase or piece,
with no apparent rhythmical consequences (see CSM 123, 159, r6o, 341, 386 and
394). The Cantigas 88 and I 16 use a long with a double vertical bar to mean
either long plus brevis, when followed by a brevis, or double long, when
followed by a long (in CSM 88, the Toledo MS makes it clear that in the latter
case the augmentation applies to a three-tempora long.
33 See CSM r, 47, 51, 89, II6 and 393.
34 CSM 37, 47, 193 and 353
35 D'Erlanger, 53
36. Liu and Monroe, s ongs I, III, V (occasionally in other compositions).
ANDALUSIAN MUSIC AND THE CANTGAS 19
37 Francisco Salinas, De music libri septem {Salamanca, 1577). It is the song Calvi vi
clvi I Calvi aravi ('My heart is in [another] heart I [because] my heart is arabic'),
quoted by Gi Vicente in both the Comedia de Rubena and the Tragicomedia de Don
Duardos; see Emilio Garcia Gomez, 'La canci6n famosa Calvi vi calvi I Calvi
arvi', Al-Andalus 21 (1956), 1-18, 215-16, and Juan Jose Rey Danzas cantadas
en el Renacimiento espafol {Madrid: Sociedad Espanola de Musicologia, 1978),
25-6. Salinas's musical quotation was wrongly transcribed {in 618) by Angles, L
music, iii/2" Parte, p. 440.
38. ]uan del Encina, Poes{a Lric, pp. 45, 294, 354; see also the commentary by
Manuel Pedro Ferreira, in Cancioneiro da Biblioteca Hortensia de Elvas {Lisbon:
Instituto Portugues do Patrim6nio Cultural, 1989), pp. ix-x. On quintuple-time
Spanish songs frm the Renaissance, see Marius Schneider, 'Studien zur
Rhythmik im Cancionero de Palacio', Misce/anea en homenaje a Monsefor Hiinio
Angles {Barcelona: CSIC, 1958-1), ii. 833-41, and Rey, Danzas cantadas, 30-3.
Cobras e Son
Iapcr: cn lhc Tcxl, Au:i: anAanu::ripl:
cjlhc 'Canliga: c 3anlaAaria'

EDITED BY
STEPHEN pARKINSON

LEGENDA
European Humanities Research Centre
University of Oxford
Modern Humanities Research Association
2000