COCONSTRUCTING HERITAGE

AT THE GETTYSBURG STORYSCAPE

Athinodoros Chronis
California State University, Stanislaus, USA
Abstract: Cultural production has been integral to the study of tourism. Employing the Get-
tysburg storyscape, the present study illustrates the way in which a text is coconstructed by both
marketers and consumers through negotiation and embodied performance. Within a cocon-
struction model of culture, rather than merely appropriating existing meanings of the past, a
text is informed by and depends upon the contingencies of the present. It is also shown how a
landscape is being symbolically transformed and used by service providers and tourists alike to
negotiate, dene, and strengthen social values of patriotism and national unity, in times when
these values are most needed. Keywords: coconstruction of culture, performance, storyscapes,
Gettysburg, imagined communities. 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Resume: La co-construction de lheritage dans lespace narratif de Gettysburg. La produc-
tion culturelle fait partie ntegrante de letude du tourisme. En employant lespace narratif
de Gettysburg, la presente etude illustre la facon dont un texte culturel est co-construit par
ces commerciaux et des consommateurs a` travers la negociation et le spectacle concretise.
Dans le cas dun mode`le co-construit de la culture, un texte culturel est informe par et depen-
dant des contingences du present plutot que de sapproprier tout simplement les signica-
tions existantes du passe. On montre comment un paysage touristique peut etre transforme
symboliquement et utilise par des prestataires de services ainsi que par des touristes pour nego-
cier, denir et renforcer les valeurs sociales du patriotisme et de lunite nationale a` une epo-
que ou` on a le plus besoin de ces valeurs. Mots-cles: co-construction de la culture, spectacle,
espaces narratifs, Gettysburg, communautes imaginees, mythes dorigine. 2005 Elsevier
Ltd. All rights reserved.
INTRODUCTION
The American Civil War (18611865) is one of the most disturbing
chapters in the history of the United States, for the country was divided
by hatred and blood. The 620,000 people who died during the war
from both sides is by far the most devastating loss of human lives in
US history and it almost equals the number of deaths during all the
other wars the country has fought combined (McPherson 1990). What
is even more horrifying is that the American Civil War was literally
fought among brothers.
In the process of inicting such a big toll on the country, the Civil
War also transformed it. Before 1861 the United States designation
Athinodoros Chronis is Assistant Professor of marketing in the Management, Operations,
and Marketing Department at California State University, Stanislaus (Turlock CA 95382, USA.
Email <achronis@csustan.edu>). His research interests embrace the experiential aspects of
consumption, including the intersection of tourism and history. He has studied extensively
the active role of consumers and their participation at multiple heritage sites both in the
United States and Europe.
Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 32, No. 2, pp. 386406, 2005
2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Printed in Great Britain
0160-7383/$30.00
doi:10.1016/j.annals.2004.07.009
www.elsevier.com/locate/atoures
386
was a plural noun. After 1865 it became singular (McPherson 1990).
Today, the Civil War narrative is deeply inscribed in American memory
as one of the most dening moments in its history (Allred 1996; Hall
1994). But through what process did a war among brothers become
a celebration of national unity? Where does this transformative power
of the Civil War come from? Why do certain events of the past become
dening moments of national importance and how is it that these
transformative processes generate such a rich legacy of cultural expres-
sions, including books, periodicals, round table discussions, history
courses, artifact collections, re-enactments, living history festivals, pres-
ervation societies, lms, documentaries, and a lucrative tourism indus-
try of millions of people who visit Civil War battleelds?
Tourism has been seen as integral to the understanding of transfor-
mative cultural processes (Urry 1996) and deserves to be studied from
this perspective. Studies, however, heavily concentrate around two
poles. On the production side, service providers and marketers are
seen as producers who build, embellish, and promote the tourism
product in the market. On the consumption side, many scholars have
been concerned with issues of demand, motivation, and ways of expe-
riencing spaces. Examining tourism through a mutually constructive
process between producers and consumers has been, to a large extent,
under-investigated.
Theoretically, relationships between cultural production and con-
sumption can be explored through Johnsons (1986) circuit of cul-
ture (Figure 1). Texts are initially formed by producers and then
become part of differential interpretations by readers who assign to
them their own meanings. Transformed meanings of the text enter
the existing cultural reservoir of discourses and the new transforma-
tions of meaning become raw material for fresh production. Produc-
ers, their product (text), their readers, and lived cultures are all seen
as part of the circuit of culture, which undergoes perpetual change.
Adopting the circuit of culture as a theoretical framework, Squire
(1994) shows how literary texts are transformed through readings
and interpretations, and how they subsequently become part of a wider
symbolic system.
According to the above view, the surface of the tourism text is already
inscribed by producers who provide the material on which tourists
operate. Within this context, meanings are encoded by the producers
of attractions and decoded by tourists (Herbert 2001:316). Their
involvement into the transformation of culture is restricted to a mere
symbolic appropriation of meanings from a given text and their use
in present contexts (Squire 1994). While highly informative, the cir-
cuit of culture is decient in addressing the transformation of an
abhorrent fratricide into a narrative of national unity. For one thing,
what the Civil War left behind was a ruined economy, a fragmented so-
cial landscape, and a huge number of graves. Therefore a national
patriotic ideology, is far from being produced by a single author
of a cultural text, as the circuit of culture suggests.
An alternative account views cultural texts as narratives that are con-
structed in the present. The construction falls within the domain of the
ATHINODOROS CHRONIS 387
narrative paradigm (Bruner 1986, 1987; Fisher 1984), according to
which life comes to us in the form of stories (Gubrium and Holstein
1998:163). Narratives are not natural phenomena, but human inven-
tions (Cronon 1992; Ewick and Silbey 1995). Their construction can be
seen as composing a text (Gubrium and Holstein 1998). Thus, people
acting as story-builders do not simply record the world, but rather create
it (Olson 1990). Consequently, for any story there are multiple narrative
texts that can be constructed, and the public is often faced with the chal-
lenge of multiple competing narratives (Cronon 1992).
As a construction, storytelling is not the act of an autonomous and
independent actor (Gergen and Gergen 1988:40). The narrator is an
agent who relates the story in a particular medium (Bal 1997); this act
is not a repetition of a xed story, but is a personalized expression of
the storytellers own idiosyncratic reading and poetic aptitude. This is
especially true when stories refer to real life events or historical ac-
counts where an individual writer cannot be identied. However,
narratives are conversations and the active role of the listener should
be also considered (Robinson 1981). At a minimum, a listener partic-
ipates in storytelling by assigning his or her own meaning. But the lis-
teners involvement extends beyond mere interpretation. According to
Braid, signicant meaning is generated in the ongoing, active process
of following a narrative during which the listener repeatedly tries to
integrate the unfolding narrative and the dynamics of performance
into a coherent and meaningful interpretation of what happened
PUBLIC
REPRESENTATIONS
Conditions
PRIVATE
LIVES
2
Texts
3
Readings
1
Production
4
Lived
cultures
Social
relations
Forms
Conditions
ABSTRACT
UNIVERSAL
CONCRETE
PARTICULAR
Figure 1. The Circuit of Culture (Johnson 1986:284)
388 THE GETTYSBURG STORYSCAPE
(1996:6). During the experience of following, listeners constantly ll
narrative gaps, re-contextualize the narrative events in terms of their
own experiences, and actively engage their imagination.
Similar tothe circuit-of-culture analytical framework, the narrative par-
adigm does not assume unchanged and stable cultural texts. But in con-
trast, it does not viewcultural texts as unilaterally createdby producers in
some past time and then made available to the public for further trans-
formations. Rather, a text is coconstructed in the present by the simulta-
neous participation of both narrative agents and active readers. Within
this context, the constructionof the Civil War is a product of the present.
As a tourismproduct, an event of the past is not a xed text, but rather is
uid and created through performance (Coleman and Crang 2002a);
and this is where one should look for cultural transformations.
The purpose of the present study is to illustrate the way in which
both marketers and tourists coconstruct the cultural text through per-
formance. Using historic sites as a form of cultural expression, it is ar-
gued that consumption meanings are created and shaped during
moments of interaction where intermediaries and consumers of
the historical past are mutually involved in shaping the narrative text.
It is also argued that within a coconstruction model of culture, rather
than merely appropriating existing meanings of the past, a text is in-
formed by and depends upon the contingencies of the present. In this
respect, it is shown how a touristic landscape is being symbolically
transformed and used by service providers and tourists alike to negoti-
ate, dene, and strengthen social values of patriotism and national
unity, in times when these values are most needed.
THE COCONSTRUCTION OF HERITAGE AT STORYSCAPES
Places with storiesreal, ctitious, or mythicalattract people who
want to see with their own eyes where Abraham Lincoln has lived (Bru-
ner 1994), to step on the ground of Thermopylae where Leonidas with
his Spartans stood against thousands of Persians (Bradford 2004), and
to understand the lives of the courageous and pioneering forebears in
a Western ghost town (DeLyser 1999) or in a Viking heritage museum
(Halewood and Hannam 2001). Increased visitation is also recorded in
places whose story is associated with death, war, and destruction (Dann
and Seaton 2001; Lennon and Foley 2000; Seaton 2000; Slade 2003).
An illustrative and commercially successful example of such places is
Gettysburg. Like many destinations, this is a place with a story, or a sto-
ryscape. Storyscapes are commercial environments where narratives are
negotiated, shaped, and transformed through the interaction of pro-
ducers and consumers.
Ethnography at Gettysburg
Consumer-oriented ethnography (Arnould 1998) was conducted at
Gettysburg, a small town in south-central Pennsylvania, where one of
the bloodiest battles of the American Civil War took place from July
ATHINODOROS CHRONIS 389
13, 1863. It is estimated that Gettysburg attracts two million tourists
annually (Chronis 2003), placing it on the top of all battleelds in
the United States in terms of this ow (Hanink and Stutts 2002).
During the summer of 2002, eldwork was conducted with the per-
mission of and in cooperation with the Gettysburg Convention and Vis-
itors Bureau. Depth interviews with tourists, guides, and business
managers were supplemented with observations, both participant and
nonparticipant (Angrosino and Mays de Perez 2000; DeWalt et al
1998), and photo-elicitation, where tourists were presented with a
number of photographs and were instructed to comment on them
(Arnould 1998; Collier and Collier 1986; Heisley and Levy 1991).
Overall, eldwork resulted in a total of 75 interviews, 238 photo-
graphs, and hundreds of hours of observation. The sample56% of
the participants men and 43% womenrepresented all age groups,
with the largest one being that between the ages of 35 and 54
(30.6%). Tourists in the 2534 age group comprised 20.7% and those
5564, 23.1%. Overall, these gures do not differ from what has been
reported in other cases of heritage tourism (Herbert 2001), except for
the relatively large representation of individuals over the age of 64
(18.2%), possibly indicating the increasing interest of an aging popu-
lation for leisure activities relating to reminiscence (Urry 1996). With
few exceptions, almost all of the informants were US citizens, visiting
from all over the country.
Staging Gettysburg
As a tourism environment, Gettysburg is communicatively staged (Ar-
nould et al 1998), primarily through stories. Most of them narrate spe-
cic battle incidents like the defense of Little Round Top by Joshua
Chamberlain, the bloody engagement on the Wheat Field, Picketts
Charge, and hundreds of human interest stories. Presentations are
highly heterogeneous and are offered by multiple narrative agents
through different media. The Civil War Wax Museum, Battle Theatre,
Electric Map, Cyclorama, guided battleeld tours, and guided ghost
tours are only some of the different forms in which the Gettysburg
story is presented. By far, the most popular offer is a guided battleeld
tour. The service offered by guides at Gettysburg is considered to be
the oldest in the United States, dating back to the 1890s (Patterson
1989). There are over a hundred guides today and their licensing by
the National Park Service (NPS) ensures they have detailed knowledge
of the historical events, are familiar with the landscape, and have the
ability to interact with tourists.
Notwithstanding their common licensing by the NPS, guides narra-
tives are highly diverse. To a large extent, this is attributable to their per-
sonal style and the emphasis placed on historical knowledge, human
suffering, or entertainment. Furthermore, the narrations of guides de-
pendontheir expertise. They are specializedaccording towhat occurred
on the day of a battle, by such incidents as Picketts Charge or by such
locations as Wheat Field. Many are active researchers, continuously
390 THE GETTYSBURG STORYSCAPE
enriching their knowledge on particular incidents, regimental facts, eth-
nic groups, and specic individuals.
Contrary to what might have been expected, even the stories refer-
ring to specic historical events are highly diverse. This can be ex-
plained by the difference between a series of historical facts and
history. While the rst instance refers to annals, or to a mere chrono-
logical arrangement of historical events (White 1981), history is better
understood as a narrative discourse, or a creation of a story in the present
that is based on events of the past structured around a central plot
(Polkinghorne 1988). As White (1981) points out, historical narratives
can best be understood as the constructed stories about reality rather
than direct representations of it. Their constructed nature at Gettys-
burg is in part a result of the storytellers poetic license, since they have
to adapt to a highly diversied audience. Thus, the tours offered by the
same guide are never the same. In fact, one of the major concerns of all
tour guides is the selection of the material around which to structure
their narratives. During a battleeld tour, each presentation becomes
a balancing act that struggles to adjust to multiple audiences: You
have to be responsible to your audience. You try to gauge the educa-
tion and knowledge level of the party; try to determine what they want
and adjust your tour accordingly one guide said. In order to adjust
and tailor their presentation, they follow certain strategies, such as
simplication, also known as KIS (for Keep It Simple). A similar
strategy, referred to as dumbing down your presentation, is the
low level one, where the narrative includes a minimum of details.
Another involves learning more about the participants on a tour
and adapting the presentation. According to a guide, I have certain
questions myself to kind of gauge how much they know. I can tell from
their answer what level tour [to offer].
Because of its multifaceted nature, the tourist experience needs to be
legitimized and authenticated. In the most basic sense, Gettysburg is
presented as an original: the actual site where the great Civil War battle
took place, thus possessing locational authenticity (Miles 2002). No sto-
ryteller neglects to mention that this is the actual site of the famous bat-
tle. Specic locations throughout the military park are properly marked
so that nobody will miss Little Round Top, The Angle, or Seminary
Ridge. For tourists, the actual site is phenomenal and what is very
important is the actual spot that somebody fought on. Originality
is also reinforced through objective authenticity in the form of artifacts,
like a number of cannons on the battleeld. Original houses that were
present during the battle are veried with a plaque that reads Civil War
Building July 1863. Thousands of artifacts, including guns, bullets,
and uniforms are reverently kept behind display cases in museums.
These tangible objects embody the world of the past and comprise
the props that recreate the past as a lived context (Turner 1990:125).
Gettysburg can also be seen as a complete and immaculate simula-
tion (Bruner 1994:399). This sense of constructive authenticity is man-
ifested by many businesses that offer authentic Civil War clothes.
Some of the old buildings in the town and especially those standing on
battleground have been restored in a very authentic way. To achieve this,
ATHINODOROS CHRONIS 391
professionals rely on historical scholarship, archeological ndings, sol-
diers diaries and letters, newspaper accounts, and veterans memories.
Perceived authenticity is also established through the authority of the
federal government. In this sense, Gettysburg is duly authorized, cer-
tied, or legally valid (Bruner 1994:400). Through the NPS, the gov-
ernment takes responsibility for the preservation of the surrounding
nature. Its employees safeguard environmental authenticity through
the preservation of the landscape and the restoration of buildings
and wooden fences. The NPS is also responsible for the historical accu-
racy of the battles interpretation. This authoritative role is achieved
through the presentation of history at the interpretive center and
through the licensing of tour guides who have to take rigorous written
exams based on an extensive bibliography provided by the NPS. In this
way, the NPS warranties factual authenticity that is duly appreciated by
tourists who realize that site managers try to get the full story of what
actually happened. Historical accuracy is also strengthened through
personage authenticity that, according to a tourist, is witnessed as the
actual people who actually fought here. These are known and un-
known heroes of the Civil War and the protagonists of the innumerable
stories told by guides, museum presentations, books, and historians.
Contested Spaces
Notwithstanding the multiple ways in which Gettysburg is authenti-
cated, what is staged by professionals is not taken for granted by tour-
ists and their interaction produces conict. Largely, this divergence
arises from the perceived gap between tourists pre-established narra-
tive familiarity and new encounters during their visit. Ronald Maxwells
movie Gettysburg, Ken Burns documentary The Civil War, Shelby Footes
book Stars in Their Courses, and Michael Shaaras novel The Killer Angels
are only some of the popular narrative texts that introduce tourists to
the Gettysburg story. Thus, tourists embark on their journeys with al-
ready formed images, largely the product of popular cultural represen-
tations and of touristic discourse (Galani-Mouta 1999:211). The
level of tourists familiarity will form the basis for the contestation of
the historical narratives provided by agents. While in broad terms the
NPS, licensed guides, and various private commercial establishments
are seen by tourists as experts, in certain instances contestation pro-
duces friction between narrative agents and tourists, especially when
historical accuracy is at stake:
And Ill have people who will say, I have just read the Killer Angels
novel twice to get ready for this trip. So, Im all fresh, you know. And
some people just wont accept things that we say, even though were
totally sure were right (Guide).
Yet certainty of being historically accurate is hard to establish since
no historical account is free from biases. The history of Gettysburg
can be traced back to the highly fragmented and disparate early ac-
counts of participants in the battle, their diaries and letters. Later,
392 THE GETTYSBURG STORYSCAPE
some of the veterans recorded the events in written texts based on their
reconstructed memory. Much of the present history developed from
these early accounts. For Desjardin this foundation of the story is very
precarious and its strength lies in our belief in the truthfulness of
these early accounts (2003:xix). Partial, fragmented, and contradic-
tory accounts founded on recollections of hundreds of battle partici-
pants, generated more than 50,000 books on the Civil War (Allred
1996), and formed the basis for the authoritative knowledge of Gettys-
burg professionals. As already asserted, history is invariably subjective,
biased both by its narrator and by its audience (Lowenthal 1985:216)
and it would be impossible to make a historic reproduction accurate
in every regard (Bruner 1994:404). Therefore for some commenta-
tors, instead of just history, we should better refer to Gettysburg as
a collection of legends and folklore or simply as a national mythology
(Desjardin 2003).
However, even objective authenticity is contested, as when tourists
observe the year 1864 marked on a cannon barrel. Those of them
who know that the battle took place in 1863 usually comment nega-
tively on the originality of the artifact. Similarly, personage authenticity
was contested by one tourist during his visit to a museum when he real-
ized that the gure of Robert E. Leethe legendary General leading
the confederate armies and one of the most admirable military gure
in the US historydid not match his preconception of Lees image. In
a more general sense, a whole narrative presentation may be contested
on the grounds of authenticity. According to another tourist, while the
Civil War Wax Museum and the NPS visitor center are both enjoyed,
one is a show while the other is history.
Narrative contestation can result from regionally based identica-
tion, as when individuals from either northern or southern states be-
come over-supportive of the Union or the Confederate side. Such
contestation may be expressed through the employment of historical
events in heated dialogues between tourists and guides:
Guide: And then when the orders come, [the southern army will]
advance up and over and out over the ground.
Tourist: Terrible. But Sherman burned the South down.
Guide: Well, actually, you know who burned Columbia, dont you? It
was Wade Hampton. Confederates burned their own city there. They
torched the city so the Yankees wouldnt get it and then the re got
out of hand is what happened.
Tourist: Ill have to read about it.
As this exchange illustrates, notwithstanding the historical accuracy
of the accounts, contested spaces may have an ideological basis. These
contestations are also expressed in the form of representational ade-
quacy. The owner of a private business reported that some individuals
from Southern States complained when a Confederate ag was re-
moved from the front of the building in order to be replaced with a
new one. For a small number of tourists from Southern States, repre-
sentation of the Confederate army is insufcient, despite the effort
to the contrary by the federal government since 1895 (Patterson 1989).
ATHINODOROS CHRONIS 393
Thus, culture at Gettysburg is not a xed entity embedded within an
uncontested narrative. Commercial establishments provide a plethora
of narrative texts and no two of them are identical. Historical authen-
ticity is not given in the culture, but is negotiated (Salamone 1997). On
the one hand, perceived authenticity is staged (Handler and Gable
1997; MacCannell 1973, 1999) and management at Gettysburg wears
a credibility armor (Gable and Handler 1996) through original arti-
facts (Evans-Pritchard 1987), arrested decay (DeLyser 1999), and
claims to academic expertise (Halewood and Hannam 2001). On the
other hand, tourists bring their own historical background, images,
preconceptions, and interpretational aptitude. If conicts arise fre-
quently between the storytellers and the listeners and contestation is
common, how is it that Gettysburg has become such a strong and
enduring symbol of national unity? The present paper argues that
this symbolic transformation is accomplished through narrative
performance.
Performing at the Storyscape
Cultural narratives are constructed through performance at a site
where meanings are facilitated for tourists (Bruner 1994; Coleman
and Crang 2002a; Edensor 2000, 2001). As tourists move through the
town, visit museums, participate in ghost tours, interact with the
guides, and negotiate historical authenticity, they are performing
numerous individual stories that form the narrative of the Battle of
Gettysburg, which, in turn, replicates the master narrative of the Civil
War.
This story is performed during the interaction of agents with tourists
(Tucker 1997). As already discussed, one way this is accomplished is
through the negotiation of narrative texts and their authenticity. Nar-
ratives are also performed during a dynamic process of narrative com-
pletion. Overall, tourists struggle to follow the Gettysburg narrative by
forming causal links among events and their consequences and by putt-
ing pieces together (Braid 1996). In this sense, the Civil War story be-
comes a puzzle that consumers try to put together, as opposed to an
existing cultural text that is given in a complete form by a producer.
This process is manifested in numerous interviews and is properly artic-
ulated by the following tourist:
You try to kind of piece it together and as time went on I had a better,
even better understanding than from just reading a book. You say
Wow! . . . Where did they come from? How come they didnt come
from that end? You usually ask such questions.
Performing the Civil War in this sense gives another dimension to na-
tional memory. Remembering, as Connerton stresses, is not a recollec-
tion of isolated events; rather, it is to become capable of forming
meaningful narrative sequences (1989:26). At Gettysburg, therefore,
fragmented pieces of historical information already known and those
that are newly acquired are put together in an effort to reconstruct a
master narrative of the Civil War.
394 THE GETTYSBURG STORYSCAPE
Performing a storyscape is not just restricted to a cognitive process.
Neither is it solely a visual experience. In addition, many narrative
experiences at storyscapes are embodied (Coleman and Crang
2002b; Filipucci 2002). In fact, throughout their visit, tourists are sur-
rounded by embodied evidence of the past in the form of monuments,
cannons, caissons, markers, and museum artifacts. These tangible
elements provoke tourists senses for bodily explorations. Indeed, an
urge for tactile exploration of the storyscape, like touching a cannon
on the battleeld, is a praxis that is frequently encountered among
tourists.
Tourists also get in touch with the past through acoustic experiences,
like those facilitated by an auto tour through a tape that can be bought
in numerous tourist shops throughout the town. In addition to the nar-
rators voice, these recordings include songs from the period of the
Civil War:
I was impressed by the tape I was listening to. You know, you can hear
Dixie with the band or orchestra, or Elvis, or whatever, but this is with
the guitar and the banjo. Thats what they would have on the battle-
eld; playing the banjo and singing Dixie and Sweet Home Alabama
(Tourist).
Sensual, tactile, aesthetic, and material aspects of performance per-
suade the experiencing body of tourists about the relevance and imme-
diacy of the past.
Embodied experiences are also facilitated through reenactments.
Some licensed guides often engage tourists in reenacting military for-
mations and specic incidents. During such days, interpreters dressed
in period clothes exhibit Civil War artifacts, explain military tactics by
using guns, involve tourists in using them, and even re the cannons,
lling the air with smoke. In this way, tourists interaction with reenac-
tors is an embodied, multisensory experience involving visual, acoustic,
tactile, and olfactory dimensions, supporting the argument that tour-
ism is a total experience, lived, felt, and remembered through all the
senses (Crouch 2002).
Embodiment at storyscapes extends beyond that directly perceived
through the senses and encompasses the imaginary. Tourists imagina-
tion at historic places has been characterized as the latch that must be
unhooked to open the door to the past (Craig 1989:107). However,
according to Joy and Sherry, both perception and imagination coexist
and are thoroughly embodied (2003:278). Such imagination is ex-
pressed through virtual body enactments and is coconstructed through
the interaction of service providers and tourists. Most tour guides, for
example, agree that part of their job is to stimulate [tourists] imagina-
tion (Guide). What guides try to create through tours is a lively narra-
tive of the past: So picture them ghting back and forth for the
cannons . . . picture about 12,000 Confederate soldiers merging over
to your right forming a line about a mile. . . Now picture these Confed-
erate soldiers coming from your right, starting to tear down some of
those fences (Guide). In this sense, embodied imagination involves
an effort to construct a realistic space through the inclusion of cannons,
ATHINODOROS CHRONIS 395
fences, and soldiers. In contrast to the idea of mental imagery as a static
picture advanced by cognitive psychologists, embodied imagination
takes a dynamic, narrative form that develops through time. Similar
to an embodied experience through the senses, embodied imagination
too is multidimensional. Descriptions of both guides and tourists
refer to multisensory engagements, involving seeing, hearing, and
smelling:
You can just see those ries blazing out; hear the crack of those guns
or the cannons, the smell of sulfur fumes lling the air, shells crash-
ing through the smoke exploding among the ranks. Arms, legs, and
bodies ying through the air. Regimental ags, battle ags going to
the ground (Guide).
Embodied imagination is similarly manifested by the use of wax g-
ures in the Civil War Wax Museum, the elaborate descriptions of ghosts
during ghost tours, and both agents and tourists accounts of the
strange visual and acoustic sensory indicators manifesting the presence
of a ghost.
Connection with the Past
Performing the Gettysburg story connects the past with the present.
In its most elementary form, connection with the past involves personal
links with family or regions (state), since a large number of tourists
have ancestors who participated in the battle. Pennsylvanians, for
example, can nd these names written at the Pennsylvania Memorial.
These associations are triggered by guides during tour performances:
Anyone from Louisiana? Heres Louisiana Memorial to your left. Very
impressive. The Catholic patron saint of artillery men is gured there.
Any Mississippians? Heres the Mississippi State Memorial (Guide).
But human connection at Gettysburg supercedes family and regional
denitions by acquiring anemotional element. Stories of knownand un-
known individuals who fought in the battle establish an imaginary link
through empathy (Escalas and Stern 2003). Stories of human suffering
abound in museum presentations, ghost and battleeld tours. As one
informant stated, Here, you can feel, you can feel the people, while
for someone else, Its just the emotion there. As the Battleeld
Tours manager veried, tourists become frequently emotional during
a tour. Avery touching moment for tourists is frequently witnessed at the
Peace Memorial when they are told about the 1938 reunion, when 2000
veterans at the average age of 94 fromthe North and the South gathered
to shake hands and celebrate their shared experience.
Thus, the story of Gettysburg has a linking property and performing
it at the site transforms isolated accounts of death and destruction into
a community story: a story that belongs to a group rather than to a
person (Johnston 1990:119). Family ties, state identication, and
emotional connection with those who participated in the battle mani-
fest an imagined community (Anderson 1991), where a feeling of
communitas is shared among all participants. As opposed to spontane-
396 THE GETTYSBURG STORYSCAPE
ous communitas that is based on short-term feelings of afliation
among participants in the same activity (Arnould and Price 1993),
communitas formed at Gettysburg resembles what Turner (1974) calls
ideological or normative communitas according to which individu-
als are linked to an imagined community. The development of this
camaraderie is expressed by a tourist as a distillation of the Ameri-
can spirit:
Ever watched how a puddle of water, when it dissolves, at the bottom
youre left with a residue of what was in the original puddle. It distills.
Gettysburg is exactly the same way. Youll nd a distillation of the
American spirit here. . . [Gettysburg] brings people together. And
they talk less about their own states and theyll talk more about being
an American.
It has been argued that, while in personal narratives there is an iden-
tiable beginning and an end, in case of a nation there is no clearly
identiable birth (Anderson 1991). This argument does not hold in
the case of Gettysburgand the American Civil War in generalsince
the ve-year confrontations are generally accepted as events that gave
birth to the American nation and they consequently support a myth
of origins (Smith 1996):
As far as what brings people to Gettysburg, great deeds, something
stays, bodies disappear [but] spirits linger, they consecrate the
ground. . . our country is formed here; by this battle; what happened
here (Guide).
According to Smith, myths of origins form the groundwork of every
nationalist mythology (1996:121) and they are largely based on histor-
ical references to direct communal destiny by telling us who we are,
whence we came from and why we are unique (1996:121). Gettysburg
provides an ideal example as a point of origin and birthplace of the
American nation. While the traditional view wants nations to be nat-
ural and perennial, such a view is clearly untenable at Gettysburg. In-
stead, it shows that nations can be formed, and human will and
effort play an important part in this process (Smith 1996:109). It is
argued that nationhood and heritage are constructed notions (Mitch-
ell 2001). To a large extent, the myth of origins of the American nation
is built upon and permeated by death, heroes, and values.
References to the dead, which have been referred to as a founda-
tional component of the birth of nations (Anderson 1991), form the
backbone of the Gettysburg experience. One of the most popular
and highly visited places is the National Cemetery, where thousands
of Union soldiers are buried. As guides often witness, some people
are very moved by going in there (Guide). Highly descriptive death-
related stories are common among the narrations:
There were so many men killed in this valley here, the soldiers called
it the Valley of Death. A little stream parallels the road. These soldiers
knew it would be days before they got any medical help. Theyd crawl
down to that stream and wash their hands. Theyd pass out and fall
into it and drown. Blood would continue to ow. They called it the
Bloody Run (Guide).
ATHINODOROS CHRONIS 397
Those who died at Gettysburg are not distant and forgotten, but, un-
like other dead, they are still around, as it is argued in numerous micr-
onarratives. As recently as 1996, the body of a Confederate soldier was
uncovered on the battleeld. It is also estimated that today as many as a
thousand Southern dead are still on the battleeld in long-lost, forgot-
ten graves. Battleeld tour guides direct tourists attention to show re-
spect and reverence when walking on the battleeld. The symbolic
presence of the dead is also strengthened during ghost tours. Participa-
tion in a ghost tour is tantamount to visiting the world of the dead
which is not located in the remote past. Rather, ghosts and their world
overlap with the present reality as it is manifested by the high degree of
believability of ghost stories, and their emotional impact on tourists.
The same spiritual quality can also be identied in a large number
of books sold in the towns bookstores with titles like Civil War Ghosts,
Haunted Gettysburg, The Battleeld Dead, and The Spirit World of Gettysburg
and Other Haunts.
The symbolic value and national contribution of the dead is marked
by the 1400 monuments and memorials that, similar to cenotaphs and
tombs of unknown soldiers, are an arresting emblem of the modern na-
tion. While they are void of any mortal remains, these emblems are
nevertheless saturated with ghostly national imaginings (Anderson
1991:9). What is equally important for this battlein fact, for all Civil
War battlesis that the national sacrice becomes a tragedy of fratri-
cide. According to Anderson, fratricide and the unceasing reminding
of tragedies that one should have already forgotten (1991:201) pro-
vides a reassurance for the formation of modern nationalism. Thus,
fratricide turns out to be a characteristic device in the later construc-
tion of national genealogies (Anderson 1991:201). References at Get-
tysburg to a war among brothers abound in historical books, novels,
museums, and guided tours.
The proliferation of memorials and other narrative references to
death have important implications for nationalism, since those who
have died are not a random assemblage of forgotten, anonymous
dead (Anderson 1991:201). Death acquires a signicant meaning be-
cause it is inextricably linked with sacrice through which those who
were killed during the battle are transformed into heroic gures. To
a large extent, the signicance of the ground at Gettysburg is attrib-
uted to their sacrice, as it was pointed out by Abraham Lincoln
(1863) in his Gettysburg Address: The brave men, living and dead,
who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to
add or detract.
Through family, region, and emotional connections with American
heroes, Gettysburg becomes a conduit between past and present.
The past permeates the present, and it is often admired for its accom-
plishments. Tourists readily recognize human sacrice and the ght
for a purpose. In this sense, the past provides guidance for the present
generation and enriches the present with its values (Lowenthal 1985).
As tourists admit, You need to understand where weve been to know
where were going. Thus, if such a stupendous fratricide was a mis-
take, you have to learn from your past, from your mistakes (Tourist).
398 THE GETTYSBURG STORYSCAPE
However, the relationship between past and present is nonrecur-
sive. It is not only that the past inuences contemporary life but,
reciprocally, the present takes responsibility for the reconstruction of
the past. In this respect, tourists use the battles during Roman times,
the American Revolution, the Somme, and others in Europe and the
Middle East in order to imbue certain meanings to the battle of Gettys-
burg. The destructive and erce nature of Picketts Charge is put into
perspective by calling on modern wars that are fought from airplanes
and over large distances. Similarly, for a tourist, the excellent shots
of the sharpshooters (particularly their accuracy over long distances)
are admired only after a direct juxtaposition with his own personal
experience as a sharpshooter. The same informant is also comparing
ghting in long lines exposed to enemy re during the battle of Get-
tysburg with todays practice of ghting and taking cover behind the
trees. By referring to modern military tactics, tourists reconstruct a past
that is meaningful to them, since it relates to their own personal expe-
riences (Bruner 1994). Thus, it is the present that is employed in the
process of reconstructing the past.
Interestingly enough, the reconstruction of the past in the present
involves the use of contemporary values and ideologies as well as a col-
lective wish for their preservation and strengthening, especially when
these values are endangered. According to some commentators, today
the United States faces terrible challenges, a shadowy war, increasing
inequality among its people, and a society with knife-sharp divisions
(Cuomo 2004:cover jacket). In a climate of continuous change, it be-
comes increasingly appropriate to use cultural narratives for the con-
struction and reinforcement of social cohesion (Harrison 2001).
Tourists project contemporary anxieties and highly held cultural values
to the past. According to one tourist, Gettysburg bolsters your faith
and the strength of the nation; especially in the current political cli-
mate that were facing at this point. Similarly, after a battleeld tour,
another informant claims to have an appreciation for everything that
happened back then, especially today (emphasis added). Thus, a value-
loaded past becomes signicant due to the contingencies in the pres-
ent. As one tourist said, Im just glad we did [visit] because I think
today, you know, with everything thats going on in the world, its kind
of neat to look back 150 years and see what preserved the nation.
Tourists experience at historic sites parallels contemporary nostalgia
in that, rather than simply being a longing for the past, it is a response
to conditions in the present (Davis 1979; Hall 1994). During the sum-
mer of 2002, when eldwork was conducted, memories of the Septem-
ber 11 events were still fresh in the American memory and the
perceived threat facing the country was real. Tourists recognized that
Gettysburg made them think of September 11. By visiting the town
during the anniversary of September 11 you recall all of those things
and it makes it more respectful (Tourist). On this day nation-
hood was vibrantly celebrated at the town square, with a parade,
music and tourists holding American ags and displaying them on
hats, T-shirts, purses, car stickers, and Gettysburg memorabilia. During
this commemoration, the two events were cast together under a com-
ATHINODOROS CHRONIS 399
mon national ideology: United We Stand. The model Gettysburg
offers proves very relevant in times when nationhood becomes criti-
cal. As one tourist put it, September 11 of 2001 is a relative of Gettys-
burg. It is during these moments of commemoration when
enduring values are reinvented in the present and projected into
the past (Hobsbawm and Ranger 1992), so that an ever-present
national ideology enhances a collective consciousness of kind
(Turner 1986:40) and strengthens the unity of the nation.
CONCLUSION
Tourism is central to the study of cultural production and transfor-
mative cultural processes. In this study, Johnsons (1986) circuit of cul-
ture has been applied to show that a cultural text is produced and
subsequently transformed through diverse interpretations by readers.
While a social interaction is implicitly adopted in this framework
(Squire 1994), the initial text is created by a cultural producer. In a
tourism context, a rst stage of cultural production involves managers
and a second stage includes tourists who appropriate and reinterpret
intended messages (Herbert 2001).
However, cultural production is not simply an act of managerial apti-
tude. As it is shown in this paper, the narrative of the Civil War is not a
result of an individual producer who introduces its meaning into
society. The Gettysburg storyscape illustrates the interactive process
through which a Civil War battle becomes a meaningful story through
performance at a tourism space. As an event of the past, the battle of
Gettysburg is a historical fact. Yet, as a cultural product, Gettysburg is
a uid narrative text staged by marketers and presented in multiple,
heterogeneous forms. The resulting narratives are contested by tourists
and become subject to negotiation. During the performance of the
story, tourists are not passive readers of the text. Rather, they are ac-
tively engaged by using their prior background, negotiating, lling
gaps, and imagining. Hence, service providers do not simply teach his-
tory and tourists do not only learn about the past. Rather, through
their interaction, marketers and tourists perform history by means of
negotiation, narrative completion, and embodiment.
Through an embodied performance, the story of 1863 is authenti-
cated in the eyes of the tourists, who are able to see beyond the arti-
facts, the landscape, and the commercial staging. By engaging with
the notion of authenticity, tourists conrm the idea of unity, commem-
orate America as a nation, strengthen values of patriotism and free-
dom, and celebrate Gettysburg as the birthplace of a united nation,
which is what marketers sell at the storyscape. Thus, authenticity is nei-
ther a result of modern anxiety and alienation (MacCannell 1999), nor
an end result of the visit (DeLyser 1999). Rather, it is a means through
which the narrative of the Civil War becomes a vehicle for national
unity and integration. The concept of authenticity has value at Gettys-
burg as long as it strengthens a common heritage and a myth of ori-
gins. This is what is coconstructed at Civil War sites and is
400 THE GETTYSBURG STORYSCAPE
subsequently funneled into the lived American reality. In theoretical
terms, the process of coconstruction is presented in Figure 2.
Through differential readings of mere happenings, culture bearers
provide their own interpretation and assign their own meanings to
what might otherwise appear as a chaotic environment. Meaningful sto-
ries are only possible through construction. The wider the social impli-
cations of historical happenings, the more urgent becomes the need
for the construction of a meaningful story and the more collective
the character of this story will be.
Since different actors are involved in reading and interpreting the
raw material, a collective cultural text will result from negotiation
and performance. During market-mediated interactions, commercial
agents will provide multiple versions of a cultural text, while consumers
will bring to bear their own preconceptions, interpretations, and mean-
ings. During this interactive performance, raw material is transformed
into a meaningful cultural text. The coconstructed text circulates
within the lived culture, is read by its members, and is further trans-
formed through constant re-interpretations and changing social
context.
As in the case of the circuit of culture, a coconstruction model of cul-
ture involves multiple members. However, while the rst approach as-
sumes an initial production by a single producer, the second model
argues for a simultaneous interaction of producers and consumers at
the marketplace, resulting in the coconstruction of a cultural text
through commonly understood embodied performances.
As with the circuit-of-culture approach, a coconstruction model is
premised on continuous transformations of the text. In contrast to
the circuit of culture though, according to which cultural objects
are initially imbued with meaning by producers in the past, coconstruc-
tion of a text is based on meanings of the present. As a creation of the
present, the story of Gettysburg is not based on a xed past. Rather,
Lived
cultures
Agents Consumers Text
Reading Reading
Performance
Figure 2. A Coconstruction Model of Culture
ATHINODOROS CHRONIS 401
within this cultural framework, the present is drawn upon to create the
past in such a way as to become meaningful to contemporary society. A
21st century experience inuences the whole conception of the 1863
battle. In other words, it is the contemporary views of Gettysburg that
shape the Gettysburg of 1863 and it is the present that builds the story
of the past. Similar to the concept of tradition, stories of the past are
narratives of the present about the past. These narratives express what
people look for in the past (Deltsou 1996:765), rather than what the
past delivers to the present.
The present paper argues that Gettysburg carries with it symbolic va-
lue that is shaped by both marketers and consumers. Production and
consumption at the storyscape are interwoven. The interaction of pro-
ducers and consumers at historic sites is a praxis of poesis through
which cultural meaning is created. In this sense, consumption of cul-
ture become its production and it is achieved through performance.
As Seremetakis states, the act of performance is a poesis, the making
of something out of which was previously experientially and culturally
unmarked or even null and void (1994:7). As this paper argues, it is
the poetic performance of the Gettysburg story that is highly responsi-
ble for the transformation of a bloody fratricide into a national narra-
tive of unity; it is because of its coconstructed nature that Gettysburg is
established as the birthplace of the American nation and its narrative
becomes a myth of origins.
AcknowledgmentsThe author thanks Panayiotis Doutis, Timothy Kiessling, and Nancy Tanig-
uchi for their helpful comments on a previous draft. He is also grateful to the administration
of the Gettysburg Convention and Visitors Bureau, the Gettysburg Tour Center, and the Na-
tional Civil War Wax Museum for their support and assistance during eldwork. Particular
thanks are due to the licensed tour guides for their valuable comments during a busy tourist
period.
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Submitted 27 January 2004. Resubmitted 01 April 2004. Resubmitted 30 June 2004.
Accepted 9 July 2004. Final version 11 August 2004. Refereed anonymously. Coordinating
Editor: Vasiliki Galani
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