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ausgamuwa of Amurru
(CTH 105), or rather in the light of its most commonly accepted restora-
tion and translation (Khne/Otten 1971, 1617):
CTH 105 A col. iv 23
[sa kur A-]i-ia-u-wa-as-si
gis
m pa-a-u-an-zi l [e-e]
Ke[in] Schiff des Landes Aiyawa soll zu ihm fahren!
According to the majority of scholars, with this clause Tutaliya IV in-
tended to forbid S
ausgamuwa,
8
which in all like-
8
For recent overviews on Assyro-Hittite relations at the end of the LBA see Freu (2003),
Mora/Giorgieri (2004, 1122) and Cancik-Kirschbaum (2008).
Amurru between atti, Assyria, and Aiyawa. Discussing a recent hypothesis 247
lihood was ratified before the battle of Niriya, at the very beginning of
Tukulti-Ninurtas reign.
9
In a letter from Dur-Katlimmu (modern Tell S
arruma
10
in the
area of arbe as they travelled toward the east (Cancik-Kirschbaum 1996,
117122 text n. 6).
11
Precisely at arbe (modern Tell Chuera, Syria) other
Akkadian letters were recovered, witnessing the exchange of messages
and diplomatic presents between atti and Assyria on one hand, and be-
tween Amurru and Assyria on the other, during the second half of Tukulti-
Ninurtas reign (Jakob 2009, 5967 texts n. 2226).
12
All these documents
post-date the treaty with S
ausgamuwa is usually regarded as the last king of Amurru, but it has recently been sug-
gested that he might have been followed by another ruler, named Maaza (Singer
forthcoming). If so, the abandonment of Tell Kazel might have taken place during the
latters reign.
14
For this interpretation of
l
kr dr
mes
see Izre<el (1991, 100).
15
Yon/Karageorghis/Hirschfeld (2000, 18). A similar date is now proposed by Mountjoy
(2004, 198199) also for the pottery of the destruction layers of Miletos.
16
Singer (1991, 176) suggested instead that this paucity of records, in contrast with the
relative abundance of data from Ugarit, does not indicate that Amurru fell before Uga-
rit and should rather be regarded as a consequence of the gradual disruption of the
communication systems between the members of the empire.
Amurru between atti, Assyria, and Aiyawa. Discussing a recent hypothesis 249
turn fits into the picture of a crisis that would have troubled the eastern
Mediterranean for a longer period than what has been previously
thought.
17
If this turns out to be the case, one could hypothesize that the
population of Tell Kazel, decided to abandon the town before the enemy
arrived. A strategy similar to that adopted at Tell Kazel was followed
further north along the Syrian coast at the site Ras el-Bassit, whose build-
ings were carefully emptied by the inhabitants before being abandoned. In
this case the decision proved to be justified, as immediately afterward, at
the beginning of the 12
th
century, a fire destroyed the town (Venturi 2007,
59). Tell Kazel did not experience a similar tragic fate and was rapidly
reoccupied (although certainly not in the same form as in the previous
phases), before being destroyed for the first time some 2030 years later.
However, the gap between the destructions of Amurru and Ugarit would
be rather short, and one cannot exclude that it might be further reduced
by a reassessment of the chronology of the Mycenaean pottery, as well as
by future studies on the material from Tell Kazel and Ugarit.
If the embargo is ruled out as the explanation for the lack of imported
Mycenaean pottery in the phase of transition from the Late Bronze to the
Iron Age, the reasons behind this change in material culture should be
sought in other factors. To this purpose, it is useful to recall Jungs con-
siderations on the quantity and quality of imported Mycenaean pottery
found at Tell Kazel in the occupational levels dated to the LBA. He ob-
serves that the imported Mycenaean pottery, which corresponds to only
about 10% of the total ceramic corpus recovered at the site, is represented
almost exclusively by a selection of painted vessels that reveals an elite
use. Distinctive items are for instance the craters decorated with war char-
iot scenes, which, as Jung suggests, must have met the taste and reflected
the ideology of the elite dominating in Amurru.
18
If one accepts the hy-
pothesis that the collapse of the kingdom of Amurru corresponds with the
abandonment of Tell Kazel at the end of the LBA, the lack of imported
Mycenaean pottery in the following period could be seen as a conse-
quence of the disappearance of this elite, which represented the most im-
portant local clientele of the Mycenaean workshops. The change in social
17
Beside the evidence provided by Tell Kazel itself, which experienced different phases of
abandonment and destruction between the end of the 13
th
and the beginning of the
12
th
centuries, see also the observations made by Malbran-Labat (1999, 123 and fn. 13)
and Yon (1999, 114 with previous literature).
18
Jung (2006, 170175). Similar conclusions have been reached by Yon/Karageorghis/
Hirschfeld (2000, 18) for the Mycenaean pottery assemblage found at Ugarit.
250 Elena Devecchi
structure and composition of the population that occupied Tell Kazel after
the abandonment at the end of the LBA, together with the contemporary
general decline of Aegean export and maritime trade from the LH IIIB
Middle on (Cline 1994, 50 and Jung 2007, 558 with previous literature),
are enough to explain the change in material culture attested at the site for
this period, without the need to invoke doubtful measures of international
trade policy undertaken by the Hittite kings.
Appendix: Again on ships of Aiyawa or warships
The passage of the treaty between Tutaliya IV and S
ausgamuwa (CTH
105) on which the embargo theory is based is handed down by only one of
the two duplicates of the text
19
and is very badly preserved. We owe its
most commonly accepted reading to Sommer (1932, 325f.), who proposed
to restore and translate it as follows:
20
CTH 105 A col. iv
23 [sa kur A-]i-ia-u-wa-as
!
-si
gis
m pa
!
-a-u-an-zi l [e-e]
Vom Lande Aijava darf kein Schiff zu ihm fahren!
The integration of the name of the country Aiyawa at the beginning
of iv 23 relies basically on the mention, subsequently erased, of the king
of Aiyawa (lugal kur Aiyawa, CTH 105 A iv 3) among the kings
attributed a status equal to that of the Hittite king. The hypothesis that the
3
rd
sing. pronoun -ssi at the end of [A-]i-ia-u-wa-as-si refers to Assyria or
to the Assyrian king depends on the fact that, in a previous paragraph, Tut-
aliya IV orders S
auskamuwa soll
dem Knig von atti zwar Futruppen und Wagenkmpfer fr den Krieg
gegen Assyrien stellen, mu oder soll aber kein Schiff fr die Krieg-
fhrung zu ihm aussenden. Demnach braucht dieser Paragraph gar
nicht einmal speziell die Situation des Feldzugs gegen Assyrien vorauszu-
setzen, sondern kann eine selbstndige, ganz allgemein geltende Bestim-
mung enthalten (Steiner 1989, 402). However, as he himself admits, it is
difficult to understand warum S
ausga-
muwa with the 2
nd
person.
22
For similar reasons it is difficult to accept
that the personal pronoun suffix 3
rd
singular dative -ssi in iv 23 might
refer to the Hittite king, because in the rest of the text Tutaliya always
speaks in the 1
st
person.
On the basis of these observation, one can safely discard Steiners in-
terpretation in favor of the Aiyawa solution, but this does not solve the
problem of how to restore the beginning of iv 24. Collation of the picture
seems to indicate that the vertical, clearly visible after the break, is preceded
by the end of an oblique wedge, which suggests the integration of a sign
like te, and the comparison with other te signs in the text (i 44, ii 11, ii 35)
would support this hypothesis, since in all cases the oblique wedges do not
cross the final vertical. Syntactically, for the reasons mentioned above, one
would expect a 2
nd
singular present verbal form. -te instead of -ti as ending
of a verbal form is rare, but not impossible (GrHL 1.61), and indeed an
occurrence of such a rarity is attested in this text at ii 35, where one finds
the 2
nd
singular present wa-ar-is-sa-at-te (< warissa- to come to help).
Integrating [wa-ar-is-sa-at-t]e at the beginning of iv 24 would be impos-
sible, because it is too long for the fracture and because warissa- does not
22
Shifts from the 2
nd
to the 3
rd
person when referring to the vassal are attested in other
treaties (see e. g. CTH 66, treaty Mursili II Niqmepa of Ugarit, ll. 6769 summa
m
Niq-
mepa la iss[abassunu ana sar mat atti la] inaddin istu mamiti tet [etiq] If Niqmepa does
not sei[ze them and does not] deliver [to the king of atti], you will have trans[gressed]
the oath), but this would be the only occurrence of this feature in CTH 105, and it
therefore seems rather unlikely.
Amurru between atti, Assyria, and Aiyawa. Discussing a recent hypothesis 253
govern an infinitive. A more feasible possibility is [tar-na-at-t]e, which has
the advantage of perfectly fitting the space of the break at the beginning
of iv 24 and being amenable to the grammatical requirements of the sen-
tence, but the rarity of this form together with the occurrence of a regular
2
nd
singular present form tarnatti
23
at iv 16 demand that this hypothesis be
taken rather cautiously. Finally, it should be noted that, depending on the
semantics of the verb to be restored in the gap at the beginning of iv 24,
one can get sentences with diametrically opposite meanings, i. e. you shall
not allow him to go vs. you shall not hinder him from going.
Some observations with regard to the following sentence, pa-ra-a-ma-
as-kn ku-wa-p na-a-[, are also in order. The verb is only partially pre-
served, but it is very likely a form of nai- to send. The enclitic pronoun
-as in para=ma=as=kan has been often interpreted as a 3
rd
singular nomi-
native,
24
but 3
rd
person subject enclitics never occur in sentences with
transitive verbs (GrHL 18.13; Garret 1990, 233) such as nai-, thus -as can
only be an accusative plural animate them.
25
This enclitic pronoun must
refer to something mentioned previously in the text, and the only element
of the previous sentence that might function as the logical antecedent of
-as is
gis
m, but this is grammatically problematic, since it is singular. The
immediately preceding paragraph deals with the military engagement of
Amurru in the war between atti and Assyria (iv 1922), and it is in turn
preceded by a paragraph that ends with the regulation of the trade be-
tween Amurru and Assyria and forbids S
e Hamad. BATSH
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Boyazky. Das Hethiterreich im Spannungsfeld des Alten Orients. 6. Internationales
26
This is the only occurrence in the text where dingir and kur are written with phonetic
complements.
Amurru between atti, Assyria, and Aiyawa. Discussing a recent hypothesis 255
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17
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