Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Summer 2006
Volume 84 358
2006 by the American Counseling Association. All rights reserved.
Over the past few decades, womens identity development has
come to be recognized as a process that may differ from iden-
tity stage models developed from earlier studies in which only
men participated. Researchers such as Conarton and Kreger-
Silverman (1988), Gilligan (1982), Josselson (1987, 1994),
Chodorow (1978), Downing and Roush (1985), among many
others, have made important contributions to the understand-
ing of womens identity as females. To a large extent, however,
the quest to better conceptualize female identity has focused
on White women, thereby perpetuating, albeit inadvertently,
an unbalanced and exclusionary approach to identity research.
Moreover, this approach tended to perpetuate a one-dimen-
sional view of women as gendered beings but not as individu-
als who also possess an ethnic or racial identity that intersects
with gender in a womans total identity. The work of Ossana,
Helms, and Leonard (1992) and Parks, Carter, and Gushue (1996)
reflected some notable exceptions to this approach in that their
research explored womens identity as Blacks and Whites; how-
ever, women of other ethnicities, such as Latina/Hispanic and
Asian, have not been studied in this regard.
In addition, two relatively new gender identity constructs,
gender self-definition and gender self-acceptance (Hoffman,
1996; Hoffman, Borders, & Hattie, 2000), merit exploration
both in relation to more recognized female identity con-
structs and to ethnic identity. Such exploration serves to
broaden understanding of how womens gender identity con-
structs may connect to each other as well as to womens
ethnic identity. This kind of exploration also provides a more
integrated approach to womens identity research. Toward
this goal, the primary purpose of this article was to present
results of a study of ethnically diverse women that was de-
signed to explore the relationships among selected gender
identity constructs and between those constructs and ethnic
identity. First, current relevant models related to female and
ethnic identity and their corresponding instruments are pre-
sented and discussed.
Stage/Status Models: Feminist and
Womanist Identity
Two related but different models of womens identity develop-
ment are the Feminist Identity Development Model (Down-
ing & Roush, 1985) and the Womanist Identity Development
Model (Ossana et al., 1992). Both are based on the concept
that womens identity development is a progression through
various stages or statuses over the life span. Each of these
models is discussed briefly below.
Feminist Identity Development
Downing and Roush (1985) proposed a model of womens
feminist identity development that is based largely on Crosss
(1971) Black Identity Development Model. Both models
reflect a progression through stages or statuses wherein one
moves from (a) unawareness of inequity and discrimination
through (b) experience of crises that force one to confront
such inequities to (c) an immersion and identification with
ones own group that provide opportunities for reflection
and exploration to (d) integration of ones experiences
around the area of oppression and a concomitant achieve-
ment of balance (i.e., able to evaluate people as individuals
instead of only as group members) and, finally, to (e) a com-
mitment to meaningful action toward eliminating the ism
involved. Downing and Roush labeled the stages of their
model Passive Acceptance, Revelation, Embeddedness-
Rose Marie Hoffman, Department of Educational Psychology, Administration, and Counseling, California State University,
Long Beach. The author thanks Susan Mulvaney Platt for statistical assistance with the study, Stacey Giem for support with data
collection and data input, and Stacy Kirch for assistance with data collection. Correspondence concerning this article should be
addressed to Rose Marie Hoffman, Department of Educational Psychology, Administration, and Counseling, California State
University, Long Beach, 1250 Bellflower Boulevard, Long Beach, CA 90840-2201 (e-mail: rhoffman@csulb.edu).
Gender Self-Definition and
Gender Self-Acceptance in Women:
Intersections With Feminist,
Womanist, and Ethnic Identities
Rose Marie Hoffman
The author explored the relationships among womens gender identity constructs as well as the relationships of those
constructs to ethnic identity. Nine of the 12 hypothesized relationships between gender self-definition and female
identity development statuses and between gender self-acceptance and female identity development statuses were
supported. Gender self-definition and gender self-acceptance were also both positively correlated with ethnic
identity. Analyses of the Hoffman Gender Scale (R. M. Hoffman, 1996; R. M. Hoffman, L. D. Borders, & J. A. Hattie, 2000)
provided additional support for its use as a measure of gender self-definition and gender self-acceptance.
Journal of Counseling & Development
Summer 2006
Volume 84 359
Gender Self-Definition and Gender Self-Acceptance in Women
Emanation, Synthesis, and Active Commitment, mirroring
Crosss designations of Pre-Encounter, Encounter, Immersion-
Emersion, Internalization, and Internalization-Commitment.
Noting concerns with Eriksons (1963) placement of iden-
tity as a precursor to intimacy, concerns that are widely
acknowledged (Chodorow, 1978; Gilligan, 1982; Josselson,
1973; Marcia & Friedman, 1970; Williams, 1977), Downing
and Roush instead saw their model as congruent with Kegans
(1982) developmental model and with Rebecca, Hefner, and
Oleshanskys (1976) sex role transcendence theory. Kegans
model was based on a lifelong process of differentiation
from embeddedness. Rebecca et al.s sex role transcendence
theory emphasizes an individuals progression from a lack
of awareness of gender roles through a polarization stage
wherein traditional roles are adopted and valued. The final
stage is transcendance of gender role stereotypes, which is
marked by an ability to perceive and express qualities as
human rather than masculine or feminine.
The Downing and Roush (1985) model served as a spring-
board for the measurement of feminist identity development.
Separate instruments based on the model were developed by
Rickard (1990) and by Bargad and Hyde (1991). Rickard
limited her Feminist Identity Scale (FIS) to affective and
cognitive components of attitudes toward self (p. 147). She
perceived active commitment as a behavioral manifestation
of the synthesis level of development and, thus, addressed
only the first four levels of feminist identity development in
her instrument. In contrast, Bargad and Hydes Feminist Iden-
tity Development Scale (FIDS) contains five subscales that
correspond to each of the five levels of development.
Womanist Identity Development
Feminisms primary focus on gender issues has frequently
been interpreted as a lack of concern with ethnicity and
race. The perception that feminism represented primarily
White womens interests resulted in the development of a
different but related perspective called womanism (Henley,
Meng, OBrien, McCarthy, & Sockloskie, 1998). The
womanist position is based on the recognition of poverty,
racism, and ethnocentrism as equal concerns with sexism
(Henley et al., 1998, p. 321), reflecting beliefs that women of
all ethnicities and races might share.
In 1990, Helms (see Ossana et al., 1992) proposed a model
of womanist identity development with stages (statuses) that
paralleled the first four stages of Crosss (1971) Black Iden-
tity Development Model and Downing and Roushs (1985)
Feminist Identity Development Model. Helms retained Crosss
descriptors for the four statuses: Pre-Encounter, Encounter,
Immersion-Emersion, and Internalization. Arguing that
womens healthy gender identity development involves
movement from an externally and societally based definition
of womanhood to an internal definition grounded in the
womans own values, beliefs, and abilities (Ossana et al., 1992,
p. 403), Helms did not support active commitment as an
evolved status of womens identity development as females.
Thus, Helms differed from Cross as well as from Downing and
Roush in her conceptualization of the relative importance of
this aspect of development. Helms (see Ossana et al., 1992)
designed the Womanist Identity Attitudes Scale (WIAS) to
assess attitudes related to each of the four statuses of her model.
Gender Self-Confidence, Gender
Self-Definition, and Gender
Self-Acceptance: Alternative Concepts
for Exploring Womens Identity
In some of my earlier work (Hoffman, 1996; Hoffman et al.,
2000), I proposed a different type of model for conceptualizing
identity related to ones gender. Unlike stage or status models,
my model is focused on ones current perception of self as a
gendered being rather than on the process of development. A
construct called gender self-confidence, first identified by
Lewin (1984), provided the basis for my theory. I examined
womens and mens gender self-confidence separately.
Gender Self-Confidence
Gender self-confidence is defined as ones intensity of belief
that one meets ones own personal standards for femininity
(femaleness)/masculinity (maleness), according to Hoffman
et al. (2000). This definition is based on Lewins (1984) con-
tention that masculinity and femininity measures should as-
sess individuals beliefs about their competence as males and
females, beliefs that she argued are derived from personal and
idiosyncratic, rather than stereotypical and ubiquitous, per-
ceptions of masculinity and femininity. Consistent with
Lewins arguments was Spences (1985, 1999) conceptualization
of masculinity and femininity as ones sense of adequacy as a
male or female and her belief that masculinity can be con-
ceived of as maleness and femininity as femaleness. It is impor-
tant to understand that conceptualizing femininity as female-
ness and masculinity as maleness is not meant to imply nor
support an essentialist position; rather the conceptualization
simply suggests that individuals should be free to form their
own definitions of these constructs. In sum, gender self-
confidence refers to ones genuine self-assuredness about being
female or malehow much one accepts, respects, and values
oneself as a female or male person.
Lewins (1984) assertion that MF [masculinity and femi-
ninity] tests should assess gender self-confidence (p. 200)
and Spences focus on gender identity (Spence, 1985, 1999;
Spence & Buckner, 1995, 2000) as integral to a discussion
of masculinity and femininity measurement provided the
impetus for development of the Hoffman Gender Scale (HGS;
Hoffman, 1996; Hoffman et al., 2000), which was designed
to measure gender self-confidence. I theorized that gender self-
confidence was grounded in ones gender identity, defined as
security about ones own femaleness or maleness (cf. Green,
Journal of Counseling & Development
Summer 2006
Volume 84 360
Hoffman
1974; Money, 1994). I posited that ones gender identity was in
turn encompassed by ones gender self-concept, which I de-
fined as ones broad perception of self as a woman or a man.
This is consistent with Spences (1999) subsequent proposi-
tion that gender identity is conceived as one of the earliest
and crucial features of the self-concept to develop (p. 280).
My theory suggests that one may perceive oneself as fe-
male or male and have attitudes, feelings, and behaviors
related to that perception (gender self-concept) without nec-
essarily possessing a secure sense of ones femaleness or
maleness (gender identity). Furthermore, individual men and
women may shun societally prescribed gender roles and still
have a strong gender identity. In other words, they may de-
fine their masculinity and femininity in a variety of other
ways; for example, Kimmel (2000) argued fervently that he
was expressing his self-defined masculinity by being ten-
der, loving, and nurturing (p. 266) toward his newborn son.
Similarly, a woman may conceptualize her independence as
an aspect of her femininity. In addition, an individual may
have a secure gender identity but not necessarily be gender
self-confident, not necessarily believing that she or he meets
personal, self-defined standards for femininity (femaleness)
or masculinity (maleness), respectively. (Note that ones
gender self-concept is different from ones gender role self-
concept, the focus of the latter being gender stereotypes;
see Athenstaedt, 2003, for a discussion of the latter term.)
Gender Self-Definition and Gender Self-Acceptance
Previous factor analyses of the HGS (Hoffman at al., 2000) have
revealed that two constructs, best described as gender self-defini-
tion and gender self-acceptance, explained 62% of the variance.
Gender self-definition refers to how strong a component of ones
identity one considers ones self-defined femininity or masculin-
ity to be. Individuals with very strong gender self-definition
attach a great deal of importance to their femaleness or maleness,
which they view as central to their identity. Gender self-accep-
tance, on the other hand, refers to how comfortable an individual
is as a member of his or her gender. Individuals with strong gen-
der self-acceptance view themselves positively as females and as
males but may or may not view their gender as a critical compo-
nent of their identity. Subsequent studies using the HGS (e.g.,
Hoffman, in press; Lontz, 2000) supported the same factor struc-
ture. Additionally, a positive correlation between gender self-
acceptance and subjective well-being in women and men has
been found (Hoffman, in press). Worthington and Dillon (2003)
further revealed a positive correlation between womens gender
self-acceptance and the Humanistic/Existential subscale of their
Theoretical Orientation Profile ScaleRevised (TOPS-R) as well
as a positive correlation between womens gender self-definition
and the Feminist subscale of the TOPS-R.
Following the development of the HGS, I expanded the Gen-
der Self-Confidence Model to include gender self-definition
and gender self-acceptance (Hoffman at al., 2000). Gender self-
concept was seen as the broadest construct in the model, fol-
lowed by gender identity, and then by gender self-confidence.
Gender self-confidence in turn encompassed both gender self-
definition and gender self-acceptance. Womens identity can
thus be conceptualized in terms of these constructs.
Ethnic Identity
According to Phinney (1996a), ethnic identity focuses on how
group members themselves understand and interpret their own
ethnicity (p. 143) and is a broader construct than racial identity
(Phinney, 1996b). Furthermore, although she recognized that
minority ethnic identity development and White identity devel-
opment were qualitatively different processes due to an underly-
ing power differential, she argued that both processes involved
an exploration of ones ethnicity. Phinney (1993) proposed a
model of ethnic identity formation that is theoretically grounded
in Eriksons (1964, 1968) work. Like other models of ethnic or
racial identity development, Phinneys model supports the idea
that a crisis or awakening of some kind is a precursor to an evolved
or achieved identity. Unlike other models, however, she adapted
some of Marcias (1966, 1980) ego identity terminology to de-
scribe this process. Individuals who had made no commitment
related to ethnic identity and who might or might not have expe-
rienced a crisis (Identity Diffusion; Marcia, 1966, p. 552), as well
as those who had made a commitment to ethnic identity without
experiencing a crisis (Foreclosure), were representative of the
first of the three statuses of Phinneys (1993) model: Unexamined
Ethnic Identity. Those who never experience a crisis or catalyst
toward self-examination regarding their ethnicity remain in a
status of Unexamined Ethnic Identity throughout their lifetime.
Individuals who encounter a crisis but have not yet reached a
point of commitment are in the Ethnic Identity Search/
Moratorium period. Marcia (1966) argued that individuals in
the Moratorium stage of his Ego Identity Model were distin-
guishable from identity diffused individuals by the expression
of an active struggle to make a commitment, a distinction that
Phinney maintained. Finally, those who experience a crisis, work
through the subsequent search for identity, and make a commit-
ment are said to be in the third or final stage, Achieved Ethnic
Identity. Like Phinneys model, revisions of other ethnic or racial
identity development models (e.g., Helms, 1995a; Parham, 1989)
have reflected a conceptual shift from oppression as a focal point
to an emphasis on ego identity statuses (Parks et al., 1996).
To assess ethnic identity, Phinney (1992) developed the
Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM). Unlike the
measures of feminist and womanist identity development
discussed earlier, individual MEIM items do not correspond
to statuses of development; rather, an overall mean score is
obtained that reflects strength of ethnic identity based on
affective, cognitive, and developmental aspects (J. Phinney,
personal communication, January 31, 2000). Research has
supported use of the MEIM with a junior high school through
college population representing a wide variety of ethnic
groups, including Whites (Phinney, 1996a).
Journal of Counseling & Development
Summer 2006
Volume 84 361
Gender Self-Definition and Gender Self-Acceptance in Women
Intersections of Gender Self-Definition
and Gender Self-Acceptance With
Feminist, Womanist, and Ethnic
Identities
The purpose of this study was fourfold: (a) to examine the
relationship between womens Gender Self-Definition (HGS
Factor 1) and the various statuses of feminist and womanist
identity development and the relationship between womens
Gender Self-Acceptance (HGS Factor 2) and the statuses of
feminist and womanist identity development; (b) to explore
the relationships between ethnic identity and gender self-
definition, gender self-acceptance, womanist identity, and
feminist identity; (c) to begin to test a womens or female
identity development model that is currently being con-
structed (Hoffman, 2006); and (d) to serve as a validity study
for the HGS, to further examine factor structure, internal
consistency, and possible differences in gender self-
definition and/or gender self-acceptance related to ethnicity
and age , and to obtain initial testretest and social desir-
ability data.The importance of the study rests largely in the
first three of these four aims, which reflect a crucial shift
from a separatist approach to understanding womens iden-
tity development to one that incorporates multiple aspects
of womens makeup as gendered and ethnic beings.
Conceptualizing Female Identity Development
In considering the relationships between gender self-defini-
tion and the various feminist and womanist identity statuses
and between gender self-acceptance and the feminist and
womanist identity statuses, I have found it useful to conceptu-
alize female identity development as Josselson (1987) did, that
is, in terms of the ego-identity development process proposed
by Marcia (1966,1980). It is also useful to incorporate some of
Phinneys (1993, 1996a) adaptations of Marcias model that
characterize Phinneys work regarding ethnic identity. I pro-
pose that women who endorse statements reflective of the first
status of feminist identity development (i.e., Passive Accep-
tance) or the first status of womanist identity development (i.e.,
Pre-Encounter) could be described as in a state of identity dif-
fusion or foreclosure, an Unexamined Female Identity. Those
who indicate agreement with statements representative of the
second status of feminist identity development (i.e., Revela-
tion) or the second status of womanist identity development
(i.e., Encounter) are viewed as being in the Crisis status in re-
gard to their identity as women. Women who endorse items
reflective of the third status of feminist identity development
(i.e., Embeddedness-Emanation) or the third status of womanist
identity development (i.e., Immersion-Emersion) might be de-
scribed as in a Moratorium/Exploration status that is character-
ized by an active search for female identity. Finally, those who
express agreement with statements that describe the fourth or
fifth statuses of feminist identity development (Synthesis and
Active Commitment, respectively) or the fourth status of
womanist identity development (i.e., Internalization) are con-
ceptualized as possessing an Achieved Female Identity status.
This model for understanding womens identity development
(i.e., Unexamined Female Identity, Crisis, Moratorium/Explo-
ration, and Achieved Female Identity; Hoffman, 2006) thus
incorporates and integrates concepts from all the models dis-
cussed thus far (see Figure 1).
Logically and intuitively, it would seem that gender self-
definition would be stronger among women who identified
with statements reflecting crisis statuses of feminist and
womanist identity development (i.e., Revelation [feminist
model] and Encounter [womanist model]), because their fo-
cus at that period has shifted to their identity as women.
Feminist Identity
Development
Model
a
Black Identity
Development
Model
b
FIGURE 1
Parallels Between Stage/Status Identity Development Models
a
Downing & Roush, 1985.
b
Cross, 1971.
c
Ossana et al., 1992.
d
Phinney, 1993.
e
Marcia, 1966.
f
Josselson, 1987.
g
Hoffman, 2006.
Womanist Identity
Development
Model
c
Ethnic Identity
Model
d
Ego Identity
Model
e
Womens
Identity Model
f
Female
Identity Model
g
Passive
Acceptance
Revelation
Embeddedness-
Emanation
Synthesis
Active
Commitment
Pre-Encounter
Encounter
Immersion-
Emersion
Internalization
Internalization-
Commitment
Pre-Encounter
Encounter
Immersion-
Emersion
Internalization
Unexamined
Ethnic Identity
Ethnic Identity
Search/
Moratorium
Achieved Ethnic
Identity
Identity Diffusion
Foreclosure
Moratorium
Identity Diffusion
Foreclosure
Moratorium
Achieved Ethnic
Identity
Unexamined
Female Identity
Crisis
Moratorium/
Exploration
Achieved Female
Identity
Achieved Ethnic
Identity
Journal of Counseling & Development
Summer 2006
Volume 84 362
Hoffman
Ones femaleness would also seem to be salient to women
who agree with statements that describe moratorium sta-
tuses of feminist and womanist identity development (i.e.,
Embeddedness-Emanation [feminist model] and Immersion-
Emersion [womanist model]), because they are actively seek-
ing opportunities to explore their identity as women as well
as opportunities for sisterhood. As Ng, Dunne, and Cataldo
(1995) observed, a strong identification as a woman is one
of the most important characteristics of the Embeddedness-
Emanation feminist identity development status.
The argument could be made that women who relate to state-
ments descriptive of the Synthesis (feminist model) and Inter-
nalization (womanist model) statuses also identify strongly as
women because these levels of identity development are con-
ceptualized as achieved. My theory suggests, however, that it
is gender self-acceptance rather than gender self-definition that
is more relevant to this level of development. To illustrate,
women who agree with attitudes and behaviors indicative of
Synthesis or Internalization statuses feel good about being
women, but for many women at this level of development, gen-
der may become a less salient issue because other aspects of
their lives become more important. As stated previously in this
article, women with strong gender self-acceptance view them-
selves positively as females but do not necessarily view their
gender as a critical component of their identity. For women who
have reached the Active Commitment status of feminist iden-
tity development, however, identity as a woman (gender self-
definition) would again seem to be salient. In addition to per-
ceiving their gender as a critical component of their identity,
women who endorse statements reflective of Active Commit-
ment status would also be at a point in their development that
allowed them to view themselves positively as females and
thus should also have strong gender self-acceptance.
It further seems likely that lower levels of gender self-accep-
tance would be found among women who were experiencing a
crisis status in their female identity development: (i.e., Rev-
elation [feminist model] and Encounter [womanist model]), as
well as for those who are actively engaged in the search for an
integrated sense of self as a woman (i.e., Embeddedness-Ema-
nation [feminist model] and Immersion-Emersion [womanist
model]). Women in both phases of development (i.e., Crisis and
Moratorium) are likely to be less content as females than those
who are passively acceptant of their status as women
(Unexamined Female Identity) or those who have internalized
or synthesized a positive identity as a woman or made a com-
mitment to fight sexism (Achieved Female Identity).
Thus, three hypotheses were proposed:
1. There would be a positive correlation between HGS
Gender Self-Definition scores and the following FIDS
and WIAS subscale scores: Revelation (FIDS 2), En-
counter (WIAS 2), Embeddedness-Emanation (FIDS 3),
Immersion-Emersion (WIAS 3), and Active Commit-
ment (FIDS 5).
2. There would be a positive correlation between HGS
Gender Self-Acceptance scores and the following FIDS
and WIAS subscale scores: Synthesis (FIDS 4), Inter-
nalization (WIAS 4), and Active Commitment (FIDS 5).
3. There would be a negative correlation between HGS
Gender Self-Acceptance scores and the following
FIDS and WIAS subscale scores: Revelation (FIDS
2), Encounter (WIAS 2), Embeddedness-Emanation
(FIDS 3), Immersion-Emersion (WIAS 3).
Intersections of Gender Identity Constructs and
Ethnic Identity
Although Downing and Roush (1985) posited some tenta-
tive hypotheses regarding how Caucasian women generally
might have different experiences from those of Black women,
particularly with regard to the middle status of their model
(Embeddedness-Emanation), empirical investigation of eth-
nic differences in relation to feminist identity development
is lacking (Fischer et al., 2000; Ng et al., 1995; Snyder &
Hasbrouck, 1996). Further, my literature search revealed no
research that considered any relationship between ethnic
identity and feminist identity, despite the view articulated
by several researchers (e.g., Cross & Vandiver, 2001; Gilbert
& Rader, 2002; Hansen, 2002; Moradi, Subich, & Phillips,
2002) that there is a need for studies that assess multiple
identities. Limited research has been conducted that com-
pared racial identity and womanist identity among Black
women and White women (e.g., Parks et al., 1996). More-
over, no studies were identified that compared womanist
identity and ethnic identity among groups other than Blacks.
This aspect of the study was exploratory; thus, no specific
relationships between ethnic identity and the other con-
structs were predicted.
Method
Participants
A total of 361 women attending a large southern California
university participated in the study. Using the demographic
categories from the 2000 version of the MEIM (J. Phinney,
personal communication, January 31, 2000), 59 (16%) self-
identified as Asian or Asian American, including Chinese,
Japanese, and others; 28 (8%) as Black or African American; 53
(15%) as Hispanic or Latino(a), including Mexican American,
Central American, and others; 160 (44%) as White, Caucasian,
Anglo, European Americannot Hispanic; 1 (.3%) as Ameri-
can Indian/Native American; 15 (4%) as mixed, parents are
from two different groups; and 19 (5%) as other. Age of re-
spondents ranged from 17 to 55 (M = 25.08, SD = 7.19, me-
dian = 23). There were 41 (11%) 1st-year students, 36 (10%)
sophomores, 39 (11%) juniors, 71 (20%) seniors, 129 (36%)
graduate students, and 19 (5%) who self-identified as other.
The demographic items were left blank by 26 participants,
accounting for figures that do not sum to 361 (100%).
Journal of Counseling & Development
Summer 2006
Volume 84 363
Gender Self-Definition and Gender Self-Acceptance in Women
Instruments
HGS (Hoffman et al., 2000). The HGS is a 14-item measure
designed to assess gender self-confidence. Gender self-confi-
dence is defined as ones intensity of belief that one meets
ones own personal standards for femininity/masculinity. Sepa-
rate but parallel forms of the instrument were developed for
male and female respondents. The HGS contains two 7-item
subscales representing gender self-definition and gender self-
acceptance. Gender self-definition refers to how strong a com-
ponent of ones identity one considers ones self-defined femi-
ninity or masculinity to be. Individuals with very strong gen-
der self-definition attach a great deal of importance to their
femaleness or maleness. Examples of items on the Gender Self-
Definition subscale are Femininity (femaleness) is an impor-
tant aspect of my self-concept (Form A)/Masculinity (male-
ness) is an important aspect of my self-concept (Form B) and
Being a female is a critical part of how I view myself (Form A)/
Being a male is a critical part of how I view myself (Form B).
Gender self-acceptance refers to how comfortable an individual
is as a member of her or his gender. Individuals with strong
gender self-acceptance view themselves positively as females
and as males but do not necessarily view their gender as a
critical component of their identity. Examples of items on the
Gender Self-Acceptance subscale are I have a high regard for
myself as a female (Form A)/I have a high regard for myself as
a male (Form B) and I am happy with myself as a female
(Form A)/I am happy with myself as a male (Form B). Form A
of the HGS is worded for female respondents, and Form B is
worded for male respondents. Because all participants in this
study were women, only Form A was used.
Scoring of the HGS consists of calculating a separate mean
score for each of the two subscales. The 6-point Likert-type
format (1 = strongly disagree, 6 = strongly agree) yields two
subscale mean scores ranging from 1 to 6, with higher scores
indicating stronger levels of the constructs. Hoffman et al. (2000)
reported coefficient alphas for women of .88 for the Gender
Self-Definition subscale and .90 for the Gender Self-Accep-
tance subscale; for men, reported alphas were .93 for the Gen-
der Self-Definition subscale and .80 for the Gender Self-Accep-
tance subscale. At the top of the current HGS, individuals are
also asked to write a brief response to the question What do
you mean by femininity? (for female respondents) and What
do you mean by masculinity? (for male respondents). The pur-
pose of this question is to assist respondents in conceptualiz-
ing their personal definitions of these constructs; responses
have been used in qualitative research (Hoffman, Hattie, &
Borders, 2005). (See Hoffman et al., 2000, for a detailed discus-
sion of the development of this instrument, psychometric data,
and the theory in which the HGS is grounded.)
FIDS (Bargad & Hyde, 1991). The FIDS consists of 39
statements that elicit respondents ratings of their level of
agreement using a 5-point Likert-type scale (1 = strongly
disagree, 5 = strongly agree). Each statement reflects one of
five subscales that are based on Downing and Roushs (1985)
model of feminist identity development, which parallels
Crosss (1971) Black Identity Development Model. Sample
statements from each of the five subscales are Ive never
really worried or thought about what it means to be a woman
in this society (FIDS 1, Passive Acceptance), Recently, I
read something or had an experience that sparked a greater
understanding of sexism (FIDS 2, Revelation), Being part
of a womens community is important to me (FIDS 3,
Embeddedness/Emanation), Some of the men I know are more
feminist than some of the women I know (FIDS 4, Synthesis),
and I want to work to improve womens status (FIDS 5, Ac-
tive Commitment). Scoring of the FIDS involves calculating
a separate mean score for each of the five subscales; thus,
subscale mean scores can range from 1 to 5. Higher scores
represent stronger agreement with subscale items. Bargad and
Hyde reported coefficient alphas for each of the five subscales
as follows: .85 (FIDS 1), .75 (FIDS 2), .82 (FIDS 3), .65 (FIDS
4), .80 (FIDS 5). No testretest data were provided; however,
Bargad and Hyde noted that FIDS subscale scores of partici-
pants who were not enrolled in womens studies courses did
not change significantly during the semester.
WIAS (Ossana et al., 1992). The WIAS is based on Helmss
Womanist Identity Development Model, which closely parallels
the Feminist Identity Development Model (Downing & Roush,
1985) and its precursor, the Black Identity Development Model
(Cross, 1971). Four subscale mean scores are derived from assess-
ing each respondents agreement on a 5-point Likert-type scale
(1 = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree) with statements reflec-
tive of each of four statuses (higher scores indicate a stronger
level of agreement with the status represented by the subscale).
Sample statements from the four subscales are In general, I be-
lieve that men are superior to women (WIAS 1, Pre-Encounter),
Maybe I can learn something from women (WIAS 2, Encoun-
ter), I feel like I am betraying my sex when I take advantage of
the opportunities available to me in the male world (WIAS 3,
Immersion-Emersion), and I do not think I should feel posi-
tively about people just because they belong to the same
sexual group as I do (WIAS 4, Internalization). Unlike the
Cross and the Downing and Roush models, Helmss Womanist
Identity Development Model lacks a final stage of commit-
ment to action to effect societal change because Helms em-
phasized a self-conception and interpretation of gender in-
formation based on ones own internal standards and defini-
tion of womanhood (Helms, 1995b, p. 1) rather than social
action for gender equality. Ossana et al. reported coefficient
alphas of .55 (Pre-Encounter), .43 (Encounter), .82 (Immer-
sion-Emersion), and .77 (Internalization). The 43-item ver-
sion of the WIAS was used in this study.
MEIM (Phinney, 1992). The MEIM is a measure of ethnic
identity that is appropriate for all ethnic groups. The current
version of the instrument (obtained from the author on January
31, 2000) consists of 12 items representing two factors: (a)
Ethnic Identity Search (developmental and cognitive com-
Journal of Counseling & Development
Summer 2006
Volume 84 364
Hoffman
ponent; e.g., I think a lot about how my life will be affected
by my ethnic group membership) and (b) Affirmation, Be-
longing, and Commitment (affective component; e.g., I have
a strong sense of belonging to my own ethnic group). Re-
spondents are asked to indicate level of agreement with each
statement using a 4-point Likert-type scale (1 = strongly dis-
agree, 4 = strongly agree). The recommended scoring method
is to compute the total mean score. Thus, the range of scores is
from 1 to 4, with higher scores indicating a stronger ethnic
identity. Although the MEIM was developed using high
school students and college undergraduates, it also is consid-
ered suitable for a graduate student population (J. Phinney,
personal communication, May 4, 2000). In the study describ-
ing the development of the MEIM, Phinney (1992) reported
alphas of .81 for the high school sample and .90 for the col-
lege sample. Used in dozens of studies since its development,
coefficient alphas for the MEIM typically exceed .80 (J.
Phinney, personal communication, January 31, 2000).
Balanced Inventory of Desirable Responding (BIDR Version
6Form 40A; Paulhus, 1984). The BIDR is a measure of social
desirability consisting of two subscales and was used to exam-
ine that construct in relation to the HGS. The first 20 items of
the scale make up the Self Deceptive Enhancement subscale
(e.g., My first impressions of people usually turn out to be
right, I never regret my decisions, Its all right with me if
some people happen to dislike me). Items 21 through 40 make
up the Impression Management subscale, which includes state-
ments such as I never cover up my mistakes, I always de-
clare everything at customs, and I dont gossip about other
peoples business. Respondents indicate their level of agree-
ment with each statement on a 7-point Likert-type scale. Scor-
ing involves adding 1 point for every 6 or 7 response
(after correcting for reverse-scored items), resulting in the
total score ranging from 0 to 20. Higher scores reflect stron-
ger self-deception and impression management, respectively.
Paulhus (1998) reported typical alphas of .67.77 for Self De-
ceptive Enhancement and .77.85 for Impression Management.
Procedure
Female students were recruited through various means, includ-
ing campus flyers and visits to classes, athletic groups, orienta-
tion programs, and so on. Several cash prizes were offered as an
incentive. Prospective participants were invited to attend any
of a series of data collection sessions that were scheduled. Sev-
eral instructors offered to assist by offering extra credit; others
agreed to allow class time to be used for completion of the
instruments. All data collection sessions were facilitated either
by me or by one of two research assistants. Instructions were
read to participants, and informed consent was obtained prior
to completion of the packet of instruments. Average time to
complete all five instruments was 35 minutes.
Results
Gender Self-Definition and
FIDS/WIAS Subscale Scores
As predicted, gender self-definition was positively corre-
lated (p < .001) with Revelation (.195), Embeddedness/
Emanation (.322), and Active Commitment (.248) statuses
of feminist identity development, and with the Immer-
sion-Emersion status of womanist identity development
(.245; see Table 1). The predicted correlation with the
Encounter status of womanist identity development was
not supported.
Note. 1 = gender self-definition; 2 = gender self-acceptance; 3 = ethnic identity; 4 = Feminist Identity Development ScalePassive Accep-
tance; 5 = Feminist Identity Development ScaleRevelation; 6 = Feminist Identity Development ScaleEmbeddedness/Emanation; 7 =
Feminist Identity Development ScaleSynthesis; 8 = Feminist Identity Development ScaleActive Commitment; 9 = Womanist Identity
Attitudes ScalePre-Encounter; 10 = Womanist Identity Attitudes ScaleEncounter; 11 = Womanist Identity Attitudes ScaleImmersion
Emersion; 12 = Womanist Identity Attitudes ScaleInternalization.
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
Construct/Scale
1. GSD
2. GSA
3. EI
4. FIDS 1
5. FIDS 2
6. FIDS 3
7. FIDS 4
8. FIDS 5
9. WIAS 1
10. WIAS 2
11. WIAS 3
12. WIAS 4
TABLE 1
Intercorrelations of Gender Self-Definition, Gender Self-Acceptance, Ethnic Identity, and Statuses of
Feminist and Womanist Identity
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
.490***
.302***
.234***
.032
.093
.086
.195***
.059
.273***
.048
.322***
.079
.241***
.103
.465***
.001
.224***
.030
.066
.011
.062
.248***
.162**
.273***
.327***
.396***
.582***
.118*
.004
.102
.057
.494**
.024
.044
.100
.131*
.030
.328***
.049
.159**
.236***
.234***
.082
.019
.272***
.245***
.147**
.178***
.001
.495***
.551***
.179***
.356***
.135*
.475***
..008
.217***
.077
.151**
.072
.055
.255***
.119*
.110*
.066
.086