Edwards - Race Religious Organizations and Integration

SO39CH11-Edwards ARI 24 June 2013 14:58
Race, Religious Organizations,

and Integration
Korie L. Edwards,
1
Brad Christerson,
2
and Michael O. Emerson
3
1
The Ohio State University, Department of Sociology, Columbus, Ohio 43210;
email: kle@sociology.osu.edu
2
Department of Sociology, Biola University, La Mirada, California 90639;
email: bradley.christerson@biola.edu
3
Department of Sociology, Rice University, Houston, Texas 77005;
email: moe@rice.edu
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2013. 39:21128
First published online as a Review in Advance on
May 24, 2013
The Annual Review of Sociology is online at
http://soc.annualreviews.org
This articles doi:
10.1146/annurev-soc-071312-145636
Copyright c 2013 by Annual Reviews.
All rights reserved
Keywords
racial diversity, religious organizations, interracial, race, churches,
congregations
Abstract
We review the bourgeoning literature on multiracial religious orga-
nizations. Although scholars have paid attention to racial integration
in congregations since the 1940s, only recently has there been a con-
certed focus on this topic. This articlehaving reviewed the state of
the eldargues that research on this topic must engage in three vi-
tal labors: explore more theory building or theory extension, interact
with the broader eld of sociology, and explicate how religious racial
diversity contributes to or dismantles systems of social stratication.
We discuss possible paths and approaches for future research on race,
religion, and integration.
211
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ANNUAL
REVIEWS
INTRODUCTION
Religious congregations in the United States
are ubiquitouscurrently there are well over
300,000. To put that number in context, re-
ligious congregations are more common than
Subways, McDonalds, Burger Kings, Wendys,
Starbucks, Pizza Huts, KFCs, Taco Bells,
Dominos Pizzas, Dunkin Donuts, Quiznos,
and Dairy Queens combined and multiplied
by three. And these congregations represent
millions of Americans. In fact, most Americans
regularly participate in or visit a congregation
in any given year (M.O. Emerson, unpublished
manuscript).
We also know that religious congregations
have profound and far-reaching effects on racial
and ethnic identity, segregation, friendship net-
works, racial and ethnic attitudes, and even in-
equality (e.g., Emerson & Smith 2000, Yancey
1999). As such, we simply cannot and will not
fully understand race in the United States with-
out understanding race and religion. Indeed,
though largely a lone voice for his time, W.E.B.
Du Bois declared that segregation in congrega-
tions legitimated racial division by strengthen-
ing the conation of whiteness and godliness
(cited in Blum 2007, p. 16).
However, in recent decades, religious
organizations have become more invested in
addressing issues of racial division through
multiracial worship and have thus drawn the
attention of scholars. Multiracial congrega-
tions are in their infancy and so too are studies
of them. Most studies that have focused on
describing these organizations or explaining
how they work have used both micro- and
macro-level data. Work in the eld so far has
produced exciting ndings, but more needs
to be done. Our understanding is still limited
regarding the practices and beliefs that matter
for successful religious racial diversity (indeed,
how to conceptualize successful is still in
debate), and we have much to learn about how
multiracial worship affects attendees attitudes
and behaviors and the extent to which these
effects spill over into other areas of attendees
lives. There is limited knowledge about howthe
broader society affects multiracial religious or-
ganization and even less about how multiracial
religious organizations matter for the broader
society.
This articlehaving reviewed the state
of the eldultimately argues that research
on this topic must make a concerted effort
to engage in three vital labors. The rst is
to explore more theory building (or at least
theory extension), no matter the methodology
or sample that is used. There has been some
movement in this direction, but researchers of
religious racial diversity have yet to fully exploit
the intersecting fault lines of race and religion
or to carve out new or extend existing theory in
these areas. The second labor is to consistently
connect to the broader eld of sociology. So far,
scholars have almost exclusively focused on the
social dynamics occurring within racially di-
verse religious organizations, making minimal
connections to sociological work on other insti-
tutions (e.g., politics or workplaces) or to other
areas of social inquiry (e.g., interracial social
networks, immigration patterns, neighborhood
life, or organizational leadership). The third,
which is related to the second, is to explicate
how religious racial diversity contributes to
or dismantles systems of social stratication.
Sociologys roots are located in the study of
social stratication, and the study of multira-
cial religious organizations offers a unique
opportunity to examine how two of the most
formidable cornerstones of American society
race and religionmatter for this social
phenomenon.
We organize the review by discussing,
rst, conceptualizations for diversity, current
patterns of racial diversity in religious orga-
nizations, and changes in American diversity
and religion. Next, we highlight key ndings
and main streams of thought on the topic. We
discuss some challenges and tensions within
this body of work. We conclude with a call
for scholars to extend and build theory and
connect work on race, integration, and religion
to broader sociological work and macro-level
processes.
212 Edwards
Christerson
Emerson
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CONCEPTUALIZING DIVERSITY
IN RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS
How diversity is conceptualized differs not
only across congregations but also across
researchers. The eld of diversity and congre-
gations is varied, with different assumptions
and divergent theoretical and methodological
approaches that lead to debates within the eld.
Some scholars propose that diversity be con-
ceptualized as cultural (Garces-Foley 2008).
Others focus on ethnicity (such approaches are
just as interested in Korean-Japanese congre-
gations as they are in black-white-Asian con-
gregations) (e.g., Marti 2005, 2008a; Stanczak
2006). Some scholars employ organizational
approaches to understand diverse religious
congregations (e.g., Christerson & Emerson
2003, Emerson & Smith 2000), and still others
point to the role of social identity (Becker
1998; Marti 2005, 2009; Stanczak 2006). But
this review zeroes in, most specically, on the
implications of race for diverse congregations.
Undoubtedly, culture, ethnicity, organi-
zational characteristics, and social identity
all matter for diverse congregations. But, as
scholars have noted for decades, the concept
of race is uniquely powerful and is as closely
aligned with US national identity and character
as is immigration. Race, as currently conceived
in the United States, is typically thought to
have several select characteristics that set
it apart from ethnicity, culture, and related
concepts (Cornell & Hartmann 1988). In
the United States, race is the classication of
human groups as exclusive and discrete, based
on socially selected physical characteristics.
Americans believe that these groups have been
created or have evolved distinctly from one
another and that ones race is inherited from
ones biological parents. The understanding
that race is a distinct, inherited category is
so socially real that if ones parents are
of different racial groups, one is thought to
be multiracialthe holder of two or more
distinct racial groups within one body (Lee
& Bean 2003). Most importantly, the outer
physical markers of race are thought to be
manifestations of peoples inner realities (i.e.,
stereotypes), and race is used to rank groups
along societys valued resources, from wealth
and education to power and prestige. These
outer physical markers have had a profound
effect on how people live and interact with one
another and with broader institutions. Indeed,
race arguably remains the most central orga-
nizing institution of social life in this country
(Bonilla-Silva 2001, Omi & Winant 1994).
DEFINITIONS AND
CONTEMPORARY PATTERNS OF
MULTIRACIAL RELIGIOUS
ORGANIZATIONS IN AMERICA
We can dene a multiracial congregation either
in binary terms or on a continuum. In binary
terms, the most commonly used denition is
a congregation in which no one racial group is
80% or more of the people (Emerson & Kim
2003, Emerson & Woo 2006). This denition
is used because (a) the presence of 20%or more
of racially different others is, research suggests,
a point of critical mass, switching minority
presence from that of tokenism to that of
having inuence on organizational policies and
practices, and (b) mathematically, this level of
diversity means that, under the assumption of
random contact, the probability of cross-race
contact is 99%. Using this denition, what
percentage of congregations are multiracial?
In 1998, based on the National Congregations
Survey (NCS), 7.4% of all congregations
were racially mixed (see Figure 1a). As of
this writing, the most current data source
to estimate the presence of multiracial con-
gregations is the 2010 Faith Communities
Survey, which randomly sampled over 11,000
congregations. That survey found racially
mixed congregations, though still rare, became
more common, with 13.7% of congregations
being racially mixed (see Figure 1b).
Substantial variation exists across reli-
gious traditions, however. Using the NCS,
we can reliably estimate the percentage of
multiracial congregations for three categories:
www.annualreviews.org Race, Religion, and Integration 213
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Homogeneous
92.6%
Racially mixed
7.4%
Racial composition of
US congregations in 1998
Racially mixed
13.7%
Homogeneous
86.3%
Racial composition of
US congregations in 2010
a
b
Figure 1
Percentage of US congregations that can be dened
as racially mixed or homogeneous, according to
available data from (a) the 1998 National
Congregations Survey and (b) the 2010 Faith
Communities Survey. A racially mixed congregation
is one in which no single racial group represents
more than 80% of the congregation. Adapted from
Emerson & Woo (2006, p. 36).
Catholic
Religious tradition
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Non-Christian
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
Protestant
Figure 2
Percentage of multiracial congregations in the
United States, by religious tradition, according to
available data from the 1998 National
Congregations Survey. Adapted from Emerson &
Woo (2006, p. 39).
Protestant, Catholic, and Other Religion (i.e.,
non-Christian religions). These, of course, are
far from ideal categories, but even with these
we see dramatic differences. For Protestants,
only 5% of congregations are racially mixed.
That gure triples to 15% for Catholics. For
Other Religion, that percentage jumps again to
about 27% (see Figure 2). We discuss possible
reasons for these differences below.
Another approach to studying congrega-
tional diversity is to calculate it on a contin-
uum. One way to do this is to use the index of
dissimilaritywith scores that range from 0 to
1. This index is interpreted as the proportion of
one group or another that would have to strate-
gically switch congregations to achieve com-
plete integration. Comparing white/nonwhite
congregational segregation, Emerson & Woo
(2006) nd that for the non-Christian category
(an unfortunate and difcult-to-interpret
category), the index of dissimilarity is 0.75. For
214 Edwards
Christerson
Emerson
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Catholicism it is 0.81. Dividing Protestants
into mainline and conservative, the index of
dissimilarity is 0.85 for mainline Protestantism
and 0.91 for conservative Protestantism. These
are considered extreme levels of segregation. In
urban research, values over 0.60 are considered
to represent highly segregated cities. Thus,
all religious traditions measurable from the
NCS are highly segregated, particularly Chris-
tian traditions, which are hypersegregated
(Emerson & Woo 2006). For example, nearly
all whites would have to switch to nonwhite
congregations to eliminate racial segregation
between congregations.
Diversity can also be measured on a contin-
uum using a general heterogeneity index that
provides the probability that two randomly
selected people in a congregation will be of
different racial groups (Dougherty & Huyser
2008). Scores range from 0 (no probability that
two randomly selected people are of different
racial groups) to 1 (complete probability that
two randomly selected people are of different
racial groups). Using the NCS data, the median
congregational diversity is 0.02. To put this g-
ure into context, Emerson &Woo (2006, ch. 2)
compare the diversity of the neighborhoods in
which the congregations reside to the diversity
of the congregations themselves. They nd
that congregations are only one-tenth as
racially diverse as are the neighborhoods in
which the congregations reside.
Still, despite the persistence of racially
homogeneous congregations, we nd that
predominately white congregations are less
white than they once were (Chaves 2011, p. 28).
In 1998, 20% of church attendees were in all-
white congregations. By 20062007, that gure
had dropped to 14%. Among Christian con-
gregations, this trend was strongest in Catholic
churches but was also evident in Protestant
churches (Chaves 2011, pp. 2831). Un-
doubtedly, the rapid growth of the immigrant
population specically, and populations of
color generally, has contributed to this change,
as has the growth in racially mixed marriages.
Interestingly, however, the percentage of
predominately African American, Hispanic, or
Asian congregations that have white members
has not changed. Thus, the changemore
minorities in white congregations, but not vice
versaappears to be in the direction of access
to or assimilation with the dominant culture,
which conforms with Edwardss (2008a) thesis
that for racial diversity to occur in congrega-
tions it is the interests of whites that must be
served.
CHANGES IN US DIVERSITY
AND RELIGION
Religious congregations have increasingly fo-
cused on issues of diversity since the early
twentieth century. But although religious lead-
ers and organizations have for some time pur-
sued religious racial integration (see studies by
Catchings 1952, Jack 1947, Loescher 1948),
only with the Civil Rights Movement of the
1960s and the 1965 overhaul of US immi-
gration laws did a movement occur toward
racially diverse congregations within American
religionone that was largely fueled by con-
servative Protestantism.
Out of the Civil Rights Movement emerged
a ow of Christians dedicated to what pro-
ponents called racial reconciliation, a move-
ment centeredinconservative Protestant circles
that promoted social justice, racial equality, and
the building of cross-racial relationships. These
proponents shared several common character-
istics. They were African American, well versed
in American-style racialization, willing to asso-
ciate with whites, inuenced by Martin Luther
King, Jr., and rm believers of the idea that
reconciliation is at the core of Christian life. In-
uenced by their work, the evangelical (largely
white) mens movement of the 1990sPromise
Keepersadopted racial reconciliation as one
of its seven promises. This brought awareness
to a large contingent of Christians of the im-
perative of breaking down racial divisions, al-
though it was not entirely clear, at least to
whites, how to do so (Emerson & Smith 2000).
The 1965 immigration laws played a sim-
ilar role, by eliminating racial restrictions on
immigration and precipitating an astounding
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growth of both Latino and Asian populations
in the United States. In 1970, Latinos repre-
sented 6.4% of the US population; by 2010,
that number had grown to 16.3%. In 1970,
Asians were less than 1% of the population, but
by 2010, they were 4.8% (Humes et al. 2011).
Such rapid growth further complicated the im-
perative of racial reconciliation for the faithful.
Racial reconciliation was no longer just a black-
white issue. Religious organizations, across re-
ligious traditions, needed to grapple with these
rapidly changing demographics.
Beginning around 2000, the messages of
racial diversity andracial reconciliationwere in-
creasingly conated and came to be interpreted
as Christians needing to worship in racially di-
verse congregations. A ow of important books
were published on multiracial congregations.
Internet sites sprung up focusing on helping
practitioners create and sustain multiracial
congregations. Blogs, Facebook pages, and
tweets on multiracial ministry were created.
Several parachurch organizations (e.g., Inter-
Varsity Christian Fellowship, The Leadership
Network), denominational bodies (e.g., the
Evangelical Lutheran Church in America, the
Roman Catholic Church, Southern Baptists,
the Christian Reformed Church, the Evangel-
ical Covenant, the Evangelical Free Church),
and various congregational networks (Mosaic
Alliance, Mosaix Global Network) explicitly
committed themselves to the imperative of
diversity, further encouraging pastors and con-
gregations to actualize successful integration.
Regional and national conferences on the issue
were also held, and even the national media
caught on to the movement. For example, in
July 2009, the PBS television show Religion and
Ethics Newsweekly aired an episode on Interra-
cial Churches. And in 2010, Time magazines
cover headline read, How Megachurches Are
Helping Bridge Americas Racial Divide (Van
Biema 2010).
In one generation, American religion had
transformed from comfortable acceptance of
being the nations most segregated institution
to becoming agitated by the reality of an
increasingly diverse nation and by religions
contributing role in the perpetual segregation
of races and ethnicities in this country. Today,
congregations and their leaders appear more
committed than ever to righting the past and
helping to bridge racial division.
FACTORS ASSOCIATED WITH
RACIAL DIVERSITY IN
CONGREGATIONS
Over recent decades, research on multira-
cial congregations has increased dramatically
(Emerson 2008). The bulk of this literature ex-
amines factors associated with racial diversity
in religious congregations. However, to under-
stand the factors that increase the likelihood of
racial diversity in congregations, we rst need
to understand why most congregations in fact
are racially homogeneous.
There are several key reasons that more
than 85% of congregations in America are
racially homogeneous. First, congregations
are voluntary organizations in a pluralistic
religious economy (Emerson & Kim 2003,
Emerson & Smith 2000, Finke & Stark 1992),
providing myriad choices for those seeking a
congregation. Because people tend to choose
organizations composed of people similar to
themselves (McPherson et al. 2001), church at-
tendees tend to seek out a congregation where
the dominant group is racially and culturally
similar to them (Christerson & Emerson 2003,
Emerson & Smith 2000). Second, religious
congregations inAmerica have historically been
important safe havens and sites for political
mobilization for groups facing discrimination
in the larger society (Blau et al. 1998, DeYoung
et al. 2003, Emerson & Kim 2003). For African
Americans in particular, the church continues
to be an important source of empowerment and
identity formation (Billingsley 1999, Brown &
Brown 2003, Pattillo-McCoy 1998). For recent
immigrants, congregations have provided the
kinds of social support and social capital critical
for survival in an unfamiliar and often hostile
environment (Hirschman 2004, Levitt 2003,
Portes & Rumbaut 2006). Diverse congrega-
tions cannot play this empowering safe haven
216 Edwards
Christerson
Emerson
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role for marginalized groups to the same extent
as monoracial ones, and as such, many minority
group members will choose monoracial con-
gregations (DeYoung et al. 2003). Third, new
congregation members tend to be recruited
from the social networks of existing members
(Christerson & Emerson 2003, Emerson &
Kim2003). Because social networks in America
tend to be racially homogeneous, monoracial
congregations are likely to remain so, given
that new recruitment comes from the networks
of existing members. Fourth, the membership
durations of attendees of interracial churches
who are in the numerical minority are shorter
than those of attendees in the numerical
majority, making it difcult to sustain racial
diversity over time (Scheitle & Dougherty
2010). Lastly, neighborhoods in America are
highly segregated by race (Emerson & Kim
2003, Massey &Denton 1993). As a result, con-
gregations that intentionally want to become
more diverse may not be able to do so if they
are recruiting primarily from their immediate
neighborhoods.
In spite of these conuent forces driving
congregations toward racial homogeneity, a
small but growing number of religious congre-
gations in America are racially and ethnically
diverse. As discussed above, 13.7% of US con-
gregations are racially mixed (i.e., less than 80%
of attendees represent a single ethnic group)
(Figure 1b). These more diverse congregations
have attracted the attention of scholars seeking
to understand how diverse congregations are
possible given the strong social forces pushing
congregations toward homogeneity. Strong as-
sociations between certain internal and exter-
nal factors and the racial and ethnic diversity of
congregations have been identied.
The bulk of the growing literature on re-
ligious racial diversity focuses on identifying
internal predictors of diversity in congrega-
tions. The most consistent predictor of reli-
gious racial diversity is religious tradition or
denomination. As noted above, non-Christian
congregations are the most diverse; among
Christian congregations, Catholic congrega-
tions are the most diverse (see Figure 2).
The next predictor, at least for Christian de-
nominations, is historical position on race rela-
tions. Christian denominations with a long his-
tory of advocating for racial justice are more
likely to have racially diverse congregations
than are those that lack a sufcient history
of racial justice advocacy (Ammerman 2005,
Dudley & Roozen 2001, Hadaway et al. 1984).
Of all the Christian traditions and denomi-
nations that have advocated for racial justice,
Catholicismhas demonstrated the most consis-
tent support and participation.
Scholars have posited that Catholic congre-
gations are more diverse because the Catholic
Churchs centralized governance facilitates a
unied stance against racial segregation among
its congregations, something that does not exist
for the more autonomous Protestant congre-
gations (Dougherty & Huyser 2008). Research
also nds that Protestant and Catholic diverse
congregations have different aims. According
to Garces-Foley (2008), even though both tra-
ditions often talk about unity, they mean dif-
ferent things because they draw on different
metaphors. For Protestants, unity often means
creating a new culture or nding what is com-
mon across cultures. It also means worshipping
together, almost always in the same language.
Because the Catholic perspective is based on
enculturation and hospitality, new immigrants
must be allowed to live out their religiocul-
tural traditions and worship in their own lan-
guages. As such, for Catholics, but rarely for
Protestants, the maintenance of cultural dis-
tinctions within the same congregation is ev-
idence of success of religious racial integration
rather than failure.
A third predictor of racial diversity in
congregationsin addition to religious tradi-
tion or denomination and historical position on
race relationsis whether congregations have
leaders who intentionally and regularly pro-
mote diversity (e.g., Christerson et al. 2005,
DeYoung et al. 2003, Kramer 1954, Yancey
& Emerson 2003). These congregations par-
ticipate in several strategies to foster racial
diversity. These include (a) diversifying pas-
toral and lay leadership (Christerson et al.
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2005, DeYoung et al. 2003, Pittman 1945,
Yancey & Emerson 2003); (b) fostering small
groups within the congregation (Ammerman
1997, Dougherty 2003, Jenkins 2003), includ-
ing racially homogeneous ones (Christerson
et al. 2005, Marti 2010); (c) integrating music
genres in the worship service that incorporate
multiple racial groups (DeYoung et al. 2003,
Ganiel 2008, Marti 2012, Yancey 2003); (d ) cre-
ating programs that specically address racial
or ethno-cultural issues (Dougherty & Huyser
2008, Ganiel 2008, Hadaway et al. 1984);
(e) appealing to particularistic experiences
amongracial/ethnic groups toincrease diversity
(Garces-Foleys 2007, Marti 2010); and ( f ) re-
cruiting conspicuous diversity by diversifying
the leadership, or who is seen up front during
worship (Marti 2012). Although all these strate-
gies increase the likelihood of diversity, Yancey
&Emerson (2003) and Christerson et al. (2005)
nd that creating a diverse leadership teamis of
primary importance. They specify that the lead-
ership not only must represent different racial
groups but also must be empowered to lead in
ways that are true to their cultural traditions.
Several other internal factors matter for
racial diversity in congregations. Congrega-
tions that embody a charismatic/Pentecostal
worship style are more likely than others
to be diverse (Dougherty & Huyser 2008,
Emerson & Woo 2006) because, it is argued,
worship that is more experiential (using eas-
ily accessible contemporary music, bodily re-
sponses, applause, jumping, saying Amen and
other verbal responses) creates an environ-
ment that is more inclusive and participatory
(Dougherty & Huyser 2008). Congregations
that are large and that have been founded re-
cently are more likely to have a diverse popu-
lation (Dougherty & Huyser 2008). And con-
gregations that have high-income and well-
educated attendees are more likely to be racially
diverse than are congregations that do not
(Dougherty & Huyser 2008, Emerson & Woo
2006, Parker 1968).
In addition to these internal factors, there
are three external factors that researchers
have shown are associated with higher levels
of racial diversity in congregations as well:
urbanicity, neighborhood racial composition,
and geographic reach of a congregations
religious marketplace. Congregations in urban
areas are likely to be more diverse than those
in suburban or rural areas (Dougherty 2003,
Dougherty & Huyser 2008, Emerson & Woo
2006, Hadaway et al. 1984). Findings also show
that congregations located in racially diverse
neighborhoods are likely to be more diverse
than ones located in racially homogeneous
neighborhoods (Ammerman 1997, Becker
1998, Emerson & Kim 2003, Emerson & Woo
2006, Hadaway et al. 1984, Northwood 1958,
Yancey 2003, Wedam1999). So, congregations
in racially diverse geographic areas, which also
tend to be urban, more easily attract and draw
a diverse population than do their counterparts
in racially homogeneous areas. Thus, as
Emerson & Kim (2003) assert, the larger the
geographic area from which a congregation
draws its worshippers, all other factors being
equal, the more racially diverse it will be.
Congregations that have a wider geographic
appeal, particularly if they are located in an ur-
ban area, will draw from various communities
that likely have residents from many different
racial backgrounds. However, congregations
that draw primarily from their immediate
neighborhood will be diverse to the extent that
the neighborhood remains diverse over time,
which is true of fewneighborhoods in America.
The research reviewed above consistently
shows that, given the right mix of internal
structures and incentives and certain external
conditions, congregations can become racially
diverse. However, this mix of internal and ex-
ternal factors rarely comes together for a single
congregation, thus making racial segregation in
American congregations the continued norm.
Moreover, this body of work addresses only a
small number of external factors that matter
when it comes to racial diversity in religious
organizations. A host of other external factors
might affect the capacity of congregations to
become racially diverse and to sustain that
diversity, not to mention cross-racial relations
that might play out in multiracial religious
218 Edwards
Christerson
Emerson
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organizations. These factors include, but are
not limited to, the role of immigration policy,
immigrant migration patterns, and neighbor-
hood characteristics beyond racial composition
such as crime rates, family types, socioeco-
nomic composition, and social capital. These
factors also demand attention in the research
on racially diverse religious organizations.
EXPLANATIONS FOR RELIGIOUS
RACIAL DIVERSITY
Why do multiracial churches work? Racial di-
versity is quite rare in most social institutions
in the United States, and despite a slight move-
ment toward religious racial diversity across
America, religion remains no exception. So,
what explanations do scholars offer for how re-
ligious organizations can encourage people to
voluntarily integrate across racial lines?
Broadly speaking, there are two. The
more common of the two explanations relates
to social identity. Religious organizations
deemphasize racial identitiesand the social
advantages or disadvantages associated with
themand emphasize an identity congregants
have in common, usually a religious identity
or some brand of a multiracial identity, in
an effort to generate unity among a diverse
body of people. In other words, religious
organizations elevate the importance of a
superordinate identity that all attendees share
over any subordinate identities of attendees,
ones that are particular only to subgroups.
Becker (1998) rst presented a version of
this explanation in her ethnographic study of
two multiracial congregations in Oak Park,
Illinois, a racially diverse suburb of Chicago.
Becker studied two Christian congregations,
one afliated with conservative Protestantism
and the other with liberal Protestantism. Given
the distinctive historical positions of these
traditions on race relations and the differences
in their contemporary sociopolitical persua-
sions, one might expect these congregations
to address racial diversity in different ways.
However, Becker found that this was not the
case. Despite their religious and sociopolitical
differences, the congregations handled reli-
gious racial diversity in quite similar ways. Both
downplayed race and stressed congregants
unity in Christ. Religious, social, and political
ideas or activities that potentially threatened
the internal unity of the congregation were
avoided. Moreover, race was personalized.
As Becker (1998, p. 469) explains, morally
informed discourse and action arise from and is
expressive of members own life experiences.
Making race about the personal and not the
structural was critical to these churches success
at building racially diverse congregations.
Other scholars have similarly noted how
congregations emphasize religious identities
over the meanings and consequences of racial
identities. Marti (2005), in an ethnographic
study of a congregation afliated with the
Southern Baptist Convention in Los Angeles,
argues that the head pastor was so successful at
elevating the importance of attendees common
religious identity that racial differences became
irrelevant among congregants. Marti (2008a,
p. 14) later dened this process as ethnic tran-
scendence whereby individuals claim a new
shared identity based upon a unique and lo-
calized understanding of what it means to be
religious.
Jenkins (2003) and Stanczak (2006) con-
ducted ethnographic studiesindependent of
one anotherof racially diverse congregations
afliated with the International Church of
Christ (ICOC). Both authors observed congre-
gations that were proud of being racially di-
verse, that had high expectations that mem-
bers would actively afrm this value, and that
were similar to the congregations in Beckers
(1998) and Martis (2005) studies in that the
structural realities of race were avoided. In the
end, the authors of both studies claim that the
congregations multiracial identities trumped
the racial identities of individual members, yet
they offer slightly different reasons for how
these churches were able to do this. Jenkins
(2003) focuses on the internal structure of the
congregation, arguing that the congregations
formal and informal norms regarding cross-
racial interaction and racial discourse limit[ed]
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organizational andindividual ability toconfront
and address the complexity of historical and
contemporary racial and ethnic social dynam-
ics (p. 407). Stanczak (2006), however, pro-
poses that congregations employ what he calls
strategic ethnicity. The multiracial identity
asserted by church leadership was a means to
an end, serving to distinguish their congrega-
tions from secular institutions and other re-
ligious organizations, broaden their niche in
the religious marketplace, and attract people of
varying races. This process meant that mem-
bers of color, especially, had to reconstruct
their racial selves to accommodate the ICOC
congregations brand of diversity, something
that Stanczak (2006) notes white members were
much less inclined to have to do.
Collectively, this line of work suggests that
some congregations can develop and sustain
racial diversity because they minimize the
importance of racial identities and maximize
the importance of a religious or multiracial
identity. The specic ways in which con-
gregations enact this strategy varies. Some
congregations highlight the importance of
a superordinate religious identity relative to
attendees other identities (Becker 1998, Marti
2005). Other congregations may highlight
their unique multiracial identity (Stanczak
2006). Still others may connect over a common
nonreligious identity, such as was the case in
the Hollywood multiracial church studied by
Marti (2008b), where congregants connected
because of a shared identity as artists. In the
process of establishing a multiracial identity,
still others may institute and reinforce clear
expectations guiding interracial interaction
and racial discussions ( Jenkins 2003). Yet in
the end, regardless of the specic approaches
employed, racially diverse congregations will
subvert or avoid the structural realities of race
for the everyday lives of their attendees [see
also Pitts (2010) critique of the plausibility of
religion being an effective tool for transcending
racial differences in multiracial congregations].
The second main explanation is that mul-
tiracial religious organizations are constrained
by broader racialized structures. This strand
of research does not necessarily contradict
work that uses social identity explanations.
Most scholars who point to social identity
also acknowledge that elevating superordinate
religious identities is often done at the cost of
downplaying race. Thus, this second line of
research assumes a different approach to un-
derstanding these organizations. Where other
scholars focus on how congregations manage
the salience of congregants identities, ulti-
mately assuming a more micro-level approach,
these scholars link processes within multiracial
churches to broader social forces, specically
racial patterns in society. Race, as a social
structure, is in one way or another implicated
in how and why multiracial religious organi-
zations workmanifesting in the leadership
structure, conicts over worship practices, and
friendship networks, among other areas. Con-
sequently, multiracial religious organizations
cannot be understood apart from the larger
racialized context in which they are located.
Drawing from six case studies, Christerson
et al. (2005), for example, propose that race
structures nearly every level of church activity
in racially diverse religious organizations. It
impacts congregations worship style and struc-
ture, friendship networks, attendee turnover
rates, and leadership selection processes. It
even affects disputes among congregants.
Disagreements over church activities fall along
racial lines, and attendees use theologically
informed arguments to provide support for
their racialized positions.
Priest & Priest (2007) focus on the worship
practices and leadership structures of mul-
tiracial religious organizations and propose
that these are manifestations of peoples racial
and class locations in society. In their study
of a merger of two South Carolina Baptist
churchesone predominately black and the
other predominately whitethey nd that,
despite each congregations stated intent to
share power after the merger, white leaders
controlled the worship practices of the new
congregation by drawing upon dominant
values, in this case the value of higher ed-
ucation. By asserting that their advanced
220 Edwards
Christerson
Emerson
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degrees made them more qualied than their
African American counterparts, white leaders
laid claim to a supposedly more legitimate
authority over worship and implemented the
worship practices they viewed as normative.
Similar processes are evident in Edwardss
(2008b) in-depth study of a Midwestern mul-
tiracial congregation. Stories emerging from
the case study highlight how racialized con-
icts over religious and nonreligious practices
and leadership selection are resolved and how
white congregants tend to win out in these con-
icts. Her analysis of the 1998 NCS afrms
these ndings. Multiracial congregations, when
compared with both predominately white con-
gregations andcongregations of color, are more
inclined to participate in the kinds of religious
and extrareligious practices in which predomi-
nately white churches participate. Situating her
ndings in critical whiteness theory, Edwards
(2008b) argues that because whites are accus-
tomed to being culturally normative and struc-
turally privileged and are unused to address-
ing issues of race, multiracial congregations will
need to minimize racial conict and primarily
address the preferences and desires of whites if
they are to keep whites attending.
As we noted above, most ethnographic
studies of multiracial congregations have
focused on how whites and people of color
manage religious racial diversity, with whites
often being the ones who are aiming to create
a diverse religious space. However, there are
a handful of studies that specically examine
how congregations of color make attempts at
racial integration. Thus far, the congregations
studied have been initially predominately Asian
aiming to attract non-Asian attendees, and the
ndings do not yet suggest any overarching
patterns. This, we imagine, is due to the limited
work conducted on these kinds of organiza-
tions. Dhingra (2004), for instance, nds that
the three Korean American churches he studied
avoided discussions of racism and racial in-
equality. But Garces-Foley (2007) in her study
of a largely Asian congregation moving toward
racial diversity nds that the congregation as-
sumed what she refers to as a color-conscious
approach, which was intended to encourage
members to engage the personal and structural
challenges that accompany race. Thus, the
social dynamics that govern the structure
and culture of multiracial congregations that
originate as congregations of color are unclear.
Scholars are expanding our understanding
of how and why racial integration in religious
organizations works. Some point to micro-
level processes. Others connect their ndings
to macro-level structures. Regardless of which
perspective scholars use to address religious
racial diversity, the eldbarring a fewnotable
exceptionsdoes not attempt, at least in any
substantive way, to build new or stretch cur-
rent social theory or connect to the broader
eld of empirical social scientic knowledge.
Most work, whether it relies on social identity
perspectives or race explanations, is more in-
terested in addressing what is going on within
multiracial religious organizations than what
the broader implications of these organizations
are for other institutions and macro-level pro-
cesses. This may be in part a result of key chal-
lenges andtensions withinthe eldthat have yet
to be resolved or exploited in a way that could
strengthen and expand intellectual inquiry
regarding not only religious racial diversity but
also racial stratication and religious change.
We turn to these challenges and tensions next.
CHALLENGES AND TENSIONS
The study of racially diverse religious orga-
nizations is a relatively recent area in sociol-
ogy. Although studies on multiracial churches
surfaced as early as the 1940s (e.g., Loescher
1948, Catchings 1952), fromthenuntil the early
2000s, when the eld expanded rather quickly,
there were just a handful of studies on multira-
cial congregations. The rapid growth of work
on this topic has left some important gaps in our
knowledge about the phenomenon of racially
diverse congregations, as well as the role of
these organizations in society at large.
A major gap in the eld is in methodology,
particularly sampling. Most research is on
conservative Protestant congregations, in part
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because of the highly inuential racial recon-
ciliation movement of the 1990s highlighted
above. This was an interesting and surprising
social phenomenon given conservative Protes-
tants long history of reinforcing Americas
racial hierarchy. Yet despite the novelty of the
racial reconciliation movement, it is Catholic
and non-Christian religious congregations
that are the most likely to be racially diverse
(Dougherty & Huyser 2008). A handful of
studies address religious racial diversity in these
traditions. For instance, Yang &Ebaugh (2001)
in their study of immigration and religion in
Houston examine a racially diverse Buddhist
congregation composed mainly of Anglos and
Asian immigrants. This study and others like it
are most interested, however, in exploring the
role that religion plays in immigrants adapta-
tion process in the United States, not religious
racial diversity. There are also studies that
include survey-based analyses that control for
religion or Christian tradition (e.g., Dougherty
& Huyser 2008, Edwards 2008b, Emerson
& Woo 2006), but these studies do not
really grapple with how religion or Christian
tradition matter for religious racial diversity.
The research so far is disproportionately
based on studies of conservative Protestant
congregations and is thus telling only a small
part of the story of religious racial diversity.
A second methodological limitation is that
there are few studies dealing with religious
racial diversity based upon national-level data
developed using probability sampling. Re-
searchers have largely relied upon the NCS,
a representative, congregational-level survey.
Although quite useful when studying compar-
isons between racially diverse and racially ho-
mogeneous congregations, the NCS is less use-
ful when aiming to understand variation across
different kinds of interracial congregations be-
cause it has a relatively small number of in-
terracial congregations in the sample (7.4%,
of 1,506 congregations in Wave II of the sur-
vey) and was not designed to address questions
specic to racially diverse congregations, such
as what the racial composition is of the pas-
toral staff or whether the congregation has a
mission statement that states a commitment to
racial or ethnic diversity. Moreover, there is
to date no representative, national-level survey
of interracial congregations. There are other
studies that have used the Lilly Survey of At-
titudes and Social Networks, which was con-
ducted during 1999 and 2000, and the Portraits
of American Life Study, conducted in 2006.
Both studies are national-level surveys of indi-
viduals derived from a random sample that was
stratied by race. These are both comprehen-
sive studies that include questions relevant to
the area of religious racial diversity, thus allow-
ing researchers to explore how religious racial
diversity affects peoples religious and nonre-
ligious attitudes and behaviors. Nevertheless,
they offer a limited capacity for researchers to
address questions specically about variation
across people who attend racially diverse con-
gregations. And, nally, none of the surveys
mentioned here includes a statistically sufcient
number of non-Christian congregations, which
are the most likely to be racially diverse.
Another challenge with the eld is that it
lacks agreement as to why multiracial religious
organizations are of theoretical and, more
broadly, sociological importance. Many studies
are not clearly rooted in a theoretical frame
or are not linked to broader social scientic
research. For instance, a large, long-standing
body of work in the social psychology literature
examines how groups foster intergroup unity
by promoting and thereby increasing the
salience of a common identity among a diverse
group of people (e.g., Brewer 1991, 1999;
Dovidio et al. 2005; Gaertner et al. 1989, 1999;
Gaertner &Dovidio 2000; Hehman et al. 2010;
Newhall et al. 1993). This is precisely what
many scholars of racially diverse congregations
propose these organizations are doing, yet
their discussion of this body of work or the
theories developed about this social process
is minimal. Thus, the opportunity to expand
upon theories of social identity has so far been
inadequately explored.
The eld also exhibits a familiar tension
in sociology more broadly between the micro
level and the macro level, or between symbolic
222 Edwards
Christerson
Emerson
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interactionist approaches (that emphasize how
people construct their environment and who
they are in relation to their environment)
and structural approaches (that connect the
interactions, behaviors, and views within
small group settings to the norms, values,
and social patterns in the broader society).
There is not a hard-lined dichotomy present
in the literature. Many scholars acknowledge
the potential of macro-level constraints on
local congregations and that, for instance, the
racialization of America or the laws governing
immigration affect congregations and howthey
navigate racial diversity (e.g., Becker 1998,
Dougherty & Huyser 2008, Garces-Foley
2007). Nevertheless, scholars tend toward one
approach or the other when aiming to explain
how multiracial churches work, and most rely
upon micro-level explanations.
This tendency to rely upon micro-level ex-
planations may be due in part to methodology.
As may already be clear, ethnographies are the
most common approach employed by scholars
to explain how and why racial integration in
congregations works. Ethnographies are by
denition conducted at the micro level. They
are long-term observations of and interactions
with geographically and time-bounded natural
settings. This approach has its limits. With
ethnographies we learn about what is going on
in a certain space during a specic time period,
but the ndings cannot be generalized to other
settings. Nor can they be replicated. Two
congregations may be afliated with the same
denomination, have nearly the same racial
composition, and be located in the same neigh-
borhood, but there will remain a host of other
variables that affect the goings-on of congrega-
tions that simply cannot be duplicated because
the people who populate congregations and
their interactions are unique. Not only are nd-
ings of ethnographic studies not generalizable,
but subsequent research cannot test them.
Nevertheless, although ethnographic re-
search is not replicable or generalizable, it can
do much more than reveal local knowledge or
lead to theories about specic, localized set-
tings. An in-depth study of a select social setting
allows for an account of howbroader social pro-
cesses are manifest in everyday settings. Why?
Because the macro is reected in the micro. Put
another way, the micro is the macro up close.
One challenge with many ethnographic
studies of racially diverse congregations is that
they do not exploit the theoretical potential of
the data for understanding the macro-level so-
cial processes impacting and underlying mul-
tiracial worship. Scholars employing ethno-
graphic methods would do well to employ an
approach that enables the production and ex-
tension of macro-level social theory.
The extended case method offered by
Burawoy (1998) offers another approach that
unleashes the capacity of ethnographic exam-
ination for theory expansion and development
and for building bridges between micro-level
social processes and the broader social struc-
ture. It encourages engagement with a social
setting and the explication of social processes.
But it further proposes that scholars account for
patterns in the everyday by connecting these
patterns tomacro-level structural forces, situate
that social setting within the historical context,
and aim to theorize about the processes ob-
served. This approach is not unlike that of Mills
(1959) in The Sociological Imagination. For schol-
ars of racially diverse congregations, this means,
at a minimum, that they situate their sites of
study withinthe historical context of multiracial
worship in the United States and intellectually
engage knowledge regarding broader structural
forces that impinge upon these social spaces.
In short, many existing studies of multira-
cial churches are relatively narrow, focusing
mainly on Christian congregations, particu-
larly conservative Protestant ones. This work
is also largely descriptive, suggestive, or limited
to localized theory. The eld needs to expand
beyond such circumscribed contributions and
theorize about what multiracial congregations,
across religions and Christian traditions, tell us
about broader sociological processes. Without
more rigorous theory building or testing, the
eld cannot make the kinds of contributions to
sociology or social science generally that it is
poised to make.
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CONCLUSION
Research thus far has produced several inter-
esting insights regarding racial diversity in reli-
gious congregations and the internal dynam-
ics of racially diverse religious organizations.
We could categorize the conclusions into two
types: (a) those that explore howreligious iden-
tities can supersede racial identities, which in
turn can allow for the existence and continued
survival of multiracial religious congregations;
and (b) those that emphasize how the dynam-
ics of a racialized society are replicated within
religious congregations, causing conicts and
inequalities within the congregation. Although
this literature is of great interest to practition-
ers (especially those who would like to see more
racial integration in the religious congregations
they lead) and to scholars of religion, the con-
tribution of this literature to the larger eld of
sociology is less clear.
The discipline of sociology has long been
interested in race. Its focus has been primar-
ily on how racial hierarchies are established
and reproduced in society as a whole. The dis-
cipline has also long been interested in reli-
gion as a social phenomenon. Beginning with
Marx and Weber, sociologists have examined
the extent to which religion legitimates and re-
produces social inequalities and the extent to
which religion can act as a force for social struc-
tural change. The fact (only recently admitted
among sociologists) that religion remains a po-
tent macro-social force even in modern society
has increased the interest in religion among so-
cial scientists of all stripes.
We propose that the juncture of race, re-
ligion, and social stratication is where re-
search on multiracial congregations can make
a larger contribution to the discipline of sociol-
ogy. In other words, macro-level questions re-
garding social straticationspecically racial
straticationought to be more rigorously
engaged: Do multiracial congregations legiti-
mate and reproduce racial stratication in soci-
ety? Do they represent the potential for social
change leading to greater racial equality in so-
ciety? Do they facilitate the development and
distribution of social capital and other valuable
resources to lower status people?
Research has provided some cluesalbeit
contradictory onesto the answers to these
questions. On the one hand, ndings suggest
that most multiracial congregations require
an avoidance of discussions of racism, racial
inequality, and politics and that members
downplay their racial identity in favor of their
religious identity in order to incorporate mul-
tiple racial groups into a single congregation.
Similar forms of racial inequality that exist in
society often arise in multiracial congregations
as white leaders and members have an outsized
inuence on how the congregations are struc-
tured and organized. Thus, it appears that, on
the whole, multiracial congregations are not
increasing consciousness of racism and racial
inequality. If anything, multiracial congrega-
tions are legitimating and reproducing racial
inequality rather than challenging it. Indeed,
monoracial congregations of color seem to
have more potential for challenging racial
inequality, evidenced in the well-documented
role of African American congregations in
political mobilization for greater equality (e.g.,
Morris 1984, Pattillo-McCoy 1998) and in the
role of immigrant congregations to provide re-
sources and social capital that facilitate upward
mobility (Hirschman 2004, Portes & Rumbaut
2006, Warner 1993, Warner & Wittner 1998).
On the other hand, however, segregation in
religious organizations can also reinforce white
dominance in society (Emerson &Smith 2000).
Monoracial white congregations can and do
legitimate and reinforce white supremacy in
many ways. There is also some evidence in the
literature that diverse congregations, such as
the one Garces-Foley (2007) examined, can
be places where a greater understanding and
consciousness of racism and racial inequality
can take place. And multiracial congregations
tend to have more inclusive attitudes than
monoracial congregations when it comes to
socioeconomic diversity (Yancey & Kim 2008).
Still, there is little evidence that this is the norm
or that, as a whole, the growth in the number
of multiracial congregations in America has
224 Edwards
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Emerson
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produced anything like a movement for greater
racial equality in the larger society.
If scholars interested in multiracial congre-
gations are to make a more signicant contri-
bution to the eld of sociology, they ought to
consider moving beyond micro-level analyses
of internal organizational dynamicsfocusing
on factors related to religious racial diversity or
howreligious racial diversity worksto a larger
discussion regarding macro-level processes
that produce or dismantle racial stratication in
society as a whole. The question of whether the
growth of multiracial religious organizations
represents a potential force for social change
toward greater equality or simply another
setting where racial hierarchies are reproduced
is an urgent and important one as these organi-
zations expand and increase across society. Not
only does the broader social structure affect the
internal dynamics of racially diverse religious
organizations, but what happens in multiracial
congregations will have a reciprocal effect on
the broader society. There is some evidence
that racial structures are being reproduced
in racially diverse congregations (Christerson
et al. 2005, Edwards 2008b). Still, more rig-
orous theoretical expansion and development
as well as intellectual engagement with big
questions about the role of race and religion
in macro-level social stratication are needed.
There is no better modern social site by which
to understand how religion reinforces racial
stratication (or not) than racially diverse
religious organizations.
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The authors are not aware of any afliations, memberships, funding, or nancial holdings that
might be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.
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SO39-FrontMatter ARI 5 June 2013 17:48
Annual Review
of Sociology
Volume 39, 2013 Contents
Frontispiece
Charles Tilly p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p xiv
Prefatory Chapter
Formations and Formalisms: Charles Tilly and the Paradox
of the Actor
John Krinsky and Ann Mische p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 1
Theory and Methods
The Principles of Experimental Design and Their Application
in Sociology
Michelle Jackson and D.R. Cox p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 27
The New Sociology of Morality
Steven Hitlin and Stephen Vaisey p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 51
Social Processes
Social Scientic Inquiry Into Genocide and Mass Killing:
From Unitary Outcome to Complex Processes
Peter B. Owens, Yang Su, and David A. Snow p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 69
Interest-Oriented Action
Lyn Spillman and Michael Strand p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 85
Drugs, Violence, and the State
Bryan R. Roberts and Yu Chen p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 105
Healthcare Systems in Comparative Perspective: Classication,
Convergence, Institutions, Inequalities, and Five Missed Turns
Jason Beckeld, Sigrun Olafsdottir, and Benjamin Sosnaud p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 127
Institutions and Culture
Multiculturalism and Immigration: A Contested Field
in Cross-National Comparison
Ruud Koopmans p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 147
Sociology of Fashion: Order and Change
Patrik Aspers and Fr ed eric Godart p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 171
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Religion, Nationalism, and Violence: An Integrated Approach
Philip S. Gorski and G ulay T urkmen-Dervi so glu p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 193
Formal Organizations
Race, Religious Organizations, and Integration
Korie L. Edwards, Brad Christerson, and Michael O. Emerson p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 211
Political and Economic Sociology
An Environmental Sociology for the Twenty-First Century
David N. Pellow and Hollie Nyseth Brehm p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 229
Economic Institutions and the State: Insights from Economic History
Henning Hillmann p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 251
Differentiation and Stratication
Demographic Change and Parent-Child Relationships in Adulthood
Judith A. Seltzer and Suzanne M. Bianchi p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 275
Individual and Society
Gender and Crime
Candace Kruttschnitt p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 291
White-Collar Crime: A Review of Recent Developments and
Promising Directions for Future Research
Sally S. Simpson p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 309
From Social Structure to Gene Regulation, and Back: A Critical
Introduction to Environmental Epigenetics for Sociology
Hannah Landecker and Aaron Panofsky p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 333
Racial Formation in Perspective: Connecting Individuals, Institutions,
and Power Relations
Aliya Saperstein, Andrew M. Penner, and Ryan Light p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 359
The Critical Sociology of Race and Sport: The First Fifty Years
Ben Carrington p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 379
Demography
The Causal Effects of Father Absence
Sara McLanahan, Laura Tach, and Daniel Schneider p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 399
International Migration and Familial Change in Communities
of Origin: Transformation and Resistance
Patricia Arias p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 429
Trends and Variation in Assortative Mating: Causes and Consequences
Christine R. Schwartz p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 451
vi Contents
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Gender and International Migration: Contributions and
Cross-Fertilizations
Gioconda Herrera p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 471
LGBT Sexuality and Families at the Start of the Twenty-First Century
Mignon R. Moore and Michael Stambolis-Ruhstorfer p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 491
Urban and Rural Community Sociology
Housing: Commodity versus Right
Mary Pattillo p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 509
Indexes
Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 3039 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 533
Cumulative Index of Article Titles, Volumes 3039 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 537
Errata
An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Sociology articles may be found at
http://soc.annualreviews.org/errata.shtml
Contents vii
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ANNUAL REVIEWS
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ANNUAL REVIEWS | Connect With Our Experts
Tel: 800.523.8635 (US/CAN) | Tel: 650.493.4400 | Fax: 650.424.0910 | Email: service@annualreviews.org
New From Annual Reviews:
Annual Review of Statistics and Its Application
Volume 1 Online January 2014 http://statistics.annualreviews.org
Editor: Stephen E. Fienberg, Carnegie Mellon University
Associate Editors: Nancy Reid, University of Toronto
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The Annual Review of Statistics and Its Application aims to inform statisticians and quantitative methodologists, as
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TABLE OF CONTENTS:
What Is Statistics? Stephen E. Fienberg
A Systematic Statistical Approach to Evaluating Evidence
from Observational Studies, David Madigan, Paul E. Stang,
Jesse A. Berlin, Martijn Schuemie, J. Marc Overhage,
Marc A. Suchard, Bill Dumouchel, Abraham G. Hartzema,
Patrick B. Ryan
The Role of Statistics in the Discovery of a Higgs Boson,
David A. van Dyk
Brain Imaging Analysis, F. DuBois Bowman
Statistics and Climate, Peter Guttorp
Climate Simulators and Climate Projections,
Jonathan Rougier, Michael Goldstein
Probabilistic Forecasting, Tilmann Gneiting,
Matthias Katzfuss
Bayesian Computational Tools, Christian P. Robert
Bayesian Computation Via Markov Chain Monte Carlo,
Radu V. Craiu, Jerey S. Rosenthal
Build, Compute, Critique, Repeat: Data Analysis with Latent
Variable Models, David M. Blei
Structured Regularizers for High-Dimensional Problems:
Statistical and Computational Issues, Martin J. Wainwright
High-Dimensional Statistics with a View Toward Applications
in Biology, Peter Bhlmann, Markus Kalisch, Lukas Meier
Next-Generation Statistical Genetics: Modeling, Penalization,
and Optimization in High-Dimensional Data, Kenneth Lange,
Jeanette C. Papp, Janet S. Sinsheimer, Eric M. Sobel
Breaking Bad: Two Decades of Life-Course Data Analysis
in Criminology, Developmental Psychology, and Beyond,
Elena A. Erosheva, Ross L. Matsueda, Donatello Telesca
Event History Analysis, Niels Keiding
Statistical Evaluation of Forensic DNA Prole Evidence,
Christopher D. Steele, David J. Balding
Using League Table Rankings in Public Policy Formation:
Statistical Issues, Harvey Goldstein
Statistical Ecology, Ruth King
Estimating the Number of Species in Microbial Diversity
Studies, John Bunge, Amy Willis, Fiona Walsh
Dynamic Treatment Regimes, Bibhas Chakraborty,
Susan A. Murphy
Statistics and Related Topics in Single-Molecule Biophysics,
Hong Qian, S.C. Kou
Statistics and Quantitative Risk Management for Banking
and Insurance, Paul Embrechts, Marius Hofert
Access this and all other Annual Reviews journals via your institution at www.annualreviews.org.
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