THE DEMOGRAPHIC ASPECTS OF THE

RECENT MIGRATION TO COUNTRIES OF

THE EUROPEAN UNION
A CASE OF STUDY: SPAIN

Date: 4/06/2014
Student:A!a S"e##a
Su!$e%t:De&'(#a)*+
P#',,e-'#:M"#.a E&"#*a,".'/"%
Fa0utet P'"t"%0"* Nau0a1Sa#a$e/'2
1
THE DEMOGRAPHIC ASPECTS OF THE RECENT MIGRATION TO
COUNTRIES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION A CASE OF STUDY: SPAIN
Int#'du%t"'n
The new trends and displacements of the population are generating changes in the
map of the European Union.The proceeding immigration from third countries
towards many states, between them Spain,need it of a response on the part of the
countries recipients,chord to the need to confront this situation of a best possible way
for all.
Along the history,the movements of population have been constant.The persons
have moved to and from with the desire or need to find new habitats with a few
better living conditions.The migrations are so ancient as the humanity and it exists
today,been not even nation that is not a product of migratory movements.
n the last hundred years there have been produced very intense migrations,which have
his origin in transcendental socio!economic and political events
"industriali#ation,big wars, endemic hungers, postcolonial despotisms$%and they are
&ept for a few political and economic international so unbalanced structures, which
force the displacements of population.Though the particular conditions of every epoch
determined the form of the migrations,the basic reason continues being the same.Today
the economic migrations would be one more manifestation of the abysmal differences
that they separate to the north of the south of the 'lanet.t is necessary to add other
reasons that nowadays they (oin and combine to generate migratory movements.)irst we
must spea& about the demographic pressure derived from the very much ma(or increase
of population who is produced in the named *poor* countries in comparison with the
rich ones+Then, the horror of the local wars, the violence and the violation of the human
rights that fre,uently aggravate it already the damaged situation of the Third world
called+ finally, the lac& of an international order that prevents,besides the warli&e
conflicts and the violation of human rights,the corruption in the administrations of many
States and similar excesses,which they lead to situations as the foreign debt.
t is foreseen that the influence accumulated of all these factors does not tend to
diminish or to disappear in the next decades,rather it loo&s li&e everything opposite- a
worsening on having been probable neither a ma(or economic medium!term leveling,
nor either rapid correction of the demographic imbalances between .orth and
South,which will carry constant instability and the disorders of the peace and of the
economy will give place to more migratory movements.
As a result of the technological difference, the anticipated countries have in average
more resources as person, more wor&ers in relation with the dependent persons, more
the capital generated of the saving, more investment and more trade.)or these reasons
they have more opportunity of wor& and offer better wages.The populations have
managed to be so polite and to having so high mobility towards top levels that in
moments of shortage of wor& they refuse to recover tas&s of low remuneration or under
status./illion wor&ers of the populous underdeveloped countries are ready to accept
this type of tas&s,and the businessmen long to contract them.0i&e that,legal or illegally
the immigrants enter the countries developed with the facility of traffic created the
modern means of transport and the development of the mass media.
The dichotomy among development and underdevelopment is arbitrary.Apart from
political or geographical special circumstances,the general beginning is that a nation
stretches to receive immigrants of the nations less developed than it,and when emigrants
1
send to the most developed countries.t is evident that the migratory current is extracted
in increasing form of the underdeveloped countries.n The United States the principal
origin of this current spent of .orthern Europe,2est and 3enter to the countries of
Asia,0atin America,Eastern Europe and of the South. And Africa, Asia and 0atin
America recover in Europe a role increasingly actively as immigrants4 suppliers.
n our particular European and Spanish area, the migratory reality demonstrates with an
immigrants significant presence,being predictable that constitutes one of the biggest
challenges to the company in the next decades.
Spain for many years was coming being a country from where one was emigrating
towards other lands, and not a place to which others were coming.5f being traditionally
a country of emigration it has developed nowadays into a country of immigration.)or
this reason probably, they have not established strictly between ourselves the habits of
reflection, moderation and conduct that guide to other villages, for good and for evil, the
spontaneous treatment and popularly towards the immigrants..either our national
authorities or place rely on the sufficient experience matured of the repercussions that
they have the migrations in our way of coexisting, and the procedure by which there are
in the habit of being regulated all the ,uestions relative to the immigration.
This innovation of having turned into country of immigrants4 destination, invites us to
understand the current immigration due to what it happens in other Europa4s
countries,since the property to the European Union is a mainspring of that we have
passed to be a country of immigration.
.owadays, the migratory movement in Europe presents important changes. The
emigration inside the community has been characteri#ed historically by long!term
movements of the regions least developed to the most prosperous.The countries of
Europa4s south, Spain between them, reached cheap wor&force for the reconstruction of
a .orthern Europe dismantled in the years of postwar period.
n our country it was especially during the decade of the sixties and first of the
seventies,when there too& place the wor&ers4 massive exit of different regions of Spain
to countries as 6ermany, )rance or Swit#erland, being the most representative as for
numbers of arrival. 0ater the economic world recession of 1789 did that the situation
was changing radically. n Spain and others countries of Europa4s south,the migratory
balances became positive, when the wor&ers began to return to his places of origin,not
being already so necessary the wor&force when the crisis too& root in the industriali#ed
countries.The circumstances were suing an obliged return the mother land.
)rom the seventies there was produced a clear stagnation of the classic movements
between European regions from the south towards the north.)or some years the politics
of immigration of numerous member states of the EU has become increasingly
restrictive in order to put end to the wor&ers4 immigration,especially not ,ualified.The
current migrations are ruled by the demand,almost always very distressing,from that
they decide to emigrate.t does that the migratory flow has increased to the margin of
the internal conveniences of the countries recipients.The current immigrants present,in
comparison with them of before the eighties,a ma(or trend to remain definitively in the
country of reception and to support in it his cultural identity.
This situation is produced when the fall of interior borders and the persons4 free traffic
seemed to demand in the European Union the political one common respect of the
control of the exterior"foreign% borders and a special attention to the migratory
flows.This aim has tried to be achieved by means of a series of meetings groups
between governments of the different member states,which result diverse pro(ects of
agreements shape them "Schengen, :ublin $%the phenomenon being contemplated
from an optics merely controller.Too much little for a con(uncture li&e the current
9
one,who carries unpublished challenges,opposite to which, in some countries there have
originated attitudes and ways of proceeding inclined to unleash serious conflicts before
the supposed threat of a massive immigration and with a public re(ealous opinion before
those who come of out.The fear of the competition for the wor&ing places,the
deterioration of the environment in which always it has been lived,the delocalisation of
the street, the loss of cultural and national identity, they are examples translated in the
outbrea&s of xenophobia and racism that lamentably multiply in the European countries
ac,uiring a plus sign that worrying, and that have to ma&e thin& over us to the whole
company"society%.
2e are before a good moment to avoid ma(or conflicts choosing the suitable ways and
ways of acting.)or the rest, the transformation of Spain in immigrants4 country close to
the normative changes provo&ed by the 3onstitution of 178; and the entry of Spain to
the European 3ommunity in 17;<, they have demanded successive legal answers
partner adapted to the changeable (uridical realities.At the beginning of the eighties the
(uridical regime of the nationality reforms in an opened and generous sense there being
regulated the concession of the political refuge..evertheless,with posteriority a
legislative setbac& ta&es place in the opposite direction.This way the organic law=17;>,
of rights and freedoms of the foreigners in Spain more &nown as *immigration
laws*,ad(usts such a name to a text which essential content more that to regulate rights
seems to establish controls, permissions and sanctions.
.owadays our country receives immigrants of the Third world in sufficient number as
li&e to constitute a significant presence.Especially, when for the geographical position
that we occupy in Europa4s south #one,our territory turns into #one of way from the
north of Africa towards other Europa4s places,and in #one of accession of other many
immigrants.?is presence strictly between ourselves,given the difficult situation that they
suffer, raises an ethical challenge to the Spanish society to the one that is unavoidable to
answer.
P#"n%")a &"(#at'#+ ,'3- a%#'-- t*e )'"t"%- ', &"(#at"'n ', t*e EU
The members of the Union have grown from six founding States "@elgium, )rance,
6ermany, taly, 0uxembourg and .etherlands% to the 1; that today shape the European
Union- Austria, @elgium, @ulgaria, 3yprus, 3#ech Aepublic, 3roatia, :enmar&,
Slova&ia, Slovenia, Spain, Estonia, )inland, )rance, 6ermany, 6reece, ?ungary,
reland, taly, 0atvia, 0ithuania, 0uxembourg, /alta, .etherlands, 'oland, 'ortugal,
United Bingdom, Aomania and Sweden.
The politics of immigration of the European Union,relative to the control and the
management of the migratory flows might be approached from multiple
perspectives,though three are specially interesting.)irst the economic dimension, which
one agrees on the reduction of the immigrant to the wor&er4s figure, attending to the
conditions and protection of the community mar&et of employment.Secondly, the
defensive orientation that puts in evidence the exigency of armouring the borders before
the interpretation of the immigration from a safety vision and public order. )or 0ast,the
social approach,which might be summari#ed in the need of integration of the
immigrants in the countries of reception.
The cooperation among different European conditions,in the middle of the eighties,
arisen from the will economics to create a common home mar&et"Economic European
3ommunity% soon related to the protection need of the foreigns borders and the
migratory flows.This way in 177C with the signature of the agreement of application of
Schengen4s Agreement the connection became strong between immigration and
D
crime.The Schengen territory had the clear one ob(etive-the physical suppression of the
borders without wastage of the internal safety.)or it there were ta&en such diverse
measurements as the modification of the frontier system "by the elimination of borders
towards the interior and the maintenance of controls by been not community third
parties%, the common treatment to the persons who cross the border from a third state
and the strengthening of the safety measures with the coordination of the
administrations in charge of the frontier control.
n 1771 with the signature of the Agreement of /aastricht there devoted itself the
structure of three props, considering to be the asylum, the persons4 crossing areas of
common interest for the exterior borders and the practices of controls,the politics of
immigration and certain aspects of the politics relative to the natives of been third
parties.5n 5ctober 1,1778 there was adopted the Agreement of Amsterdam, which
constitutes the real point of inflexion from which it begins to be spo&en properly about
politics of European immigration.This agreement came into force in 1777 and was
meditating as aim of the union,the creation of a space of freedom, security and
(ustice,establishing a clear relation between the freecirculation of persons4 and the
control of the migratory flows,as way of guaranteeing the above mentioned space. All
this was included in the Agreement of the European and li&e that Union began to put in
common the politics of immigration.The Agreement fixed a term of five years "until
/ay 1, 1CCD% to obtain the full common of the above mentioned politics.After the
expiration of the above mentioned term many of the aims have remained
hanging,though also many achievements have been obtained.The ,uestion of the
immigration continues being a topic of vital importance both in the different European
advice and in the communications, recommendations and boards of the Union.
The 3onstitutional Agreement of the European Union, in his article 1<8, contemplates
the elaboration of a law that mar& European for the regulation of the opposite control,
the expedition of visas, the conditions of revenue, stay and expulsion, asylum and the
definition of the rights and the measures of integration of the natives of third countries
who reside legally in the community space.
)rom the economic perspective,the Union bets for the defense of the community mar&et
prioriti#ing the labor occupation of the citi#ens of the EU and, in his case, of the already
resident ones,determining the new income to the existence of formal vacancies.The
migratory movements towards the EU tend to limit attending to the demand of
wor&force, that is to say, the natives of third countries who want to enter community
territory legally, since economic immigrants will see his (uridical statute re!led to the
wor& that they recover.Scarcely one affects in the reasons of the process that has
provo&ed the existence of an important number of persons ready to emigrate, is not even
operated on the diverse mechanisms that generate available wor&ing places for the
immigrants,on the legal mar&et or in the blac& economy, in spite of the fact that it is a
,uestion of &nown and ,uestioned aspects "casuali#ation labor and proliferation of *
new slaves *%.
n general, the legal wor& is not attractive for the immigrants for the scanty demand of
slightly ,ualified wor&force. n his place the illegal mar&et is the principal factor of
attraction of the foreigners .on!EU, in the sectors of agriculture, hotel and catering
business"hotel management%, construction or services. 2e can affirm that hereby the
blac& economy and the immigration feed bac&. The States, at the same time as they
support a formal politics of restrictive immigration, try across, for example, the
contracts of season, to answer to the labor needs, consenting the clandestine wor&.
As for the defensive speech, the different countries of the EU limit the immigration
.on!EU for different fears of safety and public order, being considered to be the
>
experience of a country in the control of the immigration,fundamental for his efficiency.
n spite of it, the efforts for controlling the income, as the destined ones to protect the
labor mar&et, have been to a great extent ineffective. .either the forms of control of the
immigration in the native lands, which should to reduce the incentives to emigrate, have
obtained the awaited results.
All this combined with a strong politici#ation of the control of the immigration, being
common in different countries, which the parties have included in his electoral
campaigns,proposed to stop the immigration,with measures tending to the protectionism
and favouring of the nationalism.
)inally, in the social area one has tried to avoid the identity ,uestions of the immigrants,
affecting in others as the European citi#enship, which they dont do but to exclude to
whom they do not concern to the member states and cannot en(oy rights in e,uality of
conditions, harming the integration of the immigrants outside the European Union. The
vagueness at the moment of proposing of integration measures and the void European
will with regard to this topic, stops to free disposition of the respective governments of
the countries, one of the fundamental ,uestions in the management of the
immigration.There is claimed that the foreigner has the aptitude to adapt to the state
impositions,but they do not worry in promoting the ad(ustment of the State and the
company to the immigrants who come.This way it happens that they continue being
been, as the Spanish, that they refuse to conceive the integration in the shape of rights
and to continue limiting the full en(oyment of the social or political rights.
)or all this, in the current situation the immigration reverberates less in the receiving
society because it faces a barrier- the migratory politics,which prevents his free entry in
the country of chosen destination.*.owadays nothing determines both the
characteristics of the migratory flows and the restrictive in force policies of the access in
the practical totality of the countries of reception * "Eoa,uFn Arango Gila H 2innows%.
)or it the repercussions of the immigration in the demographic system of the current
societies are small, but not so much since it is thought. The motive is the immigrants4
volume in irregular situation that they are not registered by the official statistics and
that, certainly, reverberates. Especially in countries li&e Spain, which relies on an
important volume of immigrant population in irregular situation derived from the
fragility of his borders, his migratory politics and his geostrategic situation.The
international migrations happen to be one of the most important components of the
demographic evolution of the developed countries that possess a low level of growth. n
the Spanish case, it seems that the immigration contributes to a great extent. 5nly it is
necessary to see the vegetative growth "births ! deaths% of the immigrant population,
who in the year 1CC1 supposed 8C.D I of the total growth, a relatively high percentage.
n what measure is the demographic contribution of the immigration importantJ t
depends principally on three factors- composition, sustainability and permanence of the
migratory flows and his effects in the aging and the population growth.)irst, the effects
of the immigration in the demographic system of the country recipient derive from the
composition of the immigrant population.n general the immigrants are young, in age of
wor&ing and of procreating. n Spain, because of which still we possess a short
migratory history, the immigrant population is characteri#ed by his youth, since it relies
on a middle ages of between 9C and 9D years.@ut as the migratory experience advances,
the immigrants age, as the rest of the population.)or it, to obtain a ma(or benefit, the
migratory flows would have to be constant.
The social sustainability of the immigrants4 volume is the second factor on which the
contribution depends. The need of immigration is undeniable, but it is not easy to &now
<
which is the volume of population who would ma&e possible to solve the demographic
imbalances.According to the United .ations, Spain would need 11 million immigrants
"approximately 1DC.CCC a year% of here a year 1C>C. According to information of Euan
Antonio )ernande# 3ordKn, Spain a million immigrants will need to incorporate, from
the year 1C1>, to the year, which will be increased until 1.DCC.CCC annual immigrants
reach in 1CDC and to become stable concerning"around% <CC.CCC wor&force a year in
1C>C. )or your his part,the .ational nstitute of Statistics ".E%, in his recent review of
the pro(ections of Spanish population reali#ed a few years ago, includes migratory flows
of almost 1CC.CCC income in 1777 and 9<C.CCC in the later years, overloo&ing <C.CCC
wor&force that were estimated in the previous pro(ection. According to the .E, in the
next 1C years an annual average of income is waited of among 1;C.CCC and 1>C.CCC
immigrants. 5n the other hand, the 3ommittee of Economic 'olitics of the European
3ommission considers a few migratory annual flows for Spain of <C.C "thousands of
persons% between the year 1C1C and 1C>C. These numbers stop to guess that though the
immigration is positive, it is not the solution, since these numbers are unattainable,
though some more than different.To solve the problem of the aging a change should
give him in the migratory politics, happen from the current restrictive politics to other
one more permissive and controlled, that was allowing the entry in the country of a
volume of immigration in more abundant legal situation. .evertheless, not everything is
of color of rose. The immigration is necessary, and all more better, but the cost that he
carries is very high.The social and cultural ad(ustments that would have to be carried
out in the country are very big. After the relative importance of the theoretical debates
on multicultural citi#enship and the developments of the multicultural politics in the
nineties in Europe, nowadays we are present at a change of orientation.
The governments of several countries of reception of long tradition, as the .etherlands,
6reat @ritain or )rance, incline for adopting approaches assimilationists to offset what
they (udge as a "relative% failure of his previous multicultural policies.)or the new
countries of reception, as 6reece, taly or Spain, still it is more difficult to adopt a
multicultural approach, though the political elites recogni#e the need to integrate the
immigrants.This crisis of the multiculturalism ta&es place in a moment in which it has
increased the raising awareness on the safety due to the events of September 11, 1CC1 in
The United States and to his se,uels. The reappearance of the international terrorism has
led to one every time ma(or securiti#aciKn of the diary of migration. n spite of the fact
that the alleged terrorists seemingly are between the legal, educated immigrants of
middle class ! the *good* immigrants for whom the western societies have been
competing in the last decade ! the argument of the terrorism is in use in the political
debates for (ustifying now a few harder controls on the immigration in general. The
above mentioned controls infringe, in name of the security, the individual basic rights of
the citi#ens of the EU and also of the natives of third countries. .evertheless, there are
no proofs that the undocumented immigrants who cross illegally the borders of the
members states of the EU and who are employed at his blac& economies,which little by
little are established and even they manage to regulari#e his situation, are between the
suspects of terrorist assaults so sophisticated as that of September 11.
As for the case of concrete study of Spain, have to say that the country relies on
D8.17C.D79 inhabitants and has an aged population,who is the result of a low
@rute"6ross% Aate of @irthrate "1C,> I% and a low @rute"6ross% Aate of /ortality ";,1
I%. This is, of a limited number of children for woman "1,9;% and a long life expectancy
";D,7 years for the women and 8;,7 years for the men%, that they have li&e proved a
natural low or very low growth "1,9 I%. )rom the second half of the nineties, the
massive arrival of young immigrants in age of wor&ing and having children has
8
originated a light ascent of the rates of birthrate and has re(uvenated the demographic
Spanish structure, increasing slightly the rate of growth.The development of a powerful
economic crisis, from 1CC8, has given place to a drastic reduction in the number of
arrivals. A reduction in the number of children for woman, both foreigners and Spanish
women and an increase in the rate of aging.
)rom the year 1CCC, Spain has presented one of the ma(or rates of immigration of the
world. n the year 1CC> only it was overcome in relative terms in the European
continent by 3yprus and Andorra. At present it is the ninth country with ma(or
percentage of immigrants inside the European Union, below countries as 0uxembourg,
reland, Austria or 6ermany. t is in addition the tenth country of the planet that more
immigrants has in absolute numbers, behind countries li&e The United States, Aussia,
6ermany, U&raine, )rance, 3anada or the United Bingdom. According to the census of
1CC7, 11 I of the residents in Spain was of foreign nationality. @ecause of the
economic crisis that crosses Spain, from 1C1C to 1C11, a decrease too& place for the first
time in the history. n 1C11, the population of foreign origin was representing 1D,1 I of
a total population registered of D8,1 million persons. This contrasts with the happened in
the middle of the 7Cs, when his number was closely of a million and his percentage was
courting 1,> I of the total population.
As for the distribution and territorial concentration of the immigrants, four of the
Spanish provinces "/adrid, @arcelona, Alicante and Galencia% receive >C I of the
foreign population+ in the same territories it resides only 9> I of the total population of
the country. ncluding the following seven provinces with foreigners4 ma(or volume
"/alaga, /urcia, @alearics, Tenerife, 0as 'almas, 6irona and Almeria% we meet 8> I
of the foreigners and >C I of the total population of the country. Therefore, the
immigrants are specially concentrated in some #ones, concretely /adrid, @aleares and
3anarias and several provinces of the /editerranean arch, from 6irona to /alaga. This
guideline of concentration meets promoted by the existence of three types separated
from poles of attraction- The big cities of services "/adrid, @arcelona, Galencia%, the
regions with intensive agriculture of irrigation "/urcia and Almeria% and some coastal
#ones with great tourist offer and summit of the construction.
The set of the foreigners supposed at the beginning of 1CC> ;,D I of the total
population. @ut this average value hides very diverse situations. n an end, the
foreigners4 ma(or proportion is in Alicante "1;,> I of his population%, @alearics,
Almeria and 6irona "more than 1> I% that turn ! or almost ! the national average. They
follow /adrid, /alaga, /urcia, 3astellKn, Tarragona and Tenerife and
"concerning"around% 11 I%. t is necessary to indicate that these high indexes of *
migratory density * have differentiated compositions- for example, in Alicante, Tenerife
and /alaga slightly more than the half of the foreigners they come from the Economic
European Space or from .orth America, in @alearics they are D9 I and in 0as 'almas
more of the third part"report% of the registered ones. 5n the other hand, in /adrid,
/urcia or @arcelona the great ma(ority "concerning"around% 7C I% it is original of not
community countries. Therefore, the first group is characteri#ed by a strong presence of
* privileged residents * "for his (uridical statute, while community natives, since for the
economic position of the ma(ority- financiers, business owners or liberal professionals%
and the last one for a clear predominance of the * economic immigrants *. t can only
clear that the immigration has different importance and different faces according to the
#one of the map in which we put in our attention.
;
C'&)a#"-'n ', t*e #ate- ', ,e%und"t+ and !"#t*#ate ', t*e "&&"(#ant 3'&en "n
S)a"n and t*e aut'%*t*'n'u- )')uat"'n
n the study of the repercussions of the immigration neither by means of the fecundity,
nor the whole immigration nor all the groups they receive the same attention. They are
the immigrants proceeding from countries of the Third world, named from Europe .on!
EU, which affect in ma(or measure for coming from countries with demographic rate of
high levels of fecundity. This population brings with it bosses of discharges rates of
fecundity that reverberate in the society receiving raising the total fecundity. The
fecundity of the immigrant population is important, since it is higher than that of the
autochthonous population but the certain thing is that tends to wea&en in the long
term,even to place in many cases below the level of fecundity of the company"society%
receiving, managing to place even in some cases below the level of replacement "1,1
children for woman%.)or it the indirect effect of the immigration in the demographic
growth and the aging by means of the differential fecundity is slightly significant for his
scanty persistence in the time, short!term this differential fecundity yes can benefit the
low index of fecundity in the developed countries, but long!term this contribution
vanishes for the convergence of his reproductive bosses with those of the population of
the country recipient.
The different characteristics sociodemographics of immigrant and autochthonous
determine his different reproductive behavior.)eatures as the structure of age, the
middle ages to the couple, the nationality or the professional category, between others,
determine the index of fecundity of the different populations. f there are eliminated the
effects of these characteristics by means of his integration in the receiving society the
differences between immigrants and autochthonous they will tend to diminish,
converging on a reproductive common model. The most recent studies reali#e of how in
the reproductive culture of the immigrants there reverberate more the material
conditions of the new place where there is lived that the local values where one has
born. The difficulties of the immigrants to find a wor& or a housing would reverberate
more than the cultural bosses than the native land,conditioning the number of children.
Since it is &nown, the immigrant persons bring with it a social, linguistic, religious,
economic, cultural and personal baggage of the native land, to which as immigrant adds
a new and complex labor, legal problematics and of identity proceeding from the
country of reception. n the long term, the decrease of the fecundity up to levels
comparable to those of Spain can owe to the changes in the reproductive attitude on the
base of the economic situation for which these women happen. They have a precarious
economy, which does not allow them to support many children, do not have a good
labor situation, and, in addition, they lac& a familiar networ& that it ta&es care of her
children while they wor&. t is evident that many immigrant women must thin& that it is
more expensive children raise in Spain that in her native land.A sample of the
convergence of the reproductive bosses is the utili#ation,on the part of the immigrant
women, of contraceptive methods in our country. This population brings cultural
guidelines of origin with regard to what it is the contraception. 2hen they come to
Spain one gives a great change in the employment of the contraceptive methods, so the
consumption of contraceptive pills and the use of condoms increases.
0esthaeghe and Sur&yn came to this conclusion-* the immigration can prevent the
decline of the European population during the first half of the 11st century, but only if,
year after year, allows itself the entry of a record number of immigrants * .En the case
of which the fecundity of the immigrants was compared with that of the autochthonous
population, this volume would have to double and come to a few unthin&able levels.
7
)rom the year 1CCC, the evolution to the fall of the fecundity in Spain seems to have
stopped, being &ept constant in a higher level. Though probably it is represented simply
to a se,uence to undulate of the demographic Spanish situation, in which after a
decrease of the fecundity necessarily there has to be an ascent, three of sum fight as
reasons -the spectacular increase of the migratory flows, the familiar regrouping and the
family creation.
The familiar regrouping is a &ey factor in the increase of the birthrate of the immigrant
population. n some cases, the regrouping is reali#ed in the same migratory process, as
thousands of Ecuadorians who come accompanied from his wives and children. @ut, in
general, the family regrouping puts in practical some years after the arrival of the
immigrants to our country, in staggered form, which result they are families separated
between the native land and that of destination and single!parent families until the
regrouping ta&es place. This one is the case of the /oroccans who, after years of
accession in our country, begin in 17;; to use so much the family legal regrouping of
17;< as li&e the illegal one, with what it increased the number of births from beginning
of the nineties and has continued increasing up to the current importance.
The increasing presence of young immigrant women has supposed an increase of the
number of births in the country, so that his contribution happened of being D,1 I in
177; up to 11,1 I in 1CC9. n other terms- at present more than 1C I of the births
belongs to foreign mothers.@ut, secondly, this continuous increase does not go e,ually
with that of women migrants in fertile age+ on the contrary, the proportion births =
women does not stop going down from the year 1CCC. The explanation seems to be
evident- the great number of immigrants recents helps to moderate the rates of births,
since in the first stage his priorities centre on trying his labor and social insertion. t will
be necessary to wait a time to confirm if his presence supposes a new impulse to the
birthrate, if with the *integration* in the Spanish society his contribution controls itself,
or if different combinations are established among these possibilities. )or the present
time, it is clear that between the wives understood"included% between the 1> and D7
years, the rate of births of the foreigners it is ma(or that that of the Spanish women,
though the difference has diminished of 1,D times in 1CCC 1,< in 1CC9. The national
origin of the mothers has changed parallel to the incorporation of new migratory flows.
n 177;, the /oroccan women were contributing 1< I of the births of the
foreigners,continued to very long distance for )rench, 'ortuguese, 6ermans,
:ominicans and 'eruvians among 9!D I every group. )rom then there diminishes the
relative importance "not the absolute one% of the /oroccan mothers who in 1CC9
continue being ma(ority but contributing only 17,8 I of the births. 5n the other hand,
the Ecuadoran ones appear in 1777 with D,7 I and show a di##y growth that in five
years them places almost at par that the /oroccans "17,> I%. n addition, at present
stand out also the 3olombian mothers "7 I% and the Aumanian ones "<,< I%, continued
for 3hinese and Argentine "9 I%. n the following table the total number of births is
gathered depending on the mother nationality. 2e can state that of /oroccan and
Ecuadoran mothers slightly more than 1C.CCC children were born throughout 1CC9+
almost >.CCC of 3olombian, more than 9.CCC of Aumanian and over 1.CCC of Argentine,
3hinese, @ritish, or 'eruvian. @eyond the total volume of @orn, it ensues from interest
to compare these numbers with the set of women in fertile age "between 1> and D7
years%+ on having done it we obtain a rate of special fecundity, which indicates the
percentage of births to us for every hundred women in age of procreating. The obtained
result is gathered in the last column of the table. 2e verify that the highest volumes of
fecundity correspond"fit% to the /oroccan women "that they duplicate the average of all
1C
the foreigners% and to the small stones. Scarcely over the average the Ecuadoran ones
place. n the opposite end, the lowest rates correspond to 6ermans and @ulgarian. This
one is only one of the possible indications that show us as the concept *foreigners*
includes a wide diversity of social behaviors.
@AT?S A.: )E3U.:TL 5) T?E )5AE6. /5T?EAS A335A:.6 T5 .AT5.A0TL "1CC9%
Nationalities
womens 15
to 49 years births fertility
All 993.793 53.306 5,4
Ecuador 185.722 10.406 56
!olombia 111.465 4.940 44
"arruecos 96.975 10.525 109
#umania 75.7$6 $.550 47
%r&entina 42.77$ 1.81$ 42
#eino 'nido $$.626 1.$08 $9
(er) 29.18$ 1.0$8 $6
%lemania 25.5$7 7$$ 29
#. *ominicana 2$.881 897 $8
+oli,ia 2$.717 904 $8
+ul&aria 2$.54$ 706 $0
!hina 21.770 1.778 82
-rancia 20.867 976 47
'crania 20.827 640 $1
.talia 20.110 6$1 $1
Source- own elaboration on the basis of .E, .atural /ovement of the 'opulation and /unicipal 'oll
1CC9.
These contributions of the immigration to the vegetative growth of the Spanish society
have une,ual incident from the spatial point of view. Since already we have treated in
the previous paragraph, there exists a strong guideline of concentration of the migrantes
in certain #ones of the Spanish geography. n addition, in each of them the composition
differs for sex, ages and national origins. Therefore, the incident of the birthrate is
diversified also. )rom the point of view of the ,uantity of illuminations stand out the
regions that receive more number of immigrated persons- almost the half registers in
/adrid and 3atalonia "19 I in each one%, continued to great distance for the Galencian
3ommunity "11 I% and Andalusia "1C I%. @ut if we compare the volume of births of
immigrants with that of the Spanish mothers we obtain a clearer vision of the
demographic contribution of the first ones in every region. The strongest impact
registers in /elilla "in D; of every 1CC illuminations the mother was foreign% and 3euta
"18,> I%+ later there appear @alearics, /adrid, /urcia, 3atalonia and 0a Aio(a "18 to
1C,> I%. n Aragon, the Galencian 3ommunity and .avarre there excels itself nearly the
national average "11 I%. 5n the other hand, in Estremadura and 6alicia the foreign
mothers contribute less than > I of the births and in Asturias, @as,ue 3ountry and
3antabria scarcely excels itself this number.
t suits to bear in mind, in addition, that exists another contribution to the birthrate that
we have not considered for lac& of ma(or information, but that is important to record.
Ta&ing the numbers of 1CC9 as a reference we see that 7 I of the births belonged to
foreign mother (oined a father also foreign+ other one 9 I of immigrant mother with
Spanish father, but there exists the third group that contributes other one 1 I "7.9CC
births%- they are Spanish mothers (oined foreign parents. Therefore, the immigrant
progenitors of both sexes contributed 1D I of the births- 7 I was foreign couples and >
I mixed couples among autochthonous and foreigners of both sexes%. s here another
sign of social diversity- the foreign origin does not imply necessarily that the
11
conviviality and the reproduction reali#es in a family way constituted only by
immigrants.
n the context of a regime of fecundity very down, the demographer Andreu :omingo,
who has studied the contribution of the immigrant women in the social reproduction,
has indicated that the international migration must not be understood as population
supplement destined to compensate the deficit of fecundity. Aather on the contrary, in
Spain, the role of good part of the immigrant women "speciali#ed in the wor& of
domestic employees or since carers% is complementary to the advances in formation and
labor participation of the Spanish women. )rom this perspective, the increase of the
fecundity of the Spanish women would not act to the detriment of the demand of
feminine occupation not of the immigration, but it can be an element that acts of
inducement.
n little more than twenty years, Spain has passed of having one of the highest
fecundities of the European regions to one of the lowest have of the world. The
synthetic index of fecundity of Spain "number of children for woman in a certain year%
reached a rate of 1,1 children for woman in the first half of the eighties, and descended
since then up to reaching in 177; his lower level, 1,1> children for woman. )rom this
date a light recovery has ta&en place"been produced%, so that in the year 1CC1 it has
come near to a rate of 1,1> children for woman.
Though favored by new circumstances, the reduction of the family si#e is a continuation
of a previous trend, as the diffusion of the modern contraceptive technologies"s&ills%
that the interventions pronatalists of the )ranco4s regime had tried to limit. n spite of
this relative continuity, the year 17;C and it was to a great extent a point of brea&, since
till then the decrease of the fecundity was the result of the depletion of the former model
of family formation and early reproduction.
Though the Spanish women are the European citi#ens who later have her first son "17
years%, this delay does not mean necessarily a resignation or a minor prioriti#ation of the
maternity opposite to other goals, but simply it can be a ,uestion of her ma(or
responsibility opposite to the diverse difficulties that it endures the maternity at present
in our country- the precarious development in Spain of policies of family support, the
inflexibility of the systems of labor organi#ation and the ine,uity in the distribution
between &inds of the domestic tas&s and the upbringing of the children. )or it, still in
case of pairs who have consolidated his union, the maternity continues being a difficult
barrier that is causing a significant growth of couples without children or with an alone
son.
The modern recovery of the marriage rate and of the fecundity produced in the last
years must be understood, largely, as the result of the changes with the structure of
population provo&ed for many previous years of low marriage rate and fecundity, the
increase of the spinsters4 proportion and without children up to relatively advanced ages.
The Spanish women are characteri#ed by a late calendar of maternity, whereas the
foreign women,her youth and her own migratory and familiar biography, are mothers
before thirty years with many ma(or fre,uency. .evertheless an early maternity, when
there is great difficulty in reconciling the labor life with the relative, must not imply a
final descent "either is average number of children says for wife of a certain generation%
raised.

11
@irth Aate by nationality "Spanish = foreign% mother
Units- @irths per 1CCC population
2012 2011 2010 2004 2005 2006 2006 2007 2004 2008 2002

9't* nat"'na"t"e- 7,<7 1C,C8 1C,D1 1C,<> 11,1; 1C,;< 1C,;> 1C,<> 1C,>8 1C,DD 1C,C;
S)an"-* ;,;1 7,1< 7,9; 7,>; 1C,1C 7,;< 1C,C1 7,71 7,;< 7,;C 7,>1
F'#e"(n 1<,8; 18,1D 1;,D< 1;,<7 1C,9D 17,18 1;,;< 1;,>8 17,8D 17,77 11,C1
Source- own elaboration according to information of the .E 1C19
T*e -t#u%tu#e- ', t*e "&&"(#ant )')uat"'n "n S)a"n
:uring the last decade the origin of the immigrants has diversified. n Eanuary, 177;,
the immigrants from the European Union were constituting D1,9 I of the total of
residents not born in Spain. n Eanuary, 1C11, his percentage supposed less than 1C I.
At the same time, the ma(or increase it was registered by the immigrants of European
countries not included in the EU, specially those from of this European. The number of
these immigrants between177; and 1C11 and his percentage weight in the total of the
immigration happened from <,< I to 11 I.3onsidering the native lands of the
immigrants we see that in 177; five dominant nationalities were- /oroccans "17C.D78%,
)renchmen "1D9.C19%, 6ermans "11>.97>%, @ritishers ";8.;C;% and Argentinians
"<1.919%. n 1CC> the foreigners4 principal nationalities were the following ones-
19
Source: INE base 2005
Among the fifteen most numerous nationalities still five community ones appear-
@ritishers "> M group%, 6erman and talian "8 M and 7 M%, )rench and 'ortuguese "19 M and
1D M%. @ut the first and out!standing positions occupy the original ones of Ecuador and
/orocco+ each one almost half million persons adds up, and together they
assemble"bring together% 18 I of the total of foreigners. 2ith more than 9CC.CCC
wor&force they continue the proceeding ones from Aomania and over the 1<C.CCC those
of 3olombia. The Argentinians overcome the 1>C.CCC+ with something less than
1CC.CCC there appear the @olivian, @ulgarian, 3hinese and 'eruvian groups+ with more
than >C.CCC U&rainians and :ominicans. n short, three big extra!community groups are
formed depending on the #one of origin- on the one hand the 0atin Americans, for other
one the come ones from the Eastern Europe and finally the /oroccans+ beyond, in
solitary the 3hinese immigration. :uring the recent period there too& place a significant
growth of the first two flows, much ma(or that experienced by the proceeding one from
the south shore of the /editerranean. And this circumstance has mar&ed a change of the
configuration of the immigrant population- a decade ago was dominated by the presence
of Europeans community and /oroccan, accompanied by some 0atin Americans
":ominicans and 'eruvians% .A to divide"depart% of 1778 the ma(or income were those
of Ecuadorians, 3olombians, @olivians, Argentinians, Aumanians, @ulgarians and
U&rainians accompanied by the 3hinese.
3omparing the numbers of registered in Eanuary, 1CC> with them of whom they had
residence licence at the end of 1CCD, the index of total irregularity would be D<,D I
"1.81D.CCC persons%.@ut these numbers are widely overcome in some national groups-
;; I of the @olivians, 8D I of the Aumanians, more than <C I of Argentinians,
@ulgarian or @ra#ilian, more than >C I of Ecuadorians and U&rainians and more than
DC I of @ritishers and 6ermans.2ith complete certainty, the process of
*normali#ation* nowadays in march will reduce some of these percentages, though it
will not eliminate them completely. /eanwhile, important striping of the groups
migrants are doomed to a situation of maximum (uridical precariousness and, due to it,
with important hobbles to accede to an integration *normali#ed* in the Spanish society.
1D
Nacionalid
ad /otal "u0eres hombres 0119 20129 $01$9 40149 50 y 2
Total
3.691.54
7 46,6 53,4 19,1 25,7 26,3 14,5 14,3
"arruecos 505.$7$ $$$ 667 244 296 275 127 58
Ecuador 491.797 514 486 251 $0$ 267 127 51
#umania $14.$49 454 546 180 $69 279 124 47
!olombia 268.9$1 566 4$4 209 251 295 166 78
#eino 'nido 224.841 494 506 1$4 60 1$$ 147 526
%r&entina 151.878 49$ 507 212 249 246 1$6 156
%lemania 1$1.887 495 505 99 85 156 157 50$
+oli,ia 96.844 556 444 177 $66 286 128 4$
.talia 94.464 406 594 150 217 269 158 206
+ul&aria 91.$$9 441 559 176 275 274 18$ 92
!hina 86.681 449 551 248 248 281 16$ 61
(er) 84.427 5$8 462 144 248 $08 177 124
-rancia 76.949 509 491 148 175 251 151 276
(ortu&al 65.611 426 574 154 210 249 207 181
'crania 65.096 498 502 1$6 2$1 298 241 95
#.dominican
a 56.421 624 $76 267 241 266 140 86
As for the composition for sex a relative balance exists with a moderate masculine
predominance- >9 I of the foreigners is men "1,78 million and 1,8 million women%.
?owever, after these average values referred to the set of the foreigners, diverse
situations exist depending on the nationality. @etween the most numerous some of them
present a clear masculine predominance, specially the /oroccans, but also talian,
'ortuguese, @ulgarians, Aumanians and 3hinese. 5n the other hand, the migration is
more feminine in case of 3olombian, @olivian, 'eruvian and, specially, :ominicans.
The rest of the groups show a ma(or balance among sexes. The explanations To these
differentiated guidelines they are diverse- they have to see with the systems of familiar
relations and the economic opportunities in the native lands, with the type of migratory
networ&s established between those and Spain and with the demands = opportunities of
insertion in this country. n any case, the information shows that a significant part of the
feminine migration not only does not travel *behind* from a man but they are the
promoters, when not the onlyagents, of the migratory process. 5n the other hand, close
to the presence of familiar complete groups, we meet important segments of alone
persons "be single or married with the pair in the native land% .These situations generate,
in a case, an important wear for the difficulties of reunifying or forming a family core in
Spain and, in others, open the opportunity for the establishment of personal lin&s with
persons of other nationalities, Spanish or migrants of other origins.
f we attend to the age of the foreigners we find also differentiated groups. )or one side,
there are >1<.>CC 1>!year!old minors, that is to say, population in school age that cannot
enter to the labor mar&et. East 1D I of the foreigners is an indicator of the significant
presence of families, which supposes an intention of accession to average or long term
since they bring his children or decide to have them in Spain. 5n the other hand, this
population generates specific demands to the educational and welfare systems of the
country- there are needed school s,uares, sanitary coverage, resources for the families in
precarious situation, etc. The ma(or percentages of population of childrenNs correspond
to the groups proceeding from /orocco, Ecuador, 3hina and A. :ominican. At the far
end of the pyramid of ages we thin& 18C.CCC persons "8,9 I of the total% that they are
<C or more years old, therefore, they are out of the labor mar&et or on the verge of
moving bac& and more exposed to being fre,uent plaintiffs of sanitary services. The
most aged groups come from the United Bingdom and 6ermany "the half of the
registered ones overcomes >C years%, followed distantly by other community
nationalities.
/ore than the half of the foreign population ">1 I% has between 1C and 97 years, most
already has completed his formation and many people possess on occupational
experience+ it is a ,uestion of a population overturned to the labor activity and scantily
plaintiff of social presentations "except the unemployment, to which at the moment they
do not have very much access due to the type of recovered"played% employments%.The
persons4 ma(or concentration in this segment of age registers between Aumanians,
@olivians and @ra#ilians "around two thirds of every nationality%, followed by
Ecuadorians, /oroccans, @ulgarians, 'eruvians and 3olombians. n short, the thic&ness
of the immigration is in these moments young woman, more than the autochthonous
population, though in his bosom differentiated situations exist. n some cases we find a
generation of grandparents "though without children or resident grandsons in Spain%, in
others the single young persons prevail and in the third group we find complete families
in which two generations coexist, with children in school age.
The demographic Spanish recession is stated on having observed the descending
evolution of the matriculation of autochthonous student body in the educational not
university system.@etween the course 1771!1771 and 1CC9!1CCD the number of pupils
1>
diminished in 1,8 millions. 5n the other hand,seats occupied by boys and girls of
foreign origin increased in 9>C.CCC. 2e are, so, before inverse trends but of very
different order of magnitude- the arrival of children of immigrants is far from offsetting
the demographic fall of the Spanish student body. The process contains two significant
dimensions- on the one hand, there is a constant increase of the percentage of foreign
student body+ for other one, the system receives every course a minor number of pupils.
n synthesis, there is ma(or diversity but fewer population with whom to wor&.
Therefore, idle resources to dedicate to a more complex tas&.
Even 177<!1778 were (oining every year concerning approximately >.CCC foreign pupils
to the set of the system. n both following courses they were something less than
1C.CCC, in both later ones more than 1C.CCC and from 1CC1!C1 the 8C.CCC excel
themselves in every year " The ma(or increase registered in 1CC9!CD with 7>.CCC
incorporations%.)or so much, though there are precedents for three periods, the strongest
growth centers at the beginning of century -in 1CCC!C1 the foreign student body was
representing 1,7 I of the total, whereas in 1CC9!CD it was reaching already >,8 I. ?e
codes the latter it was clearly overcome in /adrid and @alearics "1C I%, 0a Aio(a,
.avarre, /urcia, the Galencian 3ommunity and 3atalonia "between"among% 8,> I and
; I%. 5n the other hand, in Estremadura and 6alicia it was not coming near to 1 I of
the total matriculation. The half of this student body ">C,> I% is a son of parents
proceeding from countries of 0atin America, 1> I of some European nation and 17 I
of Africa.
2hat proportion of this * second generation * is migrant "it has born in another country
and is moved to Spain by his family% and have how many born here "therefore, they are
children of foreigners but not migrants%J t is not possible to answer with accuracy to
the ,uestion, though yes to affirm that for the present time the ma(ority comes from the
immigration.
:uring six years included between 177; and 1CC9 there were born in Spain 17C.CCC
children of foreign mother. Almost 1CC.CCC did it in last two years, therefore they are
not still in school age "from three years% ..o &now accurately the volume of births
produced before 177;, but bearing in mind the evolution of the &nown numbers it is
sure that between 177C and 1778 the total will not overcome the >C.CCC. Therefore, of
almost DCC.CCC children of foreigners registered in the educational system in 1CC9!1CCD
it is possible that about the fourth part has born in Spain and the rest comes from the
immigration.Since we are before an estimation of thic& outlines there will be necessary
to consider her with many precautions, but at least it offers us the first approximation to
the matter. The fact is that we have children of immigrants come of out and born others
in Spain.@oth groups are an indicator of the will of his parents for settling down, at least
in the medium term, in this country./ore, if it fits, those of the second case, since the
mothers decide to have descent already installed in the context of the migration.
/ATA3U0AT5. . E:U3AT5.S .5T U.GEASTL STU:E.TS, S'A.S? A.: )5AE6.EAS.
"Evolution courses"years% 1771!1771 = 1CC9!1CCD%
3urso EspaOoles Extran(eros Total
I
extran(eros
1771!71 ;.1C1.>CC 9<.<<1 ;.19;.1<1 C,D
1771!79 ;.C8D.<11 D9.;D> ;.11;.D>< C,>
1779!7D ;.CCC.7<D >C.C8< ;.C>1.CDC C,<
177D!7> 8.;11.<81 >9.119 8.;<D.;;D C,8
177>!7< 8.<1C.11C >8.DC< 8.<<8.>1< C,8
1<
177<!78 8.D91.;;1 <1.8C8 8.D7>.>;; C,;
1778!7; 8.19<.899 81.9<9 8.9C7.C7< 1,C
177;!77 8.CD8.><D ;C.<;8 8.11;.1>1 1,1
1777!CC <.;<1.787 1C9.DC1 <.7<>.9;C 1,>
1CCC!C1 <.8>9.D11 199.<;D <.;;8.C7< 1,7
1CC1!C1 <.<17.D81 1C8.1>1 <.;9C.7;7 9,C
1CC1!C9 <.>91.897 9C1.D19 <.;9D.1<1 D,D
1CC9!CD <.>C<.1>D 9;7.81< <.;7>.;;C >,8
GariaciKn 1771!71=
1CC9!CD !1.<7>.9D< 9>9.C<> !1.9D1.1;1 !!!
I variaciKn !1C,8 7<9,1 !1<,9 !!!
Source")ountain%- own"proper% production"elaboration% on the basis of /E3:, Statistics of the Education in Spain
As for the economic and labor characteristics of the migrations, to say that the
employment is one of the principal aims of great part of the immigrants.
0amentably, up to the date we do not possess instruments adapted to &now the situation.
The habitually used one for analy#ing the labor mar&et is the Survey of Active
'opulation "E'A% elaborated by the .E, but in case of the immigrant population his
coverage has been up to the clearly deficit date. At the beginning of 1CC> the .E it has
proceeded to the review of the ,uarterly series between 177< and 1CCD, applying new
numbers of total population, ta&ing in it counts the incident of the recent flows of
immigration.According to this review, at the end of 1CCD there were, 1.;C7.CCC
occupied foreigners, unemployed 181.CCC and inactive <D<.CCC with 1< or more years.
The outcrop of almost a million occupied foreigners "the half of those who till then were
assessed% shows the difficulties that it has had up to the date the E'A to cover to these
wor&ers4 segment and to indicate small usefulness of this tool to analy#e the happened
in the last years.
Using the last information of this source we can confirm that the rate of activity of the
immigrants "8<,1 I% is considerably high than that of the Spanish ">>,1 I%. This
circumstance explains for the foreigners4 great concentration in the groups of active age,
as well as for his vital pro(ect centred on the emigration as way to improve his"her,your%
economic situation. The rates of unemployment are also higher, but in this case the
differences are minor "1D I and 7,; I, respectively% .Therefore, the thic&ness of the
immigrants in labor age is present on the local labor mar&ets.
The labor discharges in the .ational ?ealth Service have, at first,ma(or limitations that
the E'A since only they include the regulari#ed employments..evertheless, in the
practice till now they have assessed similar volumes of employment of the foreigners+ in
addition the available information presents up to the ma(or date degree of
disaggregation depending on the nationality of the wor&ers. .evertheless, it is necessary
to bear in mind that the numbers refer to little more than the half of the really occupied
ones-the rest remains up to the date in the shades of the plunged employments. @etween
1777 and 1CCD, you upset five years, the total number of foreigners with labor discharge
in the .ational ?ealth Service spent"passed% from 99>.CCC to 1.CD;.CCC. n 1777, D1 of
every 1CC residents "the only ones that they can inhale to a regulari#ed wor&ing place%
they were given of discharge+ in 1CCD the percentage promoted >8 I. The *economic*
character of the recent immigration li&e that becomes evident. n all this period the
proportion among sexes has been &ept with scanty variations- <D I is men and 9< I
women. ;> I of this population has between 1> and >D years of age "group that only
assembles"brings together% 8; I of the autochthonous wor&ers%, 11 I between 1< and
1D years, and scarcely D I overcomes >> years "11 I of the autochthonous ones%.
18
Therefore, as a whole, it is a ,uestion of a younger wor&force,who centers specially in
the band of age understood between 1C and DC years. n this period there has been
modified the composition of this wor&forced depending on his origin.n 1777 9; I was
coming from the Economic European Space, 91 I of Africa and 17 I of 0atin
America. 5n the other hand, in 1CCD the principal ,uota was the 0atin American "9>
I%,continued by western and African Europeans "19 I each one%.Also there was
increased the importance of the original ones of the rest of Europa "from D,> I to 11 I%
and it diminished slightly that of the Asian wor&ers "from 7 I to 8 I%. Almost the third
part comes from only two countries- /orocco and Ecuador.5ther one 1< I is original
of 3olombia, Aomania, United Bingdom, 'eru and taly. D9 remaining I is distributed
between a wide list of nationalities.
)5AE6. 25ABEAS 2T? 0A@5A :S3?AA6E . S53A0
SA)ETL"SE3UATL% A335A:.6 T5 SEP, 5A6. A.: AE6/E":ET% 5)
A0TA "1777!1CCD%
1;
Source")ountain%- own"proper% production"elaboration% on the basis of @ulletin of
0abor Statistics, /TyAS.
The evolution of the wor&ers of discharge they show a constant progression of the new
recruits in the 6eneral Aegime "not agricultural employees, except domestic service%,
that has happened of including >C I of the wor&ers in 1777 to 81 I in 1CCD. 5n the
other hand, they have lost importance other rate, principally those of autonomous
wor&ers "from 1; I to 11 I% and of servants "from 19 I to 8 I% and in minor measure
that of agrarian wor&ers "from 19 I to 11 I%. n others terms-la incorporation of the
wor&ers4 recent flow that positions"places% occupy on the regular labor mar&et has been
reali#ed in wage!earning wor&s foreign to the agriculture and the domestic service. n
what branches of activityJ so"then,since% basically in construction, hotel and catering
business"hotel management%, *other managerial activities * and Trade.The branches in
which more the employment has grown are- construction, transport, public reparation
and several industrial activities. This information suggests that on this formal mar&et a
certain trend exists to the labor mobility of the foreigners from certain initial niches
"agricultural laborer, domestic employee% and a maintenance of others "construction and
hotel and catering business"hotel management%%,towards a ma(or variety of
employments in the services and the industry. This relative trend to a *normali#ation* of
the areas of employment stumbles over important obstacles. 5n the one hand, only we
us are reffer to the least plunged employments, and it is highly probable that the great
mass of irregular presents high indexes of occupation in the agriculture and the
domestic service.)or other one, the new areas of employment are characteri#ed ! by the
general thing ! by precarious conditions of wor& and low fee.
17
1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 %
TOTAL 334.976 454.571 607.074 766.470 924.805
1.048.23
0 100
Sexo
3ombre 216.194 296.658 $98.55$ 497.755 594.426 668.559 63,8
"u0er 118.604 157.780 208.414 268.624 $$0.$55 $79.652 36,2
Procedencia
4atinoam
5rica 6$.065 101.27$ 172.816 250.708 $19.809 $67.686 35,1
'E 126.267 141.6$$ 159.487 178.059 204.446 244.866 23,4
6frica 104.706 1$8.$21 168.452 19$.012 220.461 2$7.$60 22,6
#esto de
Euro7a 14.915 28.094 51.086 80.974 107.191 116.$06 11,1
%sia 28.9$$ $7.582 47.429 55.549 64.665 7$.$11 7,0
Norteam5
rica 4.124 4.410 4.809 4.9$4 5.09$ 5.$52 0,5
R!i"en de Alta
8eneral y
!arb9n 185.088 278.054 $88.60$ 508.965 626.004 7$8.485 70,5
%ut9nom
os 60.606 70.725 81.167 88.047 99.748 115.627 11,0
%&rario 4$.006 55.969 80.578 94.018 116.6$1 116.724 11,1
Em7lead
os ho&ar 44.841 48.048 54.496 72.519 79.182 7$.89$ 7,0
/raba0ad
or
es del
"ar 1.4$5 1.775 2.2$0 2.920 $.2$9 $.501 0,3
6iven the most recently come from the thic&ness of the immigration and the lac& of
coverage of the principal sources destined to measure the sociolabor trends, we are not
in conditions still to foresee towards where they lead the current trends. s labor
insertion in employments *of low ,uality * own of an initial phase of the migratory
accessionJAiverbeds exist for a widespread mobility or rather you unite to include the
ma(ority of the immigrants in more or less closed *niches*JEven more,are we before a
dynamics of ethnic segmentations of the wor&forces,who reserves the best positions to
the autochthonous population ! and to the community Europeans ! and the worst to a
gradation organi#ed into a hierarchy of immigrants of diverse originsJ 5r rather are the
current conditions of wor& of most of the immigrants a preanuncio of the trends that
will end up by concerning the set of the wor&force immigrated or autochthonousJ )or
lac& of definitive answers, it is necessary to indicate that in the last decades the
important economic Spanish growth has been accompanied by certain characteristics of
the labor mar&et that they do not point to overcome ine,ualities and mechanisms of
casuali#ation and exclusion.)inger to mention here the high rates of temporary
employment "more than 9C I of the employees%, of employment plunged "that some of
them have estimated concerning"around% 9C I of the busy ones%, the important figures
of structural unemployment "1C I in epochs of crisis, 11 I in moments of prosperity%
or the significant polari#ation of the wages.
s it true that the wor&ers migrants * ta&e employments * from the autochthonous onesJ
5r do they reali#e these those who already do not want to occupyJ if we attend to the
information recently updated of the E'A we verify that from the beginning of 1778
until ends of 1CCD the occupied persons increased in D,< millions. Supposing generously
that in this period have (oined 1,> million immigrants reduce more than 9 million
employments to being covered by the autochthonous wor&force. n the same period the
set of the population in age of wor&ing "the potential demand% increased in 9,1 millions+
if of this number we discount the Spanish that students do not deposit to the labor
mar&et ", incapacitated, etc.% The autochthonous plaintiffs were less enough than 1
millions. Therefore, it seems to be clear that ! at least less during the last expansive
cycle ! the immigration *does not *remove* employments in the set of the society, since
the Spanish who entered to the labor mar&et are less than the number than employments
created and not occupied by foreigners. Another thing is what could happen in certain
branches of activity and on some local labor mar&ets. n any case, which is interested is
to show that the foreign wor&ers (oin to a society in movement, not to a fixed stoc& of
employments in which the occupation of some means necessarily the displacement of
others. The initial ,uestion, therefore, should traced bac& towards other one of this
tenor- what types of employment are those that are generated in this period of growth,
ta&ing advantage of the arrival of a new labor supplyJ.
5n the other hand, what *they* *contribute* and what *do* immigrants *remove* to the
society of destinationJThe ,uestion does not have forceful answers and depends on the
aspects "economic, demographic, of conviviality, etc.% and of the dimensions "macro or
mi&e social% analy#ed.
@ut some trac&s we have to orientate ourselves in the matter. 5n one hand, Spain "and
any society that receives immigrants% *desire* when persons come already sociali#ed
"enrolled in school and = or with labor experience% to (oin directly to the mar&ets of
employment.Also when it is a ,uestion of population in his young and healthy most,
that it reaches ! route social prices and consume more than social presentation
"services% or sanitary!.This consume ! route as for the flows between the administrations
and the new residents.2ith regard to the private exchanges it is evident that the
immigrants consume in different categories "housing, food, transport, garment, etc.%, but
1C
also they open ban& accounts, buy vehicles, school material, etc.%+ Therefore, they end
up as his next area an important part of his income and, not rarely, help to re!throw the
expectations of crestfallen sectors of the offer. .evertheless, there is in the habit of
being argued that they do not consume everything what they could since *they*
*remove* a part of his income sending them on the outside, to his relatives in the native
lands.2e run here against the important matter of the remittances.These have
experienced, together with the immigrants4 volume, a spectacular increase- in 1779 they
were 1>9 million Euros, in 1778 they came to >1C millions, in 1CC9 to 1.;7> millions
and in 1CCD 9.D9< million "only between 1778 and 1CCD the growth was ><C I and the
number agencies speciali#ed in the sending of remittances ,uintupled between 1777 and
1CC9%.The @an& of Spain, the entity that elaborates these statistics, esteem that the
*potential* remittances ! those that exactly are sent ! can double the magnitude of the
controlled ones for the financial circuits, due to the informal and not declared
mechanisms. The royal volume might have reached <.>CC million Euros in 1CC9, though
that among 1C I and 1> I of this sum stays in hands of the intermediating entities.
This number overcomes with roominess the total of funds destined by the Spanish
condition the call *there helps to the development*, which gives an idea of his
magnitude as well as of the positive impact that they can have for the economies of the
native lands. f they were canali#ed towards productive investments in benefit of the
social sectors from which the emigrants come, they might turn into *lever of
development * and, indirectly, into a mechanism that debilitates the migratory urgencies
of a part of the population. This possibility allows us to visuali#e the remittances as an
instrument that could benefit to both societies "that of origin and that of destination%
instead of being perceived only as a deficit for that of destination%. t suits to bear in
mind also that the almost forgotten Spanish emigration abroad nowadays continues
contributing more to the national economy that what goes out for remittances of the
foreigners here ta&en root "D.181 millions opposite to 1.;7> millions%, at least according
to the official statistics.
:efinitively, the immigration of foreign origin is contributing diverse innovations to the
social Spanish structure. Since it is a ,uestion of a process in march, and of recent
character, not always it is possible to do precise balance assessments brings over of his
meaning.2hat yes turns out to be clear is that good part of these new neighbors they
have come to remain, even those that come with a pro(ect of short term are finding
inducements to remain and = or difficulties to return+ in any case it is necessary to
possess"to rely on% them as an integral part of the Spanish society.n fact they it are in
diverse areas- they wor&, though not always how and where they wanted, they consume,
pay taxes, stir into action neighborhoods and productive sectors, some marry
autochthonous persons $Are,definitively,neighbors and fellow!citi#ens.Though not
completely- on the one hand, an important band remains doomed ! though only it is
sometimes for a few years ! to the irregularity+ )or other one, which have roles stay to
the margin ! except those that they choose for the Spanish nationality ! of one of the
constitutive rights of the modern citi#enship- they cannot vote, less still, do not even not
even be do not even chosen.Even if they rely on a permanent residence licence. They
can remain here all his life,to have descentto wor&, to perceive social services, to retire
$ but not to be an active part of the community that can decide towards where there
must be orientated the priorities of this society.This way, almost 1C I of the population
of the country is deprived of the full rights of citi#enship+in spite of it,this society does
not seem to shelter doubts brings over of his fullly democratic character.'robably,
across the ,uestion for the immigration, we should finish interrogating us for the type of
society that we are constructing.
11
C'n%u--"'n
t is necessary to bear in mind the current situation of Spain with the possibilities that it
offers and the re,uirements that he carries.The uncertain economic current situation
(oined big numbers of persons in unemployment, budgetary serious imbalances, and
increasingly clear crisis of the model of functioning of the public power in our country
during the last years, can ma&e fall Spain in the temptation of certain unsupportive
absorption to face to the serious economic and social problems that appear him.
n the current crossroads, it concerns the whole company"society% "so much you present
as institutions% to renew his mentality before this phenomenon so complex that is the
immigration, compromising itself in the transformation of the structures that originate
the migratory massive movements,in the conscience of which it ta&es part of the
responsibility of which such displacements of population ta&e place.Spain and the rest
of countries of the European Union,especially those that traditionally have received and
shelter a great plurality of etnies,have to ma&e clear a culture of the reception and the
meeting, allowing in turn the construction of an Europe not only developed in the
economic thing,but more (ust,(oint and severe reprimand of all with all.
9"!"'(#a)*+
!Arango, E. 1CCD. Q0a inmigraciKn en EspaOa a comien#os del siglo PPR. 'p. 1<1!1;<
en 0eal /aldonado,E. "ed.% Informe sobre la situacin demogrfica en Espaa. /adrid-
)undaciKn )ernando Abril /artorell.
!Aparicio, A. y Tornos, A. "1CC1%- La inmigracin y la economa espaola, /inisterio de
Traba(o y Asuntos Sociales, /adrid "texto completo en
http-==www.imsersomigracion.upco.es='ublicaciones=libros=economia=economia.htm%.
! 3abrS,A. y :omingo,A. "1CC1%- )lu(os migratorios hacia Europa- actualidad y
perspectivas, Arbor.Ciencia, Pensamiento y Cultura, Tomo 30PP, <8;, pp. 91>!9DD.
! 3ebolla, ?. y A. 6on#Tle#!)Srrer. 1CC;.La inmigracin en Espaa !"""#!""$%. &e la
gestin de flu'os a la integracin de los inmigrantes. /adrid- 3entro de Estudios 'olFticos y
3onstitucionales, 3uadernos y :ebates, Gol. 1;D.
! 3olectivo 5U "1777%- Inmigrantes, traba'adores, ciudadanos. 'atronato Sud=.ord,
Universidad de Galencia "texto completo en www.colectivoioe.org%
!3oleman,:."1779% - nmigraciKn e integraciKn en Europa, @arcelona. )undaciKn Torras
:omenech.
! 3omisiKn de las 3omunidades Europeas- Europa 1CCC - 'erspectivas de desarrollo del
territorio de la comunidad, "1771%. @ruselas!0uxemburgo
! :evolder, :. y A. TreviOo. 1CC8. QEfectos de la inmigraciKn extran(era sobre la
evoluciKn de la natalidad y de la fecundidad en EspaOa.R @arcelona- 3entre dVEstudis
:emogrWfics, Papers de &emografia nM911.
http-==www.ced.uab.es=publicacions='apers':)=Text911.pdf. 3onsultado el 19 Enero
1C1C.
! Eurostat"1CCC% Statisti,ues sociales europSSnnes. :Smographie. 0uxemburgo-
3ommission EuropSenne.
! 0esthaeghe Aon X Sur&yn Eohan- (alue )rientations and t*e +econd &emograp*ic
,ransition +&,% in -ort*ern, .estern and +out*ern Europe/ An 0pdate.
www.demographic!research.org=special=9=9=
11
! 0ivi @acci, /. "17;;%- Ensayo sobre la *istoria demogrfica europea. Poblacin y
alimentacin en Europa, @arcelona,Ariel
! 0ivi @acci, /. "177C%- 1istoria mnima de la poblacin mundial, @arcelona, Ariel
!5rtega, E. A. y ?.!'. Bohler. 1CC1. QYEstT cayendo realmente la fecundidad espaOolaJ-
SeparaciKn de los efectos intensidad, calendario y varian#a en el Zndice SintStico de
)ecundidad.R2e3ista Espaola de In3estigaciones +ociolgicas4 7<- 7>!111.
! 'opulation reference boureau "1CC9%- [2orld 'opulation :ata Sheet\,en 555.prb.org
! AecaOo, E. "1CC1%, La mo3ilidad interna de la poblacin e6tran'era en Espaa,
comunicaciKn presentada en el 3ongreso de la nmigraciKn, 6ranada, noviembre de
1CC1,
Stat"-t"%a -'u#%e-
! .STTUT5 :E ESTA:ZST3A :E A.:A0U3ZA.Un siglo de demografFa en AndalucFa-la
poblaciKn desde 17CC. nstituto de EstadFstica de AndalucFa "1777%.:isponible en-
http-==www.(untadeandalucia.es=institutodeestadistica
! .STTUT5 :E ESTU:5S )S3A0ES "1CC>%- 7ercado de traba'o y pensiones en las
fuentes tributarias/ !""8, en www.aeat.es.
! :AE33]. 6E.EAA0 :E 0AS /6AA35.ES, /inisterio de Traba(o y Asuntos
Sociales "http-==www.mtas.es=migraciones=anumigra=default.htm%
Anuario de migraciones
!.STTUT5 .A35.A0 :E ESTA:ZST3A "www.ine.es=inebase%
Censo de Poblacin y (i3iendas "1781, 17;1, 1771%
Padrn 7unicipal de 1abitantes
Encuesta de Poblacin Acti3a
!/.STEA5 :E E:U3A3]. L 3E.3A
"http-==wwwn.mec.es=mecd=(sp=plantilla.(spJid^9>Xarea^estadisticas%
Estadsticas de la educacin en Espaa
&atos y cifras. Curso escolar !""9#!"":
!5@SEAGAT5A5 'EA/A.E.TE :E 0A ./6AA3]., SecretarFa de Estado de
nmigraciKn y EmigraciKn, /inisterio de Traba(o y Asuntos Sociales
"http-==extran(eros.mtas.es=es=general=:atosEstadisticos_index.html%
Anuario Estadstico de E6tran'era
E6tran'eros con autori;acin permiso de residencia en 3igor
<oletn Estadstico de E6tran'era e Inmigracin
19