FILOZOFICK FAKULTA MASARYKOVY UNIVERZITY

USTAV JAZYKOVEDY A BALTISTIKY

Roman Suka
Topics in the Reconstruction and Development of Indo-European,
Balto-Slavic and Proto-Slavic Prosodic Patterns
(Morphonological Analysis)
PhD. Thesis Brno 2010
Dissertation Advisor: Prof. RNDr. Vclav Blaek, CSc.
Prohlauji, e jsem disertan prci vypracoval samostatn s pouitm literatury uveden v bib
rafii.
Opava, 8.4.2010.
Roman Suka
2
Foreword
Some occasions are unforgettable and people can view them as a sign of fate, no
matter how empirical and rational persons they are.
That last August day in 2006, which was sunny and pleasant, I was strolling alon
g a busy Copenhagen street full of cars but almost empty of real people. The day
before I came to my first international conference and wanted to spend a day wi
th sightseeing and enjoying the capital of Denmark. It was late in the afternoon
and I was really tired because I was going on foot almost without a break. I ha
d blisters because my boots were very unsuitable for such a sport. But I wanted
to see the Copenhagen harbour so I was slowly trudging along that busy avenue ea
ger to see big ships which I last saw some twenty years ago at the North Germany
coast. On that noisy street full of cars in both directions there was only one
man. Leaning against the wall, dressed in a grey coat, the older man with grey b
eard and glasses was reading a booklet. I spotted him just when I was passing ab
out. Two or three steps later I suddenly stopped because it struck me that altho
ugh I had never met that man, I knew him from a photograph. I turned back, came
to the man and asked him: "Excuse me, sir, aren't you professor Kortlandt"? It s
eemed a miracle to me that in the unknown town full of unknown people, in the st
reet where there was nobody but me, I met a the Kortlandt the Great, whose puzzl
ing but fascinating papers introduced me to the mystery of Balto-Slavic accentol
ogy more than 7 years ago. That time I could not know that two years later I wou
ld spend hours in Leiden with Kortlandt discussing his views on accentology and
that in 2009 Kortlandt would be in Opava on the conference which I organised. I
do not believe in fate but God sometimes play such strange tricks for us to beli
eve that fate exists.
I consider my dissertation as the second step in my approach to Balto-Slavic acc
entology. The first basic level was my master thesis where I concentrated on the
history of accentological thinking (mainly in Czech territory but I also wrote
on Stang's, MAS and Kortlandt's contribution).
My dissertation broadens the ideas that I developed in my Master thesis. I dealt
more with the history of accentological thinking, especially post-Stang develop
ment. The second part of dissertation deals with some specific topics of the his
tory of Balto-Slavic accentuation -accentual laws and the problem of the distrib
ution of quantity in Czech. All those phenomena have been heavily dealt with sch
olars. However, final solutions are problematic and there are many conflicting r
esult from different authors. I present the problem in a very detailed way
1 Vvoj nzoru na pvodn przvuk podstatnch jmen v jazycch slovanskch. Opava 2003.
2 Moscow accentological school.
3
and try to be explain those accentological topic in the frame of Optimality Th
eory which I consider one of the excellent and progressive tool of contemporary
linguistic thinking.
I also consider the third and maybe final level of my scientific interest in Bal
to-Slavic accentology which should be a general introduction to the problem and
covering all contemporary approaches. Nothing like that has ever been done and I
would like to fill the gap in future years.
During my study I received help from a number of people. I wish to thank my supe
rvisor Vclav Blaek for allowing me to come with some revolutionary ideas of combin
ing modern phonology and classical comparative approaches.
A great experience for me was a half a year stay at Lehrstuhl fr Indogermanistik
in Jena, where Rosemarie Lhr showed me that a classical "Indogermanistik" can be
combined with Optimality Theory. The same confirmation of "my way" was the excel
lent Master thesis and further internet discussions with Melissa Frazier (North
Carolina). A special pleasure for me was my October 2008 stay in Leiden where I
had a great opportunity to discuss things with Frederik Kortlandt who devoted ma
ny hours of his time to me. I am very grateful to him.
Peter Kosta from Potsdam was eager to listen to my ideas and wholeheartily allow
ed me to spend some time in that beautiful town to do my research.
Extremely important for getting deep into accentological stream were my regular
participations at IWoBA (International Workshop on Balto-Slavic accentology). Al
though I missed IWoBA 1 in Zagreb 2005, in further sessions in Copenhagen 2006,
Leiden 2007, Scheibbs 2008 I met the big names of accentology and it was a pleas
ure for me to discuss with them. Among others I extremely enjoyed the company of
the modern accentology founding father Vladimir A. Dybo in Copenhagen and espec
ially the appearance of Paul Garde in Scheibbs, whose cordial behaviour and the
extreme intelectual power turned me back to reading his brilliant works.
It was an honor to me to organise IWoBA 5 in Opava, where I could meet and enjoy
the company of Jay Jasanoff, Steve Young, Rick Derksen and Heiner Eichner, Joe
Schallert and Bonifacas Stundia.
I would like to thank to all my scientific colleagues for sharing their knowledg
e and critical remarks with me, especially Alexey Andronov (Sankt Petersburg), A
lexandra Ter-Avanesova (Moscow), Anna Daugaviet (Sankt Petersburg), Vladimir A.
Dybo (Moscow), Ronald Feldstein (Indiana), Marc L. Greenberg (Kansas), Yuri Klei
ner (Sankt Petersburg), Frederik Kortlandt (Leiden), Peter Kosta (Potsdam), Orsa
t Ligorio (Zagreb), Tijmen Pronk (Leiden), Tobias Scheer (Nice) and Ondej Sefcik
(Brno).
4
Last but not least, I wish to express my thank to Eva Hoflerov who allowed me to
enjoy a freedom of a university job and Zbynk Holub, whose enormous knowledge of
dialects and interest in accentology joined us together and promoted a further f
ruitful cooperation, at least I hope.
Also, many thanks to my "rhythmic" girlfriend Kateina-Ka-Katka whose intelectual ba
ckground and our common cultural interests always inspired me in too many ways t
o be expressed.
I devote the dissertation to my parents. I cannot say any more here for reasons
that everybody must understand.
5
1. Aim and structure of the dissertation
1.1. The title
The subtitle of the dissertation is "morphonological analysis". The term has bee
n first adduced by Trubetzkoy 1929a as a borderline branch between phonology and
morphology. The morpheme variation like ablaut, connection of morphemes with ac
cent and quantity, syllable structure can be put under a cover term "morphonolog
y". In my opinon, the structuralist term morphonology can still be used although
has been eliminated by SPE and is being abandoned in modern approaches. But the
interface phonology-morphology interface is still important for the description
of the above-mentioned phenomena, although ablaut or prosody has either been pu
t into morphology (e.g. templatic and prosodic morphology) or into phonology (e.
g. metrical phonology). Some historical linguists still find it useful to put ab
laut, prosodic phenomena and morpheme structure constraints into morphonology, e
.g. Szemernyi 1996, Clackson 2007.
I would therefore stick to the traditional cover term for the accentual phenomen
a described in this dissertation although I use OT solution which does not work
with morphonology anymore.
1. 2. Complexity of accentology and the need for the general overview
Indo-European and Balto-Slavic accentology is complex, as Kortland often emphasi
zes. Apart from the other branches of linguistics, accentology lacks modern and
complex overview or a textbook. While each generation faces at least one compend
ium on Indo-European linguistics, every decade a new massive compendium on phono
logy, morphology or syntax appears, accentology is still neglected. The last mon
ography on IE accentology is Gercenberg 1981 whose accessibility is limited to n
on-Russian speaking scholars. The most valuable part is the first chapter concer
ning history of IE accentology since Bhtlingk. Modern trends are mostly omitted.
So the only information about accentology are introductory chapter is either mor
e general compendia (Szemernyi 1996, Clackson 2007).
The situation with Balto-Slavic accentology is much puzzling. While historical l
inguists and Indo-Europeanists basically have a background knowledge of
the Indo-European
3 TCLP 1: Prague 85-88, reprinted in Trubetzkoy, N.S.: Opera Slavica minora ling
uistica, Wien 1988, 231-234.
4 Chomsky, N.; Halle, M.: The Sound patterns on English., New York 1968.
5 Goldsmith 1995; de Lacy 2007.
6
accentology in general (but not in detail), the Balto-Slavic accentology is take
n as complex, difficult and hardly to understand. There are several reasons for
such prejudice.
First, might be difficult to follow the general trends and to distinguish indivi
dual schools. Such is the situation of Kurylowicz and Stang: although both autho
rs published their major works in late fifties, only Stang became a founding fat
her of a further development in BS accentology.
Second, different timeline research phases of scholars and schools are not disti
nguished. For example, the results of Moscow accentological school can broadly b
e divided into three periods: before 1990s, after 1990s and after 2000. The firs
t part is dominated by Illi-Svity 1963/1979 monograph on nominal accentuation in B
alto-Slavic and its relationship to PIE and Dybo's book on the accentuation of d
erivates and principles of their accentuation (being itself a culmination of a n
umber of his previous papers). Second period is characterised by the revision of
some accentological themes which are not generally accepted by other scholars.
The work is culminated by the unfinished project Osnovy slavjanskoj akcentologii
(1990, 1993) and a half-finished torzo by Dybo 2000. Third period in the new mi
llenium is marked by the inactivity of Moscow group members on the one hand but
by the enormous activity of Dybo on the other hand. So should a scholar starts t
o read Osnovy., being persuaded by the title that the books provide the foundati
ons of the subject, he or she will be discouraged because both the books provide
the summary of the new ideas of the Moscow groups but those ideas remained hang
ing in the air.
Accentological works must not be put into one mixed bag. So if a scholar deals w
ith West Slavic accentuation, he or she must not put Bulachovskij, Kurylowicz, S
tang, Dybo, Garde, Kortlandt and Bethin into one paragraph and conclude that Bal
to-Slavic accentology is complex.
Third, limited accessibility of primary accentological works. For example, paper
s by Moscow school are generally unknown to scholars who are unable to read Russ
ian. Moreover, the papers were sometimes published in local journals which were
difficult to obtain for the non-Russian community. So the Western scholars were
acquainted by some ideas by the mediators. This is the example of Garde 1976 who
se brilliant compendium written in French heavily backed on Illi-Svity and Dybo bu
t his own modification of dominancy and recessivity was erroneously interpreted
as Garde's own. Via Garde, the ideas were adopted by Halle and Kiparsky also in
a distorted view and often with "their own inventions", like Basic accentual pri
nciple and due to the scientific authority of those scholars further spread amon
g non-specialists. So e.g. the situation resulted in the generally accepted fact
that Kiparsky is the
7
author of dominancy and recessivity of morphemes and the similar mechanism was d
eveloped by Garde. Dominancy and recessivity found their way in various aspects
of non-linear phonology as well as OT without even mentioning the works of the r
eal inventors.
Fourth, the general prejudice against some authors and schools. This is the situ
ation of Leiden school and Kortlandt. When Kortlandt published his 1975 Slavic a
ccentuation claiming that the accentual patterns of Slavic can be explained by t
he preservation and loss of laryngeals up to the Charlemagne time, it was reject
ed as impossible. Together with the Kortlandt's glottalism the works of the Leid
en group started to be viewed as a curiousity. Partially, the fault is on the Le
iden and Kortlandt's side. There is no general introduction to Kortlandt's theor
ies (apart from some Derksen's papers and a a part of his 1996 dissertation). Al
so, Kortlandt's papers are difficult to read and must be read in the context of
his other papers. One paper is not enough.
Fifth, the Indo-European and Balto-Slavic accentology is now characterised by gr
oups or individuals which generally do not communicate. Indo-Europeanists do not
follow the trends in Balto-Slavic accentology and vice versa, Slavist usually o
mit accentology as difficult and unclear, phonologists generally skip anything d
iachronic. If one wants to get some basic knowledge about Balto-Slavic accentolo
gy, the situation is similar to the one for Indo-European. The last monumental c
ompendium is Garde 1976. There is no general overview of Kortlandt's theories (a
part from the brief ones by Derksen in his own works). Bethin 1998 is not to be
taken as an overview of trends. Lehfeldt's (2001) book is a useful introduction
to the principles of Moscow accentology but the potential reader must be discour
aged by the Appendix written by Vermeer. The Appendix is aimed as a sharp critic
ism of the Moscow modus operandi so the whole impression from the book is rather
embarassing. Skljarenko 1998 who combines MAS and with his own interpretation r
emains almost unaccessible to a broader community because of the language barrie
r. Alternative accentological theories are dispersed in journals.
Therefore, in my dissertation, I also try to present the general overview of Pro
to-Indo-European, Balto-Slavic and Proto-Slavic accentology and to adduce the ma
in trends with my criticism. Although the original idea of the dissertation was
to compare Moscow and Leiden schools with the simultaneous application of non-li
near accentology, I could not have known that the appearance of IWoBA and new im
portant phonological works will confront me not only with the alternative theori
es but also with some new proposals and solutions but also with some distorted v
iews and prejudices.
8
1.3. Selected problems
My dissertation will be divided into two parts. The first one is the theoretical
one, comprising the overview of the accentual patterns of selected Indo-Europea
n languages, and the foundations of Proto- Indo-European, Balto-Slavic and Proto
-Slavic accentology. Main results are discussed. From the theoretical part sever
al problems appear to be interesting to solve:
- Concerning Proto-Indo-European accentology, the problem of PIE ablaut remain
s still puzzling and I offer my own solution of the ablaut in aerostatic nouns.
Without the Proto-Indo-European prosodic state we cannot understand the later st
age. Proto-Indo-European is also not a language system to which we can simply pr
oject the sum of prosodic features collected from the separate languages.
- Balto-Slavic period is generally characterised by the rise of accentual mobil
ity, Hirt's law and Winter's law. In separate chapter I try to argue that nouns
entering the Hirt's law could continue their original PIE accentuation. I also p
resent my own explanation of Hirt's law. The separate chapter on Winter's law pr
esents my own interpretation of the mechanism. Because the similar syllable stru
ctures are responsible for Lachmann's law in Latin, I devote the analysis of the
Lachmann's law a separate chapter, although Lachmann's law is connected with La
tin. But the common feature of both laws is glottal stop and the similar syllabi
c structure.
Combining the result of both laws, I formulate a Bifurcation hypothesis stating
that the same structures with glottal stop give different results in Latin and B
alto-Slavic due to the different ranking of OT constraints.
- Proto-Slavic period has recently faced to accentual problem, - the mechanism
of compensatory lengthening in West Slavic and the question of the origin of Cz
ech quantity (historical or recent?) We cannot understand those processes withou
t the Proto-Slavic prosody and how it developed in separate languages. I devote
two chapters to the both phenomena.
I argue that all the topics of my dissertation are interweaving. PIE state of ac
centuation is characterised by accent-ablaut interdependance. PIE prosodic syste
m is the outcome of Balto-Slavic state where the problem of mobility and rise of
acute occurs. Hirt's law describes the stress retraction to a root ending in la
ryngeal coda, Winter's law describes the rise of acute from the preglottalized o
bstruents. Lachmann's law contribute to the proofs that glottal stop
6 The selection principle has also been used in a dissertation by Ronald Kim (20
02) who also called it Topics in the reconstruction and development of Indo-Euro
pean accent.
9
existed as a separate element but in the same syllabic structure developed diffe
rently in a different Indo-European language (Latin). Proto-Slavic prosody is ch
aracterised by accentual paradigms which in Late Proto-Slavic develop into quant
itative paradigms and rhythmic structures.
All the above-mentioned selected topics are framed in the general description of
accentological trends, although the main concentration has been done on the Mos
cow and Dutch accentological schools.
1.4. Optimality Theory
Although Indo-European and Balto-Slavic accentology is generally diachronic, it
cannot avoid the application of modern phonological and morphological approaches
. Again, the original idea was the application of non-linear phonology (which it
self is quite complex and disintegrates into many streams - autosegmental, metri
cal, dependency, prosodic phonologies etc). But the mainstream now is Optimality
Theory so I apply it to the solution of the selected accentologcal problems. I
try to solve out them out and show that in general, accentological development c
an be described by a limited number of constraints. I describe the methodology o
f OT in a separate chapter.
1.5. Structure of the dissertation
Chapter 2 describes the prosodic patterns of Indo-European languages. The choice
is selective
and centers on the most important languages that contribute to our knowledge of
how prosody
functions.
Chapter 3 is focuses on the methodology issues and describes the principles of O
ptimality
Theory.
Chapter 4 describes the Proto-Indo-European accentuation and targets the accent
and ablaut
relationship. A solution of the accent and ablaut interdependence in aerostatic
paradigms is
provided.
Chapter 5 is devoted to Balto-Slavic state, its prosodic system and prosodic cha
nges that have
happend there. Two of them, Hirt's law and Winter's law, are described in separa
te chapters.
Chapter 6 deals with the Proto-Slavic prosody system, accentual changes that occ
ured there
and also main accentological streams that are currently active.
Chapter 7 handles with Hirt's law and it is argued that Hirt's law could happen
not only in
oxytones (non-strict oxytone hypothesis). The mechainsm of Hirt's law is decribe
d by OT and
compared with the opposite development in Old Indie.
10
Chapter 8 centers on Winter's law, its mechanism and development from the cluste
r glottal stop+voiced obstruent.
Chapter 9 deals with Lachmann' law in Latin and the Bifurcation hypothesis of th
e twofold development of the same syllabic structure in Balto-Slavic and Latin i
s formulated. Chapter 10 focuses of the problem of Late Proto-Slavic compensator
y lenghtening, describes various approaches to explain the phenomenon and offers
a new solution of the problem. Chapter 11 tries to explain the origin of Czech
length, proposes the paradigmatic and derivative length and proposes to explain
their origin.
11
2. Accentual patterns of Indo-European languages
2. 1. Introduction
The accentual patterns of Indo-European can be reconstructed on account of the p
rosody of certain Indo-European branches. Their synchronic accentuation is the r
esult of separate innovation but historical changes can help us to reconstruct t
he original state. Latin has a predictable stress system, Greek and Old Indie us
ed to be a pitch accent language, Germanic is important for the reflexion of ori
ginal mobility due to the Verner's law, Baltic and Slavic are extremely importan
t for post-PIE development in Balto-Slavic area. Comparison of accentual pattern
s of those languages leads to the reconstruction of PIE prosodic patterns. Below
I adduce the main characteristics of the important Indo-European languages whic
h are used for the reconstruction of PIE prosody. The description is not exhaust
ive and the aim is to provide the current state of knowledge. Part II.2. contain
s the brief overview of basic prosodic patterns of some languages. Part II.3. is
devoted to the detailed description of some Indo-European languages and problem
s related to their prosody.
2.2. Brief description
Slavic languages. East Slavic languages (Russian, Ukrainian, Byelorussian) have
free and mobile stress and no distinctive quantity. South Slavic languages have
either stress only systems (Bulgarian - free and mobile stress, Macedonian - fix
ed stress on antepenultima) or pitch-accent systems (Slovene, Serbian-Croatian -
word tone in accented syllable only, vowel length). West Slavic languages have
mostly fixed stress (Czech, Slovak - initial, distinctive length, in Slovak limi
ted with the Rhythmic Law, Upper Sorbian - initial stress, non-distinctive lengt
h with some qualitative reflection of length Lowe Sorbian - initial stress, Poli
sh - penultimate stress, non-distinctive length, Slovincian and Kashubian: free
or fixed initial (depending on dialects, qualitative reflections of original len
gth).
Baltic languages are traditionally important for the reconstruction of both PIE
and Proto-Slavic accentuation. Standard Lithuanian has free stress and long syll
ables distinguish three intonations: acute, circumflex and gravis. Latvian has f
ixed stress on the first syllable and two or three intonations according to dial
ects, circumflex, gravis and broken (Brechton). Old Prussian knowledge of accent
uation is only scarcely known.
Germanic languages have prosodically fixed stress which does not depend on the g
rammatical information. Historically, the Verner's law is important for the reco
nstruction of
12
the original PIE ictus. Moreover, prosodic system of Germanic languages (especia
lly English and German) are often touchstones of new phonological theories.
From the Romance languages Latin interaction of quantity and dynamic system is i
teresting for the knowledge of how such interaction develops across the time. In
this dissertation, Lachmann's law is used as a proof of the glottal stop existe
nce and its development.
Greek and Old Indie are traditional languages on which the accentual reconstruct
ion of PIE has been based. From Anatolian languages, Hittite contributes to our
knowledge of PIE accentual phenomena, especially the question of accent and abla
ut relationship.
2.3. Accentual patterns of several Indo-European languages in details
2.3.1. Old Indie
Old Indie accent is free and as stated by Pnini, Old Indie was pitch accent syste
m. The typical feature of Old Indie declination is the distinction between the d
ifferent stem grades: strong, weak and middle. Strong stems occur in N, A and V.
The differences are in ablaut.
Old Indie nouns can be mobile or immobile. Mobilia are mostly monosyllabic athem
atic nouns: Nsg. put "foot", Gsg pad, D. pad, Asg. pdam...; Nsg. pit "father", Gsg. p
itr, Dsg. pitr, Asg. pitram.... Barytona are observed among thematic nouns: Nsg. vah
"horse", Gsg. vasya, Dsg. svya, Asg. svam...and a small number of athematic nouns: Ns
g gus "cow", Gsg gs, Dsg. gave, Asg. gam. Oxytona with fixed accent on the theme v
owel are typical only for thematic flexion: Nsg devs, Gsg. devsya, Dsg. devya, Asg.
devm....The is also a mixed accent paradigm of a small but important groug of po
lysyllabic and heteroclitic neuters (and some numerals). Among them are e.g. Nsg
pmn "man", Gsg. pums with anomalous suffix pattern -mms-/-ms- .
Old Indie verba are similarly distributed. Mobilia are athematic verbs (here in
present forms): dvsmi "hate", dvksi, dvsti, dvisms, dvisth, dvisnti. Barytone accentua
tion can both athematic: se "sit", sse, ste, smahe, ddhe, sate, and thematic: bhvmi, b
si, bhvati, bhvmasi, bhvatha, bhvanti. Oxytona are also thematic verbs: tudmi "hit", t
udsi, tudti, tudmasi, tudtha, tudnti.
1 Kiparsky 1973:806-808, MacDonnell 1916/2005, MacDonnell 1910/2007. Apart from
the standard compendia, the handy introduction to nominal accentuation is the on
e by Nielsen 2004.
13
An OT description of Old Indie has been proposed by Frazier 2007 and Marston 200
9. Frazier followed her own steps presented in Frazier 2006 where she applied do
minant affixes and antifaithfulness constraint theory to explain dissimilarities
in the PIE athematic nouns (see next chapter). Antifaithfulness constraints cre
ate anti-optimal paradigms where stems of members of an inflectional paradigm ar
e compared to each other but they differ due to the antifaithfulness constraints
. Frazier solved the problem of vocative in Old Indie athematic nouns: no matter
if the paradigm has columnar or mobile stress, the vocative is either unstresse
d or initially stressed, e.g. Nsg. mart "wind god", Vsg mrut/marut, Nsg. vk "voice"
, Vsg. vk/vk. The distribution depends on the position in a sentence: in the sente
nce initial position, vocative is accented, elsewhere unaccented. Frazier explai
ns the problem of vocative as the only dominant ending in Old Indie and such dom
inant ending requires accent deletion by the antifaithfulness constraint -OP-MAX
(A). As vocative is similar to nominative, the interaction of OP-MAX (A) and -O
P-MAX (A) are involved. Frazier explains the Nsg vk as recessive unaccented form
and Vsg vk as dominant form which triggers antifaithfulness MAX accent constraint
. The result is therefore accentless vocative, unless in initial position but in
that case the accent is controled by syntax constraints.
Marston 2009 applied Stratal OT to Old Indie nominal paradigms. She argues that
classical parallel OT is unable to generate the correct surface forms without in
troducing exotic constraints. Marston solves the unaccentness of vocative by pos
tulating a highly ranked * CLITIC ACCENT which prohibits accentuation on clitics
. This constraints operates on the word level and the accentless vocative can se
rve as an input to phrase level. Being on initial position, the ALIGN-LEFT const
raint shift shifts the accent to the initial position. I am not persuaded by Mar
ston's analysis of the nominal paradigms. She thinks that at the stem and word l
evels, the highest ranked constraint is consistendt with the head of the domain
which is Stem=PrWd. This higher ranked constraint interacts with faithfulness co
nstraints ALIGN and responsible for the accent position. Although distinguisting
derivative and invlectional levels, I am dubious if the application is successf
ul.
Strong endings are unaccented, weak endings are accented. In combination of stro
ng roots, post-accenting roots and unaccented roots the combination of dominancy
and "recessivity" explains accentual mobility.
9 Thus already Whitney 1889,1 quote from the 2005 edition, p. 108.
10 I am a bit sceptical about Fraziers's solution to the development of PIE to
Old Indie. She proposes that the reduction of accent-ablaut classes in Old Indie
is due to the morpheme reanalysis where e.g. root and suffix merge into one mor
pheme with the eventual loss of mobility and the loss of dominant nominative and
accusative endings contribute to the loss of mobility too. The problem is that
we should observe such pattern elsewhere where the morpheme reanalysis is connec
ted with the loss of accentual mobility. But in Balto-Slavic, the morpheme reana
lysis leads to the rise of mobility. So the solution is still hanging in the air
.
14
2.3.2. Latin
Latin does not have distinctive intonations but has a dynamic stress. Stress in
Latin is distributed according to the following rules. The disyllabics are stres
sed on the first syllable -arum "gold", per "boy". Three- and polysyllables are st
ressed as follows: when the form has a long penultima, then it is stressed: laudr
e "praise", pulla "girl". If the penultima is short, then antepenultima is stress
ed: mina "woman", ingnium "natura"
The Early Latin had strong stress on the first syllabe. Therefore, vowels in the
following syllables underwent various changes. Vowels in posttonic syllables we
re often syncoped or weakened (first to schwa, then often replaced by some high
vowel). Weakening can be observed in open nonfmal syllables (cad-cecidT, change a
>i), in closed nonfinal syllables (factus-perfectus, change a>e) as well as in f
inal syllables (*prdat >prdii). The examples of syncope can also be observed in fi
nal syllables: * partis, mortis > pars, mors.
Concerning prosody, several phenomena can be mentioned. First, vowels can underg
o shortening. According to Dybo's law , long vowels are shortened before liqui
ds followed by
a stressed vowel: V>V__RV. This explain the brevity in Lat. vir "man" <*uir- <*ui
Hr .
The counterexample to that rule is the word for "smoke" which should be short bu
t we have fiimus <*d uH-ms. If the long vowel stands before resonant followed
by a consonant, it is
also shortened: V>V__RC- (Osthoffs rule). As an example the word for "wind" c
an be
adduced: ventus < *uento- < *h2uehi-nt-o . The reason for shortening is obviousl
y the aim to avoid threemoraic syllabes. The similar principle is observed in Li
ttera rule where the long
vowel shortens before the consonantal cluster V>V__CC-, as in luppiter
(secondarily
luppiter). This rule introduces moraicity into coda consonant, therefore the lon
g bimoraic nucleus must get monomoraic so as to avoid threemoraicity of the syll
able. Generally, vowels in final syllable are shortened: victor "winner" bu
t victoris, animal "animal" but animalis.
Vowels can also be lengthened, e.g. before nasal+spirant/obstruent cluster: V> V
__nS-, as
in quintus "fifth" <* quinctus < *kwinkw-to- . The moraicity of nasal is lost an
d transfered to the previous vowel. Compensatory lengthening in consonant cluste
rs containing spirant "s"
11 See Meiser 1998:66-74 for the complete list.
12 Dybo 1961. The PIE long vowels are preserved under the original stress, e.g.
Lat. brtus <*grtos. Dybo 2008 presented a comprehensive account of the correspond
ence of Italo-Celtic -tu and -to derivates (oxytona) with the Balto-Slavic mobil
ia, e.g. Lat. rutus < *rto-, Latv. raut, PSI. *ru, *rbVQ, *rbvb; and Italo-Celtic ba
rytona -tu-, -to- with Balto-Slavic immobilia, e.g. Lat. stus < *sito-, Latv. t, PSI
. *sjg, *sjeb.
13 Meiser 1998:75. Dybo's law has been accepted and dealt in detail by Schrijver
1991:334-419.
14 This word is an example of Hirt's law in Balto-Slavic.
15 Meiser 1998:75.
16 Meiser 1998:78.
15
also leads to the introducing of another mora into previous vowel: *kosmi- > cmis
. One of the most controversial quantitative change in Latin is Lachmann's law.
According to that law, the root vowel in past passive participle (and also in no
mina agentis ending in -tor, nomina actionis ending in -ti and -tare intensiva) l
engthens before the original voiced unaspirated consonant, e.g. ago "drive" actu
s <*agtos, ed "eat" sus <*edtos. There are many counterexamples, like find "split"
fissus <*b eid- or scind "tear" scissus <*skeid-. During the history of Lachmann'
s law interpretation, various explanations have been proposed. I try to solve th
at phenomenon in the Chapter 7.
1 7
Latin stress from OT point of view was studied e.g.by Jacobs (2003). Jacobs poin
ted out to the Early Classical Latin exception to the Classical stress rule when
a four-syllable word with first three short syllable receives stress on ante-an
te penultima/or on the first syllable : fcilius "easy", bsilicus "royal". Jacobs u
ses the following constraints to describe that pre-classical stress phenomenon a
nd its further development : Constraints for the form of feet:
FtBin - Feet are binary under analysis; RhTYPE (T): The rhythm type is trochaic,
feet are trochees; RhHRM: Rhythmic harmony or *(HL): an uneven trochee is forbi
den; Constraints for position/parsing:
NON-FINALITY: A foot may not be final; PARSE -a - parse syllables into feet; EDG
EMOST (a, R) - feet are dominated by stressed syllable location; ALIGN (PRWD, R,
FT, R) (W/R) - prosodic word correspond with the foot on the right edge; ALIGN
(HEAD-FOOT, R, PRWD, R) (H/R) - head of a foot is rightmost in a prosodic word;
ALIGN (HEAD-FOOT, L, PRWD, L (H/L) - head of a foot is leftmost in a prosodic wo
rd; QS - quantity sensitivity, heavy syllables are stressed.
Preclassical Latin Initial Stress is caused due to the high ranking of W/L and H
/L: NON-FINAL W/LWRH/LH/RPARSE -a. The change of this rule to Classical Latin is due
to the reranking of AL-PRWD constraints so that words do not longer stress ante-
ante penultima: NON-FINAL W/RW/LH/RH/LPARSE -o. Footing in Latin is leftward and ther
efore Preclassical stress appears due to the higher ranking of W/L constraint ov
er W/R and H/L over H/R.
2.3.3. Greek
Classical Greek is a tonal language distinguishing intonations. Although the
tonal marks were introduced by Byzantine grammarians, the marks are projected to
the Attic variant too.
17 Metrical theory to Latin stress was applied by e.g. Hayes (1995), Halle (1997
) or Mester (1994).
18 Jacobs 2003:396-398.
19 p. 410.
20 Bornemannn & Risch 1978:4-9, Rix 1992:41-43.
16
Attic dialect is also the main information on Greek accentual system. The acute
was probably rising tone, circumflex rising-falling tone. Gravis marks no other
distinctive intonation but is used for accented final syllable where it replaces
acute. The distribution of intonation partially reflects the original PIE state
(Gr. pater, OInd. pita < *pli2ter; Gr. frter, OInd. bhrt < *b rli2tr), partially Gre
ek developed its own innovation. First, the distribuiton of accent in Greek foll
ows the Dreisilbengesetz which permits the occurence of acute and circumflex wit
hin last three syllables only. No matter how many syllables a word may have, the
accent can appear only over one of the last three syllables. Acute can be on th
e last syllable (the "goddess"), on the penultima (chord) or on the antepenultima
(mlitta). Acute can be both on short and long syllable but if the ultima is shor
t, acute must be on the penultima: Nsg mlitta but Gsg. meltts. Generally, acute can
be on ultima only when a pause follows. Over the penultima can acute be if penu
ltima is accented and if the ultima is long. Circumflex can be only on the ultim
a (Athena) or penultima (Mosa), not over antepenultima. Circumflex can be only on
the long syllable and on the penultima can be iff the ultima is short. Should t
he ultima be long, circumflex changes to acute (Gsg. Mouses). Finite verbal form
s have recessive accent. It means that accent of a word for goes back from the e
nd of the word within the limits of Dreisilbengesetz. So e.g. the forms of "thro
w" can be accented as follows: aorist active balon has acute on antepenultima bec
ause ultima is short but aorist medium eblou has acute on the penultima because u
ltima is short. Nomina have mostly persistent accent, which means that the accen
t in a paradigm has the tendency to stay on the same syllable as in Nsg. The dis
tribution of accent in the paradigm also follows Dreisilbengesetz. So e.g. Nsg o
fnthropos has acute on antepenultima. Gsg anthropou must have acute on the penult
ima because the ultima is long and acute cannot stay on the antepenultima (only
if it is short). Change of accent can also be due to the Wheeler's law. This law
causes the retraction of accent from the ultima to penultima if the word form i
s dactyl: *poik'els > Gr. poiklos "many-coloured", cf. OInd. psal "decorated". The l
aw explains the anomaly in morphology, e.g. plesios "close" but skolis "curved" W
hile Wheeler's law applies to other Greek dialects, Vendryes' law operates only
in Attic. According to that law, circumflex from penultima retracts to the short
antepenultima, like common Greek etoimos "ready" > Attic toimos or geloos "laugha
ble" >gloios. Greek accent can also distinguish
21 The law has been reformulated by Jakobson 1937/1962 as the "limitation rule":
the vocalic morae between the accented vocalic mora and the final one cannot be
logn to different syllables. Or, the span between the accented and the final mor
a cannot exceed one syllable.
22 Further discussions in Collinge 1985:221-223.
23 Various opinions about this law in Collinge 1985:199-201.
17
meaning of the same words, like oikoi "at home", oikoi "houses". The stera law ca
uses the change of the acute of a penultimate long syllable to circumflex if the
final syllable is short, e.g. *titheisa > titheisa "putting".
The relative chronology of the accentual laws in Greek was established by Meier-
Briigger (1987): Dreisilbengesetz, Wheeler's law, stera law, Barytonesis, Vendrye
's law.
Apart from those Greek innovations , the rests of PIE prosodic system in Greek i
s limited but still important, e.g. we still observe the relationship between ac
cent and ablaut, e.g. leip "leave" (full accented grade), lloipa (unaccented full
o-grade), lipon (unaccented zero grade).
Basically, Greek nouns and adjectives can be accentually distributed in two type
s: barytona (accent is placed as far to the left as possible according to Dreisi
lbengesetz). Oxytona do not only place accent according to the recessive rule bu
t also reflect morphological constituency (e.g. themtic oxytona are theme-accent
ed).
The tonal distinction of Greek final syllables have taken an important role in t
he debate of PIE accentology. Greek has prosodic distinction in the final syllab
les, e.g. in final syllables of polysyllabic words: Nsg fyg "flight" x Dsg. fyg; i
n monosyllables: pos "foot" x boils "bull"; in the penultimate sylllable of words
ending in -oi or -ai, Npl. oikoi "houses" x adv. oikoi "at home".
Greek intonations used to be taken as PIE origin because the striking similarity
of final intonation have been found between Greek and Lithuanian, e.g. Gr. alfe
"salary", Lith. alga, Gr. alfes, Lith. algs.
Kurylowicz 1932 refused the continuation of Greek tonal oposition with the PIE s
tate claiming that Greek intonations is a properly Greek phenomenon. He argued t
hat first, the correspondence between Lithuanian and Greek is ilusory, because t
he comparison had been done betwee different intonations in different languages
with the usage of the same symbols
24 Sihler 1995:237, Olander 2009:63.
25 Meier-Briigger 1987:289.
26 Interesting is e.g. the "metathesis quantitatum", where a group of vowels ch
anges quantity and accent. The metathesis operates only in Attic: basilos "king"
> basiles. (Bornemann & Risch 1978:12). Hock 1986:443 considers it not a metathes
is but a compensatory lengthening where a long vowel is shortened in prevocalic
position with the subsequent lengthening of the following vowel. The metathesis
would therefore be only apparent.
27 The columnarity of Greek nouns is typical for vowel stems and consonantal st
ems. Mobility was limited to monosyllabic stems and some i-stems.
28 Modified according to Olander 2009:64. Various interpretations of Npl oikoi
x Adv. < Lsg. oikoi: Hirt (1929:38): the ending in oikoi was originly acute (shor
t), the ending in oikoi originally circumflex (long); Kurylowicz: oikoi - origin
al circumflex introduced analogically from the consonantal stems; Olander 2009:6
8-69 - prevocalic (short) and preconsonantal alternants *oj/oi.
29 The classical neogrammarians simply assumed that the Greek and Lithuanian ac
ute continue PIE acute and Greek and Lithuanian cicumlex is the same as PIE circ
umflex syllables (Hirt 1929:199-208).
18
for intonations. Although Greek tes alfes correspond to Lithuanian tos algs, ther
e is no correspondence of Lithuanian tq algq to Greek *ten alfen. Also, the Gree
k endings with circumflex intonations which would correspond a disyllabic Vedic
endings are limited (circumflex as a result of contractions), e.g.Gpl.-/w ~ -on.
Kurylowicz considers acute intonation as a nothing alse than a lack of circumfle
x intonation, i.e. it indicates the normally accented vowel not subjected to spe
cial phonetic or morphological conditions. So for Kurylowicz, the important role
in Greek intonation is circumflex which is autonomous in monosyllabic words and
final accented syllables. Three forms of circumflex can be distinguished:!, cir
cumflex originating from contractions: fos > fos; 2. morphological circumflex, e.
g. in aorist forms: bano-b, in monosyllables: ker "heart";
~ 'X1
3. circumflex originating from prehistoric phonetical reasons: times, bos. Kurylo
wicz argues that the group 3 is also morphologically conditioned, for example th
e accent recessivity in u-stems bos < *b-u-s. The general relationship between rec
essive accentuation and circumflex intonation is generalized: "whenever, in a gr
ammatical category, forms accented on the final syllable coexist with forms acce
nted on the penultima, the former obtain the circumflex intonation, if the final
syllable contains a long vowel or a diphtong and
'X')
if it may be conceived as a contracted syllable." For example, third declination
oxytona have suffix - or a complex accented suffix + unaccented -i: -ni, -di and c
ontraction syllable -ei < --i. So circumflex in Dsg of the type eugenei is concei
ved as resulting from contraction (or phonetic, because -ei <--i) and circumflex
of Dsg second declination -, as in kal has a morphological circumflex, because it
also obtained -i- and is modelled on the pattern of the type eugenei. Kurylowicz
also claims that there is a rule which applies to Greek oxytone paradigms: form
s with marginal accentuation have the circumflex, if there exist corresponding f
orms with columnal accentuation. Thus time has circumlex because there exists a
coresponding paradigmatic formpoimni etc.
The correspondence of Greek and Balto-Slavic morphonological patterns has been s
tudied by Nikolaev & Starostin 1982, Nikolaev 1983. It was shown that Greek CVCV
roots correspond to Balto-Slavic mobilia.
3U Kurylowicz 1932:202-203.
31 ibid. p. 203.
32 Kurylowicz 1932:207.
33 ibid p. 207-208.
34 p. 208. Oxytona have columnal accentuation if the accent remains on the same
syllable counting from the beginning of the word, e.g. pater, patera. Oxytona w
ith marginal acccentuation have the accentuation of the last syllables, e.g. tim
e, times.
19
Olander 2009 analysed Greek tones form a laryngealistics conception and assumed
that PIE tones were remade by a distinction between long and hiatal final struct
ures. PIE long vowels (of any origin) gave Greek final syllable acute, e.g. '^dh
^tr > dotr, *b ugli2 > fyg. PIE hiatal structures gave Greek circumflex, e.g. Dsg *b
ugh2ai >fyg.
The modern phonology approach to Greek accentuation has been done by Steriade (1
988). She applied metrical phonology to the analysis of Ancient Greek prosody an
d tried to show that the position of accented syllables is determined by a metri
cal procedure which is sensitive to syllable weight rather than number of moras.
Steriade counts circumfles as HL and acute as LH melodic contour, the gravis as
the single H. She also posits recessive cclass of words where the accent recede
s as far to the left as allowed. The foot formation of recessive accent is forma
lized as follows: a) a final consonant is extrametrical, b) a final light syllab
le is extramentrical, c) construct left-dominant binary feet right to left. Main
stress rule is formulated by d) construction of a word-level right-dominan foot
, e) eliminate secondary stresses. Surface stress is then computed and formalise
d by grids. Steriade devotes a lot of space to the accentuation of clitics, whic
h is not the topic of my work. Steriade does not bother with the historical expl
anation of Greek prosody, her description is only synchronic (she even does not
use the traditional accentual laws).
An OT solution of the Greek accentuation was proposed by Noyer (1997), who sugge
sts that the surface placement of accent is derived from the abstract syllabific
ation. Noyer reanalyzed the moraic trochee analysis of Greek (proposed by other
authors) and concluded that the accent placement depends on the syllabification
and surface-level syllable contraction. Constraints which interact in that analy
sis belong to the the Alignment family: OXYTONE: Align (H-o, Right, Base, Right)
- the right edge of the syllable containing the H-tone must be aligned with the
right edge of the base
BARYTONE: Align (Head Foot, Left, H-Tone, Right)
- align left edge of the head Foot with the right edge of the H-tone domain. Com
plex forms show cyclic effects combining contraction and refooting.
Olander 2006:65-66.
p.276.
Noyer 1997:524.
ibid p. 518.
20
2.3.4. Hittite
Hittite as an Anatolian lanaguage can now be considered accentologically relevan
t language. The information of Hittite accent is scarce but it can contribute to
our reconstruction of PIE prosody, esp. accent-ablaut paradigms. Hittite accent
can be deduced from sriptio plena which is "merfache Notierung eines Vokals in
der Keilschrift" (Carruba 1981:232:235). u Plene writing was observed to reflect
length: la-a-ma-an "name", Lat. nmen. Plene writing can be observable e.g. in th
e root of N, Asg te-e-kan, Gr. chthn <*d g'hm and in indirect cases also in endings
: Gpl pa-ta-a-an, Gr. padn. Reduplicative syllable can also be written with plene
writing and in that case it corresponds to accented reduplicative syllabe in ot
her IE languages: me-e-ma-, le-e-la-mi-ja, Got. lat, OInd. ddhti, Gr. ggona. Denomina
tives and deverbatives with *-i-/-io- or *-ie-/-io- accented suffixes have also ple
ne writing: hudlija "fight" >hu-ulli-e-ez-zi, karpija- "pick up" > ka-ar-pi-e-ez
-zi. Athematic verbs can also reflect the original accent e-it-mi idm) "I eat", OI
nd. dmi <*hid-mi present participle a-da-a-an- (adnt), OInd. adnt <*hisnt-. The posit
ion of accent could also be marked by doubling of consonants if the accent prece
ded or followed: Hitt. lammar "hour", Lat. numerus, PIE *nmr- or Hitt. gimmant- "
winter", Gr. cheimn, PIE.*g' eimnt-. The accent is also reflected in substantives
having collective meaning: Nsg*M/r- "water" > ua-a-tar, Dsg.*uedni >u-i-te-e-ni, Np
l*we/r "waters"> ud-da-a-ar. Length is interpreted in monosyllables which regularl
y have plene writing: e-et\ "eat!", i-it\
"go".45
Different view on the plene writing has Hoffner & Melchert (2008:25, 49) who poi
nt on the problematicity of plene writing. It is far from being consistent and a
lthough some in some position it can reflect accent or length, we cannot be sure
that it always indicates length. The concesus on the distribution of plene writ
ing is only in certain postions and certain examples. Some other phenomena can h
int the position of Hittite accent, e.g. verbal endings in 1st and 2nd plural. E
ndings -waniZ-tani are not accented but -weniZ-teni- are stressed.
Summary of recent views are also in Kloekhorst (2008) who attributes several fun
ctions to plene writing. First, it is the denotation of length, e.g. ne-e-pi-is
meaning /nbis/. Plene
39 From other Anatolian languages, Lydian accentuation has been thoroughfully d
escribed by Eichner (1986, 1987). Lydian had probably free stress system which a
lso colored certain vowels.
40 Here also the history of attempts to explain scriptio plena, similar overview
in Kimball (1999:57-58).
41 Carruba 1981:238.
42 Oettinger 1992:207, Hoffner&Melchert (2008:50).
43 Oettinger 1992:209.
44 ibid.211., also Kimball (1999:60).
45 ibid.
46 Hoffner&Melchert 2008:31.
21
writing is here uset for and accented vowel in the open syllable. In the word in
itial postiion a plene vowel reflects glottal stop: a-ar-as-zi = /rstsi/. Neverthe
less, not all instances of plene writing can be described in phonetic sense (Klo
ekhorst 2008:32-33).
Some phonological changes can also hint the position of accent. For example, * >;
ProtoA *mhwr > Hitt. mhur "time" while * >, ProtoA *-r > 3pl. preterite -er. Short "o
" was prolonged in accented closed syllable, like ProtoA *mld- > lsg. mald-'speak
solemnly" while long accented "" was lowered to "", like ProtoA*wei/r >uidr "waters
". Also, short "e" was prolonged in the accented syllable: ProtoA *pdom > pdan "pl
ace" while unaccented "e" was rised to "z": ProtoA *nbes >nepi "sky". Accented vow
els did not lengthen before some consonant clusters, e.g. containing labiovelars
or laryngeals: *ngwts > nekuz "nigth" (ne-ku-uz); *meg'Ii2-i- > me-ek-ki "numero
us". Long vowels deduced from plene writing could also be created by compensator
y lengthening: *h]s-uh2- > a-as-su-u "goods".48
The analysis of plene writing with respect of the position of PIE accent was don
e (on a limited examples) by Kassian (2002). Kassian showed that on the Hittite
lexemes with direct Indo-European parallels the plene writing coresponds to the
reconstructed PIE accent, e.g. a-a-ra "right", OInd. ram, ne-e-p-i "heaven", Gr. nfo
s. Although the data are scarce, I would conclude that Hittite can contribute to
the reconstruction of PIE accent.
2.3.5 Lithuanian and Latvian are important Baltic languages for the reconstructi
on of Balto-Slavic and PIE accent.
2.3.5.1. Lithuanian
Lithuanian stress is free and mobile. Gravis indicates the ictus on the short sy
llable -ranka "hand". Ictus on the long vowels and diphtongs is either indicated
by acute or circumflex: vras "man", nmas "house". Acute diphtongs which end in a
resonant have gravis on the first part: pilnas "full", irk "rat".
The standard Lithuanian is based on Auktaitian dialects where acute is a falling
tone and circumflex is rising. The opposition of acute and circumflex exists onl
y in stressed syllables but previously the opposition existed also in unstressed
position. The proof for it is de Saussure's law (stress shifted from non-acute
syllable to the following acute one).
For details of all changes see Melchert 1994:101-107.
Kimball 1999:61-62.
Stang 1966:125-144; Derksen 1991.
22
emaitian dialects, on the other hand, have different accentual characteristics. I
n some parts we observe Brechton which corresponds to acute (pmps "century, age"
~ standard mius) and circumflex (falling) corresponds to standard rising circumfle
x (maps "bag" ~ standard maims). There is also a middle tone ( ) and rising acute
(' ) which were created due to the stress retraction from non-acute vowels. If t
he target syllable was originally circumflex, the new intonation become middle,
if the target syllable was originally acute then the acute (rising) appeared - r
pnka (standard ranka), rkls (standard arklys) "horse".
emaitian also distinguishes Brechton and circumflex in unstressed syllables: Dsg
sunpu "son", standard snui; gids "rooster", standard gaidys.
Lithuanian nomina can be divided into four accentual paradigms (APs) according t
o the stress and intonation distribution in cases. API
Stress is constant. If the ictus is on the penultima (or first syllable in bisyl
labic nouns), the intonation is acute: vras, vro, vrui... "man" If the ictus falls
on the antepenultima or ante-antepenultima, the intonation can be either acute:
gdytojas, gdytojo, gdytojui..."'doctor", or circumflex: pavsaris, pavsario, pavsariui.
.."spring", or gravis: televizorius, televizoriaus, televzormi..."television". T
here are also derivates that have accented suffixes or prefixes and belong to AP
I paradigm, e.g. glmlnltls "relative" (suffix - ltls), valdba "government" (suffix
-ba), eimna "family" (suffix -na), tbalsls "echo" (prefix t-), itakas "estuary" (prefix
In-), prkalb "protolanguage" (prefix pro-). AP2
Stress is mobile in that paradigm. Most cases are stem-stressed. Only Apl is end
-stressed. Several other cases can be end-stressed depending on the word structu
re. Nsg is end-stressed if the noun ends in -a, like mokykl "school", Lsg and Isg
are also end-stressed if the number of syllables in those cases is the same as
in Nsg, so Nsg rtas "scribe", Lsg. rate, Isg. rast. Stressed syllables have circumfl
ex or gravis: Nsg vasius "fruit", Gsg. vasiaus, Apl vaisus. Also derivates with st
resses suffixes belong here: medelis "little tree" (suffix - lis), taisykl "rule"
(suffix - ykle), varmas "purity" (suffix -iimas). AP3
Stress is mobile in that paradigm. Most cases are end-stressed. Only Dsg, Asg an
d Apl are stem-stressed. Several other cases can be stem-stressed depending on t
he word structure. Nsg can be stem-stressed if the noun ends in -as, like klnas "
mountain". If the Gsg ends in a
The following examples are from Eckert et al (1994:117-125).
23
vowel (like in masculines), the form is also stem-stressed: rklio "horse" (contra
pavards "surname". Also forms having a monosyllable ending -u in Isg are stem-st
ressed: rkliu. The same accentuation counts for n- and r-stems: kmeniu "stone", se
seria "sister". Npl is stem-stressed for feminine forms ending in -os and -s: glvo
s "head", ikts "squares". The intonation can be either acute or circumflex: rndas "s
car", rasalas "ink". Also derivates with accented suffix belong to that class, e
.g. elgesys "behaviour" (suffix -esys), staigmen "surprise" (suffix -men). AP4
Stress is mobile and most cases are end-stressed. Only Dsg and Asg are stem-stre
ssed. Other cases can also be stem-stressed depending on the structure. Nsg is s
tem-stressed for masculines ending in -as (ndmas "house") and for Gsg ending in
a vowel idaina "song"). Also Npl for feminines ending in -os and -s is stem-stres
sed idainos "songs", gls "flowers"). Stem stressed forms have circumflex, end-stre
ssed forms have either circumflex (Gpl laukii "field") or acute (Dpi namms "house
s".
Verbs
Lithuanian verbs have basically two paradigms in present. If the penultima is st
ressed with acute tone or any other non-final syllable is stressed, the ictus an
d intonation remains the same in other present forms: kti "dance", oku, ki, kame etc. I
f the ictus is on the penultima with -i- or -u- (short vowel), the accent moves
to the ending in the 1st and 2nd persons singular. The tone is gravis: supti "sw
ing", supil, supi, supa, supme....
Present and preterite indicative forms can also undergo de Saussure's law. Stres
s shifts to the ending in the 1st and 2nd sg if the 3rd sg has circumflex or sho
rt syllable: metu, meti, meta..; meiau, metel, mete ... Some verbs retract ictus
a prefix: vsti "lead", vedu, vda > neveda, priveda. According to Kortlandt (1977:3
26-327) those verbs were mobile and ictus was retracted from stressed inner syll
ables.
51 Some standard grammars like Ambrazas et al (1997) take Dpi and Apl as a crit
erion for a noun to belong into an accentual paradigm. However, this does not ex
plain the minor deviation in Nsg, Gsg, Lsg and Isg.
52 Diphtongs i, au, i under stress changed metatonically to circumflexed intonatio
n. The original intonation is preserved in Zemaitian (Stang:1966:115)
53 Kortlandt call this retraction Pedersen's law because it is similar to the P
edersen's law in Balto-Slavic. However, Pedersen's law 2 is specifically Lithuan
ian because it was preceded by Auktaitian lengthening of short *e and *o under st
ress: vda, sko. Those new long vowels did not coalesce with Baltic *, * which became
and o. East Baltic *e and * were diphtongized to ie and uo in Auktaitian (and the
refore also standard): dievas, doti. Mobility of vedu, vda is due to the Ebeling's
law :srress was retracted from the open final syllables unless the preceding sy
llable was closed by an obstruent. This law is Balto-Slavic (Kortlandt 1977:322)
24
The modern description of Lithuanian accentuation by non-linear phonology has be
en done by Blevins 1993 who applied autosegmental phonology combined with rule o
rdering to account the accentuation of Lithuanian nominals both in Auktaitian and
in Zemaitian dialects.. Her description is useful from the synchronic point of
view. Influenced by Halle, Blevins adopted BAP to explain the accented prefixes
as in preiti "to cross" by a default tone insertion. Tonal representations of Aukt
aitian are expressed by the H-tone associated with either first mora (acute), se
cond mora (circumflex) or only mora (grave). Zemaitian dialects are curiously de
scribed without Brechton which makes the description irrelevant.
Metrical phonology description of Lithuanian (and Latvian) was provided by Dogil
(1999:877-896) who considers Lithuanian a lexical accent system not bound by an
y metrical rule to a syllable but the morphemes are inherently accented. Apart f
rom Blevins, Dogil thinks that moraic structure can be applied only to acute whi
le circumflex and grave have syllabic representations so Lithuanian should disti
nguish moraic and syllable morphemes. I do not see any advantage of such distinc
tion, especially in bracketed-grid metrical phonology that Dogil uses to analyse
Lithuanian examples apart from the fact that it fits to de Saussure's law conce
ption because Dogil considers de Saussure's law as a stress attraction by weight
syllables. But since he posits moras only to acute, it logically follows than c
ircumflex must be monomoraic which is nonsense. It is unclear to me how such mec
hanism can works especially if Leskien's law makes the final acute deprived of m
ora and the "apparent weight contrast" is lost.
2.3.5.1.1. de Saussure's law
De Saussure (1896) stated that Lithuanian accentual paradigms AP2 and AP4 origin
ated from the paradigms API and AP3. Those paradigms originated by a stress shif
t from a circumflex or short syllable to the following acute syllable. It means
that Lithuanian still distinguished intonations in unstressed syllables. The law
can be illustrated as a difference between Nsg Hepa, (API) x ranka (AP2), Apl l
iepa x ranks or glvas (AP3) x iems (AP4).
The opposition between acute and circumflex in final syllables was lost after th
e Leskien's law which caused shortening of acute vowels: *galv > galv. The oppo
sition was restored
Mp.889.
55 Olander (2009) incorporated de Saussure's law into his conception of the phon
ological difference of PIE endings. The accentual differences of Lithuanian nes a
nd armu can be explained as the acute reflex *-oH and the circumflex from the lon
g vowel. Olander thinks that PIE plain long vowels are reflected as non-acute vo
wels in PBS (Olander 2009:115).
25
after the loss of posttonic short vowels when penultimas became final syllables:
*galvamus >
7 r 56
galvoms.
Apart from the fact that de Saussure's law has been used and misused in classica
l accentology for explaining all the progressive shifts in Slavic, it is clear n
ow that the law is limited to Lithuanian. Since 1970s several works dealing w
ith the law from the position of
CO
modern phonology has appeared.
De Saussure's law as a H-tone involvement
Zeps & Halle 1971 took an assuption that each Lithuanian word has an underlying
pitch
contour -H and + H. So e.g. marti "bride" would have the mar.ti contour, while H
epa "linden
-H +H He.pa would have -H +H, where +H level would begin at the first sylla
ble. Circumflexed words
with would have the break level in mid syllable: aukta.tis "a speaker of High Lith
uanian"
-H +H The rule which distributes high pitch is the H-distribution rule. The
rule assgins H pitch to all
segments that follow the segment originally specified as +H. Metatony rule, o
n the other
hand, is a phonetic rule which removes the H pitch from the stem final mora so t
hat the low-
pitche domain is extended. So e.g. mokykl is a result of metatony rule from mo
kykla.
H HH
Metatony rule is phonetic rule but morphologically restricted, it applies only i
f a desinence
has a single mora. It would explain the differences between API and AP2 and betw
een AP3
and AP4 and wouuld be the synchronic counterpart of de Saussure's law.
H-removal rule, that removes the lexically supplied +H pitch applies only to cer
tain lexically
marked stems in certain environments or, as both authors say, in labile stems, a
ll plural
desinences, N, G, Lsg and Ipl -mi. Lithuanian accentual paradigms are therefore
results of the
interaction of abovementioned rules.
56 Derksen 1991:49.
57 On the rehabilitation of de Saussure's law by Moscow accentological school se
e the chapter on Stang's law in this dissertation.
581 do not deal with authors who basically rejected the law, as Darden 1984 who
proposed that Slavic oxytona kept the original accentuation and (thus considered
Dybo's law false) and instead proposed the leftward stress retraction from shor
t or circumflex vowels. The motivation is unknown. Darden (1979, 1980) also reje
cted Illi-Svity's proof of the accentual connection of PIE short vowel barytona an
d oxytona and sticked to Kurylowicz's (1968) claim of the Balto-Slavic unmotivat
ion. Since neither Kurylowicz nor Darden's works have had any impact on the acen
tology, I do not deal with them in detal. Just to note that Darden does not quot
e any works by Dybo or Kortlandt.
59 Zeps & Halle 1971:143.
60 ibid p. 144.
26
Kiparsky&Halle 1977 intepreted de Saussure's law in their own conception of inhe
rently accented and unaccented morphemes. Accentual paradigms API (vrna) and AP2
(ranka) have originally inherently accented stems:
H H
Nsg varna ranka
H H
Gsg varnos rankos
H H
Dsg varnai rankai
Accentual paradigms AP3 (galv) and AP4 (barzd) have inherently unaccented stems
and have initial accent in D sg:
H H
Nsg galva barzda
H H
Gsg galvos barzdos
H H
Dsg galvai barzdai
Kiparsky&Halle claim that there are dominant and recessive morphemes. Dominant m
orphemes are those that have +H feature on inherently accented syllables. This c
oncerns Lithuanian API and AP2 stems which are dominant. AP3 and AP4 stems are r
ecessive. Kiparsky & Halle also propose that each morpheme has underlying H mora
and the important point is whether the accent falls on the first or second mora
(in case of disyllabics).This should explain the differences between paradigms.
Therefore, the first three cases of the above members of paradigms can be const
ructed as the combination of dominant *H or recessive H morphemes.
Nsg Gsg Dsg
*H *H
varna
*H *H
varnoos
*H *H
varnai
*H *H
ranka
*H *H
rankoos
*H H
rankai
H *H
galva
H *H
galvoos
H H
galvai
H *H
barzda
H *H
barzdoos
H H
barzdai
In Nsg AP2 and AP4 the +H is on -a which monomoraic. In Gsg and Dsg +H is on the
second mora. De Saussure's law is therefore interpreted as deaccentuation of t
he first of two
consecutive vowels: V>[-H]/_Cq[+H]
62
Kiparsky & Halle 1977:215. ' Kiparsky&Halle 1977:216.
27
De Saussure's law as a rule ordering
Kiparsky 1973:825-830 also mentioned de Saussure's law. According to his concept
ion,
stress drifted from the last stem mora to the first mora of thematic vowel, e.g.
*blus-+aa-+n
> *blus-aa+n > blus. De Saussure's law is incorporated in the rule ordering:
alg-+aa+an
alg-+aa+n (strong cases have pre-suffixal accent)
alg+aa+n (strong cases have word-initial accent)
alg+aa-+n (de Saussure's law)
alg (Leskien's law + loss of final -n)
Rule ordering was also applied by Robinson 1970 who proposed 14 rules to explain
the accentual behavior of the four Lithuanian paradigms. As the rule insertion
concept is unmotivated, I leave Robinson's account without further comment.
Becker 1981 divided de Saussure's law into two separage changes. First, accent f
orwarded from in all accented short vowels and then was retracted in certain cas
es. Rising circumflex occured due to such retraction, e.g. Isg. *pirtois >*pirtgis
>*pirtois > pirtais. Falling acute is the result of polarization, so Apl. *pirtus
>*pirtus > pirts. Becker claims that almost every cicrumflex (also from mtatonie dou
ce) is derived bfrom the retraction. Curiously, Becker compares this retraction
to Stang's law in Slavic which produce rising intonation. The final change in th
e sequence of changes is Leskien's law which shortens the final syllable.
As far as I know, this proposal did not have any impact on the accentology becau
se the development is highly improbable. There is no motivation for such changes
. Becker's proposal is basically nothing else than metatony. It is not clear to
me if Becker counts with the original intonations or not because he speaks only
about the original accent.
Autosegmental analysis by Blevins 1993 is applied to de Saussure's law as a folo
wing rule: "if H tones are associated to adjacent moras under suffixation, the f
irt H tone deletes". So e.g. Nsg rtas is considered to have an underlying H tone
on the second mora combined with unaccented suffix /raa t-as/ while Lsg rate is
a result of the stem tone deletion when an accented suffix -e is added: /raa t-e
/.
63 Becker 1981:9, 12.
64 Becker 1981:13. 65p.l6.
66 Blevins 1993:250.
28
Kortlandt's interpretation of the de Saussure's law
Kortlandt 1974, 1977 interpreted de Saussure's law as follows: "ictus shifted fr
om a non-falling vowel to a following laryngealized vowel" If we replace the old
Kortlandt's term "laryngealized" by "glottalized" it means that de Saussure's l
aw is simply the stress atraction by a syllable containing glottal stop.
Chronologically, de Saussure's law occured after Pedersen's law because stress w
as not retracted in negli, nesko forms having fixed stress until de Saussure's law
.
MAS interpretation of the de Saussure's law
De Saussure's law can be interpreted as an interaction of dominant and recessive
morphemes. The principle is quite easy because dominant endings attract stress
from the recessive morphemes. The domimancy is caused by a laryngeal here, so e.
g. Nsg *o (.) + Ji2(+)
It means that the root in Nsg ranka (AP2) is recessive and therefore loses stres
s to the
_ 70
domimant acute ending. Isg might be interpreted as *(_) + N(+) giving *-ari(.+y
71
2.3.5.2. Accentual relationship between Lithuanian and Latvian
Nominals and verbs with falling tone on the first syllable correspond to circumf
lexed root in Lithuanian: Latv. drugs "friend, Lith. drugas. Central Latvian susta
ined tone on the first syllable corresponds to Lithuanian acute on the root and
API: Latv. duna "bread", Lith. duona. Latvian broken tone on the initial syllable
corresponds to Lithuanian root acute and mobile paradigm AP3: Latv. kalns "moun
tain", Latv. klnas.
2.3.5.3. Common East Baltic period
The development ofthe Common East Baltic accentuation was described by Kortlandt
1974, 1977 and 1994. Hereby I adduce the main points:
Endzelin's law : monophtongization of stressed *ei and *oi to *e which later u
ndewent diphtongization to *ie as in Lith. dievas, Latv. dievs
67 Kortlandt 1977:327.
68 Kortlandt 1974:304, 1977:327.
69 Dybo 2003:155.
70 ibid. Dybo calls the assimilation "metatony" but it should be taken only as
a cover term for the change of dominancy which surfaces as an intonation change.
71Derksenl991:50-53.
72 Kortlandt 1974:301, Kortlandt 1977:323.
29
Shortening of long diphtongs: e.g. Dsg. Lith. mergai x Gr. x chorai
Rise of phonemic pitch: Glottal stop lost its segmental status and became a f
eature of the
neighbouring vowel
75
Retraction of ictus from a prevocalic "i": , e.g. Lith. uktas x auktis.
2.3.5.4. Origin of Lithuanian intonation
In East Baltic, the glottalic articulation merged with the neighbouring vowel yi
elding laryngeal pitch similar to broken tone. This intonation should have been
the same as Latvian and Zemaitian Brechton and Danish st0d. This process trigger
ed the rise of distinctive tones. Ictus retraction from prevocalic "z" (the sour
ce of metatony): -stress retraction from a prevocalic "z" to a laryngealised
vowel yielded rising tone. The
9
glottalic feature was lost. An example of it is auktis "height" < *au ktios with r
ising tone
77
contra uktas "high".
- stress retraction onto a non-laryngealised vowel gave a middle tone which then
merged with the falling tone: *i: *vilkia "she-wolf > Lith. vilk
- stress also retracted from short *-a in final open syllables. This retractio
n applied to neutra
jo
o-stems which had not been affected by Hirt's and Ebeling's law
The retractions above were common to both Latvian and Lithuanian but the further
70
development was only parallel, not identical.
73 Kortlandt 1974:301, Kortlandt 1977:323. 74Kortlandt 1974:302, Kortlandt 1977:
424.
75 Kortlandt 1977:324.
76 Because it lost its stressability.
77 Also Stang 1966:147.
78 Another source of metatony, see the following note.
79 Metatony is a typical feature accompanying derivation processes. In etymologi
cally related words the tone can change, e.g. uktas "high", auktis "height". Since
de Saussure 1894 two kinds of Baltic and especially Lithuanian metatonies are di
stinguished: metatonie douce (change of acute to circumflex) and metatonie rude
(change of circumflex to acute). Metatony has been recently extensively studied
by Derksen 1996. The important result of Derksen's work is that metatony is not
caused by a change of intonation but by a retraction of stress. Metatonie douce
in radical syllables was caused by a stress retraction from the prevocalic *i, e
.g. kalius "furrier" versus kilis "sheep-skin" for -iiu- stems or auktis versus uktas
for -//o-stems. In those cases the stress was retracted from *-iios, *-iius. Me
tatonie douce in sta-presents like justi, justa "become black" versus jodas "black"
has been caused by the Balto-Slavic loss of preglottalized consonant before st-
suffix: *juo?d-st-. The sequence *CV(R)?d-V- results in acute while the develop
ment of the sequence *CV(R)?d-st- >*CV(R)-st- results in circumflex. This is log
ical because there is no glottal stop which would result in acute. For metatonie
douce see Derksen (2006:36-189), for sta-presents ibid (167-168). Metatonie rud
e in root syllables has also been caused by stress retraction from prevocalic *i
as in Latv. klkis "kite" versus klyti "squawk". Retraction in o-stems occured fr
om * to a preceding non-laryngealized syllable mainly in oxytone neuters. This re
traction caused a rising tone and gave acute in Lithuanian and sustained tone in
Latvian barytona or an alternation of sustained tone and Brechton in mobile par
adigm because mobile and oxytone neuters merged. The examples from Latvian can b
e lauks "field", raks "slice of bread, see Derksen (2006:190-368) for the detaile
d account of metatonie rude; Alternatively about metatony also recent papers by
Larsson 2004, 2004a.
30
Kortlandt 1974, 1977 postulated the Lithuanian accentual development in the foll
owing steps:
Rise of tonal oppositions: retraction of the stress to glottalized syllables yie
lded a rising tone and the loss of glottalization., e.g. auktls x uktas. Glottaliza
tion changed to falling tone in stressed syllables, non-glottalic pitch merged w
ith the new rising tone. Stress retraction to non-glottalized syllables resulted
in middle tone which later merged with the falling intonation, e.g. vilke x OIn
d. vrkh.
Diphtongization of East Baltic *e, * > le, uo, as in dievas, doti, limited to Aukt
aitian dialects. Lengthening of stressed Baltic *e, *a, lengthening occured unde
r stress in the open syllable,
~ 89
e.g.veda, sko
Pedersen's law (the second one): see above, stress retraction from stressed inne
r syllable in
mobile paradigm of the neveda type.
Hjelmslev's metatony law: stress retraction on a glottalized vowel yields rising
tone and the
~ 84
loss of laryngeal feature, limited to trisyllabic nouns, e.g. desis.
8S
De Saussure's law: ictus shifted from a non-falling vowel to a following glottal
ized vowel. Nieminen's law: ictus retracted from a short "a" in final syllables
to a preceding long vowel or diphtong, e.g. kekas, sltas x altsls
Leskien's law: acute vowels in final syllables were shortened, e.g. ranka. Inton
ation in final syllables was neutralized in Auktaitian. It was restored when post
tonic short vowels in final syllables were lost., e.g. vaikms.
2.3.5.5. Latvian
Latvian has got stress on mainly on the first syllable and also distinguishes in
tonation
88 .... .
80
there. There are three distinctive intonations. Gravis - is only on short vowels
iff that vowel is the first part of a diphtong: dlena "day", drugs "friend", plr
kt "buy" It is also on
80 Kortlandt 1974:303.
81 Kortlandt 1974:304, Kortlandt 1977:326.
82 ibid.
83 ibid.
84 Kortlandt 1974:304, 1977:327, Derksen 1996:28.
85 Kortlandt's brilliant formulation from 1974:304, 1977:327. Derksen 1996:28 st
icks to the classical formulation that stress shifted from a circumflex or short
syllable to an immediately following acute syllable. I will deal later with var
ious approaches to interpret de Saussure's law.
86 Kortlandt 1974:305, Derksen 1996:28.
87 Leskien 1881, Kortlandt 1974:305, Kortlandt 1977:328.
88 Endzelin 1922:17-32; Endzelin 1971:25-28; Stang 1966:120-174, Forssman 2001:7
8-81. 89Contemporary standard Lithuanian normally does not distinguish them but
they are important from the historical point of view. Forssman (2001:79-80)
31
long vowels if the vowel is not part of a diphtong: herns "child". Sustained ton
e - is on the long vowels or on the second part of a diphtong: brlis "brother", t
ilts "bridge". Brechton - is also on the long vowels and the second part of a di
phtong, dels "son", meita "girl". The Brechton is characterised by glottalisatio
n. The three intonations are distinctive only in stressed position. In unstresse
d position the sustained tone often occurs. Traditionally, Latvian intonation ar
e compared and juxtaposed with other Balto-Slavic languages: gravis corresponds
to Lith. circumflex and S-Cr. long falling tone: Latv. Asg riioku, Lith. rakq, S-
Cr. ruku; sustained tone corresponds to Lith. acute and S-Cr. short falling tone
: Latv. liepa, Lith. lipa, S-Cr. lipa. Brechton correspond to Lith. gravis in fo
rmerly acuted syllables (according to the classical doctrine Brechton originated
due to the stress retraction: Latv. galva, Lith. galv in cases where the acute s
yllable preceded final stressed.
The system with three distinctive tones in initial syllables has been preserved
only in two areas - NE part of central Latvia and border area of Kurzeme + centr
al Latvian dialects. Elsewhere, the original system has been simplified. In west
ern parts the gravis merged with Brechton. In eastern part the gravis merged wit
h the sustained tone : Central L. traks, West L. traks, East L. truks; Central L. r
ags, West L. rags, East L. rags; Central L. drugs, West L. drags, East L. drugs.
2.3.5.6. Origin of Latvian intonations
According to classical doctrine of Endzelin, the sustained tone developed on the
ictus of acute vowel. Broken tone should originate after the retraction of ictu
s to an acute vowel in oxytone forms of mobile paradigm. So mobile paradigm with
an acute vowel should then contain the alternation of the sustained and the bro
ken tone with the subsequent generalisation of the broken tone. Another ictus re
traction should also operate from final to non-final syllables, e.g. in flective
forms: Lpl. avis, rags and also in derivative suffixes: -ks, -gs, -klis... This mea
ns that Latvian should have had two different retraction - the first one from th
e final syllable. So we have e.g. Lpl galvs with two Brechtons, the first retract
ion should have been from the end syllable to the preceding syllable: *galvsq <*g
alvsq. Then, the retraction to the first syllable *galvsq > *glvs. Both retractions
should result in Brechton: galvs. According to Kortlandt/Derksen hypothesis
, the Proto-East Baltic possessed an
9U Endzelin 1922:25.
91 Endzelin 1922 in Derksen 1991:51.
92 Derksen 1991:52.
93 Stang 1966:142.
94 Stang 1966:142-143.
32
Opposition - glottalised (acute) and non-glottalised (circumflex) syllables. Pro
to-Balto-Slavic glottal closure gave Latvian glottalic articulation because the
loss of glottal closure gave rise of rising pitch distionction. After the distin
tegration of East Baltic the system of glottalised/non-glottalised syllables was
replaced by tonal system. Several changes occured:
1. stress retraction from prevocalic *i: *snoigw H-eIi2> snaigiaH >snidze "snow b
unting"
2. stress retraction from short *a in final open syllables (oxytone o-stem neu
ters which escaped Hirt's law and BS retraction, *loikwm >*laik >laks "time" . Bary
tone neuters became mobile. An example of this are PSI. *krslo "chair", *lyko "ba
st", *sito "sieve" (APa) and Lith. krslas, lnkas, setas (API). Fixed stress and imm
obile paradigms point to the stress retraction of Hirt's law (BSL *kr?slo, *ln?ko,
*s?ito). But Latvian has Brechton which points to the neomobility: krsls, lks, sits
because the Brechton, which was not dependent on stress, was generalised here.
3. Retraction 1 and 2 result in rising tone on both glottalised and non-glottali
sed vowels Other stressed vowels became falling.
4. Rise of sustained tone under stressed glottalised vowels lead to the loss of
glottalisation under falling tone and gave rise to the sustained tone which mer
ged with rising tone *sh]-ti > *se h >set sow .
5. Rest of glottalised vowels became falling *d ehi-(s)tm >*de st > dsts "plant"
6. Unstressed syllables with glottalisation developed the broken tone.
So we have three intonational results: laiks - neomobile from stress retraction
and sustained tone (mtatonie rude), dsts - falling tone (mtatonie douce), luks - ne
omobility.
Young (2000) showed that there are two sources of Brechton in Latvian and Zemait
ian: the first one represents the inherited Baltic acute (originated from a lary
ngeal or due to the Winter's law) and another one which originated in the intern
al syllable. This Brechton corresponds to Lithuanian circumflex, e.g. Latv. devtis
"ninth" ~ Lith. devintas. According to Young, the etymological circumflex here
was replaced by Brechton.
95 Derksen 1995
96 The chronology of Latvian accentual development was also postulated by Kortla
ndt 1974:305-306, Kortlandt
1977:328:329.1 hereby adduce the improved version by Derksen.
97 Derksen 1995:165.
98 Derksen 1995:165.
99 Derksen 2008.
100 ibid.
33
2.3.6. Old Prussian101
The accentuation of Old Prussian is scarcely known. The stress was free and mobi
le and we can only suppose that Balto-Slavic acute and circumflex were reflected
here. Old Prussian diphtongs can be stressed either on the first or the second
component. Macron on the first element corresponds to the Lithuanian circumflex,
e.g. OPrus. 3sg subj. it "go" ~ Lith. eiti, Old Prussian macron on the second di
phtong component corresponds to acute: OPrus. bot "be"-Lith. to?.102
In 3rd Catechism the macron above a vowel corresponds the Lithuanian stressed sy
llable, e.g. OPr. mti "mother" ~ Lith. mt and the stress is also indicated by a gem
minate, e.g. waikammas "boy".
Kortlandt 1974a refused the old interpretation of the gemmination means that a p
receding syllable was short and stressed because there are many counterexamples
showing the geminates before stressed long vowels, e.g. semm "earth". The therefo
re proposed that
1 O'i
gemminates indicate that the following vowel was stressed. Rightward stress shif
t was common in Old Prussian but not in Lithuanian (cf. ern), so Old Prussian had
the law: "a stressed short vowel lost the ictus to the following syllable". Stre
ss shift in Lithuanian ranks and the absence of it Old Prussian rnkans "hand" show
s that de Saussure's law did not operate in Old Prussian.
2.3.7. Serbian-Croatian
Serbian-Croatian tonemic system is composed of four intonations: krtki silni (short
falling): (" ) e.g. krava, krtki uzlazni (short rising): ( ) e.g. ena , dugi sila
zni (long falling): ( ) grd, and dugi uzlazni (long rising): ( ' ) e.g. glva. Stre
ss is free and mobile but final syllables cannot be stressed. Quantity is distin
ctive, can be either under stress (thus marking by the long intonation) or in un
stressed position marking by a macron.
For general overview see Schmalstieg 1974.
102 Stang 1966:144, Derksen 1996:17.
103 Kortlandt 1974:300.
104 ibid p.302. As Kortlandt remarks, the law is similar to Dybo's law in Proto
-Slavic. However, Old Prussian shift does not depend on the accentual paradigm (
Dybo's law affects only non-acute immobilia) and the target syllable is not depe
ndent on its accentuation (de Saussure's law applies only to acute syllables). B
ut the accentuation between Old Prussian and Slavic corresponds in that respect,
e.g. OPrus. gennmans ~ Rus. ena, so the oxytonesis was fixed here in Old Prussian
as well as Slavic.
105 I only recently obtained Kortlandt's book Baltica & Balto-Slavica published
in Rodopi 2009 which contains 26 papers on Old Prussian thematically arranged u
nder philology, phonology, morphology and texts headlines. As the detailed analy
sis of Old Prussian is not the topic of that chapter, I refer the reader to this
book because all Kortlandt's important papers are collected there.
34
Falling intonations are only at the beginning of the word. Accent moves to the p
reposition: "prenosi se": kiiu > kuu; pod > na pod, Rim > Rim (length retained) or
"preske": ngu > na nogu, grd > u grd Neotokavian retraction
Originally, there were only falling intonations " and . Retraction of the stress
the target syllable obtained rising intonations: *nog > nga (short rising because
of short vowel), *rk > ruka (long rising because of long vowel). This explains wh
y S-Cr (Stokavian) has not stress on the final syllable. When we compare S-Cr an
d Russian stress, falling tones are normally on the same place as Russian stress
, e.g. meec x msjac, but rising tones are one syllable leftwards in Stokavian, e.g
. psatixpis.
Cakavian dialects distinguish three intonations " , , which can be on any syllab
le: krava, ena, meso, sua. Neoacute is a distinct intonation - krlj "king", S-Cr. k
rlj. It also preserves the original ictus apart from standard S-Cr where Neotokavi
an retraction occured: Cak. rka, S-Cr. ruka. In closed syllable before sonorant,"
changes to and the vowel is lenghened: S-Cr. dim, Cak. dim but only in Northern
Cakavian, Southern Cakavian has long falling accent:
,- 106
dim.
Kajkavian distinguishes the same intonations as Cakavian. Posttonic length cause
the change "
> (neocircumflex): Stokavian pauk, gvrn, jstrb, Kajkavian pauk, gvran,jstreb.
PSI. acute is reflected in Serbian-Croatian as short falling intonation, e.g. *kr
va > krva. short circumflex gives also short falling intonation, e.g. *kblo > kbl
o and shifts on the proclitics, e.g. w kolo. Neoacute is reflected as a separate
intonation in dialects, e.g. kljc, in standard variants merges with long falling
intonation klj. Short rising intonations merges with short circumflexes to short
falling intonations, e.g. bob, rbda. Long circumflex is reflected as long fallin
g intonation, e.g. grd. Monosyllables are lengthened, thus rd, bg but Gsg rbda, bbg
a versus grda, klja. So for the reconstruction of the former accentual paradigm als
o genitive forms must be used. Stress retraction gives the two rising intonation
s depending on the length of target syllable, thus the differnce between kl and nrod
.
The chronology of accentual changes from PIE to Serbian-Croatian was provided by
Kortlandt (1994, 2003, 2005).108
106 Lngsten 2006:8.
107 For the useful overview of the accentuation of o-stems in Croatian see Kapov
ic 2006.
108 The boastful attempt to describe Croatian accentuation and Proto-Slavic quan
tity development was done by Kapovic 2005a, 2005b and 2008. Kapovic remains on t
he position of MAS with his own Croatian-centric view by which he projects the C
roatian accentual patterns to the rest of Slavic territory. Especially Kapovic's
aggressive response to Kortlandt 2005 (Kapovic 2005b) turned his theory into a
remarkably farce. I criticise Kapovic's approach to Czech length in the last cha
pter of this dissertation, otherwise his methods and
35
Modern accentological description of the S-Cr dialects has been done especially
by the members or students of Dutch accentological school: Steinhauer 1973, 1973
a (Cakavian), Steinhauer 1975 (Cakavian dialect of Susak), Houtzagers 1982 (Caka
vian dialects of Cres island), Houtzagers (Cakavian dialect of Orlec and Cres),
Houtzagers 1987a (Kajkavian), Houtzagers 1987b (Cakavian, Isladn of Pag), Budovs
kaja & Houtzagers 1994, 1996 (Cakavian dialect Kali, Ugljan island), Vermeer 198
3 (Kajkavian), Vermeer 1984 (Cakavian dialect of Omialj), Vermeer 1984-1985 (Neoto
kavian dialects), Kalsbeek 1998 (Cakavian dialect of Orbanii); also non-Dutch aut
hor Langston 2002 (Cakavian, Crkvenica). A long and detailed development of Croa
tian historical changes which also contain the accentual development are describ
ed by Hlzer 2005 and Hlzer 2007.
Modern non-linear phonology and OT approach
Serbian-Croatian as a pitch accent language is often the target of autosegmental
phonology where the tones are considered as autosegments on a separate tiers. T
he papers concerning synchronic description of accentual system of standard vari
ants as well as dialects are quite numerous so only a brief description will be
done here. Inkelas & Zee 1988 tried to combine autosegmental and lexical phonolo
gy proposing that tone is the underlying entity here and the information of stre
ss is predictable from the information about tone. S-Cr has two tones, H and L l
inked to V slots in CV-tier. Vocalic slots are moras and are tone-bearing units.
H-tone typically spreads leftwards. On the surface, a syllable can bear H, L, H
L or LH melody and any long syllable ith H tone on the initial mora will surface
as HL, H on second mora via spreading rule will surface as LH. Stress and tone
are separate phenomena because stress is connected with duration, is the propert
y of syllables, tone is characterised with differences in pitch and is connected
with moras. Stress can be assigned in the lexical rule while tone need not. Zee
1993 dealt with Neotokavian stress retraction and proposed that the retraction s
elect phonological word or a phrase as a retraction domain. Langston 1997 is a r
eaction to the Inkelas & Zee and Zee proposing that syllable and not the mora is
the locus of tone. Langstons monumental Cakavian prosody (2006) has become a ne
w standard of a complex description of synchronic and historical processes of th
e South Slavic dialectal area.
Zee 1999 proposed OT analysis of Neo-Stokavian. Basically, her idea remains the
same as in previous papers: H-tone is docked with mora ) and the tone introducin
g to morphological
explanations were criticised by Kortlandt 2005. However, some Kapovi's results (a
pparently new) were adopted by Hlzer 2005, 2007. Kapovi's approach lacks any relat
ive chronology.
109 This approach of separation stress from tone was adopted by Bethin 1998 in h
er description of Proto-Slavic accentual system.
36
constituents are also influenced by ALIGN family of constraints. In Zee's approa
ch, every Neotokavian word has three layer of morphological constituents of the l
exical level - baree stems, forms derived by suffixess 1, forms derived by suffi
xes 2 and the word constituent. Each constituent have its own prosodic constrain
ts. Neotokavian system is considered a hybrid system of two types, the one based
on grouping, the other on the tone prominence. As the situation described by Zee
is quite complex, I refrain from adducing examples here and refer to their orig
inal lengthy paper.
2.3.8. Slovene
Slovene has distinctive intonations and stress. Accentual paradigms can be fixed
, e.g. Nsg. lpa, Gsg lipe..., Nsg. rak, Gsg raka, or mobile: Nsg gra, Gsg. gor, Nsg
mp, Gsg. mo.
Slovene has distinctive accent and intonations. Stress is mobile, as in Russian:
roka, rok, rki, rokp. Only long vowels carry tone distinctions. Length appears un
der stress (apart from Serbian-Croatian which has also posttonic but no pretonic
lengths) and tone is dependent on quantity. Slovene prosodic system can be eith
er tonemic or stress only. Tonemic system distinguishes long rising intonation ()
, long falling, circumflex (), short intonation () and double brevis (a) Mid vowel
s are also distinguished: close mid e, o in long stressed syllable versus open m
id e, o. Stress only system distinguishes long stressed vowels (), close mid , und
er stress, open mid vowels marked with carat , and short stressed vowels marked w
ith gravis.
PS1 acute is reflected as a long rising intonation in non-final syllable: *lipa
> *lipa > lpa, *malna > malina >malina, in monosylables as short brt. Short intonat
ion in internal syllable changes to circumflex before the syllable with a weak y
er: *pravbda > *pravda >prvda. Stress is retracted from final syllables if the pr
eceding syllables is long, rised e.g. by Dybo's law: *nrd > nrod, *trb > trba.
Neotokavian retraction has also been dealt by Bethin 2008:163-168. Her representa
tion of Neotokavian is autosegmental, with rising intonation represented by a H-t
one associated with a mora. Stress is independent on the position of H-tone. Bet
hin iterprets Neotokavian retraction as stress retraction due to the reinterpreta
tion of a prosodic domain, and rise of trochaic foot.
111 The following survey has its source from Lencek 1982.
112 Toporii (2004:72-73). Greenberg 2008:20-21. Ramov (1950) presents a well-arran
ged handlist of the Slovene intonations and its origin: Slovene " is from the ol
d long circumflex: grd, old circumflex which underwent progressive shift: zlato;
old circumflex which was prolonged on the closed short syllables: bog; neocircum
flex: rib; Slovene ' is from the former acute syllable which were prolonged in n
on-final syllables: krva; short neoacute analogically lengthened: ng, ps; short neo
acute on internal syllables: vlja; long neoacute: klj; result of stress retraction
from the final syllables: dua, ena; Slovene is from the old acute on monosyllables
: brat; short neoacute on monosyllables: konj, dno; result of stress retraction
from the final syllable: ena; Slovene " is only dialectal, resulting of the stres
s retraction from the short final syllables: ena or long long final syllables: ok
o, standard ok.
37
Stress is also retracted from the final weak yer: *kljub >klj, *klju > kljua (retracti
on of final stress to long vowel/diphtong and the rise of neoacute); *konjb-konj
> knj-knja (lengthening in new non-final syllables). Stress from short final sylla
ble is retracted to pretonic short vowel and the long intonation is created *gor
> gra, *en > ena. Original circumflex shifts to the following syllable: *duchh - duc
ha > duh-duha.
The relationship of Slovene and Kajkavian:
Neocircumflex occurs in as a distinctive intonation in Slovene and Kajkavian. It
replaces the old acute and apart from the old circumflex it does not undergo th
e progressive shift. Lenczek (1982:88) distinguishes the following examples wher
e the neocircumflex occurs: forms of APa verbs: present: ezati - ree, mzati-me (cf. S-C
r. mzati-ms), passive participle: rezan, pomazn; 1-participle feminine: rezala, mzala.
Noun forms of former APa also show neocircumflex: Gpl: lip, let, Npl leta, mest
a, lpi rbo, lpo, krvo. Also derivates from former APa (and some others) have neocir
cumflex: cestr, mlnar, star, jstreb.
Comparing Slovene with Serbian-Croatian, we observe that both languages have acc
ent retraction. Slovene does not retract from non-final or long syllables: Sin.
livda, lisca x S-Cr. lvada, lsica. In Slovene, the progressive accent shift occurs:
oko, zlato, golpb x S-Cr. oko, zlato, golb.
Slovene and Kajkavian dialects both share the neocircumflex phenomenon: Sin. vid
im, ginem, Kajk. vdim, ginem x S-Cr. vidim, ginem. They also have neoacute: Sin.
knjski, Kajk. knjski but Stok. Knjski. On the other hand, Kajkavian does not shift
circumflex intonation rightwards: Kajk. Gsg. bga x Sin. bog. Also, Kajkavian did n
ot follow the lengthening of a non-final reflection of acute and its merging wit
h neoacute intonation, as Slovene did: Kajk. krava x Sin. krva, Kajk. sua x Sin. sa,
Kajk. nsim x Sin. npsim, cf. S-Cr. krva, sa, nsim.
The important contribution to the knowledge of Slovene neocircumflex was propose
d by Kortlandt (1976). Neocircumflex originated from the lengthening of a stress
ed short vowel before iether a non-final weak yer, which was lost, or a followin
g long vowel, which was shortened. The first example of the bitka type is phonet
ic. Similarly, neocircumflex appeared on the root vowel where the posttonic long
vowel originated due to the consonant
See Greenberg 2000:45-50. for detailed discussions. Kortlandt 1976:2.
38
cluster simplification (van Wijk's law): vpja, koa.. This should be an example of
phonetic lengthening before a long vowel. Kortlandt also checked the occurence o
f neocircumflex in Cakavian and concluded that also here that intonation rised d
ue to the phonetic lengtheninig before an originally long vowel, although the si
tuation has been obscured by the generalization of short vowels under the stress
and long vowels everywhere. Chronologically, neocircumflex occured after the pr
ogressive accent shift because first, neocircumflex does not undergo protraction
to the following syllable and also, it results from the lengthening of original
ly short rising tone. So, according to Kortlandt, there was no pitch
117
opposition on short vowels at that time. Neocircumflex is not phonetic in Gpl kr
av, lip (APa) because Kortlandt supposes the analogical transfer of length form
the Gpl of APc paradigms gpr. Neocircumflex was subsequently retracted onto a pr
eceding syllable in Carinthian and Pannonian Slovene dialects as well as in the
Kajkavian Bednja dialect (Pronk 2007). The retraction occured if the preceding s
yllable was long, therefore *zabva would be submitted to the retraction, so Bednj
a zbovo, apart from *dobva., although as Pronk's analysis shows, there are many ex
amples of furter restoration through analogy.
Chronology of Slovene accentual changes
Lenczek (1982:94-100) distinguishes the following Proto-Slovene state:
- long intonations: neoacute: *str, *klj, Gpl. *kpnj; circumflex: *dch-*dch, neocirc
flex: *del, *dl
- short intonations: neoacute: *vlja, *ns
i i o
Accentual changes in more detail:
- lenghtening of monosyllables from APc: *bbgh, *nbt'b >Sln. bog, np
- shortening of original pretonic length: *jqzkh, *mlna (APa) > Sin. malina, jzik
- neocircumflex: Gpl*bt, *ltt >Sln. b, lt; *msqcb (APa) > Sin. mesec
- lengthening of former rising tone syllables: *kb, *ngh >*k, *ng > Sin. kpnj, nog
- rightward circumflex shift (10th century): *bgh-bga >Sln.bog -bog
113 ibid, p. 4.
116 ibid.p.9.
117 Kortlandt 1976:2.
118 Modified and shortened according to Sekli, M.:Relativna kronologija sloven
skich naglasnih pojavov. Filozofska fakulteta, Univerzita v Ljubljani, MS. I tha
nk the author for providing me the text.
39
- (12th century) stress retraction from the open final syllables: *kljb-*klju (APb)
> Sin. klj-klja; stress retraction from the closed final syllable: *zakm>-*zakna > Si
n. zkon, zkona
- lengthening of the former rising tone in non-final syllables (13-14th cent.):
*ba >*ba >Sln. ba.
The chronology differ for individual Slovene dialects.
The most comprehensive and up-to-date description of Slovene historical phonolog
y is the one by Greenberg 2000. Greenberg adopts the newest results of both Slav
ic accentology as well as Slovene dialectology. I hereby adduce the most importa
nt facts concerning Slovene accentology which Greenberg adduces:
- Illich-Svitch's law - shift of oxytone-stressed nouns from PIE barytone mascul
ines to mobile paradigm, attested in NW Istrian, Cakavian (Susak), also in Slove
ne dialects: rh-roh (Ro), standard rpg, rog
- stress retraction in words containing a long pretonic vowels: Npl *gnzd > gnzda
1 ??
- shortening of acute
- shortening of the falling tone - phonetic shortening results in CL I of the f
ollowing syllable and creates the conditions for the reanalysis of the place of
ictus: *rqkq > rqkq > *rqkq
- Stang-Ivi's law
- retraction of stress from final yers in Gpl APc nouns: *vodb > Sln.dial. wt, a
nalogically extended to APa and APb forms: krva-krv, kza-kpz (Kortland 1975, accepte
d by Greenberg)
- lost of weak yers, vocalization of strong yers and CL II; yers in weak positi
ons which received stress due to the Stang-Ivi's law were vocalized and obtained n
eoacute: *bchnq, *bchne(b) "breathes" > dhne; former opposition between long and sho
rt falling intonation in initial position *dn> "gift" x *bbgh lead to the lengthe
ning of falling intonation, thus bog.; originally falling stressed yers are lost
: *shto >stp; CL in postpostonic syllable: *pbbbralh > pobral "picked"
- Slovene advancement of PS1 circumflex: *mqso>mesp (10th cent.)
- rise of neocircumflex (10-11th cent.)
119 For the different reflection of acute in Slovene dialects see Rigler 1977,
about accentual variants see Rigler 1970, 1971.
120 p.78-79.
121 p. 79.
122 p. 91.
123 p. 91.
124 p. 93-94. 125p.l05.
40
- retraction of neocircumflex
1 7
- retraction of short final intonation onto a long penultimate vowel (primary r
etraction): *zvzda > zvzda
- since 15th cent. - lengthening of short-stressed non-final syllables: former
acute syllables +
1 7Q
short rising syllables: *brta >*brta >brta (dialectally conditioned)
- retraction of short final stress onto short pretonic vowels (secondary retract
ion): *en > ena
- loss of pitch distinction (dialectal)
- retraction of final long intonation onto the preceding vowels (tertiary retrac
tion): *bko > *ok >ko/ko
Modern phonology approaches was made e.g. by Becker & Bethin (1983) who posited
a set of underlying representations upon which various accentual rules operated.
Dybo's law is formulated as The oxytone rule, accented final syllables in APc p
aradigms are formed by The mobile weak (end stressing rule) but circumflex in st
rong cases is created by Circumflex rule. Gpl a-stems of APc which is lengthened
(Sin. ggr) is considered to be a result of Gpl lengthening rule, all reflexes o
f "neocircumflex" are generated by lengthening rules. Both authors reduce the hi
storical development of standard Slovene accentual system to the
1 'X'X
interaction of a handful of rules. Althought the rules can describe individual p
rocessses, I consider the whole approach very arbitrary. Moreover, both authors
start with the wrong presupposition that acute versus circumflex opposition was
rising and and falling intonation. Both authors remain on the position of classi
cal accentology.
Bethin herself returned to the problems of Slovene accentuation in her 1998 book
. Skipping the rule insertion approach, she adopted autosegmental phonolgy for t
he description of accentual phenomena. She did not change her opinion on the cha
racter of PS1 acute and circumflex, only modified it. She takes acute as a prese
nce of H tone associated with the second mora, falling intonation as a H tone jo
ined with the first mora but is can be redundant, because it can also be realize
d as stress on the first syllable. Stress and tone are independent. Bethin
is very careful in taking all historical accounts into consideration so
126 p. 110.
127 p.m.
128 Synopsis of retraction in p. 183.
129 p. 128-129.
130 p. 159-160
131 p. 162.
132 Becker & Bethin (1983:64-65).
133 p. 69-70.
134 Bethin 1998:4., 32.
41
her presentation is very useful. However, even if her idea of rhythmicity in Sla
vic is favourable to me, her explanations of some Slovene phenomena remains rath
er descriptive. This concerns CL in South Slavic (p.96-104), she still supposes
that acute was shortened in Slavic (p. 127-129). Bethin takes neoacute developme
nt in South Slavic as a retraction of H tone (p.131-132). Progressive accent shi
ft (the shift of old circumflex to the following syllable) is explained as a con
sequence of reevaluating prominence. The prosodic identification of acute and ci
rcumflex as long should lead to the rise of quantity as a marker of word promine
nce for unaccented forms. Bethin thinks that a long syllable was prominent in an
unaccented form (because quantity was the marker of prominence) while short syl
lables were distinguished by H or not H. If the unaccented forms received stress
by default, stress starts to be associated with length. But in unaccented forms
the length is the phonologically significant which leads to the iambic structur
e. The generalization of iambic metrical structure
1 ^s
leads to the transpozition of quantity and shift of the falling accent to the ri
ght:
-(a a) (a a)
,. . . I /\ I /\
After the shift, the long syllable attracts stress and further supports the iamb
ic metricity. So the circumflex protraction was not a shift of stress but rather
a shift of mora.
Bethin interprets neocircumflex as an emergence of strong-weak metrical footdue
to the tone/stress prominence by length (prominence starts to be associated with
length). An unaccented mora is reassociated to a preceding syllable. A falling
pitch contour on the originally H-toned syllable leads to the reconsideration of
falling intonation. So H and stress can be manifested as a falling pitch on lon
g syllables which leads to the trochee foot type in Slovene.
2.3.9. A note on South Slavic general
South Slavic prosodic system is complex. Alexander (1993) distinguished 15 major
types,
1 "XT!
half of them distinguishing length in some position and the rest havin stress on
ly systems.
135 Bethin 1998:136-137.
136 p. 140.
137 Schallert 1993 showed that the distribution of stress in free stress system
s of Balkan Slavic dialects depends on Proto-Slavic root quantity and intonation
ad the nature of the root-final consonant. Using the examples of definite mascu
line singular, he showed that he original APa which ended in a voiced consonant,
sonorant or a voiceless fricative shifted into the mobile class in many dialect
s and exhibit the accentual pattern of former APc (*darbt, > darbt), so e.g. dymu
, grach. Former APb are distributed according to original root quantity, certain
42
Those systems can be grouped into three broader areas: type A with the distincit
ive length and tone, represented by the Neotokavian retraction, type B, character
ised by a free stress, encompasses Bulgarian, peripheral areas of Macedonian and
Serbian, type C with fixed stress is typical for western Macedonian. Serbian-Cr
oatian and Slovene has traditionally been important for the reconstruction of Pr
oto-Slavic accentual system and the former has also been heavily studied by mean
s of autosegmental phonology. Stress only systems, like Macedonian, has become u
seful for OT solutions.
The most complete phonological development of South Slavic territory has been pr
oposed by Kortlandt 1982, 2003. The changes are incorporate into Kortlandt's co
mperehensive
i io
description of the develompment from PIE to Slavic (Kortlandt 1994/2002).
2.3.10. Russian
Russian stress is quite complex and there are many intraparadigmatic shifts. Nou
ns can be e.g. divided into following accentual patterns: masculina can be eithe
r stem stressed: zavd "factory", zavda, zavdu.., or ending stressed: stak "old man",
starik, stariku...or mobile. There are two mobile patterns: sd "orchard", sada, sdu
...sady, sadov, sadm... i.e. barytonesis in singular and oxytonesis in plural; an
d vlk "wolf, vlka, vlku...vlki, volkv, vokm... where singular is stem-stressed and plur
al becomes oxytone stressed from Gsg. Feminina are accentually much more complex
: stem-stressed: kola "school", koly, kole... end-stressed: staj "article", stat, stat
e... and a very diversified mobile pattern: kos "bone", kosti, kosti..kosti, kostj
, kosjm, kosti...(stem-stressed in singular, oxytone in plural apart from N-Apl),
sosna "fir", son, sosn...ssny, ssen... (end-stressed in singular, stem-stressed in pl
ural), gub "mouth", gub, gub..., gby, gub, gubm, gby... (end-stressed in singular and
plural, stem-stressed in N-Apl), ruk, ruk, ruk, rku...rki, ruk, rukm, rki... (end-stres
sed in singular and plural, stem-stressed in Asg, N-Apl), cena "price", ceny, ce
ne, cenu...ceny, cen, cnam...(end-stressed in singular, stem stressed in Asg and
all plural). Neutra are are less diversified: stem stressed: pravilo "rule", pra
vila, prvilu..., end-stressed: torestv "party", torestv, torestv... and two mobile patt
erns: okno "window", okn, oknu..okna, kon...(end-stressed in singular, stem stress
ed in plural); slovo "word", slova,
long roots have mobile stress and the mobility also depends on the character of
a root final consonant, so dbdbt, mbchbt etc but short roots have stem stress, e.
g. bb-bt, dvnt. In APb the quantitative distinctions still relevant during the str
ess mobilisation and Schallert thinks that the length was not lost under neoacut
e except for voiceless stop, e.g. *prdbb >pr:dbt x *glsbb >gisbb. Schallert proposes
barytona quantitatively merged with long mobilia, so *d:nrbt > dy:m (APa) = *da:r
bb (APc).
138 Kortlandt 1980 dealt also with the accentuation of Kiev Leaflets. The langua
ge is a transitional dialect between South and West Slavic.
43
slovu...slov, slov, slovm (stem-stressed in singular, end-stressed in plural). Ver
bs in present can have stem-stressed form: dlaju, dlaje.. "do", end-stressed forms:
nes, nese', neset..."carry" or can be mobile: pi, pe, pet..."write". Mobile paradigm
e only verbs with end-stressed infinitive: pisr but dla. Quite complex is the accen
tuation of 1-participle: dlal, dlala, dlalo (stem-stressed); nes, nesla, neslo (end
-stressed), sobrl "took", sobral, sobrlo, prnjal "accepted", prinjal, prnjalo (mobile)
.
From the modern accentual description of Russian, the important work of Halle 19
59 might be mentioned (refuting of structuralism).
Garde (1968a/2006) pointed out on the Russian paradigms with "voyelle mobile" al
ternation, type orel-orl "eagle" (constant paradigm) and zel-uzl "knot". Garde is a
lso the author of the synchronic description of Russian from the point of domina
nt and recessive morphemes (see the conception of Garde 1976 here in this disser
tation).
Feldstein (2007a) proposed the synchronic description of Russian accentual parad
igms. The conditioning factor of the accentuation are desinences. For Russian AP
B forms (which are result of former APb), the determinig factor is the genitive
case desinence (e.g. kabn-kaban-kabanv, for APC (originly APc) it is the desinence o
f Nsg. But here the quality of ending is decissive, low vowel -a causes the adva
ncement of stress to the ending (glov), high vowel -i does not "volk-vlki". Mid vow
els also do not cause the stress advancement and stress remains on its undelying
word-initial position (zrkalo). There are also mixed paradigms like suestv, suestv, vo
d-vd etc. Basically, Feldsteins system is just one of the system for synchronic de
scription of the Russian accentuation. Much more exhaustive description of the s
ynchronic Russian accentual system provides Noll&Wenk (2003) but the detailed ac
count is beyond the scope of this chapter.
The most complex and detailed descripton of the history of Russian accentuation
was proposed by Zaliznjak 1985 who used Moscow accentology conception of dominan
t and recessive morphemes interaction. Apart from it, Zaliznjak proposed some mo
difications: a dominant morpheme can be either "samoudarnyj" or "pravoudarnyj" w
hich is a synonym to "postaccenting". Morpheme Re shifts accent to the left and
Min morpheme causes the preceding "pravoudarnyj" morpheme be recessive. Zaliznja
k's description of the Russian accentual system from 14th-17th century is the mo
st detailed so far. Moreover, his description of Proto-Slavic and Early Old Russ
ian prosodic system (pp.113-160) had been used by scholars as one of the main so
urces of the accentual paradimg of words because they are
139 The short and useful description of Russian is in Garde 1978/2006, the compr
ehensive and unique grammar is Garde 1998.
44
systematically arranged according to the the proposed original accentuation and
its reflexes in Old Russian.
An interesting phenomenon of East Slavic languages is the pitch accent in preton
ic position. The situation has been described by dialectologists since the begin
ning of 20th century but the situation starts to be revived in the eyes of moder
n accentology and phonology. Bethin (2005, 2006) deals with the Belarussian and
Ukrainian Nadsnovs'ki dialects and the Vladimir-Volga Basin dialects and. Normal
ly, one would not find long vowels in pretonic position but under stress: (CVCV:
).But the abovementioned dialecst have pretonic length (CV:CV) accompanied by a
fixed rising-falling pitch contour. Vladimir-Volga dialects have pretonic length
independent of the stressed vowel quality: /sado:'vo:t/ "horticulturalist", /da
lje:'ko:/ "far away" , Nadsovski dialects have pretonic length dependent on stre
ssed vowel height and vowel position. Only non-high vowels have length contrast
iff they are found before stressed high vowels Nsg z'em, Gsg z'e.ml'i. Bethin prop
oses that the pretonic length in these dialects is the rising-falling tonal cont
our LHL and a lexical H tone is assigned to the pretonic syllable. So stress and
tone mapping in Vladimir-Volga Basin dialects would be:
LH L LH L
L HL
C V: 'C V: and Nadsovski dialects C V: 'C V C V 'C V
[-high] [+high] [-high] [-high]
In the former dialects H tone is assigned as a fixed tonal rising-falling tonal
contour and associated with pretonic syllable. As a result, the syllable lengthe
ns. The stressed syllable has low tone. In the later dialects the association of
H tone depends on the vowel height. The prosodic system here has lexically cont
rastive stress and H tone is assigned with the respect of stress. The mechanism
of tonal association can be described by the interaction of the following prosod
ic constraints: MAX-IO (Tone): tone in the input must appear in the output; LINE
ARITY (Tone): input precedence relations in a tone melody are preserved in the o
utput; LICENSE Tone/Stressed syllable: tone and stress coincide in a syllable. U
nstressed syllables do not have tone; TONE-to-MORA: a tone is associated to a mo
re in one-to-one correspondence (no contour tones on short vowels); STRESS FAITH
: ictus in the input
140 Now Derksen 2008 should be considered a standard reference book.
141 Bethin 2006:125.
142 ibid p. 130
143 Bethin 2005:54. Bethin uses secondary sources of data only.
144 Bethin 2006:139.
145 Bethin 2005:61.
45
corresponds to ictus in the output; DEPjj,: no insertion of mora; STRESS-to-WEI
GHT:
stressed vowels are bimoraic.
Unstressed syllables violate STRESS-to-WEIGHT and LICENSE Tone/Stressed sylla
ble
constraints, so they must be ranked lowe than MAX-IO (Tone) and TONE-to-MORA.
Stressed high vowel are prohibited from being long due to the highly ranked *fJ.
f-i/V[+high]
constraint.
2.3.11. Polish
Stress in Polish is generally penultimate and is indifferent to quantity, so it
is quantity-insensitive. Quantity is not phonological but the vocalism reflects
the rests of original quantity. Late PS1. compensatory lengthening produced , thu
s vz "cart", bg "god". Quite complex is the evolution of nasal vowels. Proto-Polis
h had two quantitative variants of front and back nasal vowels: *'%/*'%, *q/*q.
Due to the "przeglos lechicki" in 9-10th cent, the *'%/*'% +C > *'q/*'q+C. Durin
g 12.-13th century the nasal q. appeared with four variants due to the merger of
positional variants of front and back nasals: *'q >*q, (front short), *'q,>*q (
front long), *q + *'q >*q (back short), *q + *'q >*q (back long). In 14-15th cen
tury the back vowels merged and were distinguished only by quantity: *q + q> q;
*q +q >q Quantity was lost during 15.-16th century and nasals started to be dist
inguished by quality: q >q (from short ones), q >q (from long ones but graphical
ly still q .) Thus, Polish nasals only partially reflects the original quantity.
Why the Polish quantity was lost, is not completely clear. Traditionally, three
reasons are distinguisthed: 1. change of quantity to quality so that quantity s
tarted to be phonologically irrelevant; 2. fixing of stress to penultima, loss o
f pretonic length which triggered the complete loss of quantity elsewhere; 3. in
fuence of of Russian during the Yagellonian period. Neither of the explanation i
s persuasive. Stress was first fixed on the initial syllable (14.-15th century)
which is still reflected in the Northern Kashubian, the change of initial accent
uation to penultimate was probably done via secondary stress (beginning of 18th
cent.) , the similar process that we observe in contemporary Macedonian dialects
.
Polish stress from the OT point of view was analysed by Kraska-Szlenk (2003). As
in all fixed-stress systems, the central core form the ALIGN constraints which
align the edge of a foot with a prosodic word. I refrain from the details becaus
e Kraska-Szlenk's work is quite
The following overview according to Dlugoscz-Kurczabowa & Dubisz 2006:116-123. D
lugoscz-Kurczabowa & Dubisz 2006: 127-128. Baerman 1999.
46
complex, dealing also with the accentuation of derivates, clitic groups, compoun
ds etc. She also combines OT with metrical phonology grid system.
2.3.12. Kashubian, Slovincian and Polabian
Kashubian is a part of Pomeranian group, together with Slovincian. Together with
Polish they are part of Central Lekhitic group. Western Lekhitic group is repre
sented by an extinct Polabian.
Kashubian has a dynamic stress causing reduction of unstressed vowels. Northern
Kashubian has mobile accent -.arownica, arownic, arownicama "witch" and also has ox
ytonesis in disyllabic forms, e.g. miodny "honey-like", koszik "small basket". C
entral dialects have fixed columnar accent (i.e. fixed space between the accente
d syllable and the beginning of a phonological word): arownica, arownic, arownicama
. It means that stress is free but immobile because it always remains on the sam
e syllable.
Initial fixed acent can be observed in southern dialects: arownica, arownic, arowni
cama, other dialects in south-east can have also have penultimate stress : arowni
ca, arownic, arownicama.
The description of Kashubian was done especially by Lorentz who still remains th
e standard reference material even if the data are noted in a very obscure and d
ifficult script. The problem is also with the fact that the Common Pomeranian vo
wels split into a long and shor variants so the synchronic quantity differences
do not reflect the original quantity.
Modern accentual description of the Kashubian was done by Derksen 1988 who dealt
with the Jastarbian dialect as an example of northern Kashubian. I hereby adduc
e the most important results from his paper. The alternatinon between long and s
hort vowels in a paradigm can be observed in cases of the vowel lengthening befo
re the tautosyllabic voiced consonant: pon -pna, rs-rza, dl-dla, bg-buega, reba-rp, dgp
-dqba, The distribution can be traced to Proto-Slavic accentual paradigms: APa g
rd-grda "town", mrs-mrza "frost", dim-demuy "smoke", prk-prguy "threshold". The zero-f
orm ending forms are lengthened in before the former voiced tautosyllabic conson
ant and the whole paradigma has an "ablaut". The same can be observed in former
APb: bp-buebuy, kn-kuena, dvr-dwuera, n-noa as well as in former APc: brda-brot, zema-z
im, nga-nk. The only quantity which
1491 refrain from discussing the relationship between Kashubian and Slovincian,
I would prefer to consider them as closely related but with considerable differe
nces. For the recent discussions see Rzetelska-Feleszko, E.: Slowicy i ich dialek
t, in Breza 2001, 51-59.
150 Breza 2001:108-109.
151 Lorentz 1903, Lorentz 1958-1962, Lorentz 1971.
152 Means the variant in closed syllables.
47
should be preserved is in APb of originly long stem, e.g.: gex, smech, xlef, xmel,
trat, t,
klu, trova, b'eda, brna, brzda, trqba etc.
In raka-rqk, the lengthening is caused from retraction of stress in Gpl APc.
Slovincian, which is now extinct, also has fixed and mobile paradigms.
As shown by Baerman 1999:119-120, the absence of final stress in Kashubian is co
ntroled by the interaction of TROCHEE and FT-BIN constraints. He also shows that
outside of Slovincian, the noun accentuation is limited by Dreisilbengesetz (re
ferring to Lorentz). According to this law, ictus does not go further than three
syllables to the left from the end of the word. So Slovincian arownica has North
ern Kashubian parallel arownica, as adduced above. In monosyllabic forms, stress
alternates between the stem and the ending. In polysyllable forms, stress altern
ates between stem syllables and falls never on the ending, which means that stre
ss was retracted from final syllables. According to Garde (1976:289), stress was
retracted from the short final syllable to penultima. Kortlandt (1978:76) remar
ks that it does not explain the retraction in the oblique cases, like xiiorosc "
illness", xoiiroscl, xoroscoum etc. and claims that any final accent in polysylla
bles was retracted. There is a final stress in Slovincian, e.g. Isg. begam "banks"
but this should be the new replacement of older forms, like *beg. Another and mor
e recent retraction should occur from short vowels in final open syllables obser
ved in feminine singular preterite: pjila "drinks". L-participles with monosylla
bic stems lost accentual mobility but generalized in polysyllabic forms. Kortlan
dt also posited the relative chronology of Slovincian retractions:
1. retraction of stress from a final syllable to the preceding long vowel
2. retraction of stres from a final syllable in polysyllabic forms: Nsg nagota "
nakedness", Asg ngotq
3. analogical retraction of stress in polysyllabic words with fixed stress penu
ltima ending, where the mobile type stressed the initial syllable, rising of the
paradigms: Nsg robota "work", Asg ruobotq
4. retraction of stress from short vowels in final open syllables: rqka "hand",
pjila
5. loss of ending in feminine forms of past participle > -la>, nabr "took"
6. analogical stress retraction in other polysyllabic forms: piljepila "glued"
7. generalization of mobility in 1-participle of stems in -i-, -a-, -nq-
8. analogical retraction of stress in N, G, D, Lsg of polysyllabic a-stems when
these cases accentually differed from Asg, Npl, e.g. begam.
153 Kortlandt 1978c:77.
154 Kortlandt 1978c:77-78.
48
Kortlandt also refuted Garde's claim that Dybo's law did not operate in Slovinci
an and pointed to the misinterpretation of material (see the chapter on Dybo's l
aw here). Polabian is recorded in two main dictionaries: Vocabularium Vandale an
d Vocabularium Venedicum from the beginning of the 18th century. The detailed de
scription has been done by Trubetzkoj 1929, Lehr-Splawiski 1929 and Suprun 1987.
Accentual patterns have been described by Kurylowicz 1955, Olesch 1973, 1974, Mi
cklesen 1986, Kortlandt 1989, Bethin 1998b. The Polabian vocabulary can be found
in Polanski & Sehnert 1967.
Polabian stress is mobile and falls on the last full vowel of the word. When the
penultima was stressed, the ultima had a reduced vowel. The reduced vowels are
marked (reduced form from a, , y, b) and (reduced form from i, u, y). The detaile
d chronology of accentual changes has been provided by Micklesen 1986:371-379. T
he changes are set in motion triggered by the fall of yers in different position
s: first medial yers were lost, then final unstressed and next final stressed ye
rs. The succession of changes is too complicated and the connection to the origi
nal accentual paradigm is unclear.
Kortlandt 1989 refused the complicated chronology by Micklesen and postulated a
simple rule: "final syllable had a reduced vowel if the preceding syllable was o
riginally long or neoacute whereas it had full vowel if the vowel of the precedi
ng syllable is originally short, acute or circumflex", e.g. trqb (former APb), la
ipo "linden" (former APa), biigo "god" (former APc). Acute and circumflex shorte
ned in Lechitic so Kortlandt's result is that "vowels
i en
in final syllables were reduced if the vowel of the preceding syllable was long"
. Long vowels in open sylllables resulted from a stress retraction from short vo
wels in final syllables, e.g. zen, sml. The system resulted in the appearance of th
ree paradigms: the one with short stem, the one with long stem and the alternati
ng paradigm with originally short stem and long stem (newly stressed). Kortlandt
's chronology of changes is therefore: 1. stress retraction from short final syl
lables and lengthening of newly stressed vowels in open syllables; 2. loss of we
ak yers; 3. fixing the stress on the initial syllable and quantitative rephon
emization,
1. Stress retracted from final full vowel to a long syllable creaged by the loss
of a yer, e.g. *gol-bk > glfk; 2. stress shifted to the final syllable in mobile p
aradigm, e.g. *bga > biigo; 3. stress retraction from final open syllable to prec
eding long syllable, e.g. *moka > tnqk; 4. stress advancement to final open sylla
ble in barytona, e.g. *sra >sr; 5. stress retraction from final open short syllable
s to the preceding short vowels, e.g. *voda >vd; 6. retraction from blocked final
short syllables arter the loss of final yers, e.g. *ivot> > zivt, 7. stress shift to
the final blocked syllable, e.g. *verb > viccr; 8. stress levelling according to m
orphological categories.
156 Kortlandt 1989:163.
157 Kortlandt 1989:166.
49
4.vowel reduction in syllables which followed long vowel and loss of distinctive
quantity in full vowels; 5. fixing the stress on the last full vowel of a word.
An OT solution of Polabian prosody has been proposed by Bethin 1998b. Stress whi
ch is predicted on the last full vowel of the word and the absence of reduced vo
wel in initial syllable is the result of the interaction of PARSE o, BINARITY \i
(Prosodic heads must be binary with respect to moras), RH-TYPE (Foot type): Tro
chee, ALIGN RIGHT (Hd, PWd, R, Wd). As observed from the Kortlandt's result, onl
y full vowels are stressed. The constraint WSP (Weight-to-stress principle) is r
esponsible for it and because the penultima-ultima has long-short frame (in disy
llabic forms), the WSP also interacts with the RH-TYPE:Trochee and BINARITY cons
traints.
Polabian system is therefore quantity-sensitive stress system in Gordon's typolo
gy.
2.3.13. Germanic - Verner's law
PIE free stress system was replaced by a fixed stress system in Proto-Germanic.
Before the stress fixation, the unvoiced fricatives became voiced in non-initial
position unless followed by an accented syllable. This is Verner's law and is o
ne of the proofs of the accentual mobility in PIE.
Verner's law is generally recognized as one of the most important sound laws in
Indo-European linguistics. The law explains the appearace of voicing in fricativ
es in Germanic. For example, PIE *t has two reflection in Gothic, either p, as i
n bropar "brother", or , as in faar. The change is correlated with ictus in Proto-
Indo-European, so *bhrh.2tr but *pli2tr. So, if the ictus is before the original st
op, the result is voicelees obstruent, if the ictus follows the stop, the latter
becomes voiced. Verner's law accompanies Grimm's law which concerns the first G
ermanic "Lautverschiebung". Verner's law can be formally described as follows: [
+fricative, -voice] >[+voice, +/-stop] /[+voice, -acct]__[+voice, #]
Chronologically, Grimm's law should precede Verner's law and Verner's law should
operate earlier than the general Proto-Germanic stabilisation of ictus on the f
ist syllable.
15SKortlandt 1989:169.
159 Reduced vowels are absent from initial syllables because the initial syllabl
e must be parsed and be a head of a trochaic foot.
160 Hock 1991:41.
161 Hock 1991:42.
50
Calabrese & Halle (1998) and Halle (2003) proposed that the elimination of featu
re [voice] should be replaced with the feature [+/- stiff vocal folds]. Accented
vowels and voiceless vowels have the feature [+stiff vocal foldse], unaccented
vowels and voiced obstruents possessed [- stiff vocal folds]. Also, accented vow
els shoud have H pitch and unaccented ones L pitch. Therefore, Verner's law soul
d be a form of a feature assimilation process, where the feature [- stiff vocal
folds] spread form a vowel to the following fricative.
Kortlandt 2007:4 proposed that Verner's law could precede Grimm's law, t > d bef
ore consonant shift. It means that PIE *d and PGmc *t were not [+voiced] / [-voi
ced]. Moreover, the reflexes of both consonants in Germanic lengthen the precedi
ng vowel similarly to Winter's and Lachmann's laws.
Judging from the operation of Verner's law, we would expect the rests of paradig
matic mobility in nominal stems. It is not so but there are consonantal alternan
ts in the various Germanic nouns, e.g. PGmc o-stems *hanhista > ON hestr "horse"
, *hangista > OHG hengist "gelding". Verner's law reflections in verbs conce
rn present and preterite differences.
2.3.13.1 .Verschrfung
Apart from Verner's law, which is by far the most important contribution of Germ
anic to the understanding of Indo-European accentuation, another phonological ph
enomena can be mentioned - the Germanic Verschrfung. Verschrfung describest the de
velopment of intervocalic glides which geminate into obstruents in Old Norse and
Gothic if they are preceded by a short vowel:
PIE *dwoi - "two" (genitive) > Goth, twaddj, ON tveggja x OHG zweiio (no Verschrfu
ng) PIE *dreu- "true" > Goth, triggws, ON tryggrx OHG triuwi (no Verschrfung) The
development is therefore: PIE: VGV > PGmc *VGGV > Goth, ON. VDDGV, while PGmc *
-jj- > Goth, -ddj-, ON -ggj-', PGmc *-ww- >Got.-ggw-, ON-ggw-
The article is difficult to obtain in Europe because the article was published i
n Japan. I thank Morris Halle for sending me an offprint.
163 Halle 2003:166. In my opinion, the result is supported by phonetic analysis
of similar environment, is quite attractive. But as the article is difficult to
obtain, it is no wonder that it had no impact on Indo-Europeanists, as far as I
know but partially a shorter version in Calabrese & Halle (1998) can replace the
lack of information.
164 The basic and detailed work on the Verner's law reflections in Germanic is
Schaffner 2001. The extensive chapter on Verner's law in Ringe 2006 remains on t
he descriptive frame and the statement that the "phonetc mechanism of Verner's l
aw is not fully understood".
165 Examples from Page 1999:298.
51
The literature on the Verschrfung conditions is great (see Page for discussions).
The conditions of Verschrfung are explained e.g. either as an phenomenon connect
ed with non-initial accentuation or as an influence a laryngeal following or pre
ceding the glide. Accentual influence is similar to Verner's law, so PIE Gsg *du
oim >Gothic twaddj, ON tueggia. The laryngeal hypothesis postulates VGHV >VGGV pro
cess, so twaddje would follow *duoi-Hou.
Page 1999:328 summarizes that gemmination is connected with the fixing of initia
l stress serves to make the initial syllable bimoraic while providing the second
syllable with an onset. But there are exceptions where the gemination is not co
nnected in stress.
Dybo 2008 showed that Verschrfung corresponds with the Germanic shortening of the
PIE long non-apophonic vowel correspond to Balto-Slavic mobile accentuation, e.
g. PGmc. *wiraz < *uir, Lith. vras (API) due to the Hirt's law, so originally oxyt
onon/mobile; PGmc. *hawwa "smithe", PS1. *kovo, *kovetb (APc). Preservation of l
ength in Germanic and the absence of Verschrfung correspond to the original baryt
onesis, e.g. PGmc. *wcer "faith", PSl.*vera (APa), PGmc *sa>ja "sow", PS1. *sejq,
*sejetb (APa).
2.3.13.2. Auslautgesetze
Germanic laws of final syllables has been important fot the indication of accent
ual properties of PIE. Proto-Germanic long diphtongs are thought to be preserved
as diphtongs in polysyllabic word, e.g. Goth, ahtau "eight" < *u. The standard t
heory supposes that PIE acute (bimoric) final long vowels yielded PGmc short vow
els and circumflex (trimoric) final long vowels gave PGmc long vowels, e.g. Goth
. Nsg giba ~ Gr. fyg ~ Lith. ranka while Goth, galeiko ~ Gr. kals ~ Lith. Gsg. alk
o. The main problem here is the conception of threemoraic vowels which are typol
ogically quite uncommon.
166 Dybo 2008 showed that bases with Verschrfung correspond to the Balto-Slavic m
obile paradigm while bases without Verschrfung have parallels with Balto-Slavic i
mmobilia.
167 Modified according to Voyles 1992:243.
168 Jasanoff 1978:83.
169 Olander 2006:77 and references there with discussions. The basic publication
about Germanic Auslautgesetze is Boutkan 1995.
52
Summary
Accentual description of Indo-European languages has been making a great progres
s. Accentual and broader prosodic patterns are not only tried to be explained hi
storicaly but also modern phonological theories are applied there. Although Indo
-European languages are generally not tested for new trends, the situation is be
ing changed recently. A good point is that more and more authors who try to solv
e prosodic problems are familiar both with historical development as well as the
modern trends.
53
3. Methodological issues
3.1. Introduction
I try to solve the accentual problems by Optimality Theory which I consider one
of the
1 70
most successful and progressive theory at the beginning of the new millenium.
Optimality Theory (OT) is a theory of language that has been the mainstream sinc
e 1993 when it was officially introduced.
Optimality Theory (OT) first appeared at the University of Arizona Phonology Con
ference in Tuscon in April 1991. Paul Smolensky and Alan Prince had there a pape
r titled Optimality. Broader public got acquaintance in 1993 when both authors h
ad now a classic text Optimality Theory (Constraint interaction in generative gr
ammar) circulated.
The theory started to be extremely popular and interned Rutgers Optimality Archi
ve was created there hundreds of papers and disertations are being published for
free reading and downloading.
OT grew out of generative approaches which work with the concept of Universal Gr
ammar which is thought and proved to be the innate knowledge of language that is
shared by human, it characterises universal. OT takes Universal Grammar as a se
t of violable constraints that reflect universal properties of language. The rea
l grammar of a language is formed by different ranking of those universal constr
aints. Individual languages rank these universal constraints differently in such
a way that one higher ranked constraints dominate over the lower ranked ones.
Although onstraints are universal, they are conflicting. One constraint is satis
fied when another one is violated. Certain types of structures are universally p
referred unmarked, e.g. unrounded vowels, open syllables, short vowels, voiceles
s obstruents. On the other hand, marked structures are generally avoided (nasal
vowels).
3.2.H0W OT works
At the beginnig there is an input. The characteristics of input are linguistical
ly well formed objects composed from mental lexicon. Then, the mechanism called
Generator creates a set o candidates for potential output. A mechanism called Ev
aluator uses constraint hierarchy
The general overview of OT can be found in Gilbers, D.& de Hoop (1998), Kager (1
999), Archangeli & Langendoen (1997), McCarthy (2002) and McCarthy (2008). Appli
cation of OT in phonology is dealt in the introductory compendium edited by de L
acy (2007).
54
typical for a concrete language and selects the optimal candidate for the output
. The output that best satisfies the constraints is the optimal candidate and be
comes the realised form.
As an example we can adduce a typical Czech female hypocoristic with a-suffix, m
oraic root consonant and thus short root vowel, everything creating a disyllabic
(maximally) threemoraic domain:
input /katkal
Generator
set of candidates ka.tka kat.ka ka.tk.a ka.ta.
k a.ta.ka. etc.
Evaluator
(constraints)
optimal output Ikat.kal111
A constraint is a structural requirement that may be either satisfied or violate
d by output
1 7?
form. To satisfy a constraint means to meet the structural requirement, to viola
te a constraint means not to meet the that requirement. Constraints are conflict
ing - to satisfy on constraint means to violate another constraint. There are tw
o types of constraints - faithfulness constraints and markedness constraints. Fa
ithfulness constraints require that output should be similar with the input. The
general constraint is IDENT (F), requiring that correspondent segments have ide
ntical vaules for the feature F and output correspondents of an input segments h
ave the same value for the feature F. Therefore, IDENT constraints are active in
both directions apart from MAX and DEP constraints that deal with one-way corre
spondence only.
So if the input is ll and output is ll, we observe the identity between input and
output
1 T\
concerning distinctive feature [+/- voice], so IDENT-10 (voice) . Markedness con
straints require that output form meets some structural criterion. For example i
n Czech we observe that voiced obstruents become unvoiced if they are in the syl
labic coda and before pause. This is an example of markedness constraint *VOICED
-CODA. So if we have our ll in the input, the output must be lil because of the s
tructural requirements. Markedness and faithfulness constraints are conflicting
and the result of this conflict are outputs that we observe in a concrete langua
ge. Let's now show how it works:
171 Scheme modified after Archangeli, D.; Langendoen, D.T. 1997:14.
172 Kager 1998:9.
173 This constraint belongs to the so called correspondence constraints which re
late elements of different strings in input and output. Correspondence constrain
ts require that there should not be so much differences between input and output
. Differences are caused by markedness constraints. The basic correspondence con
straints are: MAX I-O (no deletion), DEP I-O (no epenthesis), IDENT (F) I-O (no
change of feature), LINEARITY (no metathesis).
174 Asterisk can be read as "there must not be".
55
Again, we choose an example of a markedness constraint that obstruents must not
be voiced in coda position *VOICED-CODA. The relevant faithfulness constraints w
ill be the constraint saying that the the feature [voice] of a segment is identi
cal both in output and in input IDENT-IO (voice). Take an example from Czech lan
guage. The graphical Nsg is "med" (honey), pronounced /met/, but we know that th
e underlying segment is in fact ll because the Gsg is "medu" pronounced /medu/. I
n old phonological literature the process /d/>/t/ in coda position is called neu
tralisation. From OT point of view it is obvious that what we observe here is th
e interaction of constraints *VOICED-CODA (banning the final consonants to be vo
iced) and IDENT-IO (voice). The /met/ satisfies the constraint *VOICED-CODA but
violates IDENT-IO (voice). The ranking of the two constraint is therefore as fol
lows: *VOICED-CODA IDENT-IO (voice)
where the symbol should be read as "dominates". Graphically, we represent the th
e constraint ranking in a tableau:
Input /med/ *VOICED-CODA IDENT-IO (voice)
^[met] *
[med] *
Asterisks show that the constraint is violated, the symbol shows the optimal cand
idate, the ranking of constraints is from the left to right in the sense of domi
nancy.
As was said before, one of the principles of OT is the claim that languages diff
er in the ranking of constraints. So, if we reorder the ranking of our example c
onstraints *VOICED-CODA and IDENT-IO (voice) we are get a language where final v
oiced consonants are permitted and do not undergo the process formerly known as
neutralisation. Such language is, for example, English:
Input /bed/ IDENT-IO (voice) *VOICED-CODA
[bet] *
^[bed] *
or IDENT-IO (voice) *VOICED-CODA
We cannot say that the candidate that won in Czech /met/ over /med/ and the cand
idate that won in English /bed/ over /bet/ are better. /Met/ is no better than /
med/ and /bet/ is not worse than /bed/, they are just winner of the constraint c
onflict.. The winners are actually optimal.
56
OT abandons the view that constraints are specified for each language, instead,
it claims that constraints are universal, therefore typologically we find IDENT-
IO (voice) and * VOICED-COD A in many world languages.
An alternative approach to coda devoicing was put forward by Lombardi. Lombardi
1995 1999, when analysing assimilation processes, proposed the constraints *LAR:
Don't have laryngeal features AGREE: obstruent clusters should agree in voicing
.
The faithfulness constraint would be 1-0 (Lar): consonants should be faithful to
underlying laryngeal specification. Because the assimilation happens on the mor
phological seam of two syllables CVC.CVC, there must also be a constraint requir
ing that the onsets should be faithful to underlying laryngeal specification 1-0
(OnsLar). Those constraits can explain almost every case of consonant assimilat
ion of voice and also the final neutralization of voice.
Input /med/ *LAR IDENT - LAR
"[met] *
[med] !*
Her interpretation also explains the Czech regressive voicing asssimilation in c
onsonant clusters on the coda-onset border:
Input /prosba/ AGREE IDENT-ONSET *LAR IDENT-LAR
[prosba] !* *
[prozba] i** *
[prospa] !* *
Apart from markedness and faithfulness constraints, OT also has a family of Alig
nment constraints which describe the coincidence of linguistic objects and the t
endecy for the parameters to edge. An example of we can adduce ALL-Ft-LEFT const
raint: Align (Ft, Left, PrWd, Left): Every foot stands at the left edge of the p
rosodic word. This constraint is satisfied only if a single foot is standing at
the absolute left edge of the
1 7S
word, any additional foot will incur a violation.
Constituency constraints govern the extent to which syllables are dominated or p
arsed by fee, feet by prosodic words etc. For example PARSE-Syll (All syllab
les are parsed by feet)
175Kager 1999:163, Sherrard 1997:50-51.
57
is a typical constraint of that group. Interaction of constituency constraints w
ith aligment constraints and other ones, like FT-BIN is responsible for a
wide range of metrical
i nn
phenomena observed in languages.
The advantage of OT over other approaches are that there are no rules applying i
n linear ordering. The set of constraints may vary in different languages and la
nguages differ in the permutation of constraints and their mutual ranking, so la
nguage typology is (or should be) essentially the study of the constraints ranki
ng systems. Ranking and reranking constraints into different hierarchies is call
ed factorial typology and typological diversity between languages are due to dif
ferent factorial typology of the universal constraints.
OT successfully predicts some phenomena that we observe in languages. For exampl
e it has been observed that universally nasal vowels are marked. This markedness
can be context free or in any position *VNASAL. Czech languages undominates thi
s constraint, for example, so all Czech vowels are oral. There are other languag
es that have nasal vowels only in the neigbourhood of nasals, like English (alth
ough non-contrastive). This is also a markedness constraint but now it is contex
t - sensitive because it prohibits oral vowels in the existence of tautosyllabic
nasal *VNASALN. The correspondent faithfulness constraint will of course be the
one that wil keep the distinctive feature [+/- nasal]. When we have the followi
ng factorial typology: Markedness context free *VNASAL Markedness context sensiti
ve *VNASALN., Faithfulness IDENT-IO (nasal)
the result is the lack ofvariaton - language has only oral vowels Markedness con
text sensitive *VNASALN Markedness context free *VNASAL Faithfulness IDENT-IO (na
sal)
the result is allophonic variation - language has oral andpositonally nasal vowe
ls Markedness context sensitive *VNASALN Faithfulness IDENT-IO (nasal)Markedness
context free *VNASAL
the result is positional neutralisation - language has nasal and oral vowels but
only nasal vowels before
nasal consonants Faithfulness IDENT-IO (nasal)Markedness context sensitive *VNASA
LN, Markedness context free *VNASAL
the result is full contrast - language has nasal and oral vowels.
1/6 Sherrard (1997:51)
177 Roca&Al-Ageli (1999) reviewed the function of the metrical constraints in th
e OT literature.. Van der Hlst (1999:113) reviewed the foot typology and posited
an accentual domain: a representation of the bounded accent systems with a bisyl
labic domain which is created at the right or left edge of a word. Kager 1999 pr
esents a very clear overview of metrical structures in OT.
178 The following examples are adapted from Kager 1999:28-32.
58
3.3. Why OT is different?
As we can see, OT can successfully explain phenomena that were previously explai
ned separately and in isolation. OT is a framework that can easily handle instan
ces of competition among various forms. It is much more flexible and less strict
that other non-OT theories.
- it demands, that all constraints are present in all grammars, it deals with t
he universals of language. It does not mean that every constraint is active at a
certain moment of language development.
- constraints are hierarchicaly ranked, are violable
- there is no serial derivation, optimal satisfaction of the constraint hierarch
y is determined by reference to all the ocnstraints and all the candidate output
s, there is not any serialism
OT is being a mainstream among phonological theories but it is successfully appl
ied into morphology, syntax and also into broad cognitive science trying to desc
ribe the architecture of language inside the human brain.
3.4. OT and the description of prosodic patterns
OT can successfully be used for describing both stress as well as pitch-accent p
rosodic systems. 3.4.1. Stress systems
Stress systems are characterised by the absence of phonological pitch, so the re
levant
1 7Q
prosodic elements can be quantity and dynamic stress. The position of stress in
a phonological word can be either fixed or mobile. Stress languages tend to have
a rhythmic pattern, so strong and weak syllables alternate in regular intervals
. It means that stress languages have primary and secondary stresses. The smalle
st unit of rhythm is called metrical foot and a typical syllable can be a two-sy
llable trochee or iamb. Syllables are parsed into feet which means the preferenc
e of a constraint: PARSE-SYLL Syllables are parsed by feet
Feet are usually binary, it means that they consist from two syllables or two mo
ras. The binarity of feet is required by the constraint: FT-BIN (Prince & Smolen
sky 1993) Feet are binary at the level of syllables or moras
An overview of the word stress with case studies in Kager 1999:142-193
59
Feet are aligned either to the right or left edge of a prosodic word. Such align
ment is responsible for the foot pattern and the position of primary and seconda
ry stressses. The align constraints are responsible for the number of syllables
between left/right edge of a prosodic word and a foot:
ALIGN-FT-RIGHT/ALIGN-Ft-Left (McCarthy & Prince 1993) Every prosodic word ends w
ith a foot. Every prosodic word ends with a foot.
A prosodic word containing multiple feet have violations for every foot that is
added up. In such a way, the ALIGN constraint is gradient.
Final syllables are often required to be unfooted/unstressed which is controled
by an undominated constraint: NONFINALITY (Prince & Smolensky 1993) No foot is f
inal in a prosodic word. No stress in the final syllable.
Stress system languages can generally be divided into quantity- sensitive and qu
antity-insensitive systems. In quantity-sensitive systems heavy syllables attrac
t stress. WSP (Weight-to-Stress Principle) (Prince & Smolensky 1993) Heavy sylla
bles are stressed.
Heavy syllables can be heavy because they contain a long nucleus or a moraic cod
a. The latter is required by a constraint that require coda consonants be moraic
: WBP: WEIGHT-BY-POSITION (Hayes 1989) Coda consonants must be moraic.
In quantity-sensitive systems systems length (which is represented by mora) is c
ontroled by DEP and MAX constraints: DEP-n-IO
Output moras have input correspondents. No mora insertion. MAX-n-IO No deletion
of mora.
Stress systems of Indo-European languages from OT point of view were described b
y several authors. From quantity-sensitive stress systems, German has been studi
ed by Fry (1998).
Gordon 2002 provided a comprehensive factorial typology of quantity-insensitive
stress systems. Typologically, quantity-insensitive systems can have fixed stres
s (controled by ALIGN constraints). Fixed stress can be initial (e.g. Irish), fi
nal (e.g. Persian, Armenian dialects), penultimate (controled by NONFINAL constr
aint, e.g. Polish, Albanian), antepenultimate (controled by * LAPSE constraints
which prohibit a string of more than one
60
consecutive stressless syllable, e.g. Macedonian). Such classification counts wi
th one primary stress only.
When a secondary stress is included, the stress systems are characterised as dua
l (Lower Sorbian, initial and penultimate stress, where two adjacent stresses ar
e prohibited by *CLASH constraint). Binary stress systems place stress on every
second syllable, depending on the direction. Czech is an example of such systems
where odd-numbered syllables are stressed from left to right (so from the initi
al primary stress every second syllable to the right is secondarily stressed). T
ernary systems place secondary stress on every third syllable (not Indo-European
, but Finnish and Estonian under certain morphological conditions).
Alderete 2001a observed that in Uto-Aztecan language Cupeiio the inherent accent
in roots overrides the deletion of accent in inherently accented affixes. This
typological observation has profound consequences to PIE and Balto-Slavic accent
ology because it is very similar to the concept of dominant and recessive morphe
mes postulated by Moscow accentological school and Garde (see further). When mul
tiply accented structures combine, the resulting structure favors retention of a
n inherent root accent over inherent accent elsewhere (that is the Cupeno exampl
e). The "root-accent" constraint is undominated here . Apart from the basic fait
hfulness constraints, Alderete posits NO-FLOP constraint (stress does not flop).
Also, Align family is active here because it controls ictus either on the suffi
x or on the root. Deaccentuation happens due to the MAX family.
3.4.2. Tonal systems
OT can also describe tonal language systems. One of the approaches is the theory
of Optimal Tone Mapping (Zoll:2003) where patterns derive from the interaction
of morphological directionality with quality-sensitive markedness constraints. O
TM provides a description of the contour distribution and tone-spreading pattern
ss. As Indo-European languages are generly no tonal, I refrain from the details h
ere.
3.4.3. Pitch-accent languages
Pitch accent languages have traditionally been targets of autosegmental approach
es. OT has also been successfuly aplied although the autosegmental theory is sti
ll prefered or at least incorporated to OT.
The rhythmic constituency in Neotokavian variant of Serbian-Croatian has e.g. bee
n described by Zee (1999) using classical OT. The basic ideas are as follows: on
ly H tones plays a role in the lexical representation and tonal interaction, so
both stems and affixes may
61
be either toneless or with H tone. Morphological constituency is relevant for th
e position of H-tone,: lexical level Ml (bare stems/derivational suffixes, e.g.
-en, ij), M2 (derivates created by other derivational suffixes, e.g. -ov, -ost),
MW (Word=stem, derivational suffixes+endings). At the lexical level, H-tone is
"docked" within a word which iw controled by MAX-H constraint and OCP (obligator
y contour principle). ALIGN family of constraits are responsible for aligning a
mora with a H tone. Interaction of foot structure with tone is influenced by TON
E-TO-FT ALIGNMENT which aligns H tone with the head of the foot and is responsib
le for the Neotokavian trochee. Constraints on grouping include FT-BIN and TROCHA
IC QUANTITY which bans foot shapes [o^o^Jf [ o^]F
H The interaction for foot and tone is also controled with FTSAL - a foot should
be associated with tone; and SFOOTSALIENCE: Head of the prosodic word has to be
associated with H tone.
3.5. Application of OT to PIE
OT has been applied to various PIE phenomena and early phases of individual lang
uages, ranking from phonology to morphology. Keydana 2000 applied classical OT t
o the syllabe structure of PIE and phonotactic constraints, also Zeifelder 2006,
Pierce 2000 (for Early Germanic), Kozianka 2004 used also the classical OT to d
escribe reduplication in Gothic as an example of the TETU in Indo-European, Petr
ova 1999 (Grimm's law), Frazier 2006 described the accentuation of athematic nou
ns using the theory of Optimal paradigms by McCarthy, and especially Lhr in many
articles, e.g. Lhr 2004 (accentuation of Vedic compounds), Lhr 2006 (PIE and Vedic
pronouns), Lhr 2010 (accent, syncope, epenthesis in IE languages).
3.6. Approaches of OT
Apart from 1-0 correspondence, we also have 0-0 correspondence constraints, whic
h extend the corrrespondence between derivates and a base of the word. For examp
le, 0-0 IDENT constraints are responsible for the indentity of output forms in a
paradigm.
Generalised alignment - explains why the constituends edge in a morphological an
d phonological processes.
180 The emergence of the unmarked (McCarthy&Prince 1994): a constraint which fav
ors unmarked structures (militates against markedness) is promoted up the constr
aing hierarchy and passes other constraints. As Kozianka showed, this e.g. count
s for the Gothic reduplication where the unmarked reduplication vowel "e" appear
s and the reduplication syllable has no coda.
62
Conspiracy is the phenomenon in which constraints of different families interact
. For example, syllabification of a language can be observed as the basis for st
ress alignment but at the same time syllabification itself is partialy dependent
of the stress.
Correspondence Theory - developed by McCarthy & Prince 1995, correspondence real
tions that are between phonological elements of different structures, the most i
mportant are the DEP and MAX faithfulness constraints. For example Campos-Astork
iza (2004) dealt heavily with DEP-fj, constraint which is, together with other c
onstraints: WPB: Coda consonants are moraic (Hayes 1989) and *u/C: a mora must n
ot be headed by a consonant responsible for the moraicity or non-moraicity of co
da. Factorial typology of constraints for non-moraic input requires that for non
-moraic coda, the DEP-jj, must be undominated, e.g. DEP-jj, WBP *u/C, for moraic
coda the WPB must outrank other other candidates: WBP *u/C DEP-
181
H.
3.7. Opacity
Optimality theory is based on a parallel interaction of constraints. It is just
a ranking of faithfulness and markedness constraints. Classical OT does not coun
t with any intermediate levels and is surface-oriented.
The problem for OT are just those intermediate levels and especially the opacity
problem. Opacity means an observation that surface forms should undergo a rule
but they obviously did not or they undewent a rule but look like they should not
have. Three instances of opacity can be adduced here. The counterbleeding o
rder of rules:
UF ABC#
l.B>D/_C ADC#
2. OE/_# ADE#
SF ADE#
We have an undelying structure ABC. There is a rule changing segment B to D in b
efore the segment C. The resulting structure is then ADC. There is also a rule c
hanging the segment C to E at the end of the structure. But the latter rule dele
tes the environment where the rule B>D operated. It means that the condition whe
re B>D applied is not visible at the surface. Should the rules B>D/_C and C>E# a
pply in the opposite order, the latter would have prevented the former from appl
ying. We call that order counterbleeding. A typical counterbleeding opacity
Campos-Astorkiza 2004.
The following examplex adduced by McCarthy 2009.
63
is is compensatory lengthening. A segment, which is deleted projects a mora but
that morais associated with a different segment.
Another example of opacity is the counterfeeding order of rules:
UF: ABC#
1. B > D/_E no application
2 C>E/_# ABE#
SF ABE#
As seen, the rule B>D /_E does not apply because there the conditions for its op
eration are missing. However, the rule OE/_# would create such conditions should
the order of rule would be reversal. This si the counterfeeding order of rules.
Again, from the surface structure we do not know why the the second rule did no
t apply, the conditions are hidden.
Third example of opacity is the famous Duke-of-York gambit originally described
by Pullum 1976. The idea came from the following rhyme:
The Grand Old Duke of York
He had ten thousand men
He marched them up a great high hill
And he marched them down again.
Duke's activity is non-progressive and hardly understandable, even counterproduc
tive. It reminds a linguistic structures that are derived in the following proce
ss. Let there be an underlying form AB and two rules B>C and OB. The surface for
m is again AB:
UF AB
1. B>C AC
2. OB AB
SF AB
Two pohonological processes are ordered in such a way that one undoes the result
of the other. So rule 1 here is not visible on the surface forms which looks li
ke nothing happened.
Classical OT cannot cope with those phenomena. There are several modern approach
es which try to solve the opacity problem.
a) Sympathy theory by McCarthy (1999) tries to account the opacity by postulatio
n that the selection of optimal candiate is sympathetically influenced by candid
ates which failed. The
64
mechanims of sympathy theory can be illustrated with the solution of counterblee
ding opacity from above:
/ABC#/ *BC, F(D^B) F(B^D) *C# *F (C^E)
opaque ^a.ADE# * *
transparent ^b.ABE# *! *
sympathetic c. ADC # * !* Y
Now, what happens. There are markedness constraints *BC (B and C cannot occur to
gether) and *C# (C cannot occur at the end of a word). F means faithfulness cons
traints, so F(D>B) means that D in input cannot change to B so that the faithfuUn
ess constraint be met. The winner is the opaque candidate a. (marked by [F). The
candidate a owes sympatetic allegiance to the candidate c (marked by ). This can
didate is failed but but influences the outcome through to inter-candidate faith
fulness. The sympathetic candidate is selected by a a selector constraint * and c
andidate is the most harmonic candidate that obeys that constraint. Obedience of
candidate to * is signalled by S m Now, candidates are tested if they resemble t
o the sympatetic candidate due to the sympathy constraint F(D>B) which requires th
at output cannot be B if the candidate has D. The transparent candidate b (marke
d by ) violates the sympathy constraint and is eliminated. The winner is the opaqu
e candidate which is faithful to the sympathy constraint.
b) Comparative markedness (CM)
- provides a uniform treatment for non-structure preserving phonology
- markedness constraints compare the candidate under evaluation with another, mo
st faithful candidate
- evaluated candidate has an instance of markedness present also in the fully
faithfull candidate (old markedness 0M) or is not present (new markedness nM).
- Fully faithful candidate (FFC): corresponds exactly to the input but it is on
ly a potential output, not actual one.
1SJ McCarthy 1999:359.
184 The solution of the Duke-of-York Gambit in McCarthy 2003. The detailed descr
iption of Sympathy Theory in
Coetzee 2002.
65
Example of interaction
/p/ FFC: p 0*PLACE n *PLACE
a. P *
b. k *
c. 0
Let there be a markedness constraint prohibiting the change of place of articula
tion *PLACE. The input is /p/ and the fully faithful candidate is also p because
it fully corresponds to the input. The Old Markedness prohibits the faithful ca
ndidate /p/ while the underspecified input is filled with a new feature and viol
ates New Markedness. If the Old Markedness constraint outranks also the faithful
ness constraint (required in ranking) and the New Markedness, the unfaithful can
didate k will win:
/p/ FFC: p o*LAB MAXI-0 n *PLACE
a. P *!
^b. k *
c. 0 *!
CM can explain
- grandfather effects - blocking by emergent markedness constraints, similar to
TETU. There are languages that permint only markedness forms and those ones that
eliminate them and permit only faithfulness constraints. So markedness should n
ot be visible but it emerges
1
and creates markedness violating structures, e.g. assimilation processes in Mekk
an Arabic, glottal stop insertion in German
- derived environment effects, e.g. different epenthesis processes in Makassares
e
- non-iterating processes, e.g. different apocope rules in Lardil
- coalescence paradoxes, e.g. when two input segments unite into a single output
segment that has characteristics of both the input member, when the result of c
oalescence appears as an
185 Krmer 2006:239.
186 ibid p. 240.
187 Hinted to a term from American jurisprudence.
188 McCarthy 2002:3-4.
189 Krmer 2006.
190 ibid. p. 20.
191 ibid.p.30-34.
66
input, it is unfaithful, e.g. Sanskrit fusion of low a + high i > mid e: (long,
because the original moras are preserved. However, input mid vowels are not mapp
ed to surface mid vowels because they are always the result of coalescence. - co
unterfeeding opacity (see below).
c) Stratal OT and LPM-OT
Stratal OT has been developed by Kiparsky (2000, 2003) as modification of parall
el OT to constraint system of levels.
Stratal OT combines Lexical phonology strata with OT. The advocates of Stratal O
T suppose that morphology and phonology of a language are stratified and interle
aved as in Lexical phonology, but each stratum consist of a OT constraint hierar
chy, The strata (stem, word and postlexical) are serially connected and the outp
ut of the lower stratum serves as an input to the higher one. Output of each str
atum must follow the phonological constraint which apply on each stratum only. S
tem is obedient to stem phonology, word for word phonology an phrase to phrasal
phonology. Kiparsky thinks that Stratal OT or its LPM-OT variant (Lexical phonol
ogy and morphology) reduce all cyclicity to I/O faithfulness and that opacity is
just interstratal constraint masking. If there is a constraint hierarchy e.g. o
n stem level, the markedness constraint on a word level can render it opaque. Th
e opacity therefore means the ordering between the the strata and their differen
t "grammars" and basically is the same as rule ordering. Constraints at each lev
el operate in a parallel way. Word level can be described as an input stem+input
inflectional suffix, stem level as input root/stem + input derivational suffix
and phrase level comprises the word and clitics.
Apart from the classical OT, Stratal OT is used in this dissertation.
d) Turbidity theory
Goldrick 2000 proposed that output forms contains covert/turbid structures which
are unpronounced but can influence the surface. Output forms are of two types:
projection (structural relationships) and pronunciation (surface, audi
ble relationships). Normally
192 ibid.p.35.
193 Reading McCarthy and Kiparsky's articles, the mutual antipathy cannot be ov
erseen. In almost every both authors criticise their opponent's theories as unsa
tisfactory. The same counts for their followers, see Marston 2009 who abandons M
cCarthy's approaches to opacity but hails Stratal OT as a comprehensive theory o
f morphology and morphonology.
194 Kiparsky: Red.
195 Kiparsky Op.
196 McCarthy 2000:43-45 compared CM and Stratal OT. The basic difference is tha
t CM is a property of the whole grammar while Stratal OT dels with specific proc
esses only.
67
projection agrees with pronunciation but concerning opacity, it need not. Unfait
hful mapping can be motivaved directly within a single output and it means that
opaque covert structure is sensitive to the phonological environment. So unfaith
ful mappings go from projection to the pronunciation by an outcome-based mechani
sm (which is a constraint Reciprocity). Reciprocity penalizes the output which v
iolates the projection. So another constraint which allow the projected structur
es be pronounced must be posited and the whole interaction is
1 Q"7
responsible for the final output.
e) OT-CC
Optimality theory with candidate chains (OT-CC) was developed by McCarthy 2007 a
s an alternative solution to opacity problem. OT-CC deals with candidates in a f
orm of a chain, not a single form. The first member of a chain must be fully fai
thful to the input. This is the FFM - faithful first member. The successive form
s in the chain must be gradually different. The constraint which is violated in
a specific location is a LUM - local unfaithful mapping. So the successive membe
rs of a chain accumulate all LUM's from the preceding members. The members of a
chain are locallly optimal which means that every non-initial form in a chain is
more harmonic than its predecessor.
3.8..Optimal and antioptimal paradigms
Optimal Paradigms correspondence relation has been developed by McCarthy 2005 to
1 Q
explain the similarities of stems of member of an inflectional paradimg. Members
of a paradigm are compared to each other. The model is relevant to the descript
ion of inflectional paradigms. Candidates comprise the entire inflectional parad
igms and each stem of a paradigm is compared with the stem of the other member.
Optimal paradigms press the members of the paradigm to be as similar as possible
. Optimal paradigm constraints therefore influence all members of a paradigm, e.
g. OP-DEP requires that no segment should be inserted into any member of an infl
ectional paradigm.
Antioptimal paradigms were developed by Frazier 2006 who combined OP's and the c
oncept of antifaithfulness paradimgs. Antifaithfulness constraints were proposed
by Alderete 1999 as a negation of faithfulness constraints. While faithfulness
constraints require identity of features between input and output forms, antifai
thfulness do the opposite. So if DEP
See the excellent criticism by Langston 2003:182-184. Originally developed for t
he analysis of Classical Arabic verb.
68
constraint requires no insertion, -DEP constraints does the opposite.
Antifaithfulness constraints can explain the unexpected alternations in a par
adigm.
Summary
Apart from the classical OT, various modification have been proposed to deal wit
h linguistic phenomena that are difficult to solve by the traditional OT approac
h. The current trend follows various McCarthy's solutions as well as the OT modi
fication of the older Lexical phonology which operates with levels/strata. It is
difficult to say which approaches are more useful to solve such situations as o
pacity is. In this dissertation, Kiparsky's Stratal OT is favoured but does not
mean that the problems described here could not be solved alternatively.
69
4. PIE accentuation
Introduction
The hotly debated issue concerning PIE accentuation is deeply connected witth ac
cent-ablaut relationship. The following pages will be devoted to the description
of that phenomenon.
Ablaut, quantity and accent can be described as phonological alternations of mor
pheme. Ablaut alternations can be showed on the root *sed- "sit": Lat. sedre, *so
d-, Eng.sat, *sd-, Eng. nest, *sed-, Engl, seat, *sd-, Engl. soot. The timbre alt
ernation (Abtnung) and quantity alternation (Abstufung) can be observed in root,
suffix and ending but not in largissement. The term "accent" means here "stress"
- the rhythmical characteristics of a language. I do not consider PIE a tone lan
guage, although suggestions about PIE tonality have been proposed.
4.1. PIE - a tonal language?
Ternes (2001) distinguishes three groups of languages according to prosodical ch
aracteristics: Akzentsprachen, gemssigte Tonsprachen and strenge Tonsprachen. The
pure tone languages do not belong to Indo-European family. The moderate tonal l
anguages develop from the change of syllables, e.g. due to the syncope or the lo
ss of intervocalic laryngeal with the subsequent vocalic contraction. Although T
ernes' arguments are mainly typological, it neither explains why the PIE could/c
ould not be a tone language and if there was any relationship with ablaut. More
interesting is the hypothesis of Moscow accentological school (Dybo 1973; Dybo,
Nikolaev, Starostin 1978) in the frame of its paradigmatic accent theory (see th
e chapter on MAS in the next chapter). Accent systems with phonologically releva
nt morpheme valencies (morpheme characteristics influencing the position of ictu
s) should develop from the ones with syllabic tones to the paradigmatic accent s
ystems. The authors claim to discover a language which stands in between of the
above-mentioned extremes. In Tubu (Central Sahara family) tones should be disapp
earing and a new paradigmatic system be developing. Typological analogies lead t
he authors to the postulate that all systems of paradigmatic accents are reflect
ion of earlier tonal systems. It means that PIE was actually a tonal language an
d what we observe in individual branches are systems of reduced paradigmatic acc
ent (Greek, Indo-Iranian) or unreduced one (Balto-Slavic).
The function of largissement is unknown apart from the fact that the addition of l
argissement changes the meaning of the root, e.g. *(s)teu-k-, Gr. tkos "hammer",
*(s)teu-g-, Engl, stoke, *(s)teu-d-, OInd. tudti "beats", *(s)teu-p-, Lat. stupru
m "disgrace" (IEW: 1032-1034)
70
Kortlandt 1986a refused any connnection between Indo-European "acute" and "circu
mflex" and the prosodic development of individual branches. On the other hand, h
e is willing to admit the existence of tones in PIE due to the several indicatio
ns, e.g. tonal system of Old Indie, Wheeler's law and Dreisilbengesetz of Greek
(a long syllable attracts stress onto the intervening syllable, i.e. unstressed
long syllables receive a rising/falling tone in the neighbourhood of H tone; the
process of tonal assimilation). Kortlandt also thinks that Balto-Slavic ictus w
as actually a leftmost H tone of a word form supposing that morhemes had underly
ing acccentual properties H-tone, L-tone (in the sense of Moscow accentual schoo
l). The final proof for PIE tones would be the reconstructed root constraint of
the proto-language: in a PIE root there cannot be a voiced aspirate and a voicel
ess stop, e.g. **b eut-, **teub (only with a preceding *s. For Kortlandt, it mea
ns that we can observe a prosodic distinction of a root because voiceless stops
are connected with H tone and voiced aspirates with L tone. Voicing, aspiration
and L tone originated from the feature "lax". Anyway, the classical postulate th
at PIE prosodic system is a summary of prosodic features of individual branches
projected to the deep history (with the heavy background of Old Indie and Greek)
must be rejected. Kortlandt's hypothesis of the tonal characteristics connected
with root consonantal structure was extensively studied by Lubotsky 1988 on the
Old Indie, Greek and Germanic material. In my opinion, the results are not too
persuasive. If an Old Indie root contains no stop or the stop is not contiguios
to the syllable nucleus, the accentuation is determined by the ablaut grade and
effects of stops are blocked by an initial laryngeal, if the root contains a voi
celess stop contiguous to the syllabic nucleus, it is accented but only if the s
uffix belongs to the o-stem. If the stop is voiced and the suffix belongs to the
i- or u-stems, the root is unaccented (p. 169) It is clear that the accentuatio
n must be morphologized and the influence of of phonotactics is only superficial
and Lubotsky himself admits that it is unclear why D-roots have generalized the
accentuation of the strong cases and why R-roots (containing resonants, larynge
als or "s") did not (p. 174). I also think that the apparent connection of root
phonotactics and tones excludes the behaviour of ablaut (see below). Nevertheles
s, the idea of tonal character of PIE connected with the root phonotactics has b
een still attractive, seeBeekes (1995).
4.2. Function of accent and ablaut
The classical theories (e.g. Brugmann 1922) considered Abtnung as
a result of "Umfrbung" due to the PIE tone. Dehntufe was observerd especiall
y in heavy bases CVCV .
71
The traditional theory is basically connected with Hirt , who thought that PIE h
ad first the stress which was responsible for zero-grade (with the reduced grade
as a transitional state). In later stage, stress system changed to pitch accent
with Abtnung. The chronology of changes is therefore e-grade > reduction, zero g
rade > Dehnstufe > Abtnung, o-grade.
Several tendencies of ablaut appearance have been observed. Thematic presents us
ually have e-grade (apart from 1st and 3rd singular): *b er-e "carries", perfect
um has o-grade in singular, e.g. *uoid-e "knows", Dehnstufe is found in Nsg root
nouns, e.g. *kerd "heart", vrddhi derivations *sukuro- "brother-in-law", sigmati
c aorist, e.g. *ueg -s "drive", stative, e.g. *steut- "raise", Nsg of hysterodyn
amic flexion *pli2ter (secondary due to the Szemernyi's law).
4.2.1. Paradigmatic function: accent-ablaut paradigms
At the end of the 19th century it was therefore known that PIE o-, -, i-, u- and
consonantal noun stems had a sort of paradigmatic change of accent. O- and - stem
s were thought to have fixed accent, other stems should have mobile accent. The
idea was therefore that the distribution of accent in paradigms was dependent on
stems. However, the accentuation of o-and - stems differ in separate language -
in Vedic and Greek they are immobile while in Balto-Slavic they are mobile.
At the and of the 1920s some scholars started to observe that the accentual dist
ribution of nouns does not depend on the stem suffix but on the mutual relations
hip of accent and ablaut. The same morphems in a paradigm can therefore have dif
ferent ablaut pattern. According to contemporary views on PIE accentual distribu
tion in nouns, the distribution of accent was different in athematic and themati
c declination. Thematic nouns had *-e-/*-o-ablaut in the stem but there was no r
elationship between ablaut and accent. An interesting category ofthat group are
toms-tmos nouns. Such substantives add the tematic vowel to the root with o-grade.
The position of stress differed according to the meaning. When root stress, the
substantive is nomen resultative (Gr. tmos "slice"), when suffix-stressed, the s
ubstantive is nomen agentis or acti (Gr. toms "slice, cutting").
Ablaut changes inside the "Ausdruckparadigm" and between different paradigms. De
hnstufe can be found in the root of the root substantives (*krd "heart"), when in
the suffix,
Hirt 1921:4-102. The synopsis of Hirt's theory is also presented in Lehmann 1993
:130-134. 201 The following examples adapted from Beekes 1995:165-166.
202Holger Pedersen (La cinquieme declination latine, Copenhague 19
26; Jerzy Kurylowicz: Etudes indoeuropennes, Krakow 1935; Franciscus Kuiper
: Notes on the Vedic noun inflection., Amsterdam 1942. 203 Rix 1992.
72
it has mostly the function of an ending (*pli2-tr "father). Vollstufe is mostly c
onnected with strong cases, Schwundstufe with weak cases. Stress in PIE is morph
ological.
4.2.1.2. Accent-ablaut classes
Athematic nouns belonged to accent-ablaut classes where position of accent depen
ded on a case in a paradigm. Moreover, the position of accent influenced ablaut.
Unstressed morphems (root, suffix, ending) are in zero grade. Stressed morpheme
s had either e-grade or o-grade. Athematic nominal paradigm therefore shows a ch
ange between the strong and week stem. Strong stems are N, A, Vsg, sometimes Lsg
, N, Apl and N, A, Vdu. Rest of cases are weak. The behaviour of a noun in an ac
centual paradigm can usually be stated for nominative and genitive singular. Acc
ent in athematic nouns is paradigmatic and the elaboration of
An interesting paradigmatic theory was applied to PIE (and especially to Greek)
by Rix (1992:105-119). A paradigm can be defined as the ordering of of paradigma
tic categories (N, Ak, sg, pi...) to paradigmatic dimensions (case, numerus, gen
us etc). Paradigmatic categories are constructed from a certain content (Inhalt)
and expression (Ausdruck). For example, accusative case in Latin 1st declinatio
n is formed by the Inhalt "direct object" and the Ausdruck - m. This distinguish
es accusative from other paradigmatic categories, e.g. from dative. Paradigmatic
categories in Indo-European languages are normally expressed by endings, by abl
aut or by affixes (preterite due to prefix as in Greek, comparative by the suffi
x). Root is the key morpheme, affixes are means of expression of derivative cate
gories {-tor- means nomen agentis in Greek) or can also express paradigmatic cat
egories (with the help of ablaut). Each flective word has a unique paradigm whic
h is distinguished according to paradigmatic dimensions (e.g. in Czech substanti
ves case, numerus, genus) and according to the number and content of paradigmati
c categories (e.g. 7 cases for Czech substantives N,G,D,Ak, V, L, I; for verbs t
wo diatheses - active, passive). Such paradigm is called Inhaltsparadigma. The e
xpression (Ausdruck) of that Inhaltsparadigma is done due to the corresponding A
usdruckparadigma which are otherwise called declinations and conjugations. Ausdr
uckparadigmas contain alomorphs for Inhaltparadigmas, e.g. Czech Asg can be form
ed by -a,-u, -0 (pna, enu, hra), Latin Npl can be formed by - e, -T, -a,-s (puellae
, amlcT, dna, curss). A word belong to an Ausdruckparadigma according to the forms
of its lexems. Important can be the position of stress and ablaut (accent-ablau
t paradigms in PIE), accentuation (accentual paradigms in Balto-Slavic), quantit
y (quantitative paradigms in West Slavic), phonemic structure of auslaut (e.g. t
hematic vowel forming i-stems, u-stems, o-stems etc.). Differences between Ausdr
uckparadigmas can be expressed by variations in a root (Lat. rx-rgis contra ps-pedi
s), in an affix (Gr. tithemen contra areskomeri) or in an ending (Lat. Gpl. puel
lae contra agr). One of the typical features of Indo-European languages are portm
anteau morphemes. This means that inside the Ausdruckparadigma an expression (Au
sdruck) can contain more paradigmatic dimensions. For example, Czech ending -i i
n nominal paradigms simultaneously expresses the paradigmatic category "1st pers
on" of the dimension "person", paradigmatic category "plural" of the dimension "
numerus" and paradigmatic category "masculine or feminine" of the dimension "gen
us". Paradigms can change due to the phonological changes (e.g. the Attic develo
pment of "d" after "e, i, r" leading to alpha purum declination: Attic chord con
tra Ionic chore). The change of the content of paradigm (Inhaltparadigma) can al
so lead to the paradigmatic change. An example of this can be e.g. the loss of d
ual in most Slavic languages (change of a paradigmatic dimension) leads to the c
hange of paradigmatic change of nouns which name the pair organs (oi, ui, ruce in
Czech). Inhaltsparadigma can be reduced due to the case syncretism (as in Greek
where Dative, Local and Instrumental merged into the category Dative). Reduction
of Inhaltsparadigma can also lead to the reduction of Ausdruckparadigma. The ex
pressions (Ausdrucks) may begin to be alomorphs for certain paradigmatic categor
y, or an expression for a certain category can be lost (e.g. dual) or the alomor
phy can be broadened to other Ausdruckparadigms . The change of Ausdruckparadigm
which goes not hand in hand with the change of Inhaltsparadigm uses to be calle
d analogy. Analogy means the change of expressions not conditioned by the phonol
ogical chages. Actually it is the tendency to level different Ausdruckparadigms.
PIE case-number paradigm had mostly one Ausdruck (ending) for one Inhalt (case)
. 204 That simple premise by Keydana 2006:24 is a key to the following passages.
73
paradigm types are connected mainly with research of Erlangen school since 1970s
(Jochem Schindler, Heiner Eichner, Helmut Rix, Norbert Oettinger, Gert Klingens
chmitt and Alan Nussbaum). The accent-ablaut classes were fully used in Rix's (1
976) and since then have become a standard methodology of describing nouns and v
erbs in Proto-Indo-European.
The basic types of accent-ablaut classes are aerostatic (root-accented paradigm)
, proterokinetic (accent varies between root and suffix), hysterokinetic (accent
varies between suffix and ending) and amphikinetic (position of accent changes
between suffix and ending). Of minor importance are mesostatic paradigms with st
able accent of suffix or ending-stressed teleutostatic nouns. Below I illustrate
the accentual paradigms with some basic and well-known examples. The more compl
ete list of data can be found in Schaffner 2001:76-94, the exhaustive lemmas wit
h reconstructed accent with up-to-date literature and discussion in NIL 2008.207
Aerostatic nouns are characterised by the following features: root is accented i
n the whole paradigm, strong cases have o-grade and weak cases have e-grade of a
blaut. There are also modification of this basic paradigm - strong cases (Nsg) c
an be in - or e-grade. But stress is always on the root vowel. A lot of root noun
s without derivative suffix belong here, like *dom-s, *ped-. From substantives w
ith a derivative suffix e.g. i-stems (*ueli- "worm"), u-stems (*dru- "wood"), het
eroclitic r/n-stems (*ikwr- "liver"), men-stems (*b rmen- "load"), ter-stems (*b rh
.2tr-), s-stems (*g'erh2-s- "old"), t-stems (*nkwts "night") and and nt-stems ised
-nt- "sitting"). As examples can be adduced: - strong cases R - SO - E0, weak cas
es R - SO - E0 Nsg *nkwts (night) , Lat. nox ; Gsg *nkwts, Hitt. nekuz ; Nsg
*udr (water), Hitt.
j 210
wadar
Gsg *uedns, Hitt. wedenas; Nsg *dm "house" , Arm town, Gr. do, Gsg *dems,
Gr.
despts, OInd dmpatis ;Nsg *gwus "cow", OInd. gu-, Gr. boils, Gsg *gwus, OInd. g-,
205 The overwiew of accent-ablaut classes and related phenomena can be found in
Schaffner 2001:69-94, Widmer 2004:49-77, Meier-Brgger 2003:201-218, Fortson 2005
:103-113.
206 Synonyms for -static is -kinetic or -dynamic. More detailed classification
with subtypes has Schaffner 2001:76-94, slightly different Meier-Brger 2003:201-2
18.
207 See also Schaffner (2003) for a Germanic evidence for the existence of accen
t-ablaut paradigms. The reflexes of accent-ablaut in Germanic are due to the Vem
er's law. Verbs still reflect the variously accented stems, nomina have mostly l
evelled the consonants appeared by the Vemer's law. Proterokinetic paradigm is e
.g. reflected in OHG sculd, ON skuldr "guilt" < PGmc. Nsg *sklpiz, Gsg *skuldiz (
levelled ablaut) < PIE Nsg *skltis, Gsg. *skltis (p. 479-480); amphikinetic paradi
gm in OHG zan "tooth" < PGmc Nsg *tanz, Gsg *tudniz < PIE Nsg *h'idnt-s, Gsg. *h,d
nt-s (p. 213-214, also Schaffner 2001:617-619, 625-631).
208 Schindler 1967:303;Schaffner 2001:76; Fortson 2005:108;
209 Schindler 1967:303 with paradigm; also Eichner 1973 for nekuz mehur phrase.
210 Schindler 1975:5; Schindler 1994:397. When this word is collectivum, the pa
radigm is proterokinetic Nsg *udr, Gsg. *udns.
1A
Asg *gwoum > *gwm , OInd. gm, Gr. bn; Nsg *h2uis "sheep", Lat. ovis, Gsg *Ii2uis
,
TochB. (u)w
- strong cases R - SO - EO, weak cases R - SO - EO
Nsg *ikwr "liver", Gr. hepar, Av. ytar, Lat. iecur, Gsg *ikwns, OInd. yaknh, L
at.
216
locineris;
Nsg *g'erd2S, Gr. gras , Gsg *g'rd2S, Gr. gras (n.) - "present of honour"; Nsg *ustu
(n), "place of living", OInd. vstu (n.), Toch A wast, B cw "house", Gsg *ustu, Gr.
stz' (n.) "town"; Nsg *s(h2)nur "tendon, string", Gsg *s(h2)nuns, Hitt. ishunau
- "tendon, bow-
717
string", OInd. snavan "bow-string"
- strong cases - R - So/o - EO, weak cases - R - SO - EO h2tr,
710


Nsg *npos "uncle", Lat. nepos, Gsg *nptos, Av. napto;
Nsg *b rh2tor, OInd. bhrata, PGmc bropar, Gsg *b rh2trs, OInd. bhratuh, ON. brp
or;
Mesostatic nouns
Mesostatic nouns are suffix stressed in the paradigm. The ablaut of suffix is o/
e. Although
sometimes disputed, this category should contain e.g. nomina from the vr&f type:
Nsg *ulkwih2S , OInd. vrkT- "she-wolf, Gsg *ulkwh2-as, OInd. vrkys, Asg *ulkwih
2m, OInd.
vrkyarn; Nsg *kwoi-nh2-0 "damages", Gr. poin "quit-money", Gsg *kwoi-nh2-s,
Gr.
poins;
Proterokinetic nouns
Proterokinetic nouns have root vowels in full grade if the root is accented. Thi
s is observed in strong cases. In weak cases the suffix is in full grade while r
oot is in zero grade. So the basic accent-ablaut scheme for proterokinetic nouns
is:
211 Schindler 1967:303 Nsg *dom probably from *dms due to Szemerenyi's law, also
Beekes 1995:189.
212 Schindler 1973:151-152.
213 Stang's law for Proto-Indo-European. Final consonant cluster (containing re
sonants) simplify with the following lengthening of the preceding vowel. It also
operated with the clusters -HR, e.g. in Asg of *-eh2 feminines, so *-eh2m > *-m.
This Stang's law is different from the Stang's law in Proto-Slavic.
214 Schindler 1969:153.
215 Adams 1999:35.
216 Beekes 1985:4-6 argues that Latin form reflects proterokinetic paradigm.
217
Oettinger 1976:
218 Schaffner 2001
219 Schaffner 2001
220 Schaffner 2001
97.
78.
79.
80. Using this reconstruction, Asg *-ih2m should require Stang's law. The absenc
e of length in Old Indie is explained by Schaffner as analogy. Alternative recon
struction of the suffix would be Nsg *-ieh2 (thus Mayxhofer 1980, Fortson 2005:1
20. This suffix is used for forming collectiva and feminina of devi- and vrki- t
ype. 221 Rix 1992:123.
75
- strong cases R()-S(0)-E(), weak cases R(0)-S(e)-E(0)
The following examples can be adduced: Nsg *gwn-h2 "woman" , Olr. ben , G
sg *gwn-
994
99S

h,2-s, Olr. mn ; Nsg *deiu-ih2 "goddess", Olnd. devi- , Gsg *diu-ieh2S, Olnd. devy
ah (vocalism after strong cases); Nsg *hinh.3-mn "name", Hitt. lman, Lat. nmen , Gs
g *hinh.3-mn, Gr. noma, Olr. ainm ; Nsg *pli2-ur "fire", Hitt. pahhur, Gr. pyr , Gs
g. *pli2-un-s, Hitt. pahhuena, Gr. pyrs ; Nsg* h2erhi-ur "corn", Olr. arbar ,Gsg* h
2rhi-un-s, Olr. arbe; Nsg *sh2-ul "sun", MBret. heaul , Gsg *sh2-un-s, Av. xwag;
The proterokinesis can be reconstructed for Old Indie i-stems, altho
ugh they can
9^9
paradigmatically generate zero grade: Nsg. *men-ti-s "thought", Olnd. matis , Gs
g *mn-tei-s, Olnd. mates
Hysterokinetic nouns
Hysterokinetic nouns accentuate suffix in strong cases and the ending in weak ca
ses. The basic pattern is: strong cases R (0)-S ()-E(O), weak cases R(0)-S(0)-E(e
):
9^4
Nsg *h2uk-sen "ox", Olnd. uksa, PGmc^i/jfse > ON uxi , Gsg *h2uk-sn-s, Olnd. uksns
; Nsg.*poih2-men "shepherd", Gr. poimen, Lith. piemu , Gsg.* poih2-mn-s, Lith. pie
mens ; Nsg *h2ak'm "stone", Lith. akmu , Gsg *h2ak'men-s, Lith. akrnens; Ns
g
*
,238
h$(o)pr-h2 "stores", Hitt. happar "price" , Gsg *hsp-n-s, Hitt. happenant- "ric
h"; Nsg
*
.-: 239
:ph2-tr-s, "father", Gr. pater , Gsg. *pi2-tr-s, Gr. patrs;
222 For the discussion of Tocharian A and B kuli, klyiye and its relationship to
the PIE forms see Kortladnt 1988 and especially Pinault 2005.
223 -,
224 ,
223 Hararson 1987:127; Jasanoff 1989:140.
See Matzinger 2000:85 for *gvnh2-ai > Gr. gynakes, Arm. kanaykc and Alb. gra; con
cerning Alb. grua, grue "woman, wife", see Kdderitzsch 1994 for discussion, the A
lbanian word contiunes from the weak grade form.
225 Eichner 1974:28.
226 Schindler 1975a:263, Beekes 1987:5 *h3nh3-mn with laryngeal dissimilation?
227Stuber 1997:74 sees the original aerostatic paradigm Nsg *hinmn, Gsg *hinmns wi
th secondary proterokinesis.
228 Schindler 1975b: 10.
229 Greek generalised the heteroclitic r-suffix in the paradigm.
230 Widmer 2004:45-48.
231 Schaffner 2001:92, Schindler 1975b: 10. The etymology discussions also Bader
1995.
232 Fortson 2004:108-109.
233 Hysterokinec inflection is connected with dervates, there are lot of collect
ives and agent nouns, e.g. n-stems, Gr. ersn "male" < '^htfs-n, Olnd. uksn "boy" <
*(h)uks-n-, *serp-n "serpent", Alb. gjarper etc., see Oettinger 2005. Original pro
terokinetic collectiva could have been later transfromed to hysterokinetic ones,
e.g. i- collectiva (see Oettinger 1999).
234 Schaffner 2001:88, Oettinger 1980:46.
235 Schaffner 2001:89-90.
236 Oettinger 1980:46 reconstructs mesostatic paradigm: *poh2i-mn, *poh2i-mn-s;
Hararson 1987:135 proterokinetic paradigm: *peh3-i-m, *ph3-i-mn-s; neither is accep
ted by Schaffner.
237 Schaffner 2001:90-91.
238 Oettinger 2005:146.
239 Fortson 2004:109.
76
Amphikinetic nouns
Amphikinetic nouns are characterised by accented root in strong cases and accent
ed ending in weak cases. Suffix can be in lengthened grade in Nsg and in o-grade
in Asg. As an example the following stems can be adduced: Nsg *d eg' m "earth",
Hitt. tekan, OInd. ksm, Gr. chthn , Gsg *d g' mms, Hitt. taknaz, OInd. jmh; Nsg *g' s-r
"hand", Hitt. kear, Gr. cher, TochA tsar , Gsg *g' s - r-s, Hitt.
kissaras (secondary form), Gr. cheirs
74?
(generalised full grade); Nsg *h2eusos "dawn", Lat. aurora , Gsg *li2usss, OInd.
urns; Nsg *udr "waters" , Hitt. watar, Gsg *ud-n-s, Hitt. wetena; Nsg *pnt-oh2-m "way
", OInd. pnthm (-th- from other cases) , Gsg *pnt-Ii2-s, Av. path, Nsg *h]lng -oi "oa
th", Hitt. lengais , Gsg *hilng -i-s, Hitt. lenkiias (generalised root vowel) ; N
sg *hidu, Arm. erkn "birth pains" , Gr. odyne "pain", Gsg. hjduns
The special status in PIE has also the grammatical category of number. PIE posse
ssed four numbers - singular, plural, dual and collective.
As illustrated by Haarson (1987), PIE collective belonged to the following accent
-ablaut types: mesodynamic: Nom.*wra -h.2, Goth, waurda "words", Gen. *urd -Ii2-s (
replaced by plural in individual langauges); proterokinetic: Nom. *k'r-Ii2, Myc.
ker "horn", Gen. *k'(r)r-
240 Schindler 1967:201, Schaffner 2001:81.
241 Schindler 1967/68: 244-249, Nussbaum 1986:82, Rieken 1999:278-279.
242 Fritz 1996:3; Fortson 2004:109.
243 Schindler 1975b:3-4., Schaffner 2001:82, Rieken 1999:292-293.
244 The reflection of PIE heteroclita in Balto-Slavic has been provided by Mata
sovi 1998. He thinks that heterocliticity could still be alive in Balto-Slavic. M
atasovi material comes from the original static and proterokinetic paradigms but
he does not discuss the accentual development up to Baltic and Slavic, his compa
rison is etymological and morphological only. The paradigmatic accentual develop
ment of heteroclita depending on the change of morphological structure is an int
eresting topic which I leave for analysis elsewhere. The good steps were also su
ggested by Birnbaum 1972 but alas, his analysis is without accentual background.
245 Hararson 1987:137, Widmer 2004:54.
246 Oettinger 1980:47.
247 PIE ablaut of the root was preserved in the Germanic n-stems, as recently sh
owed in the dissertation by Guus Kroonen: Consonant and vowel gradation in the G
ermanic n-stems., Leiden 2007. The dissertation has not reached to me yet but so
me results and data are in Kroonen's handout presented at IWoBA 3 in Leiden. Mos
t examples adduced by Kroonen belong to amphikinetic paradigm, e.g.Nsg.*g rub -on
, Gsg. g rub -n-s "pan", PGmc Nsg *greub, Gsg. *gruppaz (with the operation of Klu
ge's law, see my chapter on Winter's law here), reflected in PGmc *greuban > OE
grofa "pan", *grupan- >OE gropa "pan", *gruppan- > MDu groppe "pan".
248 Oettinger 1976
249 In athematic flextion, collective originally differed from singular by mean
s of ablaut and suffix (being thus cummulative exponence):sg. *sk'-r , coll. *sk'-r
< *sk'or-h2 "excrement". In thematic flexion, only ending distinguished collecti
ve: sg *(h)urd -o-m, *(h)urd -e-h2 "words, speech". After ablaut stopped being pho
nologically relevant, the contrastive accent (see below) played the role: *sk'5r
>*sek'5r, *(h)urd eh2 >*(h)uerdhh2. The non-productive ablaut grades (zero) used t
o be transponed to strong cases . See Oettinger 1992 for further details. Collec
tive suffix *-h2 can sometimes be called external Komprehensiv, being formed fro
m singulative stems, collective ending would be dubbed internal Komprehensiv (Ei
chner 1985, Tremblay 1996:55). For the relationship of collective and femininum
see Tichy 1993. Oettinger 1995 also postulated another collective suffix *-i- (ze
ro grade *-/-), e.g. *h2/3sth2_j "bones", Hitt. hasti. See Hararson (1987a:80-94) f
or the accent-ablaut distribution of Indo-European collectiva. He distinguishes
mesodynamic flexion: Nsg *urd -h2, "Goth, waurda Gsg *urd -h2-s; proterodynamic Ns
g *k'er-h2 "horn", Myk. ker, Gsg. *k'(r)r-h2-s, Hitt. kard "horns"; amphikinetic N
sg *ud~r, Hitt. widdr, Gsg *udns, OInd. udnds.
11
h2-s, Hitt. kara(uar) "horns"; amphikinetic e.g. heteroclite Nom. *ud-or "water",
Hitt. widar, Gen. *ud-n-s , OInd. udns.
Kortlandt 2010 deals with four types of nominal paradigms only: static, proterod
ynamic, hysterodynamic and thematic. This conception comes back to Beekes 1985 b
ut as far as I know, it has not found too much impact.
4.2.2. Derivative function: here the "internal derivation" is important. It is a
sufixless derivation done only due to the change of ictus. Strong stem of a der
ivte corresponds to the weak stem of the preceding accent-ablaut class:
R-S0, R()-S0 (aerostatic) > R()-S0 *h]U/esu "wealth, good", Olr. fiu "worth", OInd.
vsu "good" >h1uo/esu"goo, Olr. fi "good", HLuw. wasu "well" (NIL 253-258); R()-S0,
R()-S0 (acrostatic)>R()-SO h2/iu "life", OInd. ayu- >*h2iu/*h2ieu-"<ive", OInd. y- (Wi
er 2004:97, NIL:277); R()-S0, R0-S() (proterokinetic)>RO-S() *h2psos "penis", OInd.
psas-, > *h2pess "buck", TochB pase; Proterokinetic nouns can have amphikinetic de
rivates:*M/g' mn, OInd. brhman- > *bhlg' mn Ind.brahmn . Derivates have the meaning o
f possession, or relation to the meaning of the original noun.
Tremblay 2003:242 adduced the accent-ablaut difference between two types of coll
ective and a singulative, e.g. aerostatic Dehnstufe singulative Nsg *hish2-r, Gsg
. *hish2-n-s "blood", Hitt. har, na; collective 1 amphikinetic Nsg *hish2-r, Gsg *hh2
s, Hitt. Gsg. i-ha-an-a-a, TochAysr, TochB yasar; collective 2 anakinetic (Tremblay
's term) Nsg *hish2r, Gsg. *hish2-n-s, Lat. aser, assyr. Accent and ablaut are use
d here to distinguish grammatical categories of number, but as Tremblay (p. 253)
admits, there is no certain ablaut type which would be special for collectiva o
nly. Anakinetic paradigm was proposed by Tremblay 1996:49 for the explanation of
Balto-Slavic -mon-/-men- stems (Lith. piemu, vndu type). Anakinetic paradigm would
have the structure Nsg *CeC-m, Gsg *CC-mn -s. Against this Mottausch 2000:41-42,
who admits that unaccented *e and accented * cannot occur simultaneusly and if so
, it must be secondary due to the *kwetures rule. Also, should anakinetic paradig
m be alive, it would be an unnecessary "luxury" for the language because it it a
mirror image of holokinetic paradigm: Nsg *CC-r x *CeC-5r, Gsg *CC-rs x *CCrs.
250 Widmer (2004:65)
251 Such state would continue to Proto-Balto-Slavic.
252 Widmer (2004:65)
253 Fortson 2004:110.
254 Tremblay 2003 dealt with the internal derivation in detail and the interest
ing reconstruction is the one for "name", reflected in Latin nmen, Hitt. lman, OIn
d. nman, Arm. anun, Alb. emr, Gr. noma, OCS imq, Olr. ainm etc. Beekes 1987:5 recon
structed proterokinetic paradigm ~Nsg.*h3nh3-mn, Gsg *h3nh3-mn-s, arguing that sho
uld the forms have o-grade in Nsg *h3nmn, *h3nm-n-s or even be aerostatic *h3nm-n,
h3nm-n-s, the problematicity of o-grade is obvious, especially if proterokinetic
paradigm is reconstructed because o-grade nouns are usually static, and should t
he latter form be reconstructed, the immobility is not confirmed by cognates. Ne
vertheless, Stiiber 1997 proposes the original aerostatic variant Nsg *hinm-n, Gs
g. *h1nm-n-s (with different laryngeal) which should be replaced by quasi-protero
kinetic Nsg *hinm-n, Gsg. *h1nm-n-s. Tremblay (2003:238-239) goes further on and c
onsiders Stber's replacement as a "derivative" model A while his derivative model
B would comprise of the further derivates which would be reflected in separate
IE languages: aerostatic Dehnstufe: Nsg *hinh3-mn, Gsg. *hinh3-mn-s, reflected in
Pllr. *nma, TochA om, TochB nem; proterokinetic Nsg *hinh3-mn, Gsg *hinh3-mn-s, refl
ected in OInd. nman, Lat. nmen, Oir. ainm, Hitt. lman; hysterokinetic collective *N
sg. *hinh3-m, Gsg. *hinh3-mn-s, reflected in OCS imq; possessive anakinetic (Tremb
lay's term) Nsg *hineh3-m~, Gsg *hinh3-mn-s, Isg. *hinh3-mnhi reflected in Early ll
r.*nm, Gsg. *nm-h, Isg. *nm > Av. aoxt; amphikinetic (holokinetic Nsg *hinh3-m~,
78
4.2.3. The relationship of ablaut grades
The obvious problem being solved by various scholars is the origin and relations
hip of Abtnung and zero-grade (e:o:0) and the origin of Dehnstufe. As for Dehnstu
fe, the situation is quite clear because it is definitely secondary. Dehnstufe c
an be found in certain morphological categories , e.g. in monosyllabic forms of
root nouns: ~Nsg*ukw-s, Gsg*ukws (Beekes 1995:166, Tremblay 2003:231), as a result
of Szemernyi's law (-VRs >-VR; *pli2ters >*pli2tr). In verbal forms it is typical
for Narten presens (*steu- "praise" (LIV:600), 3sg *st eu-ti, 3pl *steu-nti. Se
condary Dehnstufe is also found in sigmatic aorist , in Old Church Slavic
due to the cluster simplification and the compesatory
*hinhrmn-s, reflected as collective in Goth, namo (newly formed) and Hitt. lmna, an
d as possessive Ollr. *t/au-nmri> NPers. bahmn "so-and-so". It might be suggested cl
ear that accent and ablaut distinguishes different syntactic categories here.
255 Schmalstieg (1993) proposed an idea about the origin of lengthened grade it
eratives in Baltic and Slavic languages. Of course, the lengthened grade here ha
s nothing to do with the original PIE ablaut but the principle can be interestin
g. Schmalstieg thinks that long root vowel in Lithuanian brdti "to stand in water
into which one has forded" and Slavic *birati "take" with the suffix *a are inte
nsives of iconic origin. The vowel lengthening would therefore be a sort of inte
nsity expression. Now, it would be interesting to look for such examples in PIE
if some ablaut forms cannot express "intensity" or some other mark of expression
. Also, from the accentual point of view, Lithuanian intensives have the acute i
ntonation and are accentually different from original statives.
256 For the first time formulated by Johanna Narten (1969) and misleadingly nam
ed as "proterodynamic". The accented Dehnstufe is in indie.sg.active, full grade
in plural. So Pllr. forms would be *stumi, *stui, stuti, *stumasi, *stutha, *stuati (N
arten 1969), so the paradigm has the structure CC-, CC-. Further data supporting t
he existence of Narten presens were adduced by Schindler (1994:398-399). The abl
aut pattern can be called aerodynamic, see Kmmel (1998:191) who suggests tha Dehn
stufe in singular is created by the * infixation into the root thus being similar
to the Vrddhi derivation. According to Kmmel, the Narten roots have special func
tion. If aerodynamic present roots have the corresponding amphikinetic root aori
st forms, the aorist has momentary meaning while the meaning of present forms is
durative-iterative, e.g.*dek'- > aorist *dk'-/*djc'- "perceive (momentary), pres
ent *dk'-/dk'- "continually perceive". It means that the aerodynamic morphemes are
not underlyingly long but the long grade is secondary with a certain morphologi
cal function. In the late PIE the aerodynamic present could just be taken just a
s the opposition of aspect to aorist.
257 The real existence of Narten's presens has recently also been challenged by
de Vaan (2004). Having examined the data from Schindler (1994) who advocated the
underlying existence of Dehnstufe in a root, de Vaan showed that the Avestan da
ta adduced by Schindler as a support for Dehnstufe, can be explained alternative
ly. For example the agent noun bar "rider" from the root *b er-, reconstructed by
Schindler as *b rata. De Vaan points out that this word belongs to a small numbe
r of word which have an unespected sequence -a- < *art-which have phonetic length
ening before -- with the simultaneous influence of preceding labial (because all
the similar examples have initilal syllable labial. De Vaan also disputes the ca
nonic example of Narten's presens, the root *steu-. De Vaan disregards the putat
ive OAv.stwffjf (lsg.pres.ind.) is actually a misreading form of staomT which exc
ludes the reconstructed form with root Dehnstufe. Although de Vaan considers Nar
ten's root as a concept to be abandoned, I do not know about studies which would
disregard the data from Old Indie, Germanic, Greek, Latin etc., although the am
ount of data from those language is considerably smaller than data from Avestan.
So for the time being, I consider Narten root still relevant. Nevertheless, one
must say it is dubious if Schindler really meant that Dehnstufe should be compl
ete secondary of if it is only a lexical specification of certain roots. His art
icle is too brief for generalising. Narten presens is not attested in Balto-Slav
ic, where the length should be traced to Narten prezens, it can be explained as
a reflection of Winter's law (Matasovi 1997:132).
258 Kmmel (1998:206) mentions the similarity between accented long grade in Narte
n presens and s-aorist. Both forms have durative meaning while s-suffix could ch
aracterise perfective aspect. The amphikinetic non-durative s-form would be prob
ably desiderativ which has e-grade root in indicative, injunktive and conjunctiv
e singulaar and unstressed zero grade root in plural (stress is on the ending or
secodary sufix), e.g. *uid-s-/uid-s "catch sight of, see", reflected probably in
Lat. viso, vTsere (LIV:23-24, 666).
79
lengthening: *nes-s- > *nesO-s- > OCS. 3pl ns$ (Drinka 1995), Dehnstufe is also t
ypical for vrddhi derivation. It means that Dehnstufe is a secondary morphol
ogical marker.
4.2.3.1. Eichner's law
Thee secondary character of Dehnstufe is the proposed long * in the vicinity of a
second laryngeal: *hy- which is originally *h.2e + e-grade. The resulting long *
protects /?2 to change the timbre. The variants of the original root can be seen
in Lat. mtrus < *meh.2- and Hittite mhur "time" < *meli2-. The original accentual
paradigm is aerostatic: *meh2-ur, *mh2-un-os like *ikw-r, *ikw-n-os. Further data (
about 25) for the support of Eichner's law has been presented by Rasmussen 1990/
1991: e.g. *h.2k'-ur, Hitt. hkur "peak", *}i2ug-o-, OCS jugh "south" , *g h2u-mon, O
HG. giumo "gum, palate", '\eh2k-0-m, OCS veko "lid" , *rh.2p-o-m, OCS rpa "turnip"
etc. If correct, Eichner's law is not only limited to Anatolian (for which it w
as originally proposed) but the reflections are also in other languages.
4.2.3.2. e/o/0 ablaut
4.2.3.2.1. Classical Hirt's theory
Concerning e/o/0 ablaut, various explanations have been proposed. The classical
theory of Hirt operated with the influence of dynamic stress. Unstressed vowels
should have been reduced to zero grade. To explain the anomalous vocalism at the
position of a zero grade, Hirt also postulated a reduced grade or the so called
schwa secundum (Lat. magnus, Gr. megas <*mgno-. Dehnstufe and various quantitat
ive-qualitative changes should also operate in light and heavy bases :*sed- "sit
", *dh- "place", *deme-"bm\\ *bhew- "become". The Late PIE should change stress to
intonation and due to that prosodic change the originally *e with an original se
condary stress should change to *o. Abtnung is, therefore, the last change in the
succession of ablaut development.
259 For the discussion about Dehnstufe and vrddhi with examples from Vedic see
Leumann 1954:5. Leumann explained the vrddhi-derivates as an analogical proces,
the frame of which was taken from basic words, esp. Nsg monosyllabic forms. Vrdd
hi derivates are also productive in Balto-Slavic, e.g. mmsom >S-Cr. mso (Matasovi 1
997:133-134).
260 Mottausch 2000:86.
261 Eichner 1973.
262 Mayrhofer 1986:132-133.
263 S-Cr. fug-b, Sin. jg-jga, original acute due to the Winter's law.
264 Probably original neuter with the barytone accent.
265 according to Rasmussen, there was also the collective form *rh2p-h2
266 IG IL IG V.
4.2.3.2.2. Kurylowicz et al.
Kurylowicz remarked that there are examples with stressed "" (Gr. fros "fee"), so
the accent does not change the timbre, only weakening and syncope. The o-grade p
receded the 0-grade. Structures of the type CeRC-, CoRC- should undergo weakenin
g CeRC, C0RC followed by the timbre fusion C0RC. Consequently, the o-grade shoul
d develop and so the oppositon eR/eR should be transformed to the opposition of
CoRC/CRC. Maczak (1960) argued, that both tonic and pretonic "e" changes its timb
re to "o", e.g. Gr.*dedrka "I have seen" >*dedrka (inovative accent ddorka). Timbre
is also changed before a sonant: Gr. legte/lgomen. Szemernyi (1996:121) sums up th
at the influence of stress on "o" is excluded and timbre *e>*o changes due to th
e influence of nasal or sonant/sonant or preceding labial, as in *ps. Beekes (199
5:166) claims that 0 grade and o-grade are in unstressed position, while o-grade
is in fact the epenthetic-analogical, e.g. *mn-s >*mnos; Gen. *mn-s-s > men-s-os; T
he full grade in Gsg is probably analogical according to the Nsg or epentetical
in unstressed position. Beekes distinguishes three stages of accent-ablaut devel
opment: 1. stage [+stress], + 0 [-stress] , 2. stage [+stress], + 0, o [-stress], 3.
stage [+stress], + 0, o, e [-stress].
A bit extreme version of the ablaut origin was proposed by Palmaitis 1980 who st
arted from the premise of monovocalic PIE. Palmaitis thought that the original a
pophonic opposition was *e (traditionally *e) /* a (traditionally *o). Palmaitis
postulates a "sense intonation", a dubious term, and does not think that PIE ha
d the pitch or accent (which is probably stress in Palmaitis' terminology). Anyw
ay, the *a shoud have come into being under the sense intonation of the fientive
(active) forms while *e was not connected with the intonation. The original alo
phones would have appeared first in final syllabeme, on the onset they should ha
ve been neutralised to *a and further modified by laryngeals to obtain *e, *a *o
vocalism. The sense intonation should then contrast the original allophones but
curiously, Palmaitis considers first *a to be under intonation. As we know, tra
ditionally it is the opposite, *e is in tonic and *o in atonic position. Althoug
h Palmaits claims that later the original atonic *e disappeared from theend of s
tem and replaced a thematic *a (which is actually *o) he skips the fact that rec
onstructed *o/*e ablaut is in root nouns. The obvious caveat is that Palmaitis c
onsiders PIE a primitive language where the elementary system phoneme should dev
elop into a more complicated one. It is unclear to me what the sense
1956, 1968a.
81
intonation can be and how it can develop into either stress or pitch accent syst
em that is usually postulated for the proto-language.
4.2.3.2.3. Iterative syncope
Fulk's concept of iterative syncope operates with the rhythmical phase of early
PIE. Every second syllable should be secondarily stressed and later reduced. Uns
tressed syllables were reduced and syncopated : *Hways >*Hwys >*Hewyos > Gsg OInd. vy
ah (Fulk 1986:49, 210); Pre-PIE syllable had CVCVCV... structure, according to F
ulk, later changes due to the stress created closed syllables. The conception is
too mechanistic and a bit naive although the connection with stress and vowel r
eduction is typologically normal.
4.2.3.2.4. Rasmussen's complexity
Rasmussen (1978: 44-47) tried to explain the origin of Abtnung and Abstufung due
to the Lautgesetze. He postulates 18 of them in the relative chronology, counts
also with stressed Dehnstufe. Unstressed*e > *o and was secondarily prolonged: *
and subsequently shortened to *o. Unstressed * >*e and secondarily lengthened bef
ore *s/*Ii2 (collective suffix) so 3\i vowels appeared followed by a change of t
imbre. *e >*o. Generally, Rasmussen counts with the relationship of accent and v
ocalism, not the relationship between ablaut and accent. As an illustration of R
assmussen approach the development of aerostatic paradigm for "night" can be add
uced: Nsg *nkwts >*n:kwts (* >5 unconditioned) >*nkwts >*nkwts (shortening before CC-
cluster); Lat. nox; Gsg *nkwts >*nekwts (V:>V_(X) [+accent]) >*nkwts ([-accent] >[+ac
cent]/#[-vocal]o(first vowel is stressed) >*nkwtos ([+accent] >[-accent] / [+acce
nt] (X)_; (loss of secondary accent) >*nkwts (syncope), Hitt. nekuz. It is obviou
s that Rasmussen's approach is very similar to the generative rule ordering and
the algorithm is very improbable for the real Indo-European speaker. Amfikinetic
paradigm is considered secondary because disyllabic forms are normal mobile par
adigms (see further in this text). Trisyllabic forms just copy that model and cr
eate polarisation of stress. Such polarisation hints to the similar process that
we observe in Balto-Slavic (Pedersen's law): Nsg *d ugli2te >Lit. dukte; Asg*d
ugh2tr-m > Lit. dukterej. Dehnstufe in Narten presens is curiously explained by t
he combination of stress retraction and ablaut weakening: in 3sg.
268 Rasmussen 1987/1999:247 postulates a root infix -Q-, a consonantal element d
eveloping into the vowel "o". This is actually the o-grade in certain grammatica
l categories like causative-iteratives (*men- "think" > Im-Q-en-y-e-t-i/ >*monieti
"makes think". It is not clear to me how that consonantal element (which should
be part of syllable onset) could fuse with a nucleus to produce a timbre "o". T
he only explanation is that the element could have the modifying characteristics
similar to de Saussure's coeficients sonantiques. However, it is dubious if suc
h coeficient has a concrete phonological existence in the language system.
82
*stu-ti, 3pl*stu-nti first protraction of stress occured due to the dominant suffi
xes. This lead to the ablaut weakening in the root with the subsequent retractio
n of stress and ablaut weakening in the suffix: *stu-nti > *steu-nti >*stu-enti >*stu
-nti (Rasmussen 1996/1999: 575).269
Aerostatic paradigm is derived from the proterokinetic one by means of accent re
traction and vowel lengthening. The two aerostatic paradimgs (the one with o-gra
de in Nsg and the other one with Denstufe are therefore in complementary distrib
ution: *nkwts-*nkwts/, * ikw-r *ikw-ns. Proterokinetic and hysterokinetic paradigms
develop due to the addition of a syllabic element, so the stress protracts to th
e right *his-ti, *h]S-nti, optative
777
*h]S-ihi-ti, * his-ihi-nti. Amphikinetic paradigm skips the inner syllable, like N
sg*pnt-5 I12-S, Gsg. *pnt-li2-s "path" and according to Rasmussen, such kind of pa
radigm is a variant of a common mobile one which has not more than two syllables
. If a mobile word form has not more than two syllables, it is useless to talk a
bout proterokinetic and hysterokinetic paradigms because stress alternates just
between two syllables only. Now, if more syllables are included, the new forms s
imply copy the original model and stress starts to alternate between the first a
nd the last syllable. This is the polarization principle and strongly reminds Pe
dersen's law in Balto-Slavic. To sum up, Rasmussen's approach to accent-ablaut p
aradigms is as follows: aerostatic paradigms *:* and *:* are in complementary distri
bution and the original mobility is neutralised here, proterokinetic and hystero
kinetic are just variants of mobility with the ictus difference, amphikinetic pa
radigm is secondary.
Rasmussen 2003 proposed a new explanation of ablaut origin. Having criticised th
e classical theory of Hirt that PIE first had stress and then pitch accent and s
tress was the cause of Abstufung while pitch of Abtnung, Rasmussen now thinks tha
t PIE had H- tone and expiratory prominence. As a proof he adduces Ancient Greek
had tonal height and modern greek has stress accent; Vedic had tonal height, Pa
shto has stress, Russian has stress, Serbian-
269 The interesting remark by Rasmussen 1999Comp:490 is that */* ablaut in nominal
s is observed only in r/n heteroclitica only and only in aerostatic paradigm, ikw
-r *ikw-ns. Now it is clear that the Dehnstufe must be secondary because of *meh2
ur and Eichner's law. Concerning the ablaut differences *pds x *nkwts, Rasmussen t
hinks that the latter form is the shortening between the complex consonant clust
er. 270Also Rasmussen 1996/1999.
271 ibid.; Lsg of aerostatic paradigms is studied by Tremblay (2004:585-587) in
great detail. Tremblay posits Dehnstufe in Lsg of *h,enu, OHG nu, also *h1egwhi,
form Nsg *h,ogwhis "snake", Gsg. *h1gwhis Npl *higw ies which would mean that four
different ablaut grades are to be postulated here.
272 Similarly in Rasmussen 1987/1999:250-251 where some endings (N-A-Vsg, singu
lar active in verbs) are taken to be originally non-syllabic while the endings o
f weak forms were syllabic and originally formed independent words, while "i" an
d "u" in 3sg *b ereti and imp. b eretu were originly deictic markers and syntacti
caly enclitica without any influence on ictus.
273 The accentual polarization hypothesis also in Rasmussen 1999a:487.
83
Croatian had stress, Slavic in mobile paradigm had falling tone, accented mora h
ad H tone. So Rasmussen simply adds up prosodic features which are results of di
achronic stages and posits them synchronically for PIE. This is the obvious simp
lification. The change of unaccented *e > *o are now considered by the tonal lo
wering . Rasmussen explains aerostatic nominatives *pd-s "foot", *nkwt-s as based
on long roots /pd-/, /nekw-t-/ (probably the underlying form, but why are they lo
ng?). Accented syllables had H tone, long vowels rising tone, aditional length
ening + the marker of nominative > tone
?7S
lowering + o-timbre.
4.2.3.2.5. Contrastive accent theory
Concerning the tematic derivates, the question of contrastive accent was dis
cussed (type
777
Gr. tmos/toms. ) Burrow (1955:125) already noticed the change of oxytone adjective
s or agentive nouns with zero grade in root with barytone action nouns and o-gra
de in the root: budh- "inteligent" versus bdha- "understanding. Stressed suffix ca
uses the root grade to be weakened and the change of ictus causes the change of
meaning. Rasmussen (2000:242) tried to explain the "tomos" derivates by postulat
ing an underlying element, that should appear either as "0" (at adjectives or ag
ent nouns) or as "o": *tdms >*toms>tmos. Insertion of an
978
infixal vowel causes stress retraction and generalisation of o-grade in the root
.
4.2.3.2.6. Krasuchin's "solution"
The compilation of the various ideas seems to be put forward by Krasuchin (1998,
2003, 2004). Krasuchin posits ablaut-accent paradigm (sic!) concerning mainly m
orphosyntax. Barytona should have been the independent syntactic forms (active v
ebal forms, N-A-L of nouns), oxytona should be syntacticaly dependent (G-D of no
uns, semanticaly they should mark the inner state of subject of external process
which affects subject). The function in the syntagma is expressed by the change
of ablaut and accent: OInd. rga "pain", ruj "destroyer"/ bhag-"'part", bhaj "partic
ipant" (first "e-grade, then o-grade was generalised). Krasuchin postulates a si
mple rule - accent protraction leads to the change of root ablaut and
""Rasmussen 2003:354.
275 p. 355. This process is completely unsupported.
276 Contrastive accent is also visible in paradigmatic accentuation, e.g. Nsg *p
h2tr versus Vsg*p32ter "father".
277 tmos has a resultative meaning, toms agentive and action meaning.
278 Rasmussen 1987/1999:248 suggests that contrastive accent might follow the n
ew formation of a barytone form. E.g. he considers *b oros "act of carrying" an
adjectival inflection of *b orh2, derived from a compound with the meaning "that
which has x for carrying". From the type *x-b oros a new form (through backforma
tion) b oros is formed. This scenario seems quite probable to me and I agree wit
h Rasmussen that before the stress retraction the o-grade had to be vocalised.
84
semantic change. E-grade in suffix is connected with oxytonesis: OInd. ka- "bright
ness", i/c-"bright". In aerostatic paradigm the e-grade marks atribute *dms- as in
*demspotis. Krasuchin accepts the Hirt's theory of ablaut, Rasmussen
s theory of the secondary development of the aerostatic paradigm (although
does not quote any Rasmussens's work) and also Erhart's conception of attributi
ve ablaut.
4.2.3.2.7. Dominant and recessive morphemes
Dominance and recessivity conception is one of the most interesting idea concern
ed mainly with the modus operandi of Moscow accentological school, Garde (1976)
and Halle (1997). Hock (1992) applied that concept to accent-ablaut paradigm. Mo
rphemes have inherent prosodic features : strong: preaccenting <, accented +, pos
taccenting >, weak: unaccented. Interaction of those morphemes leads to surface i
ctus: *Nsg pds ['+-], Gsg*peds [+'+]. For PIE the postulating rule is that the ict
us falls to the last morpheme of + class. The application of dominancy and reces
sivity can be adduced on the following examples: aerostatic paradigms *b r-e"car
ry" [+<] > [[+-]] *b er-e; mezostatic *tud-e-"beat" [- <-] > [- +] *tud--, proterok
inetic Nsg *gwm-ti-s^ [+ - ]- > *gwm-ti-s2*2 "corridor", Gsg *gwm-ti-SG [+ - ]+ >
*gwmtis ; hysterodynamic Nsg *h.2ukws-n-SN [- + ]->*}i2ukws-(n) , Gsg *h.2ukws-n-S
G [- + ]+> *h,2iikws-n-s ; contrastive accent: *b r-o->*bhor-, OInd. bhr "Last"; *bh
r-o- [+ +] >*bhro- [+ <=], OInd. bhra "das Tragen".
Dybo 2003 also returned to the dominancy-recessivity interaction of morphemes in
PIE. Mobile paradigms are results of recessive roots while dominant ones have i
mmobile paradimgs. The important result is that Balto-Slavic, Greek and Old Indi
e mobile paradigms usually correspond. As for other PIE paradigms, e.g. hysterok
inetic Nsg *ph2(-)ter(.yS(+) , Gsg. *pli2(-)trs(+) > Gr. pa(.r(.+), pa(.rs(+) and OIn
d. pi(.(.+), pi(.h(+) where the mobility is due to the recessive root and the domina
nt desinence. Although not mentioned by Dybo, the Szemernyi's law in Nsg is inter
preted as a fusion of features. The result is the secondary dominancy of *ter su
ffix. Another interpretation is that (-) >(-+) before (+) morphemes.
279 "master of the house", reflected in Gr. despts, OInd. dmpati (Mallory&Adams 200
6:209).
280 Atribute is expressed by juxtaposition of sentence parts: dependent noun is
accented on the last syllable wich leads to the syncope of pretonic syllables. D
ue to that development, the N and G forms are distinguished (Erhart 1982:89)
281 Hock (1992:193-196).
282 OInd. gtis, NIL: 175-176. 283OInd. gates
284 OInd. uksa, diskuse in NIL:368-370.
OInd. uksns 286 Dybo 2003:150-152.
85
Dybo's interpretation allows us to explain toms-tmos difference. If we assume toms
as an original form with the marking torri(.ys(+) which is logical because the do
minant suffix
attracts stress, the (-) >(-+) __(+) results in the secondary dominancy of th
e root suffix
connected with the change of meaning, so tm(.+yos(+y
4.2.3.2.8.Non-concatenative morphology and ablaut
Pooth 2002 advocated the non-concatenative morphology as a tool for the ablaut d
escription. Although heavily discussing the Indo-European ablaut, Pooth failed t
o apply it, in my opinion. As McCarthy himself admits, the Indo-European languag
es have basically concatenative morphology (McCarthy 1981:374) while Semitic mor
phology is pervaded by morphological alternations internal to the stem. So non-c
oncatenative morphology is originally developed for a different morphologica
l structures where a template has a
TOO
grammatical meaning. I am very sceptical that Arabic triliteral and quadrilitera
l roots and their ablaut can be applied to any Indo-European language. We can of
course state that *his-m "I am" has the CV skeleton C1V1C2C3V2 where C-tier is h
j-s-m, V-tier 0-e and there is also a special accent tier above above the vowel
tier:
Accent tier
Vowel tier e 0
I I
CV-Skeleton C V C- C- V
C-tier hi s m
But it is very dubious how and if such representation really occurs. Apart from
certain requirements, there are no canonical patterns of consonants connected wi
th a certain semantics as well as binyianim (they are in no way similar to the c
onjugational types of Indo-European languages). Curiously, although using autose
gmental representation, Pooth considers that "die neue Form kommt allein durch i
nterne Vernderungen oder Umstellung von bestimmten Segmenten oder Suprasegmenten
zustande - wi z.B. der Vernderung oder
287 Non-concatenative morphology was proposed by McCarthy 1981 as an alternativ
e to the concatenative morphology (e.g.structuralist one) which concatenate morp
hemes lineary to the right or left of the base. In this model, morphemes are rep
resented on a separate tiers. Vocalic and consonantal melodies are autosegments
and are mapped onto prosodic templates (CV skeletons) which have grammatical mea
ning. The skeleton is also dubbed as prosodic template tier and represents a can
onic shape connected with a certain meaning.
288 This is also the misunderstanding of Czech quantity patterns by Scheer who s
ees templates here. See further in this dissertation.
289 Pooth 2002:421.
Umstellung fon Tnen, des ASkzents oder des Akzentistzes innerhalb des Worts oder
der Vernderung oder Umstellung sowohl von Akzent wie Vokal(en)." The problem is t
hat prosodic features are not suprasegments, especially in autosegmental phonolo
gy/morphology and the "internal change" can be applied with certainty only to fo
rms with unchanging structure, e.g. in the internal derivation process and to tmo
s-toms forms but it cannot be applied to root nouns. Moreover, the skeletal posit
ion of largissement is unclear in this interpretation because largisement does not
have any ablaut. Pooth's explanation that the way from early PIE to later perio
ds was from "wurzelflektierend mit Vokalmelodien" to "fuisonirendflektierend mit
Ablautstufen" does not seem convincing to me.
Summing up and going on
The neogrammarian explanation (Hirt) does not seem to successfuly explain the o-
grade. The postulation of Late PIE as a tone language is based only on the tonal
characteristics of Vedic and Greek. The extreme example of ad hoc "mathematical
" rules postulated for PIE is done by Rasmussen. It is extremely improbable that
the speakers followed the precise succession of changes that Rasmussen presuppo
ses. The analogical explanation by Kurylowicz seems very artificial and puts the
speaker into a position of a linguist who follows the changes in order to reach
the final result. Krasuchin's conception relies more on semantic differences th
an to the explanation of the sound changes leading to the accent and ablaut diff
erence.
What seem clear is that morphemes possess inherent prosodic features. Apart from
generative phonologists, the inherency was already hinted by late Schindler (19
94) and now seems to be advocated by Clackson (2007). So some indoeuropeanists,
who generally do not follow modern trends in linguistics, seem to reach the same
conclusions as phonologists.The second thing which seems to be clear is that ac
cent and ablaut do not need to be dependent. Clackson (2007:87) remarks that for
ms *pnkwe "five", *septm "seven" contradict the accepted view that unstressed pos
ition must be reduced and syncopated. As seen, *pnkwe has the second syllable uns
tressed so -kwe should not have e-grade. On the other hand,*septm has the stress
ed zero form of ablaut which also contradicts the general view. The fact that
29U Pooth 2002:422.
291 Pooth 2002:461.
292 "..das lsst auf zwei ursprngliche Wurzeltypen schliessen, Standard- und Narten
wurzeln."
293 End stress reflected in Gr. hept, OInd. sapt, Got. sibun
294 Keydana 2006:20 argues that originally, the stressed syllables had only full
grade vowel and that *septm must be a later phase.
87
such cases are not anomalous, can be seen in examples like *ulkwos "wolf,* h.2rt
k'os
"bear".295
4.3. Thematic vowel puzzle
Second problem that rises here is the function and character of thematic vowel.
Thematic vowel e/o has timbre which is completely independent on accent and its
quality depends on the person, e.g. in present indicative the "o" in l.sg, l.pl.
, 3pl, ldu and 3du (*b r-o-Ii2 "carry", *b r-o-me, *b r-o-nti, *b r-o-ue-), the rest
of paradigm has "e" as a thematic vowel, e.g. *b r-e-si. Thematic formations in
nouns do not have a paradgimatic ablaut. Thematic vowel can also be part of a mo
re complex suffix which also alternates in e/o quality according to person: *-sk
'/- (*gwm-sk'/, OInd. gcchati "goes") , *-ie/o- (*trp-ie-, Gr. trap "press wine", etc
though the thematic vowel can cause the zero grade in the root (the abovemention
ed roots are *gwem-, *trep-"), it cannot be reduced to zero grade, e.g. *plhi-d e
- "feel", Gr. pleth. Moreover, thematisation of nouns/verbs leads to the stabilis
ation of accent and loss of mobility, e.g. lsg. *b r-o-Ii2 "I carry", 2sg *bhr-e-s
i; 2sg *tud--si "you beat", 3sg *tud--ti. The stabilisation can be seen e.g. in at
hematic verbs: 3sg *h]s-ti "is", 3pl *h]S-nti, after the introduction of thematic
vowel the subjunctive becomes aerostatic 3sg *his-e-ti, *3pl his-o-nti. Thematic v
owel behaves differently from true ablaut vowels and should probably not be take
n on the same level. Mottausch 2001 proposed that thhe tematic vowel was origina
lly "e" because it is more visible in endings, like instrumental *-eh], locative
*-ei, ablative *-d. O-stems do not have ablaut and according to Mottausch, they
originally functioned as adjective and participle derivates, which should be sti
ll seen in denominals e.g.*g' im "winter, snow" > *g'im, OInd. himm "snow", himh "wi
nter
cold". Thematic vowel appeared probably first in nouns and later was transfered
to verbs via
a + 300
denominatives.
295 NIL: 343
296 Shields 1989 proposed that the thematic vowels *e/o used to be deictic parti
cles first. Before the separation of Proto-Anatolian, those deictic particles be
gan to be added to simple verbal stems and later reanalyzed as a part of stem. O
riginally, deictic markers showed the grammatic categories of time, place, perso
n etc. Deictic *e/o indicated non-present and *o used to be a simple formal elem
ent without a temporal value. Once reanalysed, the *e/o lost its original deicti
c character and became a purely formal element which started to distinguish noun
classes. The question which rises here is if the deictic element originally att
racted stress or not or if the dominancy of stem vowel occured after its reanaly
sis from the original deicticity.
297 LIV:209
298 LIV:482
299 See also Clackson 2007:74.
300 Mottausch 2003 proposed a complicated morphological-semantic development of
thematic verbs. Concerning e.g. stative - family, the starting point are nomina
CCo/CC and via 3rd person the whole categories are formed, pefect, intensive, conj
unctive, medium etc, see Mottausch 2003:28.
The development of thematic vowels was done probably from root noun, e.g. -*b r-"
carrying", Gr. for "thief > adjective derivte *-b r- and the replacing of zero-gra
de due to the o-grade >*-b or--, the form which would become the dominant type. T
he zero-grade remained at frequented words like *h2ftkos. Mottausch observes tha
t o-grade appears on the place where the zero grade would lead to the syllable l
oss: **b r-fi2 >*-b or-fi2, Gr. for. Thus oxytona o-stems, type toms, fors would ther
efore be primary. The stress retraction would lead to the preservation of "o" in
root/ending with the simultaneous change of meaning, thus the type tmos, fros.
If I understand Mottausch well, the development of thematic nomina would be *CeC
- > *CeC- >*CC- >CoC. The latter forms would also be influenced by root static para
digms *pod-s with o-grade, new Gsg *pdos which woud further influence thematic no
uns. The o-grade on *pod-s would itself be influenced by the o-grade in amphikin
etic paradigms, so *d g' om-s, *d g' m-s "earth" - should influence *ped-s >*pod-s
(static paradigms are under influence of mobile paradigms) , the *pod-s and *d g
' om-s should influence the CoC-s forms (*b or--s) . It means that o-grade spre
ads analogically in several steps.
Mottausch 2000b:93-96 proposed the chronology of phonemic changes from Nostratic
to Late Indo-European. Limiting Mottausch's chronology to accent and ablaut dev
elopment only, the first ablaut grade would be quantitative (Early Indo-European
) connected with the rise of a complicated morphological system. Thematic flecti
on would appear later together with qualitative ablaut. Quick morphologization o
f qualitative ablaut happened only in Middle Indo-European. It is clear that o-g
rade ablaut is typical for static paradigms only. The simplest example is the ab
laut change in root nouns *dm-/*dm.
Tichy (2006:35-26) poits to the fact that o-grade can also be found either in ac
cented positions (with the alternation of e-grade) or unaccented opposition (in
alternation with the zero grade). Tichy thinks that o-grade cannot be described
or explained by a single rule. She proposes that unaccented *e was reduced to ze
ro but this law had already been unactive for the reconstructed language. Ablaut
is PIE was only marker of morphological rules, e.g. in
3U1 Mottausch 2001:6.
302 Similarly *g' iom-s, g' im-s "winter, snow". The Nsg *-om-s >-5m by Szemereny
i's law, thus *d g' 5m, *g' im. These are m-stems. The "winter" is problematically
to reconstruct, see Friedman (2003) for detailed analysis.
303 Also Mottausch 2000a:45.
304 Mottausch 2001:10.
305 Mottausch 2000b elaborated the origin and spreading of thematic vowel in th
ematic verbs. The original alternation e/o should have been limited to PIE activ
e, presens, indicative, conjunctive, injunctive and imperfect. The o allophone s
hould be expected in bhrati forms, allophone in tudti but it is not so.
306 Also Mottausch 2000:48.
89
thematic presents the root has e-grade (but o/e thematic vowel). Tichy also prop
osed that the thematic inflection bedgan with the pronouns becasue there is a "t
hematic" vowel * (in accented positions) spread from the thematic pronouns (e.g.
Gsg *kwsio "whose" x Gsg *kwesio) via adjectives to thematic substantives and the
matic verbs (esp. present stems). Tichy's explanation for the distribution of th
ematic vowels in thematic present forms is breakneck ("o" in lsg, lpl and 3pl, "
e" in the rest): the verb form originally had accented * in the suffix when used
sentence-initially/in a subordinate sentence. In the main sentence and non-initi
al position the verb should have had the unaccented *e. In PIE, one variant was
generalised for each person, apart from the lsg, lpl (*o from adjectives?), 3rd
pi (exception, contrast of *-nti/*-onti with athematic *nti/*-nti).
Concerning thematic vowel *e/o, the voice is the decissive parameter in Rasmusse
n 2003 (already Rasmussen 1989,: 139-141) and -h.2- + nominative morpheme induce
d voice upon the preceding segment. Rasmussen claims that the voiced segment cau
se the preceding thematic vowel to change from e >o backing on the phonetic resu
lts from tone languages that voiced consonants are connected with low tones and
voiceless with H tones. So the change of timbre is a sort of assimilation, proba
bly by -high feature. In connection with it, Rassmussen rejects the idea that th
ematic forms as a whole are post PIE development. The other cases of ablaut shou
ld be unrelated and individual, e.g. reduplication *derk'-drk'- are explained as
dissimilation, the tmos.toms type are simply sweeped as an *o appearance in unacce
nted position and having nothing to do with ablaut. Indo-European ablaut is "a r
elatively unproblematic set of changes" for Rasmussen which can be the result of
stress and pitch interaction.
3U/ Tichy 2006:52-53.
308 Tichy 2006:51, 54. This conception was criticised by Rasmussen 2003:353 who
claimed that the *-e-/-o-alternation applies to most pronouns (so it is a morph
ological marker) and that the spreading of *o from pronouns to other word classe
ss is improbable, especially concerning verbs. He also stressed that the there i
s an obvious problem with the augment *hi-
309 This is another unsupported claim. While the connection of +voice/-voice wit
h H/L tone cannot be excluded, this connection need not at all be phonological,
especially if tone is already a phonological marker of prosody. Rasmussen (p.356
) adduces Verner's law as support for his idea of L-tone assimilation without ev
en mentioning Calabrese & Halle (1998) who proposed the same idea.
90
4.4. OT solution of accent and ablaut 4.4.1. Frazier
Frazier 2006 combined dominancy , recessivity, Alderete's conception of Root-con
troled accent and McCarthy's optimal paradigm model. Frazier explains the altern
ation of strong and weak forms in PIE athematics as a result of dimiant affixes
interaction. The problem is that Frazier uses BAP principle, deaccentuation rule
due to the dominant affixes which causes a deletion of accent somewhere in the
stem, and poststressing root morphemes which have the inherent characteristics o
f shifting the stress to the following syllable. Several important prerequisites
are to be mentioned:
1. Frazier takes PIE as a morphological, not a rhythmic stress system. Therefo
re, the application of metrical phonology which computes final stressed syllable
from underlying ones misses the point. Every noun has one and only one stressed
morpheme, there are no tones in PIE. The constraint responsible for one stresse
d syllable is CULMIN.
2. Ablaut is a morphologically conditioned process, neither phonetically nor pho
nologically.
3. All suffixes are reconstructed with Id as a part of underlying representatio
n even in cases where it never surfaces. Here the problem of largissement is expl
ained.
4. Strong and dominant encings are e.g. N-Asg ones, weak and recessive endings
are the rest ones in sg.
5. Suffixes are derivational, always undergo ablaut, endings are inflectional a
nd may or may not undergo ablaut
6. Root is the decissive factor. Aerostatic roots are underlyingly stressed, pr
oterokinetic as well as amphikinetic roots are underlyingly unstressed and hyste
rokinetic roots are poststressing.
Frazier takes aerostatic nouns as thoses with roots inherent accent, amphikineti
c paradigm does not have any underlying acccent in the stem or suffix, so strong
stems are accented because of BAP, weak cases have stressed and underlyingly ac
cented endings. Proterokinetic paradigms have dominant strong endings, underlyin
gly accented suffix and postaccenting or unaccented root. Hysterokinetic paradig
ms have postaccenting root and unaccented suffix.
Dominancy here means "lexical specification associated with a morpheme that caus
es a base mutation (Alderete 2001:224). It is not the dominance and recessivity
in Moscow accentology conception, although the function is basically similar.
311 Kiparsky & Halle 1977, if there is no more than one stressed morpheme in th
e underlying representation, stress will surface on the leftmost of these moprhe
mes.
312 ibid.
313 This is the approach by Kim 2002 who used Halle & Idsardi (1995) metrical th
eory approach, now considered a bit obsolete.
91
The configuration of root and suffix interaction can be as follows:
R S
+ + (aerostatic)
+ - (aerostatic)
+ (proterokinetic)
- (amphikinetic) PoA + (proterokinetic)
PoA - (hysterokinetic)
Frazier explains paradigmatic syncope (deletion of unstressed -high vowels) as a
n interaction of constraits *Pf00t and *Mfoot which penalize a nucleus of the sp
ecified sonority for being the peak (foot heading) or the margin (no foot headin
g). This would eliminate non-high vowels as which are not heads of a foot (p. 41
-42). But such claim is in contrast with the Frazier's claim that PIE has no foo
t structure. To explain the proterokinetic Nsg *li2uis from underlying /li2eu-i-s/
Frazier considers the factorial typology MAX*Mfoot/[i, u]. The latter constraint
bans high vowel from being a foot. But high vowels can be head of a foot in PIE
as seen in mesostatic *ulkwifi2S which Frazier does not discuss. On the other h
and, for Gsg aerostatic *nkw-t-s she postulates *Mfoot/[e,o] which would explain
why the underlying /nkw-t-s/ must be aerostatic and the underlyingly stressed suffi
x and ending must be deprived of the full vowel on the surface.
Ictus in the word is the result of interaction of MAX (A), DEP (A) and NOFLOP (A
) and
QIC
ALIGN (A) constraints which control deletion, insertion and shifting the accent.
I agree with it apart from the fact that I consider MAX and DEP superfluous bec
ause it would double the behavior of accent.
Faithfulness and antifaithfulness
The important invention of Frazier (but basically Alderete 2001) is the antifait
hfulness constraint. Simply, if a faithfulness is required by a constraint, the
antifaithfulness constraint requires precise the opposite. So e.g. OO-MAX (A) is
a faithfulness constraint requiring that no deletion of accent between the outp
ut form occurs, the -O0-MAX (A) does the opposite. From the antifaithfulness con
straints there is a way to antioptimal paradigms which is Frazier's inovation (p
.68). While McCarthy's optimal paradigms (McCarthy 2005) require tendency to sim
ilarity of each member of a paradigm. Anti-optimal paradigms can successfully ex
plain the dissimilarities in inflectional paradigms.
Frazier 2006:37. Frazier 2006:44.
92
Basically all mobile paradigms are anti-optimal because they cause base mutation
. For example proterokinetic paradigm are antioptimal due to the undominated -OP
NOFLOP (A) which causes the stress shift to the suffix.
Ablaut
For Frazier, the alternation of e-grade and o-grade ablaut is due to the two ant
ioptimal constraints, -OP [back] and -OP [long]. So for the aerostatic Nsg *nkwt-
s she posits the following tableaux:
/nkw-t-Sdom/ -OP-ID [back] ID-[back]
^nkwts *
nkwts *!
As we can see, the antioptimal constraint requires that the underlying e-grade b
e eliminated. Proterokinetic Nsg *mntis as a winner candidate is the result of *M
root/[e,o] -OP NOFLOP (A) -OP- ID [back] ID [back]. Should the underlying input b
e /men-ti-sdom/, the *Mroot/[e,o] and ID[back] would eliminate the suffixal *o of
the candidate *mentojs. Candidate *mntis is eliminate by the ID [back] requiring
and -OP- ID [back] interaction and *mntis does not fit -OP- ID [back] and ID [ba
ck].
4.4.2. Criticism of Frazier
1. Frazier thinks tha PIE was a morphological, not rhytmic stress system (p.23).
So surface accent is the result morpheme interaction and is not determined by t
he creation of foot structure. I think that such prerequisite is completely unfo
unded. It is based on our deficient reconstruction of PIE because we cannot reco
nstruct the secondary stress. But the interplay of accent and ablaut must be a s
trong support for rhytmicity. In my opinion, the Dehnstufe in aerostatic paradig
ms is the strong proof for the existence of a foot.
Also, syllables where we reconstruct zero-grade could in fact contain reduced vo
wel which would mean that the post- and pre-stressing syllables were influenced
by a licensing.
Frazier 2006:92.
93
2. I agree with Frazier that ablaut had been a phonologically conditioned proce
ss (p.26). once but reconstruction does not give us the satisfactory explanation
. What we observe here is the morphological conditioned ablaut. But I would argu
e that we still face the phonologically conditions of ablaut - in some aerostati
cs, proterokinetics and hysterokinetics.
3. Frazier reconstructs dominant endings in N-Asg which should attract stress b
ut in fact do not have an accompanying full vowel (p.30). She claims that her ex
planation operates with unsaccented strong endings but after the introduction of
anti-optimal paradigms she claims that her system works with underlying accente
d vowel. I agree that for the conception of optimality-antioptimality the ablaut
of endings is not important (if root is decissive) but what is the point of pos
tulating their dominancy if they never appeared with a full vowel? On the other
hand, weak case endings are not dominant and are accented.
4. Frazier (p.54) claims that PIE does not have a general preference for posts
tressing roots/stems but such claim is against the existence of hysterokinetics
and especially mesostatic stems. On the other hand, I would be positive to the t
erm unaccented roots (as in amphikinetic) because it can explain the existence o
f alternating paradigm. But unaccented roots would obtain the the ictus by defau
lt (in strong case) and when combined with clitics, they would shift the accent
to the left. We do not have any proof that amphikinetic nouns behave in such a w
ay.
5. Beekes 1995:175 adduces that hysterodynamic flexion has number of subtypes.
One of them is Nsg C(e)C-R, Gsg C(e)C-R-s which was originally amphikinetic CeC-R,
CC-R-s. As a proof, Beekes reconstructs the word for "earth" *d eg' -m, *d g' -ms ,
Hitt. tkn, takna but Greek points to the hysterokinetic one: khthn, khthons. The exi
stence of original paradigm makes *Mfoot constraint very problematic.
6. Although I fully accept Frazier's concept of optimal/antioptimal paradigms,
the caveat that she avoided is the incorporation of rhythmicity into her analysi
s. Her solution of anti-optimality is based only on the position of stress. On t
he one hand, Frazier is undecissive about the foot structure in PIE, on the othe
r hand, she does not apply it fully in her paradigmatic analysis.
ibid p. 178.
94
7. Frazier does not use any constraint for desribing the accent-ablaut pattern.
For example, the in the analysis of the individual cases she operates both with
DEP (A), MAX (A) and NONFLOP (A) but in the anti-optimal paradigms those constra
ints are not used, only NONFLOP one.
4.4.3. New proposed solution for simple examples of accent and ablaut
My solution is not as ambitious as Fraziers one and I stick myself to the analys
is of the aerostatic nouns only because the aerostatic paradigm is the most simp
le one. I claim that:
1. Qualitative ablaut alternation *e/*o are original alophones which are late
r first phonologically and then morphologically distributed. Concerning aerostat
ics, we cannot predict the distribution of e-grade and o-grade. If we take three
basic examples: *nkwt-s: *nkwts, *ukw-s: *ukw-s , *ikwr: *ikwns, we can only reconstr
uct the pattern but we cannot say why Nsg in *nkwt-s has o-grade. The root ablaut
is lexicalised now. Nevertheless, we can try to make a hypothesis about the sta
ge which preceded such lexicalisation.
2. I therefore propose a hypothesis that *e is the original ablaut and *o is it
s allophone. Because aerostatic nouns distinguish nominative and genitive singul
ar only by ablaut (apart from heteroclitics), I suggest that the nominative sing
ular as a strong case must have contained o-grade which would be controled by th
e constraint RootStrong *o: ROOT-STRONG o: strong case requires o-grade in the r
oot. MAX constraint controls the deletion of a segment. For aerostatic of *nkwts
type the underlying input would be /nkw-et-s/. Because aerostatic nouns are root-
accented, I suppose that there is only one underlying stress and it is on the ro
ot. NONFLOP (A) constraint prohibits the stress shift to the suffix:
/nekw-et-s/ ROOT-STRONG O NONFLOP (A) Max
^nkwts *
nkwts *! *
nekw-t-s *! *
Beekes 1995:189, reflected in OInd. vak, vacas, Lat. vox, Gr. Gsg ops, the meaing
"voice".
95
3. Dehnstufe is definitely secondary, even in the aerostatic paradigms. Because
Dehnstufe requires a more insertion, it must be controled by Ident I-O-jj, (no c
hange in moraicity) and DEP-fj, (no insertion of mora). Because neither the suff
ix, nor the ending has ablaut, I suppose that there is a binary metrical foot co
ntroling the amount of mora by FT-BIN. In the above mentioned example the winner
*nkwts over *nkwts is due to the IDENT I-O-jj, >DEP-[j,. The Dehnstufe in *ikwr wo
uld therefore be the result of the following constraints interaction:
/iekw-er-s/ FT-BIN DEP-^i IDENT I-O-n NONFLOP(A) MAX ROOT-STR
ONG O
Cikwr) *! * *
^Okwr) * * * *
Cikwr) *! *
(iekwr) *! * *
As we can see, the candidates are successfully eliminated by FT-BIN apart from *
iekwr.
3. The situation with *ukw-s is a bit complicated. Should the underlying input be
/uekw-s/, first, the o-grade must be introduced to the root and then the additi
onal mora be inserted. So I suppose that the process is two-levelled. At the fir
st level, the input /uekw-s/ gives the output /ukw-s/.
/ukw-es/ ROOT-STRONG O NONFLOP (A) Max
ukw-s *
'1 w uek -s *! *
1 W ' uek -es *! *
The winner /ukw-s/ from the first level comes as an input to the second level:
/ukw-s/ FT-BIN DEP-^i IDENT I-O-n
(ukw-s) *!
^(ukw-s) * *
96
Conclusion
The relationship of accent and ablaut si still not quite clear because we are no
t able to reconstruct the levels in which both morphonological features operated
independently or interdependently. I would argue that PIE would not be a tone l
anguage but a stress language. First, what is clear is the intra- and interparad
igmatic dependance of accent and ablaut - both accent and ablaut differ nouns in
paradigms. It is unclear how it would be possible with tones because tone would
be a satisfactory prosodic feature for distinguishing word forms and ablaut wou
ld simply be superfluous. Second, there might be certain tendencies for rhythmic
ity in PIE - this would explain the zero grade in unstressed syllable.
Derivative function of accent and ablaut seems largely be semantically and morph
ologically frozen, the mechanism of internal derivation is described but not pro
perly explained. It might be proposed that apart from semantic factors, the inte
raction of morphemes with certain inherent characteristics (dominancy/recessivit
y) can play the role but the present state of knowledge is not satisfactory to m
ake a definite solution.
Instead of the complicated decription of how e-grade would develop to o-grade, i
t seems better to count with the two accent-independent allophones. We are not s
ure what their precise function was. In my opinon, the most original state can b
e observed in aerostatic athematic nouns where both ablaut forms are present. I
proposed that in *nkwts type the underlying input would be /nkw-et-s/, so the unde
rlying form contains e-grade and o-grade is required by a constraint which milit
ates against e-grade in certain paradigmatic cases (strong cases), therefore the
surface structure appears as *nkwts. Accent (stress) is connected with ablaut bu
t above all, it is connected with a paradigm type. Zero grade is due to the rhyt
hmicity -syllables are parsed.
Long-grade is secondary and is connected both with parsing and with addition of
mora. It is not clear if the state which I describe for aerostatic nouns is sych
nronic or if we deal with projections of different levels. I would propose the l
atter variant because Dehnstufe could be connected with the rise of moraic parsi
ng, not syllabic one as in normal ablaut grade. Further research is to be done h
ere but it might be possible that the reconstructed forms Nsg:Gsg *nkwt-s: *nkwts,
*ukw-s: *ukw-s*, ikwr: *ikwns with different ablaut grades might thus not belong to
the same synchronic level.
Also, special status should be devoted to the study of thematic vowel because th
ematization leads to the loss of mobility. From MAS, this would mean that themat
ic vowel is a dominant suffix or, stabilization of stress is connected with the
change of paradigms as a whole. This is also a problem to be solved.
97
5. Balto-Slavic period
Introduction
Balto Slavic period is characterized by several accentual phenomena: the problem
of Balto-Slavic mobility, Hirt's law, Winter's law, Ebeling's law.
5. 1. Balto-Slavic mobility
The problem of Balto-Slavic mobility has been in focus on accentology since its
beginning. The central idea is whether the PIE and Balto-Slavic paradigms corres
pond and whether the Balto-Slavic mobile paradigms is an internal innovation or
if the the mobility is an archaism which continues from the PIE. In Baltic and S
lavic we have immobile and mobile stems while for PIE the mobility can be recons
tructed for athematics only.
Q 1 Q
As the overview of the history of research in this subject already exists, I wil
l deal only very briefly with it and will concentrate on the themes that are not
present in Olander's compendium.
The most important and persuasive explanation of the rise of BS mobility is the
Pedersen's law. The law was originally prposed by de Saussure (1896) and explain
s how the mobile paradigm rised first in consonantal stems in Pre-Lithuanian. Ac
cent should retract from medial syllables: Nsg *dukte > dukte, Asg *duktrin > dkte
ri The marginal mobility of consonantal stems should influence the vowel stems w
hich should imitate it. The law should be common to Lithuanian and Slavic.
Stang (1957:175-178) accepted the old Meillet's idea (Meillet 1914) that a-, i-,
u and cisterns were mobile in PIE (although Meillet proposed o-stem mobility as
an Lithuanian and Slavic innovation) rejected the influence of consonantal stem
s on vowel ones and expressed clearly that the mobility goes back to PIE and mos
tly disappeared in Old Indie and Greek.
Concerning MAS, Illi-Svity (1963/1979) proved the connection of PIE and BS baryton
a and mobilia/oxytona. Because Slavic barytona and oxytona are in complementary
distribution (former acute/non-acute root) Illi-Svity proposed a rightward stress
shift (Dybo's law). The exception to the correspondence are masculina barytona o
-stems which became mobile in Balto-Slavic.
As for DAS, Ebeling (1967) proposed that Slavic mobility arised as a series of p
aradigmatic levelings due to the several laws: Law of marginal oxytones (chan
ge of
Olander 2009:14-52.
98
columnal accentuation to the final one), Law of maximal contrasts (word forms wh
ich contrasted with longer finally accented forms obtained initial stress), Resh
uffling of mobile paradigm (disyllabic forms with final accentuation obtained in
itial stress if they contrasted with the monosyllabic forms in the same paradigm
).
Kortlandt 1974 suggested that in Late Indo-European the mobility was lost and re
placed by the immobile paradigms: barytone of OInd. bhrata type) and the oxytone
of OInd. pit type where the stress alternated between the suffix and the ending.
He also proposed the following chronology of changes form Early BS to the Late
BS:
- "loss of PIE accentual mobility, of which there is no trace outside the nomin
al flexion of the consonant stems". Loss of mobility lead to the oposition of co
lumnal stress paradigms.
- "Pedersen's law: the stress was retracted from medial syllables in mobile acc
ent paradigm", limited to polysyllabic consonant stems.
- "barytonesis: the retraction of the stress spread analogically to vocalic ste
ms in the case forms where Pedersen's law applied", no retraction in Npl of o-st
ems with atypical phonemic shape, like Lith. dieval
- "oxytonesis: the stress is shifted from a medial syllable to the end of the w
ord in paradigm with end-stressed forms, e.g. Lith. Isg. snumi.
- Hirt's law
- Winter's law
- "retraction of the stress from final open syllables of disyllabic word forms
unless the preceding syllable was closed by an obstruent" (Ebeling's law). It i
s the Late Balto-Slavic stress retraction from final open syllables of disyllabi
c forms unless the preceding syllable was closed by an obstruent (Kortlandt 1974
:300, Kortlandt 1975:5, Kortlandt 1983:6). The obstruent could be a fricative, l
ike Lith. avies "sheep", nasal, like Lith. Gpl. vilki{ <-om or laryngeal Lith. N
sg galv <*-aH. Other examples are Lith. Gsg. vilko, Dsg vilkui (where stress was
retracted from final diphtongs) but Rus. feminine 1-participle pila < *H, but neu
ter pilo, also Russ. neuter form ofthat participle neslo, infinitive nesti etc.
The final root syllable obstruent prevented the retraction of stress.
Kortlandt 1974:300; 1994.
Winter's law was unknown to Kortlandt in 1974.
Derksen 2008:4.
99
Kortlandt (2006:4) interprets Pedersen's law observed in Lith. dukter{ as a phon
etic development (or we could rather speak about morphological and systemic deve
lopment) with the aim to eliminate the stress from any medial syllable. The resu
lt od this leftward shift are only barytona or mobilia (with stress alternation
between initial and final syllable).
Hirt's law and the Kortlandt's retraction from final open syllables resulted new
new redistribution of accentuation in Balto-Slavic, because up to that time the
substantives could have been aerostatic or amphikinetic (or root stressed or mo
bilia).
For PIE, Kortlandt posits two mobile paradigms - proterokinetic and hysterokinet
ic ones. Proterokinetic paradigm correspond to OInd. Nsg snus, Gsg snos, hysteroki
netic correspond to Gr. Nsg. thugter, Gsg. thugatron. Nevertheless, the orignal n
ominative was root stressed and was paradigmatically isolated so according Kortl
andt, the stress shifted rightwards to the final syllable which is seen in Lith.
dukte and OInd. duhit. Sufix stressed forms were thus only Dsg an Npl of protero
kinetic and A, Lsg and N, A pi of hysterodynamic paradimg. In those forms the re
traction of stress occured as seen in Lith. A sg piemen(, N, Apl pemenys, pemenis.
So end stress in Lith. dukte, piemu, snus is due to the systemic elimination of a
n anomalous radical stress while the retraction of stress from medial syllable i
s a phonetic development. The original PIE stress was preserved in e.g. Lith. As
g sn% imq contra divq (because OInd. devm). Instrumentals like sunumi and iemomis also
preserved original accentuation.
Kortlandt now assumes that there is no need that the PIE mobility should be lost
. Final stress in Lith. dukte could be indepently motivated when the root stress
in hysterodynamic paradigm was lost and the final stress in Nsg was generalised
. Barytonesis did not affect Asg which is preserved, like Lith. snuc Kortlandt al
so admits that the Balto-Slavic oxytonesis now may not have been because Isg snum
i might be original.
5.1.1. Ebeling's law and related problems
As stated above, Ebeling's law is defined as the retraction of the stress from f
inal open syllables of disyllabic word forms unless the preceding syllable was c
losed by an obstruent.
Derksen's oxytona rule explains the lack of Kortlandt's retraction which did not
occur due to the closed pretonic vowel. The structure of the neuters os -CCo-.
This results to the
323 Kortlandt presented the article at IWoBA 2 in 2006 and the article immediate
ly appeared at his web page www.kortlandt.nl. The proceedings were published thr
ee years later (Stressing the past. Papers on Baltic and Slavic Accentology, eds
. Olander T., Larsson, J.H., Rodopi 2009). I use the web version of Kortlandt's
article.
324 Kortlandt 2006:2.
325 This is Pedersen's law.
326 Kortlandt 2006:3
100
preservation of oxytona in Balto-Slavic. As and example can be adduced the Lith.
-stas and -klas nouns and Slavic -dlo substantives (Derksen 1995:166; 1996:96-1
28, 229-232). Dybo 2009 showed that those oxytona belong to Lith. AP2 and APb in
Slavic, e.g. Lith. auktas "floor", PS1. *glisth < *glh]ists. Lithuanian lost the
original acute - auktas "floor", tiklas "net" and shows metatonie douce which beca
me a productive feature.The difference can be also seen in -dlo substantives lik
e Polish iadlo "sting" with "q." reflecting pretonic length (APb) contra APa myd
lo "soap", Cz. mdlo. Among the problematic words belong also the Slavic word for
"rain".
Derksens oxytona neuters are also found in polysyllables and are connected with
dominant suffixes originated from *-iH and *-uH. Lithuanian examples are those w
ith retraction from final *- with subsequent metatony (kabyklas, kabykl "peg") or
generally ending with -as -
The original idea of oxytonesis was proposed by Nikolaev 1989 who compared behav
iour of Greek, Old Indie and Balto-Slavic suffixes. Balto-Slavic reflexes of the
PIE suffixes *-tlV- are dominant and derivates are immobile, e.g. *rdlo, *erdl. Th
e original accentuation of verbs does not matter. The problem is when the APa is
expected (because the original verb had acute) but the derivates belong to APb,
e.g. *stadl, *ddl. Because derivates from acute roots are acute, derivates from ci
rcumlex roots are oxytona, in the cases of oxytona from the original acute roots
Nikolaev is forced to suppose acute > circumflex metatony with the mechanism (-
)(+) >(-+) which is the secondary dominancy and shift of the stress rigthwards b
y Dybo's law. On the other hand, Derksen explains the oxytonesis as primary. Der
ksen returned to the problem at IWoBA 2 (2006, published 2009) immediately follo
wed by Dybo 2009b with the further material supporting Nikolaev results. Nikolae
v's ideas are also incorporated into Osnovy 1990 and Dybo 2000a and 2000b:59-64.
328 Derksen 2009:18 supposes the loss of laryngeal in pretonic position and comp
ensatory lengthening.
329 Kortlandt 2006:3, differently Derksen 2008:571 who considers *qdlo as a proba
ble APa because of Rus. alo and Sin. lo. The root form of *mydlo contains root fina
l laryngeal *muH- (Derksen 2006:348) which means that the form underwent Hirt's
law and resulted in the root acute intonation which reflects length in Czech and
short falling intonation in SCr (milo).
330 *dbzdjb affair: *dbzdjb "rain" belongs originally to APb. There is no preto
nic length and so we should expect brevity after the year vocalisation. But West
Slavic reflexes are long: Cz. d, Slk. d, Pol. deszcz, dial d, USorb. de, Plb dzd,
ther Slavic fors are S-Cr. dd, Sin. d/d, Rus. do, OCS dbdb. Morphologically, the wor
o-stem with the traces of ju-stems. The standard etymology derives the Slavic fo
rm from PIE *dus-dju-s whose parts are *dus-, reflected in OInd dus, Av. du, Gr.
dus "bad"; *dju- "heaven" which is a zero ablaut form of *dei- "lighten" (IEW:18
3, NIL:69ff, ESJS 3 1992:161-162). The semantic problem is with the interpretati
on of *dus-dju-s as "bad time/day/heaven, bad weather, cloudy sky" etc. Trubecko
j (1927) noticed that *dbb is limited only to West Slavic languages and considers
the -b a West Slavic form: but>, leb, klb. Vaillant 1927 proposed the dissimilation
ss *d-d >*d-- and further analogical spreading of that consonant group. He considere
d the original acccent on the first part of the compound, Slavic accent should b
e the result of shift from the root from the weak yer. As Watkins (1990) remarks
, the original meaning would not be "rain" but "rainstorm" reflected in OInd. du
rdinam "thunderstorm" addduced already by Trubeckoj. Derksen (2008:128) thinks t
hat the length can be attributed to the retraction of stress from yer in the fin
al syllable. Final stress year was preserved here after a closed syllable. Befor
e Dybo's law there were still oxytona class. T This phenomenon was already hinte
d by Kortlandt and called Ebeling's law - stress retracted from final open sylla
bles of disyllabic word forms unless the preceding syllable was closed by an obs
truent (Kortlandt 1975:4). Proto-Slavic final syllables with yer lost their stre
ss before Dybo's law. When the ictus retracted, the target syllable obtained a r
ising tone. All syllables with rising tone were later prolonged, he Proto-Slavic
excaped Illi-Svity's law because it was neuter. The problem is the Upper Sorbian
de which is short and the word shows anomalous quantity in Czech language. Czech d is
only a standard variant and a new doublet to the old d. Moravian territory has len
gth d + the new shortening dy (Central parts), see CJA5:197-198. Brevity is typical f
or Old Czech de. So Derksen's claim must be corrected here. In my opinion the diff
erence in quantity on the Czech territory
331 Kortlandt 2006:4
101
dalykas "object", sidbras "silver". Slavic end-stressed neuters are reflected in
-stvo substantives and deminutives with -be- suffix. Dominancy is also connected
with suffixes -yb- and -yst in Lithuanian where the accent retracted from a prevo
calic *i. This type can also be seen in Lith. vilk "she-wolf and Rus. volca, both f
rom *uilk-iH-kaH. Slavic abstracts and collectives with -&je- and -&ja- suffix a
s well as adjectives with -bj- suffix also underwent retraction. Third class of
dominant suffixes originated from Hirt's law reflected in Lith. taukotas "greasy"
, kraujotas "bloody", Rus. bludnca "fornicatress" (??* blond-iH-kaH) or travina (7
?*torw-iH-naH) "blade". All the three types of domiant suffixes are connected wi
th Early BS end-stressed forms (see below for the Late Balto-Slavic paradigms).
5.1.2. Alternative approaches to Balto-Slavic mobility problem 5.1.2.1. Poljakov
Poljakov's obscure attempt to reconstruct BS intonations (Poljakov 1996) is char
acteristed by the complete ignorance of Dybo and Kortlandt and the mix of classi
cal accentology. Poljakov tries to reconstruct the common source from the classi
cal comparison of Baltic and Slavic intonations. Curiously, he quotes Young and
Derksen and hints to the postulation that Latvian and Zemaitian Brechton result
from the laryngeal and tries to disprove it by the experimental phonetics (but w
ithout any examples).
He therefore comes out from a wrong premises that BS intonations (acute=rising,
circumflex=falling) were changed in Lithuanian and preserved without any change
in Old Prussian, Latvian and Slavic. The latter is of course nonsense. Poljakov
tries to prove that stress retraction and reduction of final syllables make the
original intonation invisible in separate languages apart from Standard Lithuani
an.
The results are curious - Slavic intonations are younger than Lithuanian. Au
ktaitian had to preserve the original BS intonations and the rest of Baltic and S
lavic should be inovative. His
4, also Dybo 1968:174-192; Dybo 1981:146-172. 324, Kortlandt 2006:4, Derksen 199
6:181 and 188. 4 (Accent...)
332 Kortlandt 2006:
333 Kortlandt 1977:
334 Kortlandt 2006:
335 Dybo 1968:181-191; Dybo 1981:152-170. Kortlandt (2006:4) identifies the -bj-
suffix < *-iH- with Italo-Celtic Gsg -T-. This o-stem suffix (like Irish Gsg ma
gi "of the son" is seen as one of the proof of the Italo-Celtic hypothesis becau
se it is also in Latin, e.g. domini (Palmer 11:9). It is the common Celtic and I
talic innovation, the original suffix was "-osyo."
336 Kortlandt 2006:4 (Accent...); Dybo 1968:193-195; Dybo 1981:172-174.
337 He also rejected the origin of Latvian intonations as archaic (Brechton) and
considered them a later innovation (Poljakov 1997).
338 Poljakov 1996:177.
102
interpretation of data is curious and as Kortlandt (1998:149) remarks, Poljakov
starts from the premise that glottalization is not old apart from the comparativ
e evidence.
5.1.2.2. Jasanoff versus Kortlandt 2
Jasanoff has recently started to be involved in the problems of Balto-Slavic acc
entology (Jasanoff 2004, 2004a). His recent attempt to explain the burning probl
em of Balto-Slavic mobility (Jasanoff 2008, 2010). Jasanoff asks if the de Sauss
ure-Pedersen's law (Jasanoff s term for Pedersen's law) has been phonetic or mor
phological. Jasanoff operates with unaccented forms (left accented forms in Slav
ic) where the accent had been thrown to the leftmost syllable of a phonological
word, e.g. Russ. gor, gru, n goru. Jasanoff thinks that the difference between Asg
*zimg and *ng, i.e. between accusatives of a mobile and immobile paradigm is of Ba
lto-Slavic origin. If *zimg was unaccented, it would explain the absence of Dybo
's law in that paradigm apart from the fact that the intonation in the two parad
agims was phonetically different (p.345). Jasanoff concludes that the differenti
ation process started in Balto-Slavic at 3syllabic forms, e.g. *dukterin (mobile
) <*dukterin with retracted stress from internal syllalbe due to the Pedersen's
law versus *seserin (immobile) with preserved stress. Retraction in *diikterin s
hould yield different tone contour. It means that Pedersen's law produced a cont
rastive intonation on the target syllable. The new left-marginal stress had been
copied by vocalic stems as well as its tonal contour, e.g. *eimn, *snun (p.348).
Loss of acute in unstressed syllable *galv > PS. *golv lead to the analogical remov
al in other forms, e.g. *glvn, glvq > *glvn, glvq. So Jasanoff thinks that Slavic acut
e is only at the place of the original Balto-Slavic acute (p. 353).
33y p.347-348.
340 Jasanoff deals with a wide range of possible Balto-Slavic initial syllable n
uclei having different tonal contour but he refrains from explaining if such ton
al contour is really phonological: short with inherited accent and immobile *en; s
hort with retracted accent due to the Pedersen's law, e.g. *diikterin; long non-
acute immobile accent (no retraction by Pedersen's law but with later Dybo's law
protraction), e.g. *lnk > PSI. *lqk; long non-acute mobile with Pedersen's law ret
raction, e.g. eimn > PSI. *zimQ; unaccented long non-acute mobile, e.g. *eim > Lith.
iem, PSI. *zim; long acute immobile (inherited or from Hirt's law), e.g. *vrn > Lit.
vrna, *grv > PSI. *griva; unaccented short, e.g. *vad > PSI. *vod; long acute associ
ated with left-marginal accent and mobile, e.g. Asg *galvn >*glvn > Lith. glvq; long
unaccented acute, e.g. Nsg *galva > Lith. galv (p.350351). In my opinion the dist
inction is only ad hoc and if it would exist, it would have been phonetic.
341 Hirt's law should cause stress retraction to the preceding syllable with con
taining final laryngeal, e.g. *suHns >*sHnus. The problem is, that Lithuanian snus
is mobile (AP3). Jasanoff solves the problem with an analogical repair. Hirt's l
aw really occured in *suHns but after the retraction the anomalous prosodic featu
res occured in the first syllable (because Pedersen's law also produced differen
t tonal contour). So analogical repair must put the word into the mobile paradig
m. The *grv forms which also underwent Hirt's law generalized immobility earlier s
o escaped the analogical repair. See Jasanoff 2008:353 for details. I think that
this scenario is improbable because the analogical repair is not motivated.
103
Jasanoff (referring to Stang 1966) claims that Lithuanian does not opposes the o
riginal mobile and immobile verbal paradigms apart from the influence of de Saus
sure's law {ved, veda x sakau, sako, so the verbal mobility is preserved in Slavi
c where the data point to the left-marginal accent, e.g. *vedg and final accent
elsewhere *vede, *vedeth (mobile) where the ictus was determined by length of a wo
rd form. Jasanoff postulates Proto-Vasiljev-Dolobko's Law (PVDL) which shifts st
ress to the end of polysyllabic forms. The law is absent in Baltic. The effect w
ould be seen in Slavic, *ne ud oIi2, *ne ud eti > *ne vedq, *ne vedeti (Pedersen's
law) >*ne vedq, * ne vedeti.
So the Balto-Slavic mobility has been influenced by two laws only, the Pedersen'
s law (or Saussure-Pedersen's law in Jasanoff s terminolog) and PVDL. The former
caused retraction from word medial short open syllables and spread analogically
to Asg. It operated only in nominals. Verba faced both Pedersen's law and PVDL.
The conception was immediately challenged by Kortlandt 2009a who objected to not
only Jasanoff s reconstructed forms but also the many accentual possibilites of
PBS nuclei. The detailed discussion of separate forms that Kortlandt criticises
is avoided here.
Jasanoff returned to the problem at IWoBA 5 2009 with the paper that should be p
ublished in 2010. The theory was broadened into a more general historical theory
of mobility. Phonetically and phonologically contrastive left-marginal accent w
as rephonologized as a phonetically contrastive zero accent. Jasanoff finds typo
logical parallels in Romance langauges. Saussure-Pedersen' Law is postulated as
a refinement of Pedersen's law: "PIE accent was drawn one syllable to the left f
rom a word-internal short open syllable. When the newly accented syllable was wo
rd-initial, it received a distinctive left-marginal (falling?) contour." PVDL is
considered a new rule which relates right-marginal accent of long word forms wi
th left marginal ones.
As the article has not yet been published and another Kortlandt's reaction is to
be awaited, the discussion of the problem will continue. Moreover, Jasanoff pro
missed a criticism of Olander 2009 in a paper-to-be.
34iJasnoff 2008:355-361.
343 Adapted from Jasanoff 2008:362, 366.
344 Jasanoff put both laws into relative chronology from PIE to PBS: 1. Pedersen
's law, 2. rise of mobility, 3. PVDL, 3. Hirt's law, 4. laryngeal loss and rise
of acute, 5., neutralisation of in situ and retracted accent in word internal po
sition (Jasanoff s explanation of the absence of the left-marginal retraction in
i-iteratives *ne prokioh2 > *npraii but the rerration must be word internal, in sit
u accent. (Jasanoff 2008:375-376).
104
5.1.2.3. Mobility law
Apart from Jasanoff, the recent solution to Balto-Slavic mobility was also propo
sed advanced by Olander (2006, 2009). Olander's criticism of Kortlandt's hypothe
sis are aimed mainly at his specific and analogical laws. He also objects to Ped
ersen's law whose mechanism considers improbable. How could the mobility be tran
sfered from an unproductive consonantal stems to the vowel ones? Olander objects
that it is unlikely that the regular columnar accent of vowel stems would be di
sturbed by an analogical transformation of mobility from a small group of stems.
Concerning the accentuation of final syllables (see the chapter on Germanic here
). Olander refuses the traditional connection of acute and circumflex in final s
yllables of Greek, Lithuanian and Germanic with PIE suggesting that the distinct
ion is actually between the simple long vowels and sequences of two vowels separ
ated by a laryngeal. It means that the tonal opposition of final syllables are i
rrelevant in PIE (p.89). The accentual differences of Lithuanian ne and armu can be
explained as the acute reflex *-oH and the circumflex from the long vowel. Olan
der thinks that PIE plain long vowels are reflected as non-acute vowels in PBS.3
48
Olander's phonological structure of PIE endings are as follows:
Short: -VC0# (PIE Nsg *long-s), Hiatal non-laryngeal -VVC0# (PIE Npl *long-es), Hi
atal laryngeal -VHVC0# (PIE Npl *ghoteu-h2as), Long non-laryngeal -VC0# (PIE Nsg
*d ugd2t-er), Long laryngeal -V(i)HCo# (PIE Nsg *g olau-ahi) and Disyllabic -V(H
)CiV(H)C0# (PIE Dpi. long-mos).
Olander reconstructs Proto-Balto-Slavic as a free-accent system with distinctive
quantity. It should also comprise unaccented forms (which is problematic). Olan
der's problematic reconstruction i that the accented syllables had H pitch and u
naccented L pitch and (which is the pitch-accent language) but he takes them unr
elated to the distinction
345 Olander 2004 dealt with ending-stressed forms in Balto-Slavic. He proposed
that the Balto-Slavic mobility occured between phonologicall unstressed form (wh
ich is a synonym for root-stressed forms) and thematic vowels. Final stressed fo
rm appeared due to the de Saussure's law in Lithuanian and Dybo's law in Slavic.
Olander reminds that the acute thematic stress in *golvm-b etc. conrratict with
the reconstrucion of final stress in mobile paradigm. The accentuation on themat
ic vowel can be either due to the analogy by APb forms *enmb or due to the Hirt's
law. Olander prefers to assume that the ictus was originally on the thematic vow
el, as in Greek and Vedic so it remains unshifted. It was challenged by Kortland
t 2004 objects that Hirt's law must be dated after the Balto-Slavic oxytonesis.
346 Olander 2009:51.
347 The classical example is the twofold reflex of *-oi in Slavic: Npl o-stems -
i (considered acute), Lsg o-stems - considered circumflex because of the differen
cic Gr. agroix Lith. namie. Olander (p.60) proposes that Lsg *-i >- (long syllable
analogical to the one from a-stem), Npl-*ai >-i.
348 Olander 2009:115.
349 Olander 2009:91.
350 Olander 2009:144-154.
105
beteween acute and circumflex syllables (p. 144). Olander uses BAP principle (al
though he does not call it so) that the unaccented forms obtained stress by defa
ult (including clitics).
o
Long vowels in final postition are distinguished - acute ones *V <V(i)H attract
stres by de Saussure's law and were shortened by Leskien's law (in Lithuanian),
circumfiexed ones *V < *V(H)V did not and remained long. Non-final syllables whi
ch had PIE plain long vowels are reflected as non-acute but Olander also thinks
that they merged prosodically with long vowels of laryngeal origin and long vowe
ls from Winter's law. Initial syllables were prosodically distinct: acute, circu
mflex, accented, unaccented. Olander's system is complicated, he claims that Lit
huanian reflects PBS distinction acute-circumflex, Latvian and Slavic also accen
tual distinction. It is not clear to me what the sense of such distribution
is.
The accentual paradigms of PBS are determined by Mobility law which is the Oland
er's alternative to Pedersen's law and related issues. For PBS Olander reconstru
cts immobile columnar accentuation (increased by Hirt's law) and mobile ones
(alternation between
TCI
r
desinential accentuation and unaccented forms). In Pre-PBS, accented short vowel
s (*V) were realised as H tone on the mora, accented plain long vowels *'V and c
ontraction long vowels in final syllables containing laryngeals (*VH) had H pitc
h on the first mora, accented long vowels from hiatal structures *V(H)V(H) were
realised with the H pitch on the second mora. Acording to Mobility law, H pitch
on a final mora in the phonological word became L. It means that in phonological
words that were accented on a non-final mora (any non-final syllable with *'V/*
VH sequence) accent remained in its position and those form which underwent Mobi
lity law became unaccented. Mobility law operates in the desinentially accented
paradigms only after the loss of intervocalic lanryngeals. In such a way Olander
explains *longos > Pre-PBS *la n'gas (with Olanders interpretation of Winter's
law, short final syllable is accented) > *\la ngas (Mobility law, unaccented) gi
ving Lith. lngas, versus *g ol9uh.2 > PrePBS *g lu' (no Mobility law, accentuation r
etained) giving Lith. galv. Although Olander examined a large amount of material,
I do not think that he solved the problem. Several important questions rema
in:
351 Apart from the fact that Olander sticks to the traditional version that Win
ter's law was lengthening of a preceding vowel, he leaves the question open.(p.
148).
352 p. 149.
353 See Olander 2009:153 for the reconstructed paradigms.
354 Olander 2009:156.
355 ibid.
356 p. 166-198.
357 Olander's conception was criticised by Kortlandt 2005 (a reaction to Olander
's presentation of the problem at IWoBA 1), 2006a, 2006b and 2009d with Olanders
's responses in Postscript of the 2009 book. I only pinpoint the most important
issues: Kortlandt 2006a criticises Olander's reconstructed pitch-accent-like PBS
system with unaccented word forms, Olander's conception of acute=long, circumfl
ex=short and the whole conception of what
106
- was Pre-PBS state with H-tone and L-tone phonological? If so, what is actually
PBS acute?
- can just one law caused by a one syllable structure in one position of a phon
ological word trigger such radical changes in columnal paradigms?
5.2. From Late Balto - Slavic to Proto-Slavic
Thank's to Kortlandt's recent analysis, we now have an attempt of the paradigmat
ic reconstruction ofthat period (Kortlandt 2008, 2008a):
There were probably two constant paradigms (fixed stress on the acute and fixed
stress on the non-acute syllable) and two mobile paradigms (acute root-ending, n
on-acute root-ending). Due to the Meillet's law (elimination of glottal stop in
barytone forms of paradigms) the two mobile accentual paradigms merged into one.
We now have three paradigms only. Illi-Svity's law caused the accentual mobility
in non-acute stressed o-stems. (Kortlandt 2008a). Otherwise, the three paradigms
entered Proto-Slavic as APa, APb and APc.
Kortlandt also distinguishes two minor paradigms: the one with post-radical acce
nt and an acute derivational suffix (original *-iH- and -uH- stems, dominant Sla
vic suffix *-bj-). The other paradigm has post-radical accent and a non-acute de
rivational suffix. The paradigm comprises the Derksen's neutra.
5.3. An alternative proposal to Balto-Slavic accentual changes
Chronology of Earliest Baltic and Slavic accentual changes after Matasovi (2005).
Matasovi's proposal of relative chronology is rader modest:
acute and circumflex is, Olander's conception of Meillet's law (neutralization o
f accentual opposition in unaccented syllables), his interpretation of Dybo's la
w. In 2006b Kortlandt reconstructed two mobile paradigms in PIE: proterodynamic
and hysterodynamic.Stress retraction yielded the paradigms which are reconstruct
ed for Early Balto-Slavic. This conception differs from earlier Kortlandt's view
s because there is no need to postulate that the PIE accentual mobility was lost
at early stage. Curiously, this confirms my interpretation of Hirt's law althou
gh Kortlandt's and my conceptions are different. Pedersen's law was a phonetic l
aw. Olander's reply concerns mainly the complexity of Kortlandt's prosodic chang
es. The latest Kortlandt's article is a review of Olander's book but is is too d
etailed to be discussed here. Kortlandt criticises Olander's reconstruction of P
IE obstruent and vowel system, his confusing prosodic terminology, unclear relat
ive chronology, the reconstructionof PBS mobile paradigms on Lithuanian material
only, the unclear loss of glottalized and non-glottalized consonnants in Early
Slavic. Concerning Mobility law, Kortlandt seems to hit the nail when he remarks
that Olander's reconstruction of PIE endings are influenced by the outcome of h
is mobility law (p. 11).
358 Remind that acute and non-acuted = glottal stop and absence of glottal stop.
359 Kortlandt's reconstruction of Rus. volca <*wilki?-ka? and Cz. jazyk <*in?kos (D
erksen 2008:159). The V2C- sequence resulted in acute V?C-.
360 Matasovi's chronology includes eleven sound changes, not only accentual. Her
eby only the succession of accentual changes is adduced. The earlier version of
that chronology was already proposed in Matasovi 1997. Matasovi works with Hirt's
law, Pedersen's law, Meillet's law and Dybo's law. His intepretation of acute is
LH contour, circumflex HL, he considers Dybo's law as a progressive shift of a
H-tone. The chronology was criticised by Kortlandt 2008c.
107
- Hirt's law, older then the loss of the laryngeal in antevocalic position, str
ess was not retracted in *tenh2us "thin" > Latv. tivs, older then the development
of syllabic resonants, *plhins > Lith. pilnas "full"
- loss of word-final *-d, earlier than Winter's law, because *tod > OCS to
- Winter's law, in Matasovic's formulation it is lengthening of a vowel before
PIE voiced consonant in closed syllable, the lengthened vowel received Balto-Sla
vic acute.
- aspirated stops merged with the voiced stops in Balto-Slavic, posterior than W
inter's law
- loss of laryngeals - before vowels: later than the development of resonant
s *tnIi2U- "thin",
Lat. tenuis, PSL* thfihkh, laryngeal here was still syllabic - after resonants:
with CL+ rising of BS acute: *h2erhstlo- "plough" >*ar:tlo >, Lith. rklas; *dlHg
o- "long" > (d)UHgo > (d)il:go > Lith. ilgas, acute is a feature of a vowel, Mat
asovic sticks to Kortlandt's view that it is glottahsation, not a segment; PIE v
rddhi did not have acute intonation in Balto-Slavic: *h20wyom "egg", S-Cr. jje, b
ut BSl vrddhi could have secondary analogical acute: Lith. vrna "crow"
- rise of BS mobility - although Matasovic rejects the Kortlandt's solution and
admits that it is disputed how PIE oxytona became mobilia, he refrains from any
suggestions.
Conclusion
Concerning Balto-Slavic period, the central problems ofthat period is the proble
m of Balto-Slavic mobility. Should we suppose the loss of mobility in the late P
IE period, the question remains why the thematic paradigms are mobile in Balto-S
lavic. Various approaches have been proposed - the most important are addduced h
ere. The issue has been hotly debated in the last few years.
Concerning Hirt's law, it is one of the most important accentual laws of the Bal
to-Slavic period, together with Winter's law. As I devote two separate chapters
to both laws, I refrained from any details here. Just to note that Hirt's law re
quires stress retraction from a suffix/ending to the preceding syllable which co
ntained a coda laryngeal. Normally, Hirt's law presupposes oxytonesis. My propos
al in the Chapter 7 is that not all substantives which undewent Hirt's law had n
ecesarilly be oxytonesized.
Although Matasovic's original interpretaton of Winter's law (1996) was adopted b
y LIV, it was heavily criticised by Derksen 2002 and Kortlandt 2008. Also, data
from Dybo 2002 are counterexamples to Matasovic's interpretation. 362 Matasovic
2005:151-152.
108
6. Proto-Slavic accentology
6.1. Introduction
While classical accentology based its modus operandi mainly on application of de
Saussure's law into Slavic and the conception of metatony, post-Stang accentolo
gy works with accentual paradigms. Moreover, the whole conception of Proto-Slavi
c accentuation was radically changed. Standard overviews and textbooks usually d
o not follow modern trends and their interpretation of prosodic patterns develop
ment is therefore distorted.
Basic references to Balto-Slavic and Proto-Slavic accentuation: Hock 2004, 2005
(a brief and levelled overview of main results of modern accentology). Townsend
& Janda 1996 remain on the accentual oppinions of Jakobson, Carlton 1990 accepts
Stang's accentual paradigms but otherwise his background is classical accentolo
gy and can be served only as a beginner's introduction. The only compendia aimed
at accentology are still Stang 1957 (not for beginners), Garde 1976 (useful for
general introduction but marked by his own interpretations), Bethin 1998 (usefu
l for general introduction, mixed bag of classical accentology and autosegmental
interpretation), Lehfeldt 2001 (general introduction to the basic concepts of M
oscow accentological school) and also comprehensive works by Moscow accentologic
al school: Dybo 1981, Osnovy 1990, Osnovy 1993, Dybo 2000. There is no general i
ntroduction to the Dutch accentological school (we have only numerous papers and
introductions in special publications) and apart from Bethin 1998 we lack any o
ther publications which would apply modern phonological and morphological theori
es to the complex historical development of Proto-Slavic accentuation.
6.2. Principles of Proto-Slavic accentology
6.2.1. General accentual phenomena
According to more or less general agreement, Proto-Slavic accentual system is ch
aracterised by several accentual phenomena:
1. by the class of accentogenes and the class of clitics. Ortotonic words and th
e enclinomena, and the class of clitics. Ortotona are word forms with their own
accentual pattern - they have accent on a certain syllabe. Enclinomenon is word
form with the default stress at the beginning. The characteristic phenomenon of
enclinomenon is that they lose their accent to a cliticon, if presented - the la
w of Vasiljev-Dolobko. The law states that if we have the
109
combination enclinomenon-enclition, the stress moves to the encliticon stvorju , i
f there is a combination procliticon-enclinomenon, the stress moves to proclitic
on - n stvorju.
1. by the accentual paradigms - word forms characterised by a certain common acc
entual pattern. Early Proto-Slavic was characterised by two paradigms - API - ch
aracterised by the fixed stress with acute or circumflex, AP II by mobile patter
n (in Dsg, Asg, Npl, Apl and Ndu were enclinomena, the rest of cases were ortoto
na.
When we compare the Proto-Lithuanian API and APII with the Proto-Slavic ones, we
observe one important difference - both Proto-Lithuanian paradigms contain acut
e and circumfiexed stems, while Proto-Slavic APII (mobile paradigm) does not con
tain that opposition.
in PLit - API - root-syllable stress a) acute stem (vrna) b)circumfiex stem (rank
a) - APII - mobile stress
a)- acute stem (galv)
b)- circumflex stem (merg)
Because both stems contained circumfiexed syllables, the stress forwarded to the
unstressed acute syllable (de Saussure's law), so the original two paradigms sp
litted in contemporary four: API a > Lith. API (unchanged), APIb > Lith. AP2, AP
IIa > AP3 (unchanged), APIIb > AP4.365
On the other hand, the Proto-Slavic mobile paradigm APII remained intact, but AP
I was splitted into two paradigm. According to Dybo, substantives with acute roo
t of the APII developed a sort of different intonation which was analogically tr
ansformed to circumflex
The law was formulated by L.L. Vasiljev for Old Russian, Dolobko prolonged the l
aw to Proto-Slavic. As Dybo (1977:190) remarks, the Dolobko's explanation of the
law was wrong. The law was heavily studied by Dybo, who described the shift of
accent to clitics for Old Russian (1975) and Middle Bulgarian (1977). The enormo
us amount of data adduced by Dybo is indispensable for any research, especially
syntactic one. 365 For complete reconstructed API and APII paradigms see Dybo 19
81:13. Why do we have accentual correspondences between Baltic and Slavic langua
ges? Because Baltic and Slavic languages once possessed the common accentual par
adigms (immobile and mobile), we also find correspondences between individual wo
rds. Lithuanian API corresponds to Slavic reflexes of APa: Lith. vrna, PSI. *vrna,
S-Cr. vrna, Slov. vrna, Cz. vrna (Kortlands lengthening rule), Russ. vorna; Lithuani
an AP2 corresponds to Slavic reflexes of APb: blus, PSI. *bl-bch, S-Cr. bha (Neotoka
vian retraction), Cak. buh (original ictus), Rus. bloch; Lithuanian AP3 correspond
s to Slavic APc: galv, S-Cr. glva, Cak. glva, Sin. glva and Lith. AP4 also correspon
ds to Slavic APc: barzda, S-Cr. brada, Cak. brd, Sin. brada. The problem remains w
ith a large groups of nouns which have AP4 in Lithuanian and APb in Slavic, e.g.
: vaigd, PSI. *gvzd, S-Cr. zvijzda, Cak. zvzd, Rus. zvezd. As showed by Illich-Svityc
979:15, 24), Lithuanian mobile paradigms spread to barytone ones from the southe
ast region of Lithuania (Dzuk dialects) to Auktaitian dialects. The archaic state
is preserved in northwestern Zemaitian dialects, eastern Auktaitian and East Dzu
k dialetcs.
110
root substantives of API. The difference of intonation in API was thus neutralis
ed and the stress moved from the former circumlex or short syllable to the follo
wing one (Dybo's law). Dybo's law is similar to the de Saussure's law, but there
are two important differences. First, de Saussure's law operated only in Proto-
Lithuanian and in both API and APII while Dybo's law was active only in Proto-Sl
avic API. The second difference is in the target syllable of stress movement - i
n de Saussure's law the target syllable is acute, in Dybo's law the intonation q
uality of the target syllable did not matter.
To sum up, Lithuanian API and AP2 and Proto-Slavic APa and APb continue a Balto-
Slavic paradigm with fixed stress on the stem. Lithuanian AP3 and AP4 and Proto-
Slavic APc continue a Balto-Slavic mobile paradigm.
API - acute stem API - non- -acute stem
krva ena > ena
krvy eny > eny
krve en > en
krvQ nq > eno
krve en > en
krvoJQ noJQ > enjo
krvy eny > eny
krvy m> > eni>
krvawvb enami^ > enami*
krvy eny > eny
krvachh nachy > enchy
krvami enami > enami
In Proto-Slavic we thus have three accentual paradigms - APa, APb, APc. APa is c
haracterised with fixed stress on stem and acute intonation which is reflected a
s a short rising intonation on originally long vowels. A minor group of *volja t
ype has neoacute intonation (*ka, *na, *tqa, *qda, *sa ...). APb had generally columna
accentuation: in disyllabic endings the stress is on the first syllable of the e
nding: *en, *en.. The intonation here is short rising. There can also be stem-stress
ed form with neoacute intonation, which is long rising and the old quantity is p
reserved. In APc (mobile paradigm) the stress shifts between the first syllable
of the stem (which has a falling tone -
Stang 1957:57:68. Stang 1957:57. Stang 1957:59-
111
circumflex, long falling ( ~ ) or short falling ( )intonation) and end-stressed
forms (which have rising intonation). Stem-stressed forms shifts stress to cliti
cs (Vasiljev-Dolobko's law).
Forms in APc underwent Vasiljev-Dolobko's law - Asg *glvQ > *n golvQ, *golvQ .
Reflection of the accentual paradigms in Slavic languages:
APa
- South Slavic: SCr - short falling accent (krva), Slovene - long rising accent i
n open syllable (krva), short falling accent in closed syllable (brat).
- East Slavic - no intonation, just dynamic stress on the second syllable of "p
olnoglasie" (korva)
- West Slavic - Slovak has brevity (krava), Czech dialects and standard Czech le
ngth (krva), Moravian dialects brevity (krava), Upper Sorbian reflexes of length
(krva), Lower Sorbian and Polish brevity (krowa).
APb
- SCr - retraction of accent - oxytone with long roots > barytone - neoacute (C
akavian and Posavian dialects (dren), in other dialects it merged with long fall
ing tone (drn).
Slovene - neoacute - rising tone (brst). Neoacute on short vowel - short falling
tone in SCr -bob, also in Sovene (bb). There is no lengthening in closed syllable
s.
- East Slavic - Russian - stress on the second syllable of polnoglasie (deren).
Russian dialects with two "o" contrast show closed vowel or diphtong (bb)
- West Slavic - Upper Sorbian - length only on TORT syllables, Slovak - "neoacu
te length" diphtong "uo" bb, reflexes of pretonic length, e.g. Cz. trva.
APb is the only paradigm where the accentual system has distinctive reflexes for
etymologically long and short nouns.
APc
- South Slavic - SCr - long falling tone on the long syllable (ruku), short fal
ling tone in open syllables (vodu, bga), lengthening of short falling tone in clo
sed syllables (bog), Slovene long falling in monosyllables (grad), in polysyllab
les accent and intonation shifts to the following syllable Asg *rgkg > rokp, *vdg
> vod, bga > bogd)
- East Slavic - no intonation, stress on the first syllable of polnoglasie - gro
d, Russian dialects which have open/close "o" constrast - have open "o" - bog (R
jaza)
112
- Shift of accent to proclitics and enclitics in barytone forms - SCr zimu > na
zimu, Rus. zimu > n zimu
- West Slavic - brevity, e.g Cz. ruka, zima, Slovak boh but Czech bh
Late Proto-Slavic is considered to be a tonal language with three distinctive in
tonation -acute, circumflex and neoacute.
Circumflex is considered short ( ) on former short vowels *e, o, h, b (*svo) or lo
ng ( ~ ) on long vowels *a, i, u, y, , q, q and TORT groups (*zlto). Circumflex wa
s limited to word-initial position, coincided with sstress and behaved recessive
ly: Asg *glvg, *n glavq > Sin. glavp, na glvg (after the protraction).
Neoacute can also be short ( ) on short vowels (*bobh) and long ( ) on long vowe
ls (*korl'b). Neocircumflex exists only in Cakavian, Kajkavian and Slovene as a
special intonation, e.g. Gpl *krvb > Cak. krv, Sin. krv).
There is no evidence about the pitch contour on weak yers in APb, so a neutral m
arker o stress placement is often used: *bobh.
6.2.2. Illi-Svity's law
Illi-Svity's law (the term is often mixed with the Dybo's law) is used for descrip
tion of the generalisation of accentual mobility (thus APc) in Slavic of PIE bar
ytone masculine o-stems which did not have acute root vowel , e.g. PS1. *zobh "t
ooth" (APc), Gr. gmphos "nail", PIE *g'mbhos.m
Barytona masculina were still different from barytone neuters. The law preceded
the rise of distinctive tone in the mobile paradigm because the transfer from ba
rytone to oxytone paradigm was based only on the identity of barytone case forms
.
Illi-Svity showed that PIE barytona neutra o-stem became Slavic masculine o-stem b
arytona if they had long roots (PS1. tyh (APa) "back", OInd. tula "panicle", *PI
E tHlomf11 and oxytona if they had short roots (*dvorh, dvora "courtyard" (APb),
OInd. dvram, PIE *d urom) . The fact that barytona neutra became masculine mean
s that they only changed a gender but accentually remained the same. So APa and
APb originally formed one paradigm.
The situation is complicated by the compensatory lengthening.
370 Illich-Svitych 1963/1979; Kortlandt 1983:10.
371 Illich-Svitych 1963/1979:99. Other correspondences e.g. PS *vz-b "vehicle" ~
Gr. khos, PIE *ug'hos, PSI *vls-b "hair" ~ OInd.v/ia-"sprout", PSl.*cep* "crock, tile"
~ PGmc *hwrfaz "skull", PS1 *vb7/h> "wolf ~ OInd. vrkas
372 Illich-Svitych 1963/1979:115, Derksen 2008:11.
373 Illich-Svitych 1963/1979:108.
113
'XI A.
PIE neutra oxytona remained neutra in Slavic , most of them belong to APb: PSI *
per "feather", Gr. ptern, PIE *pterm/perm;
Neutra oxytona with the structure CVCC- are also APb but due to the Ebeling's law
. Neutra oxytona replaced BS suffix -*om with *-od: *ieh2tm > *ieh2td >*iHto (Hirt'
s law)
^ ' + 376
> *jato.
Slavic neutra mobilia (APc) have either long root (*jro, *tsto, *vno, *sno, *pivo
or a suffix *-io. They come from the PIE neutra oxytona (in singular). Neutra
barytona are now due to the Hirt's law.
The set of the oxytone stressed nouns should be attested in NW Istrian and Cakav
ian of the Susak island: e.g.Susak zp-zb, S-Cr. zb- zba "tooth", Sin. zgb-zob x Gr. gmp
hos "bolt". The relicts should also be found elsewhere in Slavic (Osnovy 1993).
The problematicity of materials was criticised by Vermeer (2001) who pointed to
out to the lack of thorough investigation of material. Greenberg (2000:79) sugge
sts two Proto-Slavic accentual variants: *zgbh,*zgb > Susak and Istrian zp-zb; *zgbh
, *zgba > S-Cr.zb- zba, Sin. zgb-zob.
Chronologically, it should operate in Early Middle Slavic (Kortlandt 1983:10) b
etween second palatalization of velars and Slavic Pedersen's law.
Baltic data provide the information for the reconstruction of original accentuat
ion while Slavic data provide the information about the original genus. Wh
ere the Lithuanian
barytone o-stem corresponds to Slavic oxytone masculine, the original form is ba
rytone neuter: Lith. glaistas, AP2>AP4, "plaster", PS1. *glisfb, glist (APb), "wo
rm" >*glistom3W Where the Lithuanian barytone o-stem corresponds to Slavic mascul
ine mobile o-stem, the original barytone masculine must be recostructed: Lith. s
alpas AP2>AP4 "backwater", PS1. *slph, slpa (APc), "waterfall" >*slpos. Where the L
ithuanian and Slavic o-stems are both mobile, the original form was oxytone masc
uline: Lith. rumbas, AP4, "notch", PSL. *rgbh, roba, (APc) "seam" >rmb s.
374 Illich-Svitych 1963/1979:105.
375 Derksen 2008:11.
376 Derksen 2008:11.
377 Illich-Svitych 1963/1979:135.
378 Illich-Svitych 1963/1979:116.
379 Illich-Svitych 1963/1979:121-123.
380 Actually, it seems that this word belongs to Derksen's neuters. The PIE form
would be *glhlists with the original oxytonesis. Oxytonesis would have been reta
ined in Slavic due to the Ebeling's law (in Balto-Slavic, stress was retracted f
rom final open syllables of disyllabic word forms unless the preceding syllable
was closed by an obstruent - which is actually this example). The root contained
laryngeal which was lost in pretonic position with the simultaneous compensator
y lengthening. It explains the absence of Hirt's law which would cause the stres
s retraction. Lithuanian glaistas, although semantically different, has metatoni
e douce (Derksen 1996,2008:165,2009:18).
114
6.2.3. Meilles law
When we compare Lithuanian and Slavic stems of mobile paradigms, we observe that
Lithuanian stem can be acute, circumflex or short. In Slavic, it is never acute
, so mobilia do not have acute. Examples for both Baltic and Slavic circumflexed
stem are: Lith. vilkas (AP4), Latv. vilkas, S-Cr. vk; Lith. ambas (AP4), Latv. zob
s, S-Cr. zb. Examples of Baltic circumflexed stems and corresponding Slavic acute
stems are: Lith. galv (AP3), Latv. galva, S-Cr. glva-glvu, Sin. glva; Lith. sns (AP3)
, S-Cr. sin, Slovene sin. Meillet (1902) thought that Slavic had to undergo meta
tony which changed circumflex intonation into acute. Since then the rule has bee
n called Meilles law. Meilles law for Slavic verbs was studied by Dybo 1958 and 19
62.
Meilles law is defined by Kortlandt (1975:11; 1983:7) as the analogical eliminati
on of laryngeals (or alternatively - glottal stops) in barytone forms of mobile
paradigms. Laryngeals were first lost in pretonic and posttonic syllables, excep
t in the first posttonic syllable. Analogically, they were removed in barytone f
orms of mobile paradigm. The absence of laryngeal (glottal stop) yields circumfl
ex. This should be reflected in SCr Asg glvu "head" (Nsg is glva) or sin "son" wit
h circumflex marking the absence of a laryngeal. The original presence of a lary
ngeal is reflected by acute intonation in corresponding Lithuanian forms glvq. an
d snuc Chronologically, Meilles law belong to Early Slavic, therefore it did not o
perate in Baltic, as obvious, so any comparison of Slavic and Baltic (or Greek)
circumflexes do not have sense.
6.2.4. Dybo's law
Accentual paradigms a and b used to form one common paradigm with fixed stress o
n stem. The split was done due to the Dybo's law (rise of APb). Dybo (1962) prop
osed the progressive shift of stress from the forms of the original paradigm if
those forms had neither acute nor circumflex intonation. The succession of chang
es was as follows: first, a special intonation in the mobile acuted paradigm ros
e; second, that intonation spread to the words of mobile paradigm with the origi
nal circumflex or short root (neutralisation of accentuation in the mobile parad
igm); third, change of a phonetic character of the new intonation and its pressu
re on the circumflex. The circumflex intonation starts to change and the stress
shifts to the following syllable.
See also Derksen 1995:58. Dybo 1962:8-9.
115
Illich-Svitch (1963/1979), who showed that APb nouns correspond to non-acute stem
stressed nouns in Baltic, on the other hand, supposed that non-acute stressed s
yllables were falling. He also considers the change of paradigms a phonetic rath
er than mrphological because it would have had to affect nominal with long roots
(acute). He supposes that the Pre-Slavic internal syllables had falling tone wh
ich was phonetically impermissible. The accent therefore shifted rightwards to t
he preceding syllable resulting in a neoacute. Illich-Svitych thinks that the te
ndency to eliminate the falling tone in internal position began early in Pre-Sla
vic and originally the accent shifted to the following syllable. First the shift
could have happened in the preposed forms *vh Iqkq > vb Iqkq and subsequently a
nalogically other case forms shifted. But as Kortlandt (1983:35) remarks, "we sh
ould expect traces of the original distribution of phonetically and analogically
end-stressed forms" but we do not find them. Also, the theory predicts the oppo
site what we actually find, because we have Russ. tud "thither" but ottda "thence"
where the internal syllable should have moved the syllable to the right and the
former word shoud have been root stressed.
Illich-Svitych also postulated the law only for substantives and in a prepositio
nal phrase. He sticked to phonetic change because should the shift be morphologi
cal, it would affect all nouns, not only the the immobile ones with non-acute in
tonation. The shift which starts at the prepositional phrase and later analogica
l levelling is very dubious. Dybo, on the other hand, proposed the shift not onl
y for nouns but also for verbs proposing the intonation neutralization. But as F
eldstein (1990:45) remarks, it requires a third type of Proto-Slavic intonation
type apart from acute and circumflex. Dybo (1981:5) is even willing to postulate
two acutes, one for mobile and for immobile paradigm.
Apart from those shortcomings, Dybo's law remains one of the landmarks of modern
Balto-Slavic accentology and is generally accepted by all scholars who do not s
tick to classical pre-Stang approaches. The criticism of Dybo's law is rare.
JSJ Illich-Svitych 1979:144.
384 One of the famous one was the criticism by D.J.L.Johnson (1980, 1981) who at
tacked not only Dybo's law but the whole post-Stang accentology. According to hi
m, theories of Dybo, Ebeling and Kortlandt "raise more difficulties than they pr
ovide solutions" (1980:481). Johnson's objections are aimed at the evidence of D
ybo's law and its chronology, the assumption that the law causes typologically u
nlikely reconstruction of processes, the refusal of the PSl accentual system bef
ore chronology and the non-tone character of acute (in Kortlandt's view), Kortla
ndt's chronology of events, accentual mobility in present tense, the origin of n
eoacute, the importance of Illich-Svitych's law, the Kortlandt's explanation of
Slovene neocircumflex, objections to van Wijk's law. Johnson refused to accept n
ew theories because he took them from his position of classical accentology apar
t form misinterpretation and misunderstanding of basic facts. The detailed criti
cism of both Johnson's articles was provided by Vermeer 1984. As far as I know,
since then, Johnson has never published anything concerning accentology.
116
Dybo's law identifies Slavic APb with Lithuanian AP2 - both paradigms are origin
ally non-acute with a constant stem stress. Slavic APb originated due to the Dyb
o's law, Lithuanian AP2 due to the de Saussure's law.
6.2.4.1. Feldstein's conception
Feldstein 1990 dealt with the structure motivation for Dybo's law. Should Feldst
ein be a generativist, we could say that he uses mora theory with autosegmental
non-linear framework. But Feldstein is a "classical" Slavist so his application
of moras is linear.
Feldstein proposes that Dybo's law represents a generalization of second mora st
ress in the immobile accentual paradigms. Being persuaded, that acute represents
a rising tone, he postulates that acute can be formally described as a stress o
n the second mora, circumflex as a stress on the first mora, if length is formal
ised as two-mora succession. This presumption is similar to the PS1 conception o
f Skljarenko (see the chapter on Hirt's law here) but Sklarenko's interpretation
of Dybo's law means the ictus establishment on the second mora of acute.
Feldstein claims that there was a quantitative difference between long and short
diphtongs *prgas > *pogh x *paistas >psb. Feldstein concludes that the diphtongs ha
d been quantitatively identical at the time of Dybo's law and so the intonation
would have been the factor for different behavior: long diphtongs *VR, short dip
htongs VR. This point is unclear to me because the *porgh contains TORT sequence
which was preserved much later than the *paistas form because the *ai diphtong
was monophtongized already at the beginning of Proto-Slavic period. Here Feldste
in thinks that Dybo's law operated before the loss of diphtongal quantitative op
positon because he claims that long roots CVVC retain their stress and short roo
ts CVCV shifted the stress to the mora in the second syllable. The problem is th
at such operation should have occured before the monophtongization of diphtongs
and I am very sceptical to the fact that Proto-Slavic distinguished short and lo
ng diphtongs at any time of its existence. It means that chronologically, Dybo's
law in Feldstein's interpretation (and also in Skljarenko's) is in Early Proto-
Slavic. The concept is more puzzled because should Dybo's law operated in such a
way, it should definitely result in the expected rising intonation (if the stre
ss should be protracted onto the second mora) but Feldstein supposes the rise of
new post-root circumflex. Reinterpreting the Nikolaev conceptio
n of metationical
Feldstein 1990:51. Feldstein 1990:53.
117
circumflex in immobile BS paradigms (Nikolaev 1986), Feldstein is even willing t
o suppose the "third-mora stress" CVVCV > CVVCV which means shift from circumfle
xed syllable which is completely against the original conception of Dybo's law.
The conditions of Dybo's law are morphological because the root is the trigger a
nd the law depends on the position of ictus in relation to morpheme boundaries.
Meillet's law and Dybo's law should specify second mora stress in immmobile para
digms but first/last mora in the mobile stress. Feldstein argues with the mo
rpheme position, so
6.2.4.2. Dybo's law and Stang's law
Dybo's law provides and input to the stress retraction. The new paradigm (b) was
subsequently modified by Stang's law.
Before the operation of Dybo's law, stressed initial syllables had pitch opositi
on. Pitch oposition could be on both short and long syllables. There were also i
nitial laryngealised syllables but those were indifferent to quantity and intona
tion. The existence of Dybo's law is the proof of three distinctive intonations
on first syllables: acute in constant paradigm (no shift), non-acute in constant
paradigms (Dybo's law), circumflex in mobile paradigm.
6.2.4.3. Kortlandt's theory
In Kortlandt's theory stress moved from syllables with rising intonation to the
following one, e.g. *snow "base" > *osnw. If the newly stressed vowel was long, it o
btained falling tone, like wo. Pitch opposition which existed on short vowels in p
olysyllables before the operation of Dybo's law was eliminated. Subsequently, pi
tch opposition in monosyllables was also eliminated. Short falling vowels in mon
osyllables were lengthened and merged with long falling vowels. The law did not
operate if:
- the following syllable contained final yer. The law did not operate because fi
nal yers already lost stressability before. So *kb remained Slov. knj.
- if the intonation was acute (broken or glottalized), so *wy'dra "otter", *dy'm
h "smoke". The Dybo's law is therefore blocked by the presence of a glottal stop
. Those words had fixed paradigmatic stress. Dybo's law operated after the rise
of new timbre distinctinction.
388p.58.
389 Feldstein 1990:48.
390 Kortlandt 1975:16.
391 Kortlandt 1975:16.
29 ibid. Seen in S-Cr. bg, kst, dn.
393 Kortlandt (1983:15). The loss of final yer stressability occured in Young Pr
oto-Slavic before the Dybo's law.
118
Dybo's law caused the vowel contrast in pretonic syllables. If the pretonic vowe
ls were long, they remained long: *narodh "people" > *oNtroba "liver". As seen,
the pretonic long vowel is not shortened. Acute vowels in APa were shortened in
late Proto-Slavic. The distribution of APa and APb is therefore complementary: *
korva x *born. Later, in e.g. Czech, those words could merge into one quantitativ
e paradigm: krva-krav, brna-bran. The original quantitative distinction can also b
e seen in Polish timbre differences: reka x traba.
6.2.4.3.1. Fate of long vowels
There is a difference in later development of pretonic long vowels. Original pre
tonic long vowels were shortened after the rise of new timber distinction. Long
vowels which originated after Dybo's law remained long. This is the quantitative
difference between Czech ruka and trva, tk but bl. Other long pretonic vowels origina
ted from Dybo's law are e.g. in Czech nrod, zkon, zbava, trouba, SCr. nrod, zkon, zbav
a, trba.
Posttonic long vowels were shortened if the following syllable contained a long
vowel , e.g. Czech Np. penze but Dpi penzm, Pol. Npl pienqdze, Gpl pieniezy <*-T
6.2 A A. Garde's conception of Dybo's law
Dybo's law was also interpreted by Halle & Kiparsky (1984: 175-176) as a phenome
non similar to the accent shift caused by de Saussure's law in Lithuanian. They
claim that "there is a long tradition in comparative IE studies that indentifies
the two processes as manifestations of a single sound change"...and in the ligh
t of their own approach "there is no basis for such identification". Actually, t
he fact that de Saussure's law did not operate in Slavic was proved by Stang (19
57) and the rightward accent shift established by Illich-Svitych (1963) and Dybo
(1962). Halle & Kiparsky wrote their article as the review of Garde (1976) and
they obviously did not realize that Garde follows both the ideas of Stang as wel
l as Illich-Svitych and Dybo.
Kortlandt 1978:78-79) refuted Garde's claim that Dybo's law did not operate in S
lovincian and pointed to the his misinterpretation of material. Slovincian monos
yllables which reflect old oxytona have either fixed stress if the stem vowel is
long and mobile stress if the stem vowel is short, (van Wijk 1922:13). For Kort
landt, this is the result of stress retaction to a
Kortlandt 1975:14. Kortlandt 1983:15. Kortlandt 2009:7. Kortlandt 2009:7. Halle
& Kiparsky (1981:176).
119
long vowel and rise of mobility in short stem forms after the stress retraction
from short vowels in final open syllables (his stage 4, see the chapter on Slovi
ncian here). Disyllabic stems have difference in mobility: doxoud "pension", prix
oud "arrival", the mobility arose in his stage 3 (see the chapter on Slovincian
here). It means that the retraction occured on the oxytone forms which must have
been created by Dybo's law. But the obvious examples are feminne zabva "enjoymen
t" and voujruoba "intestine" where the pretonic vowel arose due to the Dybo's la
w, as in Czech zbava, troba. Dybo's law did not operate in forms with a nonsyllabi
c prefix: sprva "matter", zguba "lost".
As already hinted by Kortlandt 1985:187, the absence of Dybo's law is due to the
glottal stop. If glottal stop in APa blocked the progressive shift in APa, its
absence triggers the shift.
6.2.4.5. Olander's proposal
The new reformulation of Dybo's law has been recently done by Olander 2006:143 w
ho elaborated an idea of Rasmussen 1992 that the law affected all accented non-a
cute syllables regardless of their position of the word. Such interpretation wou
ld explain the 2pl *ne'sete >nese'te or Ipl. *gas'timi? >*gasti'mT. Concerning t
he prosodic characteristich of the target syllable, Olander does not assume anyt
hing but the shift itself. After the Dybo's law the opposition glottalised/non-g
lottalised disappeared. If the target syllable was on short medial diphtong or a
reduced vowel, it was retracted by the Stang's law (this Olander's conception o
f Stang's law), e.g. *dvn>, *moggth.
6.2.5 Stang's law
During the operation of Dybo's law the target syllabe could be long. If such syl
lable obtained ictus, it developed falling intonation: 3pl. *nosetb > *nosetb (A
Pb). Such syllable could later lose its ictus to the preceding syllable: *nosqtb
> *nsetb. Neither of the two processes operated in Baltic.
In Kortlandt's formulation of Stang's law, stress was also retracted from long f
alling vowels in final syllables, so *wol" > *w, Rus.dial. vlja, Cz. vle, Slovak va, S
v. vlja, SCr. vlja.
What happened to the original syllable:
As seen, long vowel which remained, was shortened apart from the Lekhitic group
where in Old Polish the length remained reflected wol.
399 All falling vowels had the tendency to shorten.
400 Kortlandt 1978:273; Derksen 1991:54.
401 Kortlandt 1975:14; 1983:17.
120
What happened to the target syllable:
The vowel which obtained stress developed a rising tone. Stang's law causet the
accentual
alternations typical for the PS1 APb
Stang's law has often been dubbed or combined with Ivi's law because it is thought
that Ivi (1912) was the first one who described the law. Greenberg (2000:77) cons
iders the Stang-Ivi's Law as a stress retraction from internal circumflex giving r
ise to neoacute. Greenberg, as Kortlandt does, distinguishes the similar results
in rising pitch from Stang's-Ivi's law, e.g. retraction
6.2.6. Accentuation of verbs
Verbal accentuation is also distributed among three accentual paradigms:
APa: stvlJQ, stvii, stvitb, stviwb, stavte, stvetb; lzq, lzi, lztb, lzmy..
luitb, sluimy, sluite, sluetb; mogq, moi, motb, momh.... APc: tvorJQ, tvorisi, tvor
riwb, tvorit, tvoretb; nesq/nesq, nesi, nestb, nesmh...
APa is reflected a short falling intonation on the root in Stokavian : vidm-vid as
a falling intonation in Slovene: vidim-vidi and as a root stress in Russian: vu-vdi.
APb is reflected also as a short falling intonation in Stokavian: nosTm-risT, as a
rising intonation in Slovene nsim-nsi and as ending stressed lsg and stem stressed
forms in other persons in Russian: no-nsi.
All thematic verbs can be divided into several groups: I) present forms with -e-
, -je-, -ne- thematic vowel:
1. roots ending in vowel, diphtong or sonant: *bjg, *kajg.. This group can be fu
rther divided to la) roots ending in liquids or nasals, e.g. *meljg;lb) remainin
g roots, e.g. *dujg. Further division of the group is according to the infinitiv
e stem: without infinitive stem with -a stem vowe,l e.g. *biti.., and with the s
tem vowel -a, e.g. *bbrati..
- verbs can have all three paradigms, e.g. APa *bjg, APb *borJQ, *borji, APc *zovq,
prizovQ, *zovei. (lsg is enclinomenon)
2. present forms with root ending in a consonant, e.g. *kldg..
402 Greenberg 2000, Kapovi 2005a,b.
403 The detailed description of the accentual patterns of verbs in Dybo 1981:197
-262, Osnovy 1990:62-85. 404Carlton 1990:189-190.
405 Dybo 1962:4.
406 Dybo 1962, 4.
407 ibid.
408 Dybo 1981:197ff
121
- the accentual distribution depends on the thematic suffix. Verbs with -e- suff
ix are mobilia, verbs with -je- and -ne- suffix belong to the APa or APb paradig
m, e.g. *kldq, *kladei (APc), *mzJQ, *mzjei (APa), *shchnq, *shchni (APb).
Other forms of thematic verbs (participles, aorist) are basically derived from t
he accentual pattern of the present forms.
6.2.7.1-verbs
Accentually, i-verbs can follow all three paradigms, e.g. *stavjq (APa), *nosjq
(APb) and *vJQ (APc). Slavic i-verbs can be classified into 4 types: iteratives: O
CS nositi - nosq, nosith; causatives: OCS morjq-morib; denominatives: zvoniti: zv
onjq, zvonib and statives: gorti: gorjq, gorib. Baltic present forms differ from Sl
avic in causatives and iteratives where they have *, so prati - pro. Causatives, iter
atives and statives had the Indo-European suffix *-ie-, denominatives *-i- and in
the case of o-stems *-e-i-.
Denominatives are considered to have its origin from i-stems (*i-i-) but Rasmusse
n (1993) considers the possibility of its origin from *ei-ti giving *-ejeti > -Tt
i > -itb > -itb (stress retraction from yer), reflected in S-Cr. dvorm.
Indo-European *-eie- should develop into *-iii- >*-ii- >*T as observed in Lithua
nian numeral trys. The corresponding Slavic tbje contradicts to it but the devel
opment might be restricted to final position or be regular after initial consona
nt which is supported by OCS vbjeb x Lith. vja "twists" (Rasmussen 1993:477). The
direct continuation of *-ie- to Slavic causatives and iteratives is disputed by R
asmussen (1993:477-478) claiming that the most verbs reflect the initial accent
(either from Hirt's law *stah2U-ie- > *stv- > S-Cr. stviti-stvim, or from the IE Dehn
stufe: Av. vdaiia- "defeat", S-Cr. vditi-vdm. As the corresponding Lithuanian infini
tives are also initially accented (vlgyti), Rasmussen explains the stem-stressed
*nositi due to the Dybo's law, so the original accentual difference was *baviti
< *b uhi(i)eti but *nsti < *h2nok'ieti.
Hock 1995 explained the development of PIE causatives to Slavic forms, e.g. *uor
t-i, *uort-ie-si, *uort-ie-ti...>PS1. *vortjq, *vrt-i-i, *vrt-i-tb..., OCS vratq, vrat
-i, vrat-i-b...by four processess which can also be observed in other grammatical
categories: l.*eiV > *iiV (*treies > trbje), 2. *iiV > *iV (*emii > zemlja), 3. Hi
e > (via -bje-) , 4. *iio> T (probably in 3pl).
ly Detailed by Dybo 1986.
0 Rasmussen 1993:475.
1 Rasmussen 1993:476.
122
MAS paralellised causatives and denominatives together and distinguish them from
iteratives. The important distinction is between APbi and APb2. Iteratives of t
he *nositi APbi should have undergone Stang's law while causatives and denominat
ives of APb2 should not (e.g. *vortti, *blti). Such division is connected with the
new conception of Stang's law in MAS.
While there is a general agreement that Proto-Slavic had nominal and verbal dist
ribution into accentual paradigms, there are different conceptions about the ori
gin and development of some accentual phenomena.
There is not full concesus about the fate of 1. acute, 2. neoacute and compensat
ory lengthening, 3. neocircumflex, 4. preservation and loss of PS1 length.
6.2.8. Acute and circumflex
Acute and circumflex are the important terms for Balto-Slavic accentology. Howev
er, they are often misused. Several mistakes must be pointed out:
1. Baltic and Slavic acute and circumflex are compared and thought to be the sa
me. This is wrong. Baltic circumflex is the absence of acute (glottalization). S
lavic circumflex is a falling tone which is independent of the Baltic circumflex
and occurs only on the first syllable of words belong to the mobile paradigm.
2. Acute is considered and original long rising intonation. The proofs shoud be
Lithuanian and Slovene and Czech where acute should be reflected as length. This
is also wrong. Both Lithuanian and Slovene intonations are independent and rece
nt. Czech length is also recent, it is a separate phenomenon of Czech dialects t
ogether with Upper Sorbian.
3. Acute and circumflex are of PIE origin. This is also wrong because it is bas
ed on the comparison of Greek and Lithuanian tones which are of different origin
.
Balto-Slavic circumflex is the intonation of any non-acute long vowel or diphton
g.
Slavic circumflex is the falling tone on the initial syllable of word forms in m
obile paradigm
APc and the falling tone of the non-initial vowels that were affected by Stang's
law.
Halle & Kiparsky 1977 interpreted Lithuanian acute as follows:
H H
VV VR < -*V *VR
Osnovy 1990:111-121, Osnovy 1993. 7-10. Dybo 1981, Kortlandt 2005b. Derksen 1991
:55.
123
Lithuanian circumflex:
H H
VV VR <*V *VR415
Classical accentology often thought that acute ( ) used to be a long rising into
nation like *korva, because Slovene has a rising tone krva and Czech has got leng
th krva. Nowhere in the Slavic territory (apart from the vowel changes in Upper S
orbian kruwa) the acute is not reflected as length. Czech length is obviously se
condary because Moravian dialects have brevity. Slovene length is also secondary
because the situation of Slovene dialects prove that the acute was originally s
hort
Kortlandt interprets Balto-Slavic acute as glottal stop. This glottal stop is pr
eserved in Latvian as a glottalic tone on the preceding vowel in originally pret
onic syllable : p$ds "footstep < *pe d-, nugs "naked" < *no g-.
According to Kortlandt, acute was lost in Late Proto-Slavic (Kortlandt 1983:16).
Acute was actually a broken or glottalic tone and this developed into short ris
ing contour, like *dymh or *gora. It was posterior to the lengthening of short f
alling vowels in monosyllables because it caused rising pitch on the short vowel
s in polysyllables like *malina. Therefore, short vowels must have had a pitch c
ontrast because only short vowels (in monosyllables) with falling pitch were pro
longed.
415 Kiparsky&Halle 1977:214
416 A very influential was also a paper by Jakobson 1963 who postulated two pros
odic types of words: H pitched wit one phonemically high-pitched syllable and lo
w-pitched words. The word accent should fall on the H-pitched syllable and on th
e first syllable in L-pitched words. Culminative function of word accent and H-p
itch should have distinctive function, L-pitch should only have demarcative func
tion being also recessive and taken over prefixes and prepositions. Long H-pitch
ed vowels were shortened - this is a synonyme for acute shortening - and the H/L
oposition was reformed to quantitative opposition with new H/L accents (in Sout
h Slavic). In initial syllable, only L pitch could be on short vowels. Czech and
Upper Sorbian should generalised L-pitch short forms and H-pitch long forms, Sl
ovak and Lekhitic shortened both the initial L-pitched longs and H-pitched longs
. The processes are quite clear because H-pitch corresponds to acute/neoacute an
d L-pitch to circumflex. The basic idea is the restructuring the original accent
ual paradigms and their transformation to quantitative and new tonal opositions
in a geographically limited areas. Should we translate Jakobsons ideas into mode
rn accentology, he deals with the development of former APa, APb and APc and the
ir Post-Proto-Slavic merging or contrasting. This idea was further developed by
Feldstein 1975, 1978.
417 The Slavic borrowings to Baltic languages and Finnish, e.g. *mra > Finnish mr h
ave been taken as a proof that acute was long. As Vermeer (1992:121) points out,
the North Russian dialect area has drifted away from the rest of Slavic early b
efore all Proto-Slavic innovations had taken place and that there Finnish length
is no proof for the postulation of Slavic acute length.
418 Kortlandt 1985:185.
419 Kortlandt 1983:15-16 (lengthening of short falling vowels in monosyllables).
124
Long vowel that occured from the sequences containing short vowel and laryngeals
or an unaspirated voiced stop have Balto-Slavic acute intonation. Sequences con
taining PIE apophonic length yieal Balto-Slavic circumflex (Kortlandt 1988).
Acute can also be on non-initial syllable, like *utcha, *zakm>, *malna, *gtrba. TORT
syllables could have distinctive intonation: *vkh (APc) x *vblna (APa), *zlto (AP
c) x *slma (APa), *brgh (APc) x *berza (APa)
Acute therefore developed from the sequences CVH-/CVD- which both yield CV?-/CV?
D-. Proof that glottal stop was a full phonological Balto-Slavic consonant:
1. Hirt's law
2. Winter's law
3. Late Balto-Slavic retraction of stress - stress was retracted from final ope
n syllables in disyllabic words unless the preceding syllable was closed by an o
bstruent (Kortlandt 1977:322). Final syllables closed by a laryngeal (glottal st
op), fricative and nasal did not lose the ictus *golHwH > Lith.Nsg galv, Gsg. *ouis
>Lith. avies, Gp. *uilkm >vilkii
Loss of glottal stop and rise of distinctive tones is different in separate Balt
o-Slavic branches.
Most authors apart from Leiden do not consider acute a glottal stop, although th
e Kortlandt's analysis is persuasive. Classical accentology often it is thought
that acute ( ) used to be a long rising intonation like *korva, because Slovene
has a rising tone krva and Czech should preserve acute length.
Greenberg (2000) adopted Kortlandts views on the origin of acute, so although he
considers acute to be phonetically a rising intonation, he is also eager to acc
ept the VH sequence and Winter's law as the origin of acute. Greenberg 2007 cons
iders the neoacute as a rising pitch (because of the rising neoacute in Slovene
and Serbian-Croatian), acute as an original laryngeal feature (according to Kort
landt) but apart from Kortlandt (who claims that old laryngalized vowels merged
with short rising vowels) Greenberg thinks that in some Slavic areas the larynge
al feature persisted as glottalization before being phonologized as pitch or qua
ntity. His claim is supported by the phonetic analysis of Slovene Upper Carniola
dialects where the laryngalization is a concomitant feature of pitch but not in
the stresed syllable. Pointing to Kavitskaya 2000, Greenberg is favourable to t
he idea that glottal stop, if simply lost, does not lengthen syllables but the l
engthening happens when it weakens to the
The connection of acute and laryngeal hinted by Shevelov (1965:47), explicitly P
ohl 1974:146 for various lexica, e.g. *uorHn "crow" x *uorno > S-Cr. vrn "raven",
*korHu "cow" > S-Cr. krva, etc. 421 Kortlandt ~1975:33.
125
laryngeahzed phonation. The latter process could happen in Slavic, e.g. in Czech
and Upper Sorbian where the lengthening would have been due to the weakening of
glottal stop and in central and Western Slovene dialects where there is a lower
tone. High tone due to the glottal stop loss would be reflected as short rising
accentuation. So a the loss of syllable-final glottal stop results either as a
high pitch, laryngealised syllable or low pitched long syllable. Where the inton
ation is lost, the results are quantitative, as in Czech and Slovak.
To conclude Baltic reflexes of acute and circumflex with Slavic reflexes of acut
e and circumflex cannot be compared. Slavic acute and circumflex developed only
in Proto-Slavic. On the other hand, Latvian and Zemaitian Brechton continue East
Baltic acute. Slavic circumflex is the falling tone on the initial syllable of
forms in mobile paradigm and the falling tone of the non-initial vowels not affe
cted by Stang's law. Baltic circumflex is any non-acute long vowel or diphtong.
6.2.9. Main accentological schools and streams
Modern accentology began with the Slavonic accentuation by Christian Stang, publ
ished in 1957. All earlier view are now termed classical accentology, all modern
views that ignore Stang and post-Stang development should be taken with reserva
tion.
Classical accentology is characterised by the highly developed conception of met
atony, which is a broad term for every apparent change of intonation. Proto-Slav
ic should have four accents, acute, circumflex, neoacute and neocircumflex. The
last two ones should have resulted as a change of the basic intonations, so acut
e > neocircumflex, circumflex > neoacute. The motivation of such metatony change
is quite obscure and in the course of time metatonical analogies used to explai
n almost every changes of intonation. The second feature typical for classical a
ccentology is de Saussure's law which has developed into a broad term for every
apparent rightward stress shift both in Baltic as well as Slavic languages. Clas
sical accentology also heavily relied on data from limited languages: standard L
ithuanian and Latvian, standard Russian and Serbocroatian, Serbocroatian dialect
s described by esp. Belie at the beginning of the 20th century, standard Slovene
(Valjavec, Pleternik) and mostly standard languages of other Slavic languages. T
he main protagonists of classical accentology are Belie , van Wijk and Lehr-Spla
wiski.
Stang's main postulates can be summarised as follows: - de Saussure's law did no
t operate in Slavic
422 Stang 1957:179. As I dealt with the description of Stang elsewhere (Suka 2003
), I refrain from details and proofs of his theory.
126
- neoacute is not due to the metatony but to a stress retraction from a semivow
el or from a non-initial vowel with falling intonation
- neocircumflex did not belong to the Proto-Slavic period
- there are 3 Proto-Slavic intonations: acute - occurs on any syllable, keeps
its stress constantly throughout the paradigm; neoacute - can occur on any sylla
ble, proved that other forms of the paradigm have stress on the subsequent sylla
ble; circumflex - occurs on the first syllable when other forms of the paradigm
have the stress on the last syllable
- all nominal and verbal paradigms are: a) stress on the first syllable; b) str
ess on the medial syllable (also with neoacute tone); c) mobile with stress in s
ome forms on the first syllable, in others on the last one; acute is characteris
tic intonation of the paradigm with constant root stress, circumflex for the mob
ile paradigm.
- mobile nominal paradigm in Slavic is closely related to the one in Baltic
These conclusions are not Stang's discoveries, they were separately proposed by
other authors before him but Stang put them into a coherent view. Stang's book b
oosted a new and radical development of Balto-Slavic accentology and left classi
cal accentology an obsolete.
Two leading post-Stang groups dominate the Balto-Slavic accentology.
6.2.9.1. Moscow accentological school (MAS)
MAS has been formed especially by V.M. Illich-Svitych (until his premature death
in 1966), V.A. Dybo, R. Bulatova, A. Zaliznjak, S. Nikolaev, A. Ter-Avanesova.
The main points of their research can be summarised as follows:
a) Illich-Svitych's proof of the connection of PIE with Baltic and Slavic accent
ual paradigms
b) Illich-Svitych's law
c) reformulation of Hirt's law
Already rejected by Kurylowicz 1952.
424 See Vermeer 1998 for details.
425 The criticism of Stang was negative e.g. from Kurylowicz 1958 (the second e
dition of L'accentuation des languages indo-europennes, for the information of th
e other reviewers see Vermeer 1998:241-243). From the Czech linguist community,
the devastating review by Horlek (1961) who called Stang "kein Sprachwissenschaft
ler, der sich selbst um die Bildung einer neuen Konzeption bemht" and who "verlsst
sich vor allem auf das Belegmaterial und verarbeitet es hauptschlich klassifikat
ionsmssig" (Horlek 1961:376). On the other hand, Horlek pinpoited the works of Prag
ue structuralists (Trubetzkoy, Jakobson) whose accentological contribution was v
ery scarce. This approach threw Czech accentology back to the past from which it
has not blasted yet (see Suka 2003 for details).
426 The detailed overview of MAS has been provided to us by Lehfeldt (2001). As
an introduction to the main concepts of MAS the article by Dybo 1980 can be reco
mmended. For Czech linguistic community, Dybo 1999c is accessible. The basic wor
ks by MAS are still Dybo 1981, the miscellanea Istorieskaja akcentologija i sravn
iteno-istorieskij metod 1989, Osnovy 1990, 1993, Dybo 2000a.
127
d) explanation of APb origin and Dybo's law
e) principles of the accentuation of derivates
f) study of the accentuated mediaeval manuscripts
g) the concept of dominant and recessive morphemes, paradigmatic accent and a co
nture rule h) accentual paradigm d)
i) Slavic dialectal groups according to accent-retraction
j) reformulation of Stang's law and the rehabilitation of de Saussure's law
a) Illi-Svity (1963/1979) found the PIE accentual basis for the system of nominal
accentual paradigms in Baltic and Slavic. Nouns with the original short root. Th
e opposition of PIE barytones/oxytones is preserved as opposition of barytona/mo
bilia in Lithuanian, e.g. Lithuanian barytona ~ PIE barytona: Lith.rank (de Sauss
ure's law), PGmc* wrnh, ON . r; PIE *urnka; Lith. blus (de Saussure's law) Gr. pslla <
* phslsa <? * sphlsa< s -mobile + PIE * bhlsa . Lith. mobilia ~ PIE mobilia-oxyton
a, e.g. Lith. kain Lith.dial.+OLith. kina (secondary retraction) lot.ciens (second
ary o-stem); .poin (oxytone), PIE *kwoin Lith. rasa OInd. rasa; PIE *ros. Nouns with
the original long roots. PIE barytona ~ Baltic barytona, e.g. Latv.vilna, Lith.
vina, OInd rn, PIE *u'lna\ PIE mobilia-oxytona -Baltic mobilia: Lot. jgs, Lith. j
ungas (AP3), OInd. yugm; . zugn, PIE *iugm
The cases where PIE mobilia-oxytona correspond to Balto-Slavic barytona are expl
ained by Hirt's law: Latv. griva "estuary" Cz.hva, OInd. griva; PIE * griva.
The similar
distribution counts for Slavic. The cases where Slavic oxytona correspond to PIE
barytona, e.g. Psi. *gvzd, Lith. vaigzd is explained by the rightward shift (Dybo's
law). The important result of Illi-Svity's work is also his law of the fate of ba
rytone-masculina and neutra (see above).
b) Illi-Svity's law (see above)
c) Reformulation of Hirt's law
Illi-Svity 1963/1979 reformulated Hirt's law in Balto-Slavic as follows: Due to th
e presence of non-apophonic root length caused by the presence of a laryngeal, s
tress retracted
427 Etymologies by Illi-Svity are preserved here.
428 Illi-Svity 1963/1979:20-21.
429 ibid p.22-23.
430 ibid p.53.
431 ibid. p.56.
432 Hirt's law and its explanation in pp.61-64.
128
to the root syllable. The explanation started to be universally accepted althoug
h with some slight modification. As I deal with Hirt's law in a separate chapter
, I omit further details.
d) Explanation of APb origin and Dybo's law. See above.
e) Accentual principle non-derivates and derivates
There are two accentual types of non-derivates and derivates: Non-derivates: 1.
immobile paradigm with constant root stress 2. mobile paradimg - forms with fina
l stress
- enclinomena - syntactically unaccented, in absolute position initia
lly stressed Derivates: I. immobile paradigm with constant root stress II. mobil
e paradigm (ad 2) III. immobile paradigm sufixally stressed Accentual types of n
on-derivates are "traditional", underlying. Accentual types of derivates are dep
endent on the class of suffix.
f) Accentual description of mediaeval manuscript
Members of MAS heavily studied the accentual system preserved in Slavic mediaeva
l manuscripts, e.g. by Dybo himself: Dybo 1969a (Old Russian Cudovskij novyj zav
et 14th century) , Dybo 1969b (Middle Bulgarian texts from 14th-15th century), a
lso Dybo 1986 (incorporated data from Old Russian, South-West Russian 16th-17th
century), Dybo 1987 (Middle Bulgarian), also Dybo 1972 (Serbian manuscript 16th
century), of course the most important Dybo 1981, from other co-workers the comp
rehensive book by Bulatova 1975 (Old Serbian) can be mentioned.
The method of comparative accentrography (supralinear signs in the mediaeval man
uscripts) has been applied by non-MAS scholars: Hinrichs 1985 (14th century Midd
le Bulgarian manuscripts), Schweier 1987 ( Russian Ostroger and Moscow bibles fr
om 16th and 17th century)Steensland 1990 ( Manuscript Chil. 323, Russian manuscr
ipt from 15th century containing lithurgy), Lindgren 1990 (17th century North Ru
ssian manuscript containing sermons), Ambrosiani 1991 (15th century Russian Chur
ch Slavonic manuscript containing Gospel lectionary), Hock 1992a (14th century M
iddle Bulgarian tetraevangelion manuscript).
433 Dybo 1972, Dybo 1981:256-262.
434 See the note 79.
435 For the broader scientifical community Lehfeldt made available the original
edition from 1892: Neues Testament des Cudov-Klosters. Hgb. von W. Lehfeldt., Bh
lau 1989.
129
g) Concept of dominant and recessive morphemes, paradigmatic accent and a contur
e rule
Morphonologically, all morphemes can be prosodically dominant or recessive. Domi
nant morphemes are such morphemes which obtain ictus, e.g. stems of APa, endings
of APb...; recessive morphemes do not have ictus or lose it, e.g. stems of APb,
endings of enclinomena... Morphemes are divided according to valency, dominant
morphemes (+) have higher valency than recessive ones (-).
The accentual paradigmatic curve is the result of contour rule "konturnoe pravil
o" which is
specific for a language group. Balto-Slavic conture rule states that ictus falls
on beginning of
the first sequence of morphemes of higher valency, e.g. Gpl *st'ar-bc-b, Nsg* me
ch-ov-'bj-e
+ + + - - + -
The behaviour of stress within a paradigm is called paradigmatic accent. Each wo
rd belongs
to an accentual paradigms. There are two kinds of paradigmatic accent systems
, which
Dybo has discovered up to now. The first one is the Balto-Slavic paradigmatic sy
stem with
the conture rule above mentioned, the second one is the one of Abkhaz-Ubykh type
. Here
the contour rule rule place ictus on the ending of the first sequence of morphem
es of the
higher valency.
436 Zaliznjak 1985 developed another kinds of accentual morhpeme features. A dom
inant morpheme can be either "samoudarnyj" or "pravoudarnyj" which is a synonym
to "postaccenting". Morpheme Re shifts accent to the left and Min morpheme cause
s the preceding "pravoudarnyj" morpheme be recessive. (Zaliznjak 1985:35-36, 121
)
437 Something similar was proposed by Halle (1975) for synchronic Russian. Hall
e does not distinguish dominancy and recessivity but he considers case endings t
o be intherently stressed. Nouns with stress on stem in all forms (like gorch) ar
e also inherently stressed. The distribution of stress is directed by two princi
ples: if a stressed syllable is deleted, stress retracts to the preceding syllab
le; a word with more then one stress will result with the stress on the leftmost
stressed syllable, no stressed string of morphemes obtain the stress on the fir
st syllable. This is BAP principle (see below).
438 Paradigmatic accent systems are such systems which are characterised by acce
ntual paradigms. Accentual paradigms are responsible for the accentual distribut
ion of both non-derivates as well as derivates. Accentual pattern of non-derivat
es are lexically inherent. Accentuation of derivates depends on the original acc
entual paradigm of the derived word as well as the class of suffix. First class
suffixes basically copy the accentual pattern of the derived word, e.g. *sng-b (A
Pc) + -ov- (1st class suffix) > *sngovb (APc). Second class suffixes can attract
acute intonation or if they containn a short vowel or a vowel with the original
circumflex, the derivte is accentuated at the ending, e.g. *dervo (APc) + -in- >
*derv'na, *slpb (APc) > -ota (short vowel) > *slpot. (see Dybo 1968, 1981 for detail
s). In paradigmatic accent systems, a certain percent of derivates choose their
accentual pattern mechanically and without any background to the original derive
d forms. This is what we could call productivity in a language. For Dybo the sit
uation corresponds to the catergory of derivates. So certain derivates are categ
orically connected with a certain accentuation. Categorial principle intrudes th
e paradigmatic accent systems. The categorial principle and productivity would e
xplain the anomalous prosodic behavior of some derivates. Categorial principle o
f quantitative distribution is, in my opinion, observable in Czech where only ce
rtain derivte categories.
439 See Dybo 1989 and Dybo 1997 for detailed description.
440 Dybo 1972, Dybo 2009.
130
Dybo still takes tones as suprasegmentals, not autosegmentals being thus under t
he influence of structuralist phonology.
The concept of dominancy has been applied to various aspects of accentual develo
pment. Domimant and recessive morphmemes were also compared with the similar beh
aviour of morphemes in other Indo-European languages. It was shown that Greek ro
ots can be classified as CVCV, CVC and CV, e.g. ech-ts, buk-ts, d-ts, sufixes of the
1st type, e.g. - ts, -tis, do not modify the root to CCV. Suffixes of the 2nd typ
e cause the root weakening, e.g. -tor, e.g. kale-+tr > kletr. Verbal roots of the
CVC and CVCV correspond to Balto-Slavic dominant roots with immobile acccentuati
on, e.g. sede- "sit" >estn, PSl. seq. Roots of the CCV and CVCV correspond to the
Balto-Slavic recessive roots with mobile accentuation, e.g.teme- "cut"> tamon , P
Sl *tbnq, *tbnetb. The same principle counts for the suffixes, first type suffix
es in Greek (and Old Indie) correspond to the Balto-Slavic dominant suffixes whi
le the second class suffixes correspond to the Balto-Slavic recessive suffixes.
The similar principle can be observable in Latin, as shown already by Dybo 1961.
The PIE long vowels are preserved under the original stress, e.g. Lat. brtus < *
gwrtos. Dybo 2008 presented a comprehensive account of the correspondence of Ital
o-Celtic -tu and -to derivates (oxytona) with the Balto-Slavic mobilia, e.g. Lat
. rutus < *rut-, Latv. raut, PSl. *ruti, *n>VQ, *rbvb; and Italo-Celtic barytona -t
u-, -to- with Balto-Slavic immobilia, e.g. Lat. stus <*sito-, Latv. sut, PSl. *ijq,
*jeth. Another similarity of the roots and suffixes behavior is observable in Ger
manic shortening and Verschrfung (Dybo 2008).
MAS result is impressive here - Italo-Celtic, Germanic, Greek and Old Indie deri
vates from roots are genetically indentical with the Balto-Slavic ones. Roots of
the 1st class correspond to the Balto-Slavic dominant roots belonging to the im
mobile paradigm while
Dybo 2003 tried to prove that PIE athematics with recessive roots are mobile, e.
g. Nsg *pd^.^ > OInd. pd(_), Gr. pos while dominant roots are immobile, e.g. *Hnr^s^
> OInd. nr^y Especially the Baltic, Greek and Old Indie athematics have similar t
onal curve and recessive roots, e.g. *k'uon^s^ > BS *u(_+pi (assimilation of marke
d features), Gr. kn (OInd. v is immobile). The domimancy concept is also used for th
e explanation of Derksen's oxytona behaviour (Nikolaev 1989, Dybo 2009a, 2009b).
Secondary suffixes can also be recessive, e.g. Lith. -ast-i-, PSl. *-ost-b- or
dominant, e.g. Lith- at-a-, PSl. *-ot-a-. The final combination is due to the or
iginal accentual paradigm and the accentual character of the suffix, e.g. Lit. p
ilnasti, biaurastis (both immobile paradigms, distinguished by acute and circumf
lex), gyvastis, nerimastis (both mobile paradigms, distinguished by acute and ci
rcumflex), PS. *rdostb, *modrstb (derived from APa and APb), *lnostb (from APc), sim
ilarly *niteta, *dobrta, lpota, see Dybo 2009a, the exhaustive description of the p
rinciple of accentuation of derivates in Dybo 1981.
442 Nikolaev & Starostin 1982, Nikolaev 1983, Nikolaev 1986, Nikolaev 1989, Dybo
1961, Dybo 2003, Dybo 2008, Dybo 2009b.
443 Nikolaev 1983, 1986, Nikolaev & Starostin 1982.
444 Dybo 2003 also showed that if the original athematic root nouns in Germanic,
Baltic and Slavic transfer to I-or o- stems (and Germanic -an stem) they preser
ved the original accentuation, e.g. PGmc. Npl *msiz, "mice", PSI. *myb (APa), Lith
. vris, PSl. *zverb (APc).
131
roots of the second class correspond to the Balto-Slavic recessive roots. The sa
me counts for suffixes. For MAS, such behaviour is the reflex of the original to
nal system. Morphemes of the 1st class and dominancy is the reflection of H tone
while 2nd class morphemes and recessivity is connected with L tone. But what wa
s really the phonetic character of Balto-Slavic acute and circumflex, is unclear
to MAS.
h) Accentual paradigm d
According to protagonists of MAS, apart from the three accentual paradigms there
was also a mixed paradigm APd. The paradigm should comprise mainly masculine o-
stem and u-stems. Nominative singular has the feature of APc, i.e. enclinomenon,
e.g. *z zgbh, but Gsg has the form of APb *zqba. The paradigms is considered a v
ariant of APb. The evidence for APd is seen in data of Cakavian dialects Susak (
Illi-Svity 1979:94-104) and East Slavic "Krivici" dialect and East Russian dialect
s (Osnovy 1990:159). The number of lexemes varies, according Osnovy 1990 the dat
a from Istria and Susak comprise 42 nouns, Russian dialects about 12 nouns. Othe
r Slavic dialects merged APd with APc, e.g. S-Cr. zb-zba, Sin. zb-zob. The source of
data and its interpretation has been recently challenged by Vermeer 2001 so the
relevancy of material remains dubious.
i) Slavic dialectal groups according to accent-retraction
Considering the Stang's law of i-verbes and , four accent retractions can be dis
tinguished: 1. retraction to any vowel: *chvalitb > *chvltb, 2. retraction to a sh
ort vowel: *strotb > *stritb, 3. retraction to a long vowel, e.g. *sgdtb >*sgditb, 4.
no retraction. The local Proto-Slavic variations should be influenced by the di
fferent attested reflexes of the retraction as well as with the respect of APb r
eflexes. 1st dialectal group comprises Old Bulgarian, Norh Cakavian, Kajkavian a
nd North Slovene type, characterised by the retractions 1 and 2. Second dialecta
l group comprises the West Bulgarian, Krivici dialect, North Russian, North and
North West Byelorussian, Galici dialect of Ukrainian and Stokavian. The group is
typical with the reflexes of APd and the retraction of the 2nd type. Third dial
ectal group comprises Old Croatian territory (Kriani texts), South Slovene, certai
n North Russian dialects, central and south Byelorussian and Kaubian dialects. Th
e common
445Nikolaev 1989:101.
446 Osnovy 1990:129-154.
447 Lehfeldt 2003:19.
448 The Dybo's law as a single process has been now replaced by "pravostrann) dre
jf udarenija", a multi-level process which was responsible for the dialetal diff
erence (Osnovy 1993:18-21).
132
feature ofthat group is the 3rd retraction. Fourth group is formed by the East a
nd South East Russian dialects with the 4th type of retraction and reflexes of A
Pd. j) Stang's law in MAS conception
Stang's law has been used to explain the different accentual of Slavic i-verbs.
Verbs from bi group (iterativa *voziti, *nositi etc) should have been dominant (
Dybo 2000b: 82), verbs belonging to b2 paradigm (causativa and denominativa *sta
viti, *blti etc.) should have been recessive. The bi group should have undegone St
ang's law, which is defined as the retraction from the long dominant syllables t
o the preceding syllable(s) (Dybo 2000a:45-46). Causativa and denominativa from
the b2 group should escape Stang's law.
The revision was done due to the "archaic Old Bulgarian" area where the stem str
ess of b2 verbs in Old Bulgarian corresponds to a long vowel stems in West Slavi
c while end-stressed forms correspond to West Slavic short vowels, e.g. sgdii, Cz
. soud but imperative sgdi, Cz sud . MAS distinguished dominant and recessive acut
es and circumflexes (Osnovy 1993:16). Rightward stress shift never occurs from a
dominant acute syllables (APa) and onto a syllable with dominant circumflex (bi
verbs) so the ictus stays where it is. As Hendriks (2003:111) remarks, this is
the combination of Dybo's and Stang's law although both laws are actually virtua
l here and do not operate. Only internal domiannt acute syllables can attract st
ress, therefore APb *en, *tvorti. The stress shift is now be thought as a Balto-Sla
vic phenomenon and be defined as a shift from short or circumflex syllable to th
e following acute syllabe if the both syllables had the same accentual valency.
It is similar to de Saussure's law because the shift happens to the dominant acu
te forms and the shift is hailed de Saussure's law now.
6.2.9.2. Dutch accentological school (DAS)
The ideas of Stang, Illich-Svitch and Dybo were taken up by Carl Ebeling who trie
d to incorporate the accentual development into the phonological development of
PIE to Slavic (Ebeling 1967). The most important figure has become Frederik Kort
landt and his students/colleagues. Apart from the MAS, the main concentration of
DAS was on the
449 Osnovy 1990:109ff. Kriani's law has been another retraction process heavily us
ed by MAS. Croatian author Juraj Kriani (17th century) has been taken as one of th
e important sources of accentual archaisms. Kriani's Old Croatian language should
have features continuing to the Proto-Slavic distribution. The important inovati
on is Kriani's law: stress is retracted from long vowels to a syllable containing
a long vowel, e.g. *plstov >*plastv, Dybo 1981:127.
450 A very useful and critical review was done by Hendriks 2003.
451 Osnovy 1993:9, Dybo 1998:50-53.
452 Dybo & Nikolaev 1998:62, quoted by Hendriks 2003:111. The original paper has
not been at my disposal up to now. The law is also quoted in Dybo 2000b:75..
133
chronology of accentual changes as well as the description of dialectal areas of
akavian, Kajkavian and Slovene.
Kortlandt
Frederik Kortlandt is the main protagonist of the Dutch accentological school. K
ortlands background originated from the results of Stang 1957, Illi-Svity 1963/1979
as well as early Dybo's works. While the MAS centered its research mainly on th
e synchronic state of Balto-Slavic, Baltic and Proto-Slavic, Kortlandt dealt mai
nly with the relative chronology of changes. His conception can now be considere
d as the most complete description of accentual changes from PIE to the separate
Baltic and Slavic languages. Although it is not generally accepted, the main re
ason for refusing Kortlands theories is mainly the lack of information, prejudice
and lure of classicism. Here, the main points of Kortlands theories will be addu
ced.
Acute, in Kortlands view, existed in both stressed and unstresesed syllable, is t
he reflect of PIE glottal stop (laryngeal) and is lost in three stages: pretonic
and posttonic syllables, then in the first posttonic and in late Proto-Slavic i
n stressed syllables. Distinction between acute and circumflex is not PIE origin
.
The oldest layer of long vowels in IE language is due to the lengthened grade. A
ccording to Kortlandt (1988) the lengthened grade has its origin in : secondary
nominal derivates, roots in monosyllabic nouns and final syllables of nominals w
ith resonant before zero ending.
Greek Dehnstufe is not distinguished from the sequence V+H - both have acute int
onation in final syllables. Circumflex has originated from the loss of intervoca
lic laryngeals.
Balto-Slavic long vowels originated from contraction are not distinguished from
Dehnstufe circumflex is observed in long vowel from contractions, Dehnstufe in N
sg stems in a resonant, sigmatic aorist, Dehnstufe in original root nouns Reflex
es of Balto-Slavic circumflex from PIE lengthened grade:
The works by Vermeer, Houtzagerr, Kalsbeek and others were mentioned in the chap
ter of the accentual patterns of IE languages.
454 Apart from Kortlandt, Willem Vermeer, Rick Derksen, Tijmen Pronk and more or
less loosely connected Leiden workers like Alexander Lubotsky, Michiel de Vaan,
Alwin Kloekhorst can be mentioned.
455 A publication which would introduce a reader to the main concepts of Kortla
nds theories is missing yet. Recently, Kortlandt collected his important papers t
o two books: Italo-Celtic origins and prehistoric development of the Irish langu
age. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2007 (with papers on Celtic and Italo-Celtic, together w
ith his papers on Lachmann's law and a new chapter on the character of the Italo
-Celtic) .and Baltica & Balto-Slavica, Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2009 (papers are thema
tically arranged into phonology, morphology and Prussian sections). Both collect
ions are not user-friendly and do not provide a reader with the more general int
roductions to Kortlands theories.
456 Kortlandt 1985, Kortlandt 1988, Kortlandt 1997.
134
- contractions in final syllables: Lith. Gsg algs <*-a?es <*-eIi2es "salary", Gr.
alfs but acute in alga and al where the ending was *-e?.
- Dehnstufe in Nsg of stems ending in a resonant: Lith. akmu "stone" (Gr. kmori)
- long vowel preterites: Lith. m "took", lk "flew", according to Kortlandt (1985:11
3-114) that preterite replaced the sigmatic aorist of stems in a resonant. The s
igmatic aorist disappeared in Baltic (we have it only in Slavic).
- Lithuanian 3sg future forms, e.g. duos "will give", kalbs "will speak". These a
re examples of metatony, because infinitives are acute: doti, kalbti and long vowe
ls in polysyllabic stems do not shorten. According to Leskien's law, the final a
cute vowel must have been shortened (e.g. lis "will rain", bus "will be"). Actua
lly, we find circumflex there which means that the metatony must have preceded L
eskien's law. This model should have served for other forms, so in dialects we f
ind rais "will write" (standard rays), daris "will do" but inos "will know", stoves
"will stand". Standard language shortens - and -, as seen in lis and bus and thos
e forms do not undergo metatony which means that metatony did not operate there.
The source of metatony in the abovementioned monosyllables is the loss of glott
al stop after a lengthened grade. Because no glottal stop is present, the intona
tion must be circumflex. This also explains why metatony did not operate in - and
- forms - because no lengthened grade can be posited there.
- Dehnstufe in original root nouns: Lith. gl "pain", OCS aly; Lith. ms "meat", Ohi.ms
- Lith. Nsg -, according to Kortlandt originated due to the loss of laryngeal aft
er a lengthened grade: vaigd "star", where -d should correspond Vedie -dh, Lat. -ds. T
his - spreads to other nouns of different structure, e.g. Lith. lov "fame", OCS slva
<*kleuhi-
- Slavic sigmatic aorist: the best example are S-Cr. lsg dnijeh "brought", umrij
eh "died" and zakleli "swore" where "-ije-" and "" are long reflexes of original
circumflex. Should there have been an acute, we would have expected short forms:
**donjeh, **umreh, **zakleh. This category is reflected in East Baltic long v
owel preterite, e.g. Lith. br "strewed"
457 Derksen 2001:60.
458 Kortlandt 1985:113 and Derksen 1991:61 and Derksen 2008:558 adduce PSI. *erav
b "crane", Rus. urv, OCz erav, Slk. eriav, SCr. erav, Sin. erjv, Lith. grv <BS1. *ge
g'er?u- <PIE *g'erh2- 5u. Latin cognate grs has zero grade introduced from oblique
cases (de Vaan 2008:274). The original accentual paradigm was mobile. For other
cognates see (de Vaan, also Vasmer 11:68-69, Gluhak 1993:705.
459 See Kortlandt 1985:113-114 for proof of that claim, e.g. that Slavic sigmati
c aorist as well as Baltic long preterite have the same accentuation as the infi
nitive.
460 Kortlandt 1985:115; Derksen 1991:61-62.
461 Derksen 1991:62.
462 ibid.
463 Kortlandt 1985:113, Derksen 2001:61.
464 Kortlandt 1997:26.
135
Balto-Slavic circumflex is the reflect of any long vowel of non-laryngeal and no
n-glottalic origin. It has not always originated from early contractions (as wro
ngly projected from the situation of Greek).
Balto-Slavic acute is the reflex glottal stop from of laryngeal or glottalic ori
gin (it has its origin in PIE laryngeal or glottalic feature of PIE unaspirated
voiced stop) . This glottal stop developed into broken intonation which was lost
under rising of falling tone movements originated in separate languages. In Zem
aitian, the acute developed into glottalization (Brechton), in Latvian the Brech
ton is in originally mobile paradigm. It means, the glottaliztation in Zemaitian
developed under stress and in Latvian in originally pretonic syllables. In Slav
ic, the glottalization did not develop. Slavic glottal stop was lost with CL in
pretonic and post-posttonic syllables and without CL under the stress and in the
first posttonic syllable.
In Baltic there is also metatonical origin of acute where the reflex o non-acute
vowel merged with the reflex of acute vowel. The origin is mainly the retractio
n of stress from antevocalic *i: *vilkiHaH "she-wolf > Lith. vilk but Russ. volca (
without retraction). The glottal stop developed into broken tone which remained
unchanged in originally pretonic syllable in Latvian, e.g. pqds x OInd. padm. Und
er stress the broken tone is preserved in Zemaitian dialects. In Auktaitian diale
cts it developed into falling tone and in Latvian into rising tone. Newly stress
ed (originally pretonic) syllables developed rising tone in Lithuanian and falli
ng tone in Latvian.
So acute and non-acute vowels were distinct in stressed, pretonic in Lithuanian
also in posttonic syllables (because of de Saussure's law and Leskien's law)
PIE obstruent system can be reconstructed as follows:
fortis glottalic as]
labial p b bh
dental t d dh
465 Kortlandt 1988:301.
aspirated
466 Kortlandt 1977:324-328; 1985:185. The combination of VH gives acute in Balto
-Slavic and Greek final syllable. Thus the apparent correspondence between Lith.
alga, Grk. al. On the other hand, the original lengthened grade results in Greek
acute but Balto-Slavic circumflex in final syllable, even if the lengthened gra
de is followed by a laryngeal.
467 Kortlandt 1998:147.
468 Kortlandt 1975, Kortlandt 1998:148.
469 Kortlandt 1988:303-304.
470 Kortlandt 1978d, Kortlandt 1994.
136
palatovelar k' g' g'
1 1 1 1 w w
wh
labiovelar kg g
Glottalic consonants have in fact be preglottalised. In Dialectal Indo-Europan t
he PIE aspirated stops lost the aspiration and the former opposition fortis: asp
irated was transformed to the oposition of voiceless:voiced (Germanic, Balto-Sla
vic, Albanian, Armenian, Iranian, ?Tocharian, ?Celtic. So Dialectal Indo-Eu
ropean had the opposition plain t:d: d (plain
47?
voiceless, plain voiced, glottalic voiced).
In Balto slavic, the aspiration was lost an the former oposition voiceless: voic
ed aspirated t:d was transformed to the oposition voiceless:voiced. The system w
as t:d: d, the same as in Dialectal IE. Voicedness of glottalic stop became redu
ndant and lead to the dissolution of laryngeal and buccal part. Laryngeal part m
erged with H (laryngeal, phonetically glottal stop), buccal part merged with the
reflexes of aspirated which is de facto voiced.
Proofs of Balto-Slavic glottal stop existence:
- Hirt's law - stress was retracted to the preceding syllable which ended in a
laryngeal (phonetically glottal stop)
- Winter's law - stress was not retracted to long vowels which arose as a result
of WL
- retraction from final open syllables of disyllabic forms. This lead to the dis
tribution of end-stressed and stem-stressed forms in mobile paradigm, e.g. Russ.
1-participles pila contra pilo, Lith. Nsg. galv but Dsg. glvai. End-stressed form
s here contained laryngeal.
The retraction did not operate if the laryngeal followed the second component of
a diphtong: *tenh2us > Latv. tivs "thin" or if the root contained Dehnstufe: *mmsm
> S-Cr. meso, OInd. mmsm; *h20uim > S-Cr. jje. The retraction also did not occur if
the laryngeal preceded the syllable nucleus (i.e. it was the part of syllable on
set): *phleh2 > Rus. pila.
471 PIE system of obstruents and its development into the individual branches i
s described in Kortlandt 1978:. OInd. Greek and Latin lost glottalization in ear
ly period, developed the opposition of voiceless:voiced (t:d:d ), new t in Old I
ndie developed from *tH, in Greek from d . In Latin the voicednes was phonetical
ly redundant, therefore voiced obsturent dissimilated: :d:t. Armenian system deas
pirated voiced aspirated so that the opposition t:dd > t:d, voiceless was weaken
ed. Germanic obtained voiced stop form PIE voiced aspirate and a voiced variant
of fricative due to the Verner's law. Generally, loss of aspiration was an inova
tion of PIE dialects as well as the disintegration of preglottalized obstruents
into laryngeal and buccal part. The early loss of glottalization and early loss
of aspiration depended on the dialects. Opposition voiced:unvoiced is the later
development due to the loss of glottalization of aspiration. The original absenc
e of voicedness is preserved in Anatolian languages and Tocharian.
472 Kortlandt 1996:53.
473 Kortlandt 1988:9.
474 Kortlandt 1988d.
137
- in Slavic the glottal stop was lost with compensatory lengthening of a preced
ing vowel in pretonic and posttonic syllable. Under stress and in the first post
onic syllable the loss of glottal stop lead to the rise of new timbre distinctio
n. Presence or absence of glottal stop is reflected as short and long reflexes o
f long vowels. This state is preserved in Serbian-Croatian, e.g. short and a in
jbuka where short a is a reflex of glottalic feature (this is proved in Latv. buls.
Long vowels without glottal stop were not shortened in Slavic, therefore are al
so long in S-Cr, e.g.lsg. sigm. aor. dnijeh contra donesoh "brought" and also in
original root nouns je "word", r "live coals", r "magic".
- Ebeling's law - stress was retracted from a final open syllable unless the pr
eceding syllable was closed by an obstruent. Therefore, we have ending stressed
forms in Lith. Nsg galv <gol?v?; Gpl vilku < *vilkn, Rus. 1-participle pila < *p?il?
and nesla <*nesla?, also in infinitive nesti < *nesti.
Proofs of glottal stop from other IE languages:
Proto-Germanic preglottalized stops
? ? ? .
? ? ?
Proto-Germanic preglottalized voiced stops * b, * d, * g were devoiced to * p, *
t, * k (or
477
the combination glottal stop + C).
PGmc preglottalized stops which underwent weakening are reflected as preaspirati
on in Icelandic, e.g. epli /e pli/ "apple", vatn /va tn/ "water". Another proofs
are the preglottalization in western Danish dialect - vestjysk st0d , Swedish g
emination, e.g. skepp "hip", OE scip (gemination due to the assimilation of glot
tal stop and plosive) Geminaniton of Germanic "k" before "j" and "w" can also be
observed in ON lykkja "coil", bekkr "brook". Old glottal stop is inserted befor
e tautosyllabic voiceless plosive in standard English dialects, e.g. /lea?p/, /h
el?p/. Old High German Second Lautverschiebung gives geminates and fricatives, e
.g. OHG offan "open", wazzar "water" due to the process of glottal
475 Kortlandt 1975:5-6; Derksen 1995:78.
476 The overview and proofs in Kortlandt 1985b.
477 Kortlandt 1997a.
478 Kortland 2003, Kortlandt 2007:3. It means that in Proto-Scandinavian there w
ere no voiced obstruents. 479Kortlandt 1988e, Kortlandt 2009b:3, Kortlandt 2009c
. The intonation is before p, t, k_[+voiced][+stress]
480 Kortlandt 1997b, Kortlandt 2007:3
481 Kortlandt 1996, Kortlandt 2007:3.
482 Kortlandt 1997,b Kortlandt 2003c, Kortlandt 2007:3. Proto-Germanic *hel?p >
Engl. hel?p (continuation of glottal stop), OHG helpfan, Ic. hjl pa, Vestjysk hjc
el'b, also Kortlandt 1997, 2000.
138
stop oralization and assimilation to the following fricative (the original
p, t, k > pf, ts, kch).484
Other languages
Glottalization in Latin, Greek and Old Indie was lost in early stage but the pro
ofs of glottalization are Lachmann's law in Latin, the etymology of Greek numera
ls and Lubotsky's law in Old Indie. In Indo-Iranic, the difference between glott
alic and voiced aspirate is preserved in passive participle: OInd. yukth "joined
(*- CC- > -CC-), dugdhh "milked" (-VCDhV > -VDDhV-). Avestan dugdar "daughter" <
*-gHt- where the intervening laryngeal blocked the effect of glottalization and
weakened the following stop: *- gHt- >*-
Tri 486
gHd-.
Kortlandt's history of Slavic accentuation
Kortlandt dealt heavily with the relative chronology of accentual changes from P
IE to separate Slavic languages. Starting with his book 1975, several articles h
as been devoted to the development of Slavic accentuation (1978), the complete d
evelopment from PIE to Slavic (1983/1994, corrected version 2002), culminating i
n the development of West Slavic accentuation (2009, to be printed in 2010).
The "classical Kortlandt" dealt with the assumption of the disappearance of lary
ngeals in different positions of the word. We must bear in mind that what Kortla
ndt means with laryngeal is phonetically a glottal stop.
The following lines back to Kortlandt 1975, 1977 and 1983/1994/2002 if other wor
ks are not quoted.
Kortlandt assumes that after separation of Proto-Slavic from Baltic the laryngea
ls were lost in pretonic syllables, e.g. *gol?w? > *golw?. Analogically they were
eliminated in barytone forms of mobile paradigm. This is Meillet's law which exp
lains the loss of acute forms in Slavic mobile paradigm (apart from Lithuanian o
nes). I think that such explanation is logical because we dismiss various analog
ical and neutralisation developments and Slavic circumflex
483 Kortlandt 2007:4.
484 Kortlandt's system of PGmc obstruents was challenged by Perridon (2008). He
considers glottal stop insertion in English as a recent phenomenon, that the Ves
tjysk st0d is the result of glottal reinforcement of unaspirated stops in the 14
th century, the Scandinavian preaspiration appeared after the breakup of Proto-N
orse. Perridon also proposes a different chronology of changes. Perridon's appro
ach was recently challenged by Kortlandt (2010). I do not want to go into detail
s.
485 Kortlandt 1983c, e.g. *dk'mtm >*?dk'mtm > Gr. hekatn.
486 Kortlandt 1978:18.
139
is just the absence of a laryngeal. This also fits into general Kortlandt's post
ulation of what acute and circumflex is (see above).
The loss of laryngeals also happened in post-posttonic position. The exception i
s the first posttonic syllable where the laryngeal is not lost. The post-postton
ic syllable is long (laryngeal causes compensatory lengthening). In Slovene, the
long vowel in final syllable causes neocircumflex on the preceding syllable, e.
g. *osnv > osnqva.
Illi-Svity's law occured in Early Middle Slavic. It caused the generalization of A
ccentual mobility in masculine o-stems with non-acute intonation, e.g. *zgbh.
After the Illi-Svity's law, the Pedersen's law (in Slavic) operated. It cause the
stress retraction from internal syllables of mobile paradigms, as seen in Russia
n vodu, n vodu. Also from barytone forms of mobile paradigms the stress was retra
cted which yielded falling tone. Other vowels which were stressed became rising.
Late Middle Slavic was characterised by Dolobko's law where barytone forms of mo
bile paradigms retracted stress to clitics.
Metathesis of liquids. Lengthening under acute (apparent lengthening) as in Cz.
rdlo < *ar?dla is the proof that laryngeal was still a segmental phoneme. Length
is due to the lengthening before tautosyllabic resonant which occured before met
athesis.
Rise of the new timbre distinctions. As said above, Kortlandt claims that in pos
ttonic syllable the laryngeal was lost without compensatory lengthening. In stre
ssed syllable, glottal stop become a feature of the preceding vowel. Phoneticall
y, it should be something like Latvian Brechton. The timbre distinction now shou
ld be rellevant because "acute" and short vowels were considered different: *wy
dra "otter" x *shto "hundred". Quantitative differences in pretonic position wer
e now reinterpreted as the differences in timbre. Pretonic vowels are reflected
as short, e.g. *ronka' > *rgka > Cz. ruka or *mali na > Cz. malina. Serbian-Croa
tian reflect length but this would be due to the analogical transfer from some o
ther barytone forms (Asg ruku). Posttonic long vowel were not shortened because
they caused neocircumflex in Slovene: *snow "base" >Slov. osnqva or *naml > enami. Sh
ort pretonic and long posttonic vowels in mobile paradigms alternated and this l
ead to the unification of quantity - either long or short vowel was generalised
- SCr. long: gblb "pigeon", lud "acorn", lbd "swan", oblast "region" but Czech holub,
alud, labu, oblast. Those forms were originally mobile. If the substantives b
elonged to the fixed stress
Kortlandt 2009/2010. Kortlandt 1983:13.
140
paradigm (barytona), the long vowel was retained: SCr. mjsc, Cz. msc "month", SCr. p
enz, Cz. penz "coin", SCr. jastrb, Cz. jestb "hawk", SCr.pk, Cz. pavouk "spider".
Van Wijk's law operated. Phoneme "j" was lost after consonants with compensatory
lengthening of the following vowel: *wolja? "will" > wola
Young Proto-Slavic faced contraction in posttonic syllables and retraction of th
e stress from final yers. The example of this retraction can be Gpl *gorh > Slov
. gr. This retraction should create long vowels and which should spread into Gpl
of other forms. Kortlandt distinguishes several layers of analogical quantity ge
neralizations: West Slavic, Ukrainian and Cakavian generalized length in monosyl
labic stems before the merger of stressed acute vowels with other short rising v
owels. So according to Kortlandt, acute was still quantitative neutral and the f
orms could escape analogical lengthening, e.g. Cz Gpl krav. As we will see furth
er, the postulation cannot be correct because it does not explain why just "krav
" and not "A/?" escaped analogical lengthening.
Dybo's law occured. Stress shifted from the rising vowel to the following syllab
le which obtained a falling tone. Final yers already lost their stressability an
d could not receive
. 490
stress.
Late Proto-Slavic faced acute (glottalic) was lost and yielded rising short risi
ng intonation.
Lengthening of short falling vowels in monosyllables, e.g. S-Cr. bg, dan.
Stang's law. Retraction of stress from long falling vowels in final syllables.
Long falling vowels were shortened, e.g. *sbrdbce >S-Cr. srce. Monosyllables and
first syllable of the disyllabic forms in S-Cr and Slovene escaped shortening,
e.g. S-Cr. bg, Asg.
-i 491
ruku.
Disintegrating Slavic had the following changes:
- Czech lengthening rule (see later)
- Slovene circumflex shift
- Slovene neocircumflex
- Lengthening of stressed short vowels in non-final syllables in Slovene - they
received rising tone, e.g. lto.
489 Kortlandt 1978:283.
490 This is one of the problematic part of Kortlandt's chronology. Kortlandt thi
nks that *konb > **koni> because yers were already stressless due to the retract
ion of stress from final yers. So stress simply remained on its position, as ref
lected in Slovene konj. The problem is that Kortlandt has to suppose later lengt
hening as in Cz. k. My interpretation is different, see later.
491 Kortlandt means that tonal distinctions were lost in North Slavic. When the
final yers were lost, the new long vowel occured befored devoiced obstruent in P
olish, e.g. bog (Kortlandt 2009/2010). The problem is that they do not occur bef
ore other voiceless obstruents. It means that at the time of lengthening the obs
truents (as in *bog) must have been voiced.
141
6.2.9.3. Garde
Garde has contributed largely to the problems of Balto-Slavic accentology. His w
orks are devoted not only to various aspects of Balto-Slavic and especially Slav
ic accentology but also to the general accentology. Garde's general idea that "L
'accent d'un mot n'est que la realisation des virtualits accentuelles des morphem
es qui le composent" is similar to the concept developed by Dybo and is the cent
ral theme of Garde's monumental work on Slavic accentuation from 1976. Both auth
ors advocate the accentual marks of morphemes, distribution of the flective lexe
mes in accentual paradigms and their characterization as "courbe accentuelle, ak
centnaya krivaya": a certain disposition of the accent in flexion.
Garde 1976 based his book on the MAS conceptions. He modified the conception of
dominant and recessive morphemes. The flexion can be seen as a combinaton of "th
emes forts" T, "themes faibles" t, "desinences fortes" D, "desinences faibles" d
. The fixed paradigm would be characterised by 'T D, 'T d, mobile paradigms by t
'D or 'td combinations. The themes forts could be aigus T or non-aigus T thus e
xplaining the Lithuanian paradigms AP1 and Slavic APa, and and Lithuanian AP2 an
d Slavic APb. A Slavic APc and Lithuanian AP3 and AP4 would have the theme faibl
e (in Lithuanian theme faible aigus or non-aigus), while Slavic mobile paradigm
is characterised by t 'D and 't d combinations. Garde constructs unaccented word
s as having the accen on the first syllable (p. 80). The same principle as for "
themes" and "desinences" applies for "radicaux" R, r and suffixes S, s - radicau
x fort aigus are Lithuanian API and Slavic APa, radicaux fort non aigus are Lith
. AP2 and Slavic APb while radicaux faibles are Lithuanian AP3 and AP4 and Slavi
c APc.
Garde synchronic ally describes the Balto-Slavic prosodic system as an interacti
on of of the dominancy and recessivity of root, suffix and desinences. The inher
ent properties of morphemes are independent of the tonal characteristics. Garde
is heavily dependent on Dybo's material, also in his description of the accentua
tion of derivates which are also results of the interaction of dominancy and rec
essivity. Suffixes can be dominants forts (S+) resulting in the fixed suffixal a
ccent in a paradigm, e.g. Lith. bras > bernas), dominants faibles (s+, e.g. mius "age"
>minas "eternity") in the weak stems and in mobile paradigms, suffixes dominants
ngatifs (s-, brlis "brother" > brlikas "fraternal") which switch accent back to the
root (preaccenting) ordinaires suffixes forts (S, e.g.vjas "wind" > vjuotas "windy
"),
492 Garde 1966a, 1966b, 1974 (comprised in Garde 2006)
493 Garde 1965/2006 and especially the famous L'accent (1968) being still a user
-friendly introduction to various synchronic aspects of prosody. Garde 1990 is a
short introduction to the basic principles of post-Stang accentology (Dutch sch
ool is excluded), also in Garde 1976/2006.
494 Garde 1965/2006:89.
142
combined with strong roots giving root accent, combined with weak roots giving s
uffixal accent and suffixes ordinaires faibles (s), e.g. Rus. gorch "pea" > gorcho
vyj "pea-like".
Garde also tries to reconstruct the development of Balto-Slavic accentual system
up to the modern ones. Garde proposes that the forms inaccentuables were reacce
ntuated in different languages. Basically it means that the raccentuation is the
default stress was docked on the initial syllable of an unaccented form. In Lith
uanian, this was anterior to the de Saussure's law and the tone neutralization i
n unstressed syllables. In Slavic the neutralization occured in the pretonic and
unstressed forms (Meillet's law in Garde's formulation), final long vowels were
shortened before the fall of yers. Dybo's law (Illi-Svity's law in Garde's formul
ation) occured only in East and South Slavic dialects. West Slavic had shorten t
he pretonic and unstressed syllables. Garde sticks to the classical theory that
acute was shortened but that the Kashubian preserved the Proto-Slavic accentual
system better.
Garde consider Balto-Slavic acute to be a reflection of a syllable with laryngea
l coda while Balto-Slavic circumflex should reflect the syllables with a larynge
al in non-coda position or without a laryngeal. Strong and weak syllables are al
so applied to Old Indic and Greek accentual system. Garde's lengthy publication
is the first systematic account of Balto-Slavic accentuation.
Garde's concept was criticised by Kortlandt 1978 (criticism of the absence of Dy
bo's law in West Slavic, raccentuation as a mixed-bag of changes and lack of Balt
ic data supporting the unstressed forms etc). Kortlandt also proposed his own ch
ronology of accentual changes in Slovincian (see earlier in this dissertation).
Another criticism came from Halle & Kiparsky 1981 who also proposed their altern
ative theory which was criticised by Kortlandt 1983 (see further).
6.2.9.4. Halle and Kiparsky's theories
Both Halle and Kiparsky wrote several papers where they wanted to apply modern p
honological theories to the development of PIE and Balto-Slavic accentuation. Th
eir theories are characterised by the large omission of the general accentologic
al literature or their misinterpretation and almost total supression of countere
vidence. None of the theories has found an acceptance among accentologists but o
n the contrary, they are quite frequently
Garde 1976:55-68. p. 189-297. p.189-295.
143
quoted by the phonologists who are generally not competent in historical linguis
tics and
accentual problems of Balto-Slavic languages.
Halle 1971 posited several ordered rules to describe principles of Slavic accent
uation:
H assignment - place a feature [+H] on a vowel in the word
H distribution - place a feature [+H] on all vowels to the left of the vowel mar
ked [+H] by H assigment rule
Vowel truncation - delete a vowel followed by a vowel
Stress assignment - place stress on the rightmost vowel marked [+H]; if there is
no such vowel, on the first
vowel in the word
Neutralization - assign [-H] to all unstressed vowels, convert unstressed [o, a,
e] > [i] after soft consonants, and >
[e] elsewhere
Neoacute rule - assign [+R] to the long vowel in the pre H- positon
So e.g. accentuation o* stoly-*stola in Russian begins as follows:
stoh stola
+H +H H assignment
+H +H H distribution
0 Yer deletion
o a Stress placement
-H Neutralizaton
stol stal
Halle also posited [+R] neoacute rule, which should assigh the feature [+R] to s
tressed vowel. An example of that rule can be the the Lpl of Croatian Nov diale
ct krovih : krovlkb
+H H assignment
+H +H H distribution
+R Neoacute
0 Yer deletion
T Stress assignment
-H Neutralization
krovih Output
Stokavian Slavonian n can be interpreted as follows:
nob Gsg noa
+H H assignment
+H +H H distribution
- Q-j--ficc c\ cel rmTnfMTt"
_________
0 +R oiiC daaigiiiiiciiL ----------
---- Neoacute
0 Yer deletion +H
n Output + stress
noa Output
1 Simplified after Hallel970:9.
144
For Slovene, Halle proposes a Stress assignment rule, that puts stress to the pe
nultimate vowel with [+H]: Slov. ejia contra Stok. ena and Nov ena.
Halle explains the difference between Stok. lipa and Slovene lipa with diffferen
t operation of H assignment rule - in Stokavian, the [+H] is placed on the stem
vowel, in Slovene, the [+H] is put on the next syllable (lipa)
+H To explain the differences between Slovene Nsg rak (short) and Gpl lip (long)
, Halle posits a special rule that lengthens stressed vowel in nonfilnal syllabl
e or, there is no shortening rule in Slovene: rakb \vp-b +H +H
The falling tone in Gpl lip can be explained by Metatony rule , which changes [+
H] in the last syllable of the word to [-H]. This rule, however, cannot explain
the forms like Isg lpo, gor. Halle posits a rule that assigns [+R] to the stressed
vowel in certain cases (e.g. Isg fern) of nouns with circumflex stems. This is
another variant of metatony. The purpose of the Metatony rule is also to block t
he rule that would put rising tone in non-final syllable, like Stokavian ena. Aft
er application of Metatony rule we have Slovene ena.
The whole interpretation of accetuation in Russian, Stokavian, Cakavian and Slov
ene is therefore interpreted as a set of ordered rules.
Kiparsky and Halle 1977 reduced the number of ordering rules and posited three b
asic rule that can be applied on all Indo-European languages that reflect the or
iginal accentual system. Kiparsky and Halle tried to show that Slavic, Lithuania
n, Vedic and Greek use Deaccentuation rule, Metatony rule and Basic accentuation
principle (BAP). BAP is the easiest principle: If a word has more than one acce
nted vowel, the first of these gets the word accent. If a word has no accented v
owel, the first vowel gets the word accent. Deaccentuation rule is the rule caus
ing a morpheme to deaccent the preceding string. This morpheme-specification is
a part of lexical entry. Metatony rule causes retraction of the
accent one or two syllable towards the word.
506
500 Halle 1970:9.
501 Halle 1970:14.
502 The whole schema of rules in Halle 1970:18.
503 For the sake of simplicity I omit formalised writing. The problem is that BA
P was in fact postulated by Dybo (1968:148) because the Slavic circumflex is act
ually an intonatin of a word in an isolated position. When joined with a procili
ts, the ictus retracts to the beginning of the phonological word.
504 Kiparsky & Halle 1977:209.
505 Kiparsky & Halle 1977:210.
506 Kiparsky & Halle 1977:221.
145
There are also three kinds of morphemes: unaccented, accented and preaccenting (
they cause retraction of accent to preceding vowel and trigger Metatony rule).
Using those principles, Kiparsky and Halle are able to describe various accentua
l phenomena in individual Indo-European languages. So e.g. Sanskrit athematic fo
rms we have forms with fixed stress (Dsg bhrtre, Asg bhratram, Vsg bhrtar) and mob
ile stress (Dsg duhitr, pad, Asg duhitram, pdam, Vsg. dhitar, pd). Stems in fixed para
digm are inherently stressed while those stems in mobile paradigm lack accent in
their underlying representation. However, suffix in Dsg - is inherently accented
. Combined with unaccented stem like duhitr- the only accented morpheme is the s
uffix and according to BAP the word is accented on the ending. When the accented
suffix gets together with inherently accented stem (like in bhrtr-), the "domina
ncy" of the stem-inhered-accetunation prevails and according to BAP the word is
stem stressed. Suffixes of Asg -am are inherently unaccented, therefore the whol
e word is accented on the stem irrelevantly of the accentual paradigm - duhitram,
pdam, bhrtram. Vocative undergoes Deaccentuation rule, therefore BAP causes the s
tress to be on the first syllable. There are also two kinds of suffixes - Class
I suffixes not triggering Deaccentuation of the base - accented suffixes: as
vanm> svnm; devanm >
H H H HH
devnm; unaccented suffixes (-vant-) - avavantnm > vavatnm "having horses";
H H H padvantnm > padvannm "having feet". H
Class II suffixes trigger Deaccentuation of the base : metationi
zing suffixes {-ta-)\ bandhutnm > bandhtnm "relationship"; agnitnm >agntnm "fire
H H H H
accented suffixes {-in)
avinnam > avnnm "having horses"; paksininm > pasinlnm "having wings" H H H
H H
The same principle should operate in Lithuanian, where BAP caused initial accent
in strong cases of unaccented stems - Asg dkter(, mter( with the extension to una
ccented stems in all declensions: glva, vrna.
Kiparsky & Halle 209.
Similarly for pumms "man" - Dsg pums, Asg pmmsam, Vsg pman.
Kiparsky & Halle 1977:213.
Kiparsky & Halle 1977:212.
146
Russian, as an type of Slavic languages, has modified Metatony rule (suffixes tr
iggering that rule must be accented) and also Post-Stem-Accentuation Rule (PAR).
Especially oxytone paradigms are those subjected to PAR, like Dsg.konj, Npl sady
etc. Metatony rule accents the vowel preceeding accented suffix. This contrasts
singular and plural forms, e.g. kolbas, kolbas but kolbsy, kolbsam. Singular forms
are end-stressed by PAR, plural forms by PAR and Metatony rule.
Kiparsky himself tried to deal with Indo-European accentuation from the synchron
ic point of view (Kiparsky 1973). His aim was to describe the inflectional accen
t of Sanskrit, Greek and Balto-Slavic which would, according to Kiparsky, reflec
t the old accentual mobility. Kiparsky has several requirements at the backgroun
d of his analysis: the acute:circumflex contrast, the thematization of stems wit
h the subsequent stress stabilisation, the accentual properties of derivational
and inflectional suffixes. The solution to the existence of those phenomena are,
according to Kiparsky, explained by a system of rules. For example Greek situat
ion presupposes two types of words - basically accented and basically unaccented
. Strong cases are presuffixally accented while weak cases have a poststem accen
t. The accent applies to moras, so presuffixal accent is actually the accent on
the last mora of a stem in athematic and on the last mora of the theme vowel in
thematic stems, like pd-a "foot" but phug-e-n (phugri) "flight". Poststem accent is
the accent on the first mora of a case suffix in athematic and the first mora o
f the theme vowel in thematic stems, like pods but phug-e-s (phugs). The recessive
accent rule is the rule that shifts the accent to the right to left at the end o
f derivation: V >[-acc] /_XoCoVo Co#. The unaccented stems should be characterise
d
by two rules: V >[+acc] /stem+Co___in weak cases and V >[+acc] /(a)__Co + (Case) f
or
strong cases.
/ (b) # Co
The Sanskrit should be characterised by the inherently accented stems (athematic
and thematic stems with fixed stress) and inherently unaccented stems (mobile,
if athematic and fixed stress, if thematic). For example unaccented athematic at
hematic stem are the forms of pd-au "foot" (strong stem), padi (weak stem); the a
ccented athematic stem are the forms of gv-au "cow" (strong stem) and gvi (weak st
em). Thematic stems can also be unaccented dev--au, dev--i "god" or acccented sv-a-
au, sv-a-i. Sanskrit accentual system has the same rules as Greek, but the rules
apply to moras in Greek and to syllables in Sanskrit.
511 Kiparsky (1973:802)
512 Kiparsky (1973:804).
513 ibid p. 820.
147
As for Lithuanian, the strong paradigmatic cases of mobile stems have word initi
al accent (if not shifted to the right by the de Saussure's law), the weak cases
have word final accent. Kiparsky thinks that the Balto-Slavic (or Baltic) mobil
ity in thematic stems appeared when the PIE thematic oxytona adopted marginal mo
bility, as observed in Lithuanian: API. *galv--s > *glv--s, Ipl galv-mis > *galv--ms.
Lithuanian mobilia are concerned to be original oxytona, they are mobile due to
the abovementioned rules. Kiparsky does not consider probable that a small group
of athematic mobile nouns could influence the thematic oxytona (Pedersen's law)
. Thanks to the marginal mobility the weak paradigmatic cases have circumfiexed
ending and the strong cases acute one (due to the de Saussure's law).
The unsolved puzzle from Kiparsky's analysis remains: what was the motivation of
marginal mobility in Balto-Slavic and why Balto-Slavic switched from rightward
to leftward accent spread.
Kiparsky 1984 modified the above mentioned rules. BAP is not considered to be a
single rule any more, but as a separate processes that applies at different leve
ls in the lexical phonology of Sanskrit. Moreover, apart from the stems with fix
ed and movale stems he distinguishes accented and preaccenting derivational suff
ixes and inflectional endings. Derivational suffixes are treated as dominant (th
ey impose their accent pattern on both unaccented and the accented stems) and re
cessive (also all inflectional suffixes are to be taken as recessives). Kiparsky
also distinguisthes neutral suffixes. Again, Kiparsky completely omits that the
same terms were first adduced by Dybo (1973) and "rediscovers" the same princip
les. The whole schema of morpheme interaction is framed in the lexical phonology
. BAP is cyclic and apply to "early" suffixes at the lower level as well as to "
later" suffixes at higher level.. So e.g. the way from the underived lexical ent
ry /purusa/ to purstnm leads
CIO
via two levels with the following rules : Level 1: BAP 1: purum, suffixation: pru
sa+t, Accent deletion: purus+t; Level 2: suffixation: purus+t+nm, BAP 2: purus+t+nm,
ut: purustnm. Just to note that at the Level 2 the influence of ablaut can also pla
y role and together with BAP can both phonological processes lead to the accent
shift. Barytona are
514 ibid. p. 828.
515 Rule 1: if there is no accented syllable, the first syllable receives the ic
tus. Rule 2: the first accented syllable receives the ictus (Kiparsky 1984:202).
Alas, this formulation is the precisely the one found in Dybo 1968 and especial
ly 1981. No mention is done about Dybo.
516 Preaccenting suffixes move the accent backwards, e.g. pad-s > pdas, or cause d
eaccentuation first: prusa + t > purust "human nature".
517 Neutral suffixes have no influence on the position of accent. If they are co
mbined with an accented stem, the resulting form is accented on the same syllabl
e as in the original stem: dsa "slave" + -T > dsi "female slave". If the neutral s
uffixes are added to an unaccented stem, the resulting form is also unaccented:
ad "ead" + ant > adant "eating". The final accentuation is then formed by BAP >
adn(t).
518 Simplified according to Kiparsky 1984:208.
148
treated as being unmarked forms which have constant stress pattern assigned by B
AP to stems without any marked lexical accent.
Kortlandt versus Halle & Kiparsky
A long-year controversy started when both Kortlandt and Halle & Kiparsky reviewe
d Garde's Histoire de accentuation slave (1976). The main points of diagreement c
an be summarised as follows:
1. The nature of acute: Halle & Kiparsky posit acute as a High tone while Kortl
andt takes acute as glottal stop. The pretonic APb forms are assigned as LH tone
, so *trgba should have the tonal structure LH.H in West Slavic but L.HH in East
and South Slavic , while circumflex forms APc would have L tone, thus *rgk would
have LH structure both in West and in South and East Slavic (although it is not
clear if Halle and Kiparsky presupposes the long root
, 521
vowel.
2. Halle & Kiparsky stick to the traditional view that the contrast acute - cir
cumflex reflects a contrast between PIE long and short vowels. Long vowels shoul
d develop H tone and while short vowels should obtain LH tone (circumflex). Kort
landt explains the origin of acute from the sequence syllable nucleus+fmal laryn
geal/voiced obstruent backing his claim on the comparative evidences and Winter'
s law.
3. The mechanism of de Saussure's law: Halle & Kiparsky formulate de Saussure's
law as a tone flop rule which detaches a High tone and links it to the next ton
e-bearing phoneme. De Saussure's law operates before BAP and affects a stage in
the derivation where the words might have several High tones and accents. As Kor
tlandt remarks, this is nothing new because almost the same proposal was put for
ward by the de Saussure himself.
4. Halle & Kiparsky posit the following types of accent rules (p. 174): tone as
sociation , tone assignment , BAP, melody simplification , Lithuanian has also d
e Saussure's law and non-final lengthening. Latvian has tonal distinction only o
n the initial syllables where the ictus appears due to the BAP. Apart from the f
act that such characteristics of Baltic tonal system is simplified, Kortlandt al
so admits that the Latvian system that H&K use is the
519 Kortlandt 1978, Halle & Kiparsky 1981, Kortlandt 1983.
520 Halle & Kiparsky 1981:164.
521 p. 178.
522 Halle & Kiparsky 1981:165, Kortlandt 1983:30.
523 Halle & Kiparsky 1981:171.
524 Each tone-bearing phoneme is associated with at least one tone. Each tone mu
st be asspociated with at least one tone-bearing phoneme. Association lines cann
ot cross.(p.l63).
525 Assign LH to short syllables and H to long syllables (p. 165).
526 Eliminate L when H is associated with the same phoneme (p. 166).
149
simplified standard language situation and the authors give no explanation for t
he appearance of a glottalic tone in unaccented syllables, the reversal of LH to
HL melody in circumflex syllables or the merger of the falling tone with the ri
sing tone with broken tone in Western Latvian dialects.
5. Halle & Kiparsky also claim that the unaccented syllables in Slavic were neu
tralised and uniformly obtained L tone. Kortlandt opposes that the problem of qu
antity in posttonic syllables is more complex. West Slavic has different quantit
ies in originally unaccented syllables, e.g. Cz. holub < *glgbb (APc) versus msc *ms
qcb (APa) which is contrary to what H&K claim. South Slavic dialects show also t
he difference, as in S-Cr. krvr "cowherd" and Slovene krvar, where the neocircumfle
x reflects the original posttonic length.
6. The mechanism of Dybo's law, which I described elsewhere and will not repeat
here.
7. The lack of chronology: Halle & Kiparsky posit only a just a bulk of rules w
ithout any chrononological perspective. They do not discuss the reflection of ac
ute in separate languages (e.g.the transformation of H tone to length in Standar
d Czech, the preservation if pretonic length, e.g. Czech trva etc.). Kortlandt, o
n the other hand, developed a detailed chronology of accentual changes from PIE
to separate languages
While Kiparsky resigned to deal with PIE and Balto-Slavic accentology since late
1980s, Halle returned twice to the problem of PIE and Slavic accentuation. Hall
e (1997) adopted metrical stress theory as an explanation of accentual changes.
Instead of Stang's accentual paradigms, Halle posits his own variant of paradigm
s: (A) - accented, as in Russian gorch, (B) postaccenting, as in Russian Dpi koro
lm, (C) unaccented, as in Russian grodu, gorodm, where stress is determined by the
case endings and unaccented forms obtain the initial stress by BAP. The terms po
staccenting and unaccented were already used in Halle & Kiparsky (1981). Halle a
gain operates with rules which should explain the behaviour of isolated examples
without any reference to historical continuity. Russian should have the
527 Kortlandt 1983:31.
528 Halle & Kiparsky 1981:174.
529 Kortlandt 1983:32-32, reconstructed forms from Derksen 2008.
530 The Vedic prosodic system from the point of metrical phonology is also a par
t of Halle & Vergnaud (1987) article.
531 Halle & Vergnaud (1987) developed a metrical theory by means of bracketed g
rids. Brackets are projected and inserted to grids by various operations (grids
were massively applied to the surface structure of words and phrases by Prince 1
983). Idsardi (1992, the work not available to me, I quote from Halle & Idsardi
1995) eliminated feet and introduced stress-bearing marks denoted by asterisks a
s a representation of stress-bearing segments. Asterisks are grouped into larger
units by brackets. Such groups can be similar to feet but feet do not play any
role in that theory. The position of stress-bearing units is only determined by
the brackets. Idsardi's work was not accessible to me but the theory was present
ed in Halle & Idsardi (1995). The theory was also applied to PIE accentuation by
Kim (2002).
150
retraction rule which would cause the retraction of stress one syllable to the l
eft. This is the Halle's explanation of neoacute:
* line 2
(* * line 1
* * /* * * /* /* *\ line 0
kolbasami > kolba sa mi
Halle thinks that the similar rule also operated in Sanskrit and even in PIE. Th
is is nonsense, of course, because neoacute rises due to the Stang's law which o
perated only in Late Slavic. Halle also posits another retraction rule - the yer
rule retraction which deletes the final yer which normally bear stress and subs
equently the stress is retracted:
koroli) > koroh) > korol > korol
No motivation for the yer deletion exists, apart from the fact that Halle posits
a rule that
causes the deletion.
Serbian-Croation should have undergone the High-tone spreading rule causing Stok
avian shift. The rules assign stress to the ending, if it is accented and if the
stem is accentless. If the ending is unaccented, the stem obtains the accent: R
uss. vod-vdu, S-Cr. voda (tone spreading rule), vodu. The problem rises in kst whic
h requires another rule which would cause lengthening of the root syllable. Acco
rding to Halle, the metrical system of Russian and Serbian-Croatian (and basical
ly Slavic) is computed by rules. Morphemes are distinctively accented and intotn
ational contrasts play only a superficial role. On the other hand, the intonatio
n contrast is an inherent property of long syllables in Baltic languages. Halle
refutes to compare Baltic and Slavic intonations claiming that there is a mistak
e to use intonational properties such as acute, circumflex and neoacute to expla
in the phonological evolution of slavic languages. Although such statements migh
t be puzzling, the fact that Baltic and Slavic acutes intonations are different
have been established long before Halle by Dybo and Kortlandt.
A special care is devoted to de Saussure's law which Halle postulates ony with t
he reference to the syllable structure (branching nucleus receives stress) and d
ispenses with the intonations. De Saussure's law is interpreted as a stress shif
t form a short syllable nucleus to the directly following long syllable nucleus.
No wonder that such interpretation leads to the comparison of de Saussure's law
with Dybo's law and this is what Halle does. Dybo's law
532 Halle 1997:283.
533 ibid p. 284.
534 ibid. p. 290.
535 p. 297-299.
151
should create postaccenting stems in Slavic and is a not synchronic rule in cont
rast with de Saussure's law. The difference between postaccenting stems and othe
r stems is a property of the lexical representation of stems. It is therefore pu
zzling why Halle compares the mechanism of de Saussure's law and Dybo's law when
he states that synchronically, Slavic has no counterpart of de Saussure's law.
The only explanation seems that Dybo's law introduced inherently postaccenting s
tems into the lexicon. Halle also sticks to the Garde's proposal that Dybo's law
did not operate in West Slavic and completely ignores Kortlandt's counterexampl
es (Kortlandt 1983).
For Halle, the evolution of word initial strees in Slavic languages is no more t
han a replacement of rules. Rules are ordered without any phonological or morpho
logical motivation. Halle also broadens his approach to the PIE accent-ablaut cl
asses stating that stems in aerostatic paradigms have inherent accent, stems in
mesodynamic and hysterokinetic paradigms are postacccenting and stems in holokin
etic and proterokinetic paradigms are unaccented. Strong desinences are consider
ed unaccented, weak desinences are accented. Moreover, Halle claims that there a
re two rules which modify the underlying accentual patterns: a retraction rule s
imilar to the one causing neoacute in Slavic (retraction of stress from weak end
ings to the stem, visible in weak cases of the proterokinetic paradigm) and a ru
le that renders the suffix non-stress-bearing in the weak cases in hysterokineti
c paradigm. So all morphemes in the proto-language were accented or unaccented a
nd the final stress pattern was computed by rules. The same principle counts for
Sanskrit, Baltic (the development of marked syllables with rising tone - circum
flex, unmarked syllables with falling tone - acute, short) and East and South Sl
avic (the rise of postaccenting morphemes). Other IE languages lost the opositio
n accented/unaccented morphemes and received mostly stress on initial syllables.
A special development is postulated for Greekwhich replaced the original accent
ed/unaccented morphemes by his own accent rules.
Halle 2001 basically continued with the abovementioned framework to explain West
Slavic prosodic patterns. Curiously, Halle rejected the Garde's idea that Dybo'
s law did not operate in West Slavic (which he himself supported in previous pap
ers). Now he made Dybo's law the central tenet of the Slavic accentual evolution
. Dybo's law created postaccenting morphemes, then shortening of long vowes occu
red and the loss of accentual mobility in West Slavic occured. When the Dybo's
law was subsequently lexicalised, the postaccenting
p. 298. p. 309. This idea underwent criticism by Frazier 2006.
152
morphemes appeared in languages with mobile stress. But mobility was lost in Wes
t Slavic (apart from Kashubian) and the only proof of that Dybo's law operated h
ere is quantiy. According to Halle, all West Slavic languages pres
erved length in post-accenting
i 539
morphemes.
Those ideas were heavily criticised by Kortlandt (2003b) who opposes that acute
and original pretonic long vowels were shortened, new long vowel arose in postto
nic syllables and under stress before Dybo's law (everything within the detailed
framework of Kortlandt's chronology). Dybo's law, of course, created a new pret
onic quantitative contrast, the fact which Halle does not know. Kortlandt also c
riticises the Halle's proposal that Czech acute long vowels were not shortened i
n monosyllabic stems. I agree with Kortlandt that they were shortened in Common
Slavic and lenghtened later by the rule which I call Kortlandt's lengthening rul
e. That rule operated in Upper Sorbian and Czech dialects only. Halle also claim
s that the West Slavic length proofs that West Slavic languages were subjected t
o Dybo's law. So the theoretical framework supposes a certain behaviour of data
and data are explained due to the theoretical framework. The result is therefore
circular.
Curiously, Halle uses metrical stress theory to explain the West Slavic accentua
tion but ignores the rhythmicity. As Kortlandt aptly remarks, Halle does not dis
cus the shortening of the root vowel in Slovak vinr "wine-grower" from vino "wine
", although he adduces the words. Should he consult the Czech counterpart vina, h
e would be strucked by the fact that the distribution of length in derivates doe
s not exceed three moras. This is actually the result of Bethin (1998) whom Hall
e quotes but completely ignores her account of Slavic rhythmicity.
6.2.9.5. Bethin and the rise of rhythmicity
The influentian but most often ignored works by Bethin aspirate as a new standar
d of the description of mainly Late Proto-Slavic prosodic development.
Bethin 1998, 1998a.
539 p. 809.
540 Halle 2001:807, Kortlandt 2003:239.
541 Halle claims that Dybo's law generated unstressable vowels and those were im
mune to shortening - therefore Slovak nouns belonging to former APb are long {bk,
sd.), while accented vowels from former APa and APc were shortened {dym, hrad).
Simply said, only stems that underwent Dybo's law were not shortened. On the oth
er hand, Dybo's law should apply to all monosyllabic stems which would one time
be all postaccenting (Halle 2001:808). I do not find this proposal convincing be
cause it does not explain why we find doublets in in Old Czech..
542 Kortlandt 2003b:239.
543 Halle 2007:806, Kortlandt 2003b:249.
153
characterises Late Proto-Slavic as a system with high tone H, word stress * and
distinctive quantity.
Word stress is connected with the high-tone, otherwise is default on the initial
syllable of the phonological word.
Quantity opposition is between one mora and two moras - li x lili.
Accentuated word has a tone with redundant stress, ictus is a prominence of the
tone or the stress and tone is a property of mora and it is an autosegment. Stre
ss is a property of a syllable, it is independent of the tone and causes rhythmi
c pattern of the language. According to Bethin, in Late Common Slavic either ton
e or stress were chosen as a prominence or both of them were retained. Tone and
quantity (mora) are separated on independent tiers. Oxytona have H on monomoraic
desinential syllable, there is no phonological pitch on an unaccented syllable.
A word form can be either accented (H) or unaccented (non-H) but stressed (init
ial default *).
Rising contour (acute) is limited to bimoraic domain - monosyllabic (lili) or bis
yllabic (li)(li), both forming bimoraic prosodic foot, because of the rising conto
ur (lili )0 or (li)(li )a . Barytona and oxytona are characterised by a bimoraic
foot (lili)f while mobilia and oxytona by a bisyllabic foot (gg)f prosodic domai
n. The prosodic situation of Late Proto-Slavic can be illustrated as follows:
(*)
/A /I
C \i \i C |i
H
Autosegmental representation of *rakh. The word belongs to APa and has an acute
intonation on a long syllable (two-moraic). As Bethin interprets acute as a risi
ng intonation, the H-tone is on the second mora. Stress (*) is on the first syll
able but has no influence on the position of H-tone.
544 Bethin 1998:272
545 Bethin 1998:123. Bethin accepts the Stang's distinction of accentual paradi
gms but she does not use them sticking to the classical terms acute, circumflex,
oxytona. I hereby modify Bethin's terminology.
154
C*)
'J A A
C JJL C JJL
H Autosegmental intepretation of * stoly. The word belongs to APb and it is an o
xytone. Bethin interprets the final rising tone as H tone associated with final
mora.
o
/K A
C JJL \L C \i
Autosegmental intepretation of *zgbh. The word belongs to APc with long circumfl
ex intonation which is realized by the phonetic implementation of stress on the
first long syllable. The prominence at the beginning of the word is interpreted
as a falling pitch.
(*)
c> o
A A
C ji C ji
Autosegmental intepretation of *vbzh which is also APc but with short circumflex
. Its realization is the same as in *zgbh.
Phonological changes of Proto-Slavic are characterised by the following constrai
nts: Sonority constraint - vowel must not occupy the syllable margin;consonats m
ust not occupy the syllable nucleus.
Onset constraint - syllables must have onsets. Explains Proto-Slavic prothesis.
No coda constraint - syllables do not have codas. Explains monophtongization,
metathesis, denasalisation. Moraic constraint - in syllable-final position are o
nly moraic segments allowed.
546 Those are OT constraints, although Bethin does not use OT for her analysis.
155
The interaction of those constraints explain changes connected with the Law of o
pen syllables (which has never been explained).
Due to the interaction of the above-mentioned constraints, South Slavic kept mor
aic distinction within the syllable and also retained tone as the expression of
prominence; the opposition between accented (with H) and unaccented (without H)
was interpreted as one of quantity, some forms had tone prominence, others had q
uantity prominence - this was organized into iambic groups in Slovene (progressi
ve shift). Northern dialects made syllable itself is the carrier of prosody, pri
mary marker of prominence was intensity, intersyllabic relations organized troch
aically; where distinctions in quantity were possible - quantity used either to
maintain a trochaic metrical foot or to support stress within a metrical trochee
.
The important result of Bethin's work is the rise of bisyllabic domain in Late P
roto-Slavic dialects which means that certain changes in that period took place
within a two-syllable group, like contraction or compensatory lenghtening. The r
eanalysis of the syllables happended before the loss of yers. Weak yers did not
have an influence on the new syllable types. South Central dialects permitted ma
ximally bimoraic syllables, (North) West Slavic could have two-moraic syllables
and North East Slavic allowed only one moraic syllables (so there was no length
contrast). Bethin 1998:143-144 observed that acute has a tendency to be long onl
y in disyllabic forms and when the following vowel was short. This observation f
its together with her conception of the bisyllabic domain rise in Late Proto-Sla
vic. It explains the quantity differences between vra-viti, krva-kravami etc. It als
o means that the lengthening in Czech (e.g. due to the neoacute or due to the le
ngthening of original acute syllables) is not constrained by the syllable itself
but by the neighbouring syllable. Here Bethin contradicts herself. On the one h
and, she deals with the shortening of old acute length, on the other hand her ex
planation of Czech length in "krva" would mean that another lengthening should ha
ve happened to support a trochaic structure in bisyllabic domain. I deal with bi
syllabic domain in the chapters about compensatory lengtheing and Czech quantity
.
One of the Bethin's misinterpretation is the sticking to the intepretation of ac
ute as a H-tone. She must therefore suppose the acute shortening in West Slavic
(p. 127) which is wrong because data contradict to it.
p.28-111. p.95.
156
6.2.9.6. Holzer and his chronology
Holzer in a number of papers proposed an alternative relative chronology of Prot
o-Slavic changes up to early Croatian. Apart from it, he developed his own diacr
itics system which I do not follow here. Some basic facts from Holzer's chronolo
gy can be adduced here.
Hlzer (1999:41) interprets de Saussure's law as a degeneralization of Dybo's law
and vice versa, Dybo's law as a generalizatio of de Saussure's law.
Winter's law is used in Matasovi's interpretation (Hlzer 2001). Hirt's law should
operate in Balto-Slavic before the Meillet's and after the rise of APc in verbs.
Hirt's law in nouns applied in original oxytona *grv, loss of oxytonesis and rise
of unaccentness (on unknown reasons) lead to Hirt's law and analogically merged
with *leipa (APa) which had the same accentuation.
Proto-Slavic had only one constant paradigm (a), Dybo's law is post-Proto-Slavic
, e.g. Lat. Salna > Cr. SlTn, Gsg Solna, which was borrowed to Slavic only after 60
0 AD and could be subjected to Dybo's law at that time. APc is considered unacce
nted. Unaccented syllables could have acute because later underwent Meillet's la
w, in Hlzer term it is "Meillets Metatonie". Chronologically, Meillet's law is af
ter metathesis of liquids, e.g. acute was lost before metathesis, laryngeal was
lost before vowels and then due to the sound laws *arHaHti > PSL *aratei > Cr. or
ati, Cz. orati. (Holzer 2005, 2007).
APd already arised in Pre-Proto-Slavic as a result of tone erasure in initial no
n-acute syllable in -as forms, *zambas > *zambh > Cr. zub, *nebas > *neba > Cr.
nebo. It means that Proto-Slavic had 3 accentual paradigms: a, c, d. (Hlzer 2007)
.
APc could appear if some forms shifted accent from ultima to penultima due to th
e Hirt's law: *witei > Cr. viti. APc could be APc+: root syllable contained a lo
ng nucleus, accented penultima, due to the Hirt's law sigmatic aorist and infini
tive (*wichh) or APc-: short nucleus in a root syllable *wilkh > Cr. vk, here Hir
t's law operated in G, L Du and G, I pi: *wilkh, *wilku or APc 0: all other para
digmatic variants, do not provide any information if the root/stem syllable was
acute, no Hirt's law apart from the retraction to the acute stem syllable, e.g.
*gal'vnn>, *gavmi, *gavchh, to to root syllable. (Hlzer 2007).
Originally long vowels were long in Proto-Slavic, the shortening became only aft
er the breaking of Proto-Slavic.
Stang's law is called Ivi's law and is split into two parts. Ivi's law 1 caused stre
ss retraction from a long non-acute vowel to a long vowel with the neoacute resu
lt (this is the
549 Various details in Hlzer 1995, 1998, 1999, 2001, 2005 and 2007.
550 Hlzer 2005:52-54.
157
real Stang's law). Ivi's law 2 caused stress retraction from a weak final yer, e.g
. *bobb > S-Cr. bob.
Holzer's chronology also incorporates Kapovi's Moragesetze : Zwei-Moren Gesetz :
two moras before long stressed syllable are shortened, e.g. *jqzykh > *jqzykh. T
he process remains unexplained by both Kapovic and Hlzer. Moreover, Kapovic does
not distinguish paradigmatic and derivative length, e.g. Cz. trouba-trubice. Vie
r-Silben Gesetz is described as the shortenind of posttonic length in the second
syllabe of quadrisyllable words , e.g. Stok. puk-puina, Cz. pavouk-pavuina.
Holzer also considers acute originally long and shortened , also by Dreisilbe
ngesetz by which length in the first syllable (which was stressed) was shortened
in three- or more syllable forms which did not contain yer in the penultima, e.
g. *mladostb >S-Cr. mladost.
6.2.9.7'. Jasanoff versus Kortlandt 1
Jasanoff had recently started to be involved in Balto-Slavic accentology which c
ulminates in his own interpretation of Balto-Slavic mobility origin.
Concerning acute and circumflex , Jasanoff thinks that PIE long vowels are obser
ved in the original Dehnstufe (s-aorist, vrddhi derivates, Szemernyi's law), in t
he contraction syllables (Npl o-stems *-5s < *o-es), as a result of compensatory
lengthening after the syllable loss, e.g. lsg thematic verbs *-oh2 >*-5 from th
e laryngeal hiatus contraction (Npl a-stems *-s <*-ali2es. S-aorist, vrddhi deriv
ates, *pli2ter type from Szemernyi's law and Npl o-stems could have had ictus. Th
e original state was modified in separate languages. Concerning Germanic, Jasano
ff postulates the classical thremoraic vowel from VHV, as in Gpl *5m with the op
position of bimoric vowels in final syllables. Balto-Slavic had also have the in
herited oposition of long:hypelong vowels as well as the new long vowels from *V
RH and *VHi/u sequences: *golHuaH >*glu, *poHimon >*pimon. Balto-Slavic also develo
ped a new markedness opposition, long unmarked > checked (glottalic) long
551 Kapovic 2005.
552 Hlzer 2005:55.
553 Kapovi 2005:91.
554 Kapovi 2005:107., Holzer 2005:57.
555 Holzer 2008 considers acute a segment without a suprasegmental level. Kapovi
is not quoted anymore.
556 Hlzer 2005:61.
557 See Kortlandt 2007a for the criticism and comparison of the detailed Holzer'
s chronology (not adduced here) with his own.
558 Jasanoff versus Kortlandt 2 has been dealt in the chapter of Balto-Slavic be
cause although thematically it belongs there, chronologically followed the Jasan
off s idea about the origin of acute and circumflex.
559 Jasanoff 2004.
560 p. 247-248.
561 p. 250.
562 p. 251.
158
marked versus hyperlong unmarked >long unmarked. Checked (Jasanoff s term for gl
ottalic) feature began to be contrastive. Checked vowels could be acute (indepen
dent of ictus), accented checked vowels should develop a rising tone while accen
ted unchecked vowel would be falling. Lithuanian acuteness is the loss of glotta
lization developenas an abstract feature marking the first mora. Latvian reflex
of "checked" is the broken tone.
Jasanoff s proposal was criticised by Kortlandt 2004 (criticism of the unsupport
ed length of Gpl *5m, Balto-Slavic broken tone as a reflex of laryngeal or pregl
ottalized consonants, concerning Lithuanian Dsg -ui <*5i, Isg. ais <*5is corresp
onding to Greek -i, -is, Jasanoff claims that the circumflex is secondary and prim
ary is acute, Kortlandt's opinion is oposite.
Jasanoffs response (2004a) was partially aimed at Kortlandt's persuation that on
ly his accentological theories are relevant, that he edeveloped an elaborate and
ad hoc choreography of rules relating to laryngeal loss and retention (p. 173).
Jasanoff rejects laryngeals as individual segments in the later phases of indiv
idual languages. Both Jasanoff and Kortlandt agree in the broken character of Ba
lto-Slavic acute but differ in the mechanism of its origin: for Jasanoff the acu
te is a result of markedness redistribution, for Kortlandt the acute is the resu
lt of contact product from a vowel and a glottal stop (either from laryngeal or
from preglottalic consonant). Kortlandt responded in 2005a but the criticism of
main points of Jasanoffs theory is dissolved into discussion of individual examp
les.
The story continues with the presentation of Jasanoffs ideas on the origin of Ba
lto-Slavic mobility.
6.3. Fixing the stress due to the interaction of prosodic characteristics of mor
phemes
Slavic languages are also characterised by fixed stresses. Most West Slavic lang
uages have fixed stress: Czech, Slovak, Upper and Lower Sorbian on the first syl
lable, Polish and Southern Kashubian on the penultima. Polabian and Northern Kas
hubian have free stress. From the other Slavic dialects the fixed stress is in W
estern Macedonian (antepenultima). The classical theory of Jakobson 1926 effecti
vely explains the stress fixation as a conflict of prosodic features. A language
system cannot simultaneously have stress, quantity and intonation phonological.
If such situation could happen, one of such features must be
563 p. 252.
564 One of them is the S-Cr.lsg dh, 2sg. da "gave" problem. Jasanoff (p. 173-174)
thinks that Isg was *dh3m > *dh3m, 2sg *dh3s > *dh3s. There must be acute and Jasan
off thinks that BS had productive s-aorist so Isg > *ds(o)m >acute. The solution
for the anomaly is eithre phonological or morphological. For Kortlandt, dh < *dh3s
(full grade) and d < *dh3-s-s (lengthened grade) + special rule for the loss of l
aryngeal after a long vowel which gives circumflex. This conception is criticise
d by Jasanof as an apophonic curiosity and deus-ex-machina law.
565 Not the dialects, just standard variants.
159
eliminated. Such is the situation in West Slavic where the intonations are lost
and from the two remainig features only one is phonologically relevant - quantit
y (for Czech and Slovak). Stress on the initial syllable does not clash with qua
ntity but should the fixation be on the non-initial syllable, quantity is lost.
Dominancy and recessivity
The concept of dominancy and recessivity can explain the fixing of stress. Accen
tual curve in a paradigm is the result of interaction of dominant and recessive
morphemes. According to Dybot, the contour rule for Balto-Slavic states that the
stress falls on the first dominant morpheme. In case of the row of recessive mo
rphemes, the stress is default on the beginning of the word. This is also Basic
accentual principle by Halle & Kiparsky.
Mechanisms of stress fixation
Fixing of the stress can occur due to the several mechanisms:
1. Change of accentual properties of morphemes. Should each the morpheme has a
stable accentual property, it would be impossible to explain any change in the i
ctus. The alternatiove is that morphemes can change their accentual properties i
n the course of time, most probably due to the phonological changes. Basically,
all the morphemes can become recessive so that the accent is finally shifted bac
k to the beginning of the word and becomes stable. The problem is the explanatio
n of penultimate and antepenultimate stress because it would mean that at least
some morphemes did not lose their dominancy.
2. Accentual allomorphs. Accentual alomorphism basically excludes static accentu
al property. On the other hand, it is much more probable that the alomorphs with
a certain property will lead to the final fixing of stress.
3. Paradigmatic change. The contour rule is not only result of accentual prope
rties of morphemes. The accentual paradigms can change as a whole, not as a summ
ary of individual accentual properties of morphemes. Paradigms are therefore aut
onomous components of grammar.
4. OT approach - constraints interaction
Baerman 1998 and 1999 tried to explain the origin of fixed stress by OT. He post
ulated intersting preliminary questions: What are the prosodic motivations behin
d the rise of fixed stress? Where does stress assignment originate, in morpholog
y or the grammar? What are the morphological and grammatical categories affected
by the loss of free stress? Are there any
For the concept of dominancy and recessivity, see further in this dissertation.
160
regularities of the free stress loss to be observed in various parts of Slavic?
Baerman noticed
that Macedonian dialects differ with respect of stress: eastern dialects have mo
bile stress
while western ones have fixed stress (no restrictions > no final stress > no fin
al stress and no
preantepenultimate stress > no final, no preantepenultimate, no penultimate stre
ss (only
antepenultimate). The transitional dialects are characterized by the levels
of stress fixation
and the role of stress alternation in inflextion. So what is observed here is th
e increasing
restriction on ictus from being free to being fixed from the east to the west wh
ile the eastern
dialects are historically archaic and the western ones are most innovative.
It is clear that
what we observe here is again the interaction of ALIGN family with other constra
ints
responsible for creating the prosodic feet. As Macedonian posesses trochaic foot
, Baerman
posits the constraint TROCHEE (feet are trochaic, initial syllable of a foot bea
rs stress).
FOOT-BIN (feet are binary under syllabic analysis) requires that feet are compos
ed of two
syllables. The faithfulness constraint MAX (HEAD) controls the input-output of a
prosodic
head. Should feet be not constructed anywhere in the word, Baerman postulates *S
TRUC-FT
(There is no feet ) constraint which prevents the formation of any feet. Now, th
e stress
development from the east to the west can be described as the different ranking
of constraints
where the position of MAX (HEAD) is decisive:
Free stresss with DA :
FOOT-BIN, ALIGN R, MAX (HEAD) TROCHEE, *STRUC-FT, ALIGN L
No stress in final syllables:
FOOT-BIN, ALIGN R, TROCHEE MAX (HEAD) *STRUCT-FT, ALIGN L
Antepenultimate and penultimate stress:
FOOT-BIN, ALIGN R, TROCHEE *STRUC-FT MAX (HEAD) ALIGN L
Antepenultimate only stress:
FOOT-BIN, ALIGN R, TROCHEE *STRUC-FT, ALIGN L MAX (HEAD).
The last factorial typology can be a starting point for fixed initial stress whe
re ALIGN L shifts
to the top rank:
FOOT-BIN, ALIGN R, TROCHEE, ALIGN L *STRUC-FT MAX (HEAD).
Baerman 1998:58., Baerman 1999:18, e.g. the word "mountain": planina, planinata
> planina, planinata > plamn, planinata >planina, planinata
568 Baerman 1999:14.
569 Baerman 1998:69.
570 double accent - primary and secondary stress.
571 Baerman 1998:72.
161
Penultimate stress is taken as an inverse of initial stress due to the absolute
dominancy of all the constraints over ALIGN L + a faithfulness constraint prohib
iting the stressed ultima MAX(o]PrWd:572
ALIGN R, TROCHEE *STRUC-FT MAX(o]PrWd ALIGN L. 5. Development of metrical foot
Bethin 1998:172-182 showed everywhere in Slavic the fixed stress creates trochai
c system. Systems with fixed initial stress create trochaic foot which consists
of strong and weak syllables grouped into units in a rightward direction. Trocha
ic foot is parsed at the beginning of the word. Polish penultimate stress forms
also trochaic foot with secondary stresses at the beginnning of the word. Trocha
ic foot is therefore parsed at the end of the word.Macedonian antepenultimate st
ress is also trochaic but of leftward direction.
The difference between ictus is of course due to the ALIGN constraints. Czech al
igned left edge of a prosodic word with the head foot, Polish aligned the head f
oot to the right. The constraint ranking for West Slavic languages is as follows
:
Czech: ALIGN-WD-L ALIGN-Wd-R, PARSE o Ft-BINALIGN-Ft-R ALIGN-FT-L
Polish: ALIGN-Wd-R, Ft-BIN PARSE o ALIGN-Ft-L ALIGN-FT-R Sorbian: ALIGN-Wd-L/R, FT-
BINALIGN-FT-R/LPARSE o576
572 Baerman 1998:73.
573 From the point of generative analysis we can say that the last syllable is e
xtramerrical.
574 Bethin 2002:81.
575 Bethin 2002:86.
576 Feet are disyllabic, trochaic in those languages. ALIGN-Wd is a constraint r
equiring that every prosodic word begins or ends with a foot. ALIGN-FT requires
the foot alignment to some edge of a prosodic word. Sorbian variation R/L concer
ns Lower Sorbian where the standard variant has initial stress but also a strong
penultimate secondary stress, some dialects have also penultimate stress in cer
tain morphological categories.
162
7. Hirt's law
Introduction
Hirt's law is now, by communis opinio, considered as one of the first and import
ant accentual laws in Balto-Slavic. The history of the research is not as compli
cated and controversial as the history of other accentual laws. The reason is th
at Hirt's law started to be accepted almost from the beginning and incorporated
into the conception of classical accentology together with all-purpose Fortunato
v-de Saussure's law. Although the data supporting Hirt's law are relatively smal
l (originally included more examples), the law has not cause any controversy and
its existence was rarely disproved.
7.1.History of research 7.1.1. Hirt's discovery
Hermann Hirt observed in his Indogermanische Akzent, that "Wenn die Wurzelsilbe
stossend war, kann..ein Akzentwechsel fortbestehen. Bei Oxytonis wird dann der A
kzent in den Kasus mit stossend betonter (kurzer) Endung auf die Wurzelsilbe ver
schoben...(Hirt 1895:94, also 165-166). Hirt was not able to explain the fact, h
e thought that originally the mobilia did not have Akzentwechsel, but originally
were paroxytona and only later they became oxytona. His data supporting the law
concerned Lithuanian material showing contrastive Stosston accent on the root a
nd on the final syllable (Lith. Apl snus x dangs, Npl ikus x salds) on the one hand,
and comparative Balto-Slavic material juxtaposed with correspondence from other
Indo-European languages on the other hand (SCr dim x OInd dhmos, Gr. thmos; Lith.
kulas "bone" x Gr. kauls "stalk, shaft";, Lith. tirtas "bridge" x OInd trths; Lith.
vras "man" x OInd vrs;, Lith. dra "otter" x OInd udr.
The bulk of data is broadened in Hirt's Indogermanische Grammatik-Akzent in 1929
, where, concerning mainly Lithuanian data, the following definition is adopted:
"der Ton wird von der letzten Silbe auf die vorletzte zurckgezogen, wenn diese f
allend betont ist". This Verschiebung should apply to the following data: Lith. n
tis "duck" x OInd. atis , Russ. dver x Gr. dar, Lith. dmai x OInd. dhums, Lith. dona
"bread" x OInd dhna-, SCr. grva x OInd. griv, Lith. gvas x OInd jTvs, Lith. ilgs, SCr.
dug x OInd dirghs, Rus. jryj
5/7 Hirt 1929:165.
578 Russ. tka, S-Cr. tva, Sin. qtva, PSI. *qty (?APa), OPr. antis, BS.*an?t-, Lat.
anas "duck", OHK anut
"duck", PlE*h2enh2-t- (Derksen 2008:387).
163
"furious" x Gr. zoros "feurig", Lith. krp, SCr. kplje "shoes" (a derivte from krpa)
x Gr. krps "half-boot", Lith mt x OInd. mt, Lith. ras "weather, air" x OInd. rd "from
side", Lith. pilnas, SCr pin x OInd prns; SCr pir x Gr. pyrs, Lit. rop, SCr. repa x O
HG ruoba, SCr. stdo "herd" x OHG stuot, Lith. sitas, Rus. tyj "genh'x OInd
-. r 584
sjuta-.
This retraction law is considered as "erstes Gesetz" in Hirt's system, chronolog
ically before "zweites Gesetz" which is de Saussure's law.
7.1.2. Towards the pillar of classical accentology
The law was recognised as important both for Slavic and Baltic languages, e.g. b
y Mikkola 1913:122-123: "Der ursprngliche Akzent is verschoben gegen den Wortanfa
ng auf die Wurzelsilbe, wenn diese gestossene Intonation hat; eine nhliche Versch
iebun hat auch im Litauischen stattgefunden". The data supporting Hirt's law are
only adduced without detailed commentaries. Slavic data are as follows: *dymh,
sib, pblm>, dblgh, brny, jan>, byti, griva, nitb; Baltic data are reflected in Lit
h. vras, juostas, vrgas, gvas and sunus.
Just after the data supporting the Hirt's law Mikkola adduces the opposite Akzen
tverschiebung: "Der Akzent is im Urslavischen und Baltischen auf die Endsilbe ve
rschoben, wenn diese gestossene Intonation hat und die alte Akzentsilbe kurz ode
r geschleift intoniert war." (Mikkola 1913:123). The law proposed here are Fortu
natov-de Saussure's law and both laws became soon the key complementary laws in
classical accentology.
As the classical accentology in the 1st half of the 20th century operated with F
ortunatov-de Saussure's law as universal law for explaining every rightward shif
t of accent in Slavic, it is no wonder that Hirt's law started to be considered
as a mirror law to the Fortunatov-de Saussure's law, as for example in the accen
tological conception of Lehr-Splawiski 1928.
579 The PSI. *n> is APc. Derksen 2008:152 thinks that the Greek and Russian forms
can be connected only with a certain probability. The reconstruction *ieh3r- wou
ld be subjected to Hirt's law but it contrasts with the mobility of Russian form
. However, the secondary mobility cannot be excluded.
580 The Greek data are probably incompatible. Baltic and Slavic forms (S-Cr. kr
pa "rag, patch", Sin. kpa "patch", Lith. krp , Latv. kurpe "shoe" lead to the recon
struction of *kr?p(i)a? (Derksen 2008:263). Greek cognate is uncertain, see Fraen
kel 1:318, Frisk 11:16-17,.
581 According to Fraenkel 11:518, the Lithuanina and Latvian forms (ras, ra) belon
g to the family of Lithuanian ri/, Latv. art "plough". This would point to the BS
. root *ar?- (Derksen 2008:372)
582 The original oxytonesis is dubious, cf. Gr. rhpys. Other Slavic forms are Cz
. epa, Rus. rpa, Lithuanian has rop, PSL *rpa is APa, the original form might be *re
H-pah2.
583 Rus. stdo, Cz. stdo, Slk. stdo, PS. *stdo (APa), other Germanic cognates: OIc. s
t, OE std, PIE *steh2-dho-m (Derksen 2008:465)
584 Derivates from PlE*sieuH- "sew" (LIV:545), zero grade *siuH-.Adjective oxyt
one form *siuH-t is reconstructed according to OInd. form, so Lith. sitas points t
o the operation of Hirt's law.
585 Normalized by me.
164
Hirt's law was incorporated into Lehr's system of stress shifts. Hirt's law is e
xplained as retraction of stress on the acute syllabe, de Saussure's law as an o
pposite stress shift. The two laws easily explain stress on on any combination o
f acute and circumflex syllables.
For example, stress remains on the acute syllable but undergoes shift if the syl
lable is short or circumflex. The similar situation can be observed in verbs lik
e SCr. biti x nsti which show, according to Lehr-Splawiski, the difference between
acute and non-acute root syllable because of Rus. nesti that shows end-stressed
accent.
The retraction of stress to acute syllabe should also be reflected by examples l
ike Latvian Stosston in but.
Lehr-Splawiski thinks that if the root syllable is short and circumflex, stress i
s on the suffix Rus. ezlo, grebl, selo, veslo, isl , SCr selo veslo, slo, Rus. stol-st
ol, S-Cr. st-stla, if the root syllable is long and acute, stress is on the root -
Rus. slo, mslo, dlo, Ser. slo, mslo, djlo (Lehr-Splawiski 1928, 129-130).
Hirt's law was also used to explain the accent differences in 1- participle - Ru
s. nesla, neslo, pekl-pekl, plel-plel, mogl-mogl; Cak. nesla, neslo, pekla, pekol, ple
la, plelo, pomogl, pomoglb but Rus. krla-krlo, klla-kllo, grzla, grzlo, Cak.krla, krl
lla, kllo grizla, grizlo. Lehr considers neuter forms as original PSl oxytona whic
h were preserved if the preceeding syllable was short or circumflex. On the othe
r hand - they were barytonised if the preceeding syllable was long and acute. Fo
rms like Rus. byl, bylo; SCrPosav. bio, bila, blo, Rus. pila, pilo; SCrPosav. pio,
pila, pilo - neuter shoud have acute but has circumflex in SCr. The difference
between SCr. pila, brala and Rus. pila, bral was explained by de Saussure's law w
hich did not operated in neuter SCr blo, pilo, Rus. bylo, pilo (van Wijk 1923). A
ccording to Lehr's conception all those forms were oxytonas undergoing retractio
n *byH, byl, bylo and again, stress moved from short or circumflexed syllables an
d remained on acute ones. So SCr.Posav. blo, dalo, bralo must be secondary.
Similarly, Rus. trav, chval, glov, where Nsg is - because the syllable is acute, thus
also Lith. golv, but Lith. Asg glvq, Latv. galva. Later, analogical levellings we
re possible griv/grivy >grva/grivy.
As for masculines and neuters - Lehr does not see any acute endings apart from N
-Apl neuters, endings were only short or circumflexed, therefore stress retracte
d in all the paradigm like SCr dim, alma. Analogically - stress retracted and wa
s levelled at feminines, like in 1-participle SCr dug-ga-go, original state is prese
rved in Rus. poln, poln, plno.
165
So type bo-bla-blo is more original than kro-krla-kro whose feminine form is a later l
evelling according to masculine and neuter. As for relative history, Lehr consid
ers Hirt's law as a Proto-Slavic phenomenon concurrent with the de Saussure's la
w.
The two important accentual laws in Slavic meant that in cases where the Hirt's
L and FS law did not operate, we should find the original ictus. That claim with
detailed account about Hirt's law can be found in Shevelov 1965:46-55 who also
extended Hirt's law to the retraction of stress to prefixes, like SC nvada, nuka.
Quite dubious about the real existence of Hirt's law was van Wijk in his 1923 pu
blication on Balto-Slavic accentology. Van Wijk considered Hirt's law "viel unsi
cherer als das de Saussuresche Gesetz" and pointed that in the law there are a l
ot of derailments. As very problematic are Hir's data concerning oxytona and bary
tona in Lithuanian - snus x dangs or Nsg galv - Asg glvq). This means that not all r
etractions are to be included into Hirt's law which applies on an very limited d
ata. Van Wijk did not refuse Hirt's law completely but accepted the former limit
ation admitting that it stands "auf sehr schwachen Fssen."
The significant influence had the works by Arumaa and Shevelov. Both authors dea
lt heavily with Proto-Slavic grammar. From the accentological point of view, the
y remained on the position of classical accentology ignoring Stang and sticking
to the conceptions of metatony and Fortunatov-de Saussure's law. Arumaa was very
careful about the validity of Hirt's law. He quotes just two examples where the
law operates - Lith. dumai and vras and remarks Illich-Svitych's solution but do
es not see any connection within laryngeals (see below). Arumaa did not bring an
ything new to the understanding ov Hirt's law.
Shevelov in his monumental publication on Proto-Slavic phonology also accepted b
oth Hirt's law and de Saussure's law as complementary laws. For Shevelov, Hirt's
law means "stress retraction from falling pitch syllable onto the preceding ris
ing pitch". Data adduced as a support for the law are comparative and concern bo
th Slavic and Baltic data: SCr. mti, Lith. mt x OInd. mtram; SCr. pun, Lith. pilnas x
OInd purns; SCr. pjn "drunk" x OInd pyns; SCr. dug "long", Lith. ilgas x OInd. drghs;
SCr. krava x Gr. kera(f)s "horned"; SCr. jto "herd" x OInd. ytm "way"; SCr. biti "b
e", Lith. bti x OInd. bhtis; SCr. zrno, Lith. irnis x OInd. jirns "ground"; SCr. vid
ra, Lith. iidra x OInd udrs; SCr. gfiva, Latv. griva x OInd. grv; SCr. devr "broth
er-in-law" x OInd. dva, Gr. dar < *daifr.
Van Wijk 1923:55
Van Wijk 1923:56.
Arumaa 1964 I: 202.
Prehistory of Slavic, Columbia university press 1965.
Shevelov 1965:49.
166
According to Shevelov, small number of examples does not prove that Hirt's law i
s invalid. The number of counterexamples is small and if so, they have falling i
ntonation: SCr. meso x OInd. mmsm; SCr. svet "light", "holy" x OInd. svts "shine", s
vnts "prosperous"; Rus. grod x OInd. grhs "house"; SCr. pod "floor", Lith. pdas x OIn
d padm "step", Gr. Gsg pods "foot". Unclear is Shevelov's claim that acute is moti
vated by the loss of laryngeal but there is a lack of rigid correspondence and h
aphazard distribution so it cannot be upheld. For Shevelov, Proto-Slavic had a t
endency to stress root and not the ending in disyllabic words which had root vow
els with acute. This leads him to the reformulation of both laws which tradition
ally were interpreted as the shift of stress from circumflexed to acute syllable
s: both Hirt's law and Fortunatov- de Saussure's law arose in Proto-Slavic becau
se of the rise of a new free stress. This new stress was no longer bound to a ce
rtain syllable but at the same time it was not completely free because stress an
d pitch distribution became interdependent.
SO?
Therefore, both shifts are actually conditioned by acute syllables.
7.1.3. Czech linguists
Czech linguistic tradition remained on the position of classical accentology but
the classical classical interpretations were often distorted. Komrek (1958:28-29
) calls the retraction of stress to initial acute syllabe Pedersen's law. He doe
s neither explains the origin of acute nor the cause of stress retraction. Komrek
also thinks that Hirt's law is only a Slavic phenomenon and puts it chronologic
ally into Late Proto-Slavic. Baltic data are therefore completely ignored.
Hirt's Law is accepted by Lamprecht (1987:79-80) and taken as a Late PIE phenome
non. Lamprecht takes acute intonation as a laryngeal origin, thus reconstructing
*duH-mo-s. Nevertheless, Lamprecht does not consider the law as important as Fo
rtunatov- de Saussure's Law and is even willing to take it's non-existence. No r
eference is made to Illich-Svitch and Kortlandt, although the works of both autho
rs are included in the final bibliography.
7.1.4. Moscow accentological school
As Illich-Svitych established in his classical work (1963/1979), Baltic and Slav
ic nominals with long roots correspond to PIE mobilia-oxytona. Due to the presen
ce of non-apophonic root length caused by the presence of a laryngeal, stress re
tracted to the root syllable. Illich-Svitych adduces numerous examples where the
Hirt's Law should operate.
591 Shevelov 1965:51.
592 Shevelov 1965:71.
167
There are 23 Baltic and 8 Slavic examples. Illich-Svitych juxtaposes both Baltic
and Slavic data with other Indo-European oxytona cognates. Especially Baltic da
ta are useful because also dialectal material is included.
Baltic examples include : Lith.duona "bread", Latv. duna x Olnd. dhns; Latv. griva
"river mouth" x Olnd. grv; Latv. kraka "phlegm x PGm. *hroj "snivel", OE hrg; Latv. s
nte "linen shawl, cape" x PGm.*sno "ribon", OE. snd; Lith. vras "man" (API), Latv. vi
rs, Olnd. virus; Lith. dmai (PI.) "smoke" (API), Latv. durni (PI.) x Gr. thms "life
force", Olnd. dhms "smoke"; Lith. kulas "bone" (API), Latv. kals x Gr. kauls "stalk,
core"; Lith. tiltas "bridge" (AP1/AP3), Latv. tilts x Olnd. trthm "ford"; Lith. p
i Inas "full", Latv. pilns x Olnd. purns "full"; Lith. ilgas "long", Latv. ilgs x
Olnd. dirghs "long"; Latv. trs "quick, sharp" x PGm.^crz, OHG. tar "quick"; Latv. jut
s "fork in the road, tendon" x Olnd. ytis "joining"; Latv. znuts "son-in-law", x O
lnd. jts "close relative"; Lith. uosis "ash-tree" (API) x Gr. akheris "silver poplar
"; Lith. sns "son" (now AP3 but originally immobile in OLith.) x Olnd. sns; Lith. vja
s "wind", Latv. vejs x Olnd. vys "wind"; x Lith. piemu "herdsman" (now AP3 but orig
inally immobile in OLith.) x Gr. poimn "shepherd"; Latv. liemenis "swampy lowland
" x Gr. leimn "damp meadow"; Lith. mt "mother" (API); Latv. mate x Olnd. mta-; Lith.
dieveris "brother-in-law" (API), Latv. dieveris x Olnd. deva- "husband's brothe
r", Gr. der "brother-in-law"; Lith. mnuo "month" (API) x Latv. meness x PGm. *mcenp
, Goth, menps; Lith. prai "winter grain crops" (only Zemaitian with metatony), Lat
v. pri "winter crops" x Gr. purs "wheat"; Lith. korys "honeycomb" (now AP4) x Gr.
kron "honeycombs, wax" (< krin due to Wheeler's law).
Slavic data comprise *griva, *dymh, *pyrh (S-Cr. pr "spelt", Cz. pr "couchgrass" x
Gr. purs "spelt", *jto "flock" (S-Cr. jto, Sin. jato x Olnd. ytm), *mti, *dblgh "long
" (S-Cr dug x Olnd. dirghs), *pblm> "full" (S-Cr. pun x Olnd. purns); *deven "brot
her-in-law" (S-Cr. devr.
As seen from above, Lithuanian forms belong to barytone API accentual paradigm,
corresponding Latvian forms have circumflex and Slavic form show acute.
Illich-Svitych explained the Balto-Slavic barytonesis as the retraction of stres
s to the root syllable which contained a long and non-apophonic vowel, a long re
sonant or a long diphtong. This means that the syllabic sequences should be CVH-
> CV- or CRHC- > CC-. Or, the root sequence had to contain a consonantal larynge
al which should cause the
Illich-Svitych 1979:57-64; 135-137. Simplified and corrected for illustration. I
llich-Svitych 1979:63.
168
lengthening of a preceeding vowel. On the other hand, nominals containing vocali
c reflex of a laryngeal (schwa) show Balto-Slavic mobility, so the sequence CV(R
)a- does not cause the stress retraction (this is the contrast of *griH.u and *te
rid.us. It is quite improbable that Old Indie, Greek and other IE languages showi
ng oxytona or their reflexes should record the rightward shifting of stress beca
use there is no common syllabic element which would cause such shift.. On the ot
her hand, Balto-Slavic retraction seems quite logical because all the words show
ing Balto-Slavic barytonesis contra other-IE-languages oxytonesis have one commo
n syllabic structure - CV(R)H-. This is the most important result of Illich-Svitc
h's analysis.
Dybo, as the main figure of MAS, also incorporated Hirt's Law in the conception
of Balto-Slavic accentology (Dybo 1981:17). The total list of nominals undergoin
g Hirt's Law is about twenty, but Dybo's data are limited to just juxtaposing ce
rtain Baltic and Slavic forms with other Indo-European cognates. Most of the dat
a are taken from Illich-Svitch but without reference to dialectal material and se
condary development The reconstructed forms mostly do not contain laryngeals: Li
t. dona, Latv. dona x OInd. dhns, PIE*dhn; Latv. grva, PS.*grva x OInd. griv, PIE*gr
snte x PGm. *sn, PIE*snt; Lit. vras, Latv. vrs x OInd. virs, PE*vrasv Lit. dmai,
PSI *dmh, OInd. dhums, PIE. dhums; Lit. kulas, Latv. hauls x Gr. kaulos, PIE. *kuls; L
it. tiltas. Latv. tilts x OInd. trthm, PIE. *tltHm; Latv. juts, x OInd. yuts, PIE *it
is; Latv. znuts x OInd. jts, PIE *g'ntis; Lith. osis x Gr. achers, PIE *sis; Lith. s
OInd. snus, PIE *snus; Lith. vjas, Latv. vj x OInd. vys, PIE. uis; Lith. pemuo x Gr.
PIE *poimn; Latv. limenis x Gr. leimn, PIE *limon; Lith. mt, Latv. mate, PSI. *mti x O
Ind. mta-, PIE *matr; Lith. deveris, Latv. diveris, PSI. *deven x OInd. dev, Gr. dar,
PIE* diur; Lith. mnuo x PGm. *mcenp; Lith. prai, PSI *pn> x Gr. pyrs, PIE *purs; Latv.
s x PGm.*cP(3raz , PIE *trs; PSI *jto x OInd. ytm, PIE. *itm.
Lithuanian forms having acute are of API or secondarily AP3 paradigms, those one
s having circumflex underwent metatony. The responses in other Indo-European lan
guages suggest the original oxytonesis which is also reconstructed in PIE forms.
But this presupposes that before application of Hirt's Law, all the nominals ha
d to be oxytonised and accentually levelled in a paradigm. As we will see, it ne
ed not be so because it requires highly improbable level of analogy. Dybo himsel
f seems to understand it because he points to the anomalous reversal of the Lith
uanian nominals from API (where the were due to the Hirt's Law) to AP3. Dybo is
I hereby adduce Dybo's etymologies, the fuller discusiions on etymological forms
see below.
169
willing to accept that Hirt's Law caused a sort of mixed paradigm where some cas
es followed retraction and some not. The question now remains why the accent ret
racts leftwards. The answer is of course that the acute root (caused by the pres
ence of a laryngeal which is hardly ever reconstructed by Dybo) is dominant and
has the tendency to keep the accent. The caveat visible here is why such dominan
cy cannot be observable in Old Indic where the oxytona have their accent unshift
ed.
Hirt's Law also operated in verbs where the retraction occured if the pretonic s
yllable was originally formed by a long monophtong, long sonant or long diphtong
. The example of it can be the infinitive form of the verb "give": PIE *d-tei (IE
W:223), PSI *dat, dajati, after Hirt's Law *dti, dajati. Retraction also operated
in lsg, 2nd and 3rd pi aorist: *dsh, dajsh; dste, dajste; dsq, dajsq. Other verb with
Hirt's Law retraction are PSI. *piti. Hirt's Law is also responsible in some for
ms of APc verbs (those having long monophtong or sonants in the root), e.g. in i
nfinitive: *klsti, gryzti but present *kldg, kladete, gryzq,
., 598
gryzetb.
7.1.5. Skljarenko's solution
Hirt's law was also dealt by V.Skljarenko whose interesting works are almost unk
nown among accentologists because they are written in Ukrainian and are very dif
ficult to be obtained. Skljarenko 1990, 1998 refused Hirt's law as stated by Ill
i-Svity. According to Skljarenko the connection of apophonic length and stress ret
raction can be supported by *pda, *jje, *ngh.
Skljarenko's conception of Balto-Slavic intonation differs from other approaches
. Skljarenko's posits two kinds of intonations for Balto-Slavic. Long final syll
ables had "odnoskladovaja intonacija", short syllables had "dvoskladovaja" inton
acija. Acute is defined as "vyschidnospadna intonacija" - tone rises on the firs
t mora of a long vowel and falls on the second mora with concomitant tonic and d
ynamic peak. Such culminativity was in Proto-Slavic, Proto-Latvian, Proto-Prussi
an while in Proto-Lithuanian the tonic and dynamic peak was at the beginning of
the first mora. Slavic circumflex is defined as the tone fall on the first mora
of a long vowel or diftong or just a tone fall on the short vowel.
Proto-Slavic barytona had "odno-" and "dvoskladovaja intonacija", oxytona only "
dvoskladovaja intonacija". Oxytone forms of mobilia had the following intonation
patterns: if the stressed vowel was long, it obtained "odnoskladovaja intonacij
a", stressed short vowel
597 Dybo 1981:239.
598 Dybo 1981:252-253.
170
had falling part of "dvoskladovaja intonacija". Long vowel in ending is stressed
, ictus on short ending depends on penultima - if penultima is short, ultima is
stressed with dvoskladova intonacija, if penultima is long, it is stressed with
concomitant "odnoskladova intonacja". Skljarenko supposes that Early Balto-Slavi
c disyllabic mobilia with long root vowel had "odnoskladova intonacija" both in
barytone and in oxytone forms. That led to generalisation of "odnoskladova inton
acija" to the whole paradigm with short ending. Skjlarenko's explanation of Hirt
's law is basically the same as the interpretation of Lehr-Splawiski - stress was
retracted from oxytones with "circumflex" (dvoskladova intonacija) or from shor
t vowels with odnoskladova intonacija. The target syllable was lefward acute syl
lable (odnoskladova intonacija on long syllables).
Skljarenko 1990, 1998 refused Hirt's law as stated by Illi-Svity. According to Skl
jarenko the connection of apophonic length and stress retraction can be supporte
d by *pda, *jje, *ngh.
Skljarenko's conception of Balto-Slavic intonation differs from other approaches
. Skljarenko's posits two kinds of intonations for Balto-Slavic. Long final syll
ables had "odnoskladovaja intonacija", short syllables had "dvoskladovaja" inton
acija. Acute is defined as "vyschidnospadna intonacija" - tone rises on the firs
t mora of a long vowel and falls on the second mora with concomitant tonic and d
ynamic peak. Such culminativity was in Proto-Slavic, Proto-Latvian, Proto-Prussi
an while in Proto-Lithuanian the tonic and dynamic peak was at the beginning of
the first mora. Slavic circumflex is defined as the tone fall on the first mora
of a long vowel or diftong or just a tone fall on the short vowel.
Proto-Slavic barytona had "odno-" and "dvoskladovaja intonacija", oxytona only "
dvoskladovaja intonacija". Oxytone forms of mobilia had the following intonation
patterns: if the stressed vowel was long, it obtained "odnoskladovaja intonacij
a", stressed short vowel had falling part of "dvoskladovaja intonacija". Long vo
wel in ending is stressed, ictus on short ending depends on penultima - if penul
tima is short, ultima is stressed with dvoskladova intonacija, if penultima is l
ong, it is stressed with concomitant "odnoskladova intonacja". Skljarenko suppos
es that Early Balto-Slavic disyllabic mobilia with long root vowel had "odnoskla
dova intonacija" both in barytone and in oxytone forms. That led to generalisati
on of "odnoskladova intonacija" to the whole paradigm with short ending. Skjlare
nko's explanation of Hirt's law is basically the same as the interpretation of L
ehr-Splawiski - stress was retracted from oxytones with "circumflex" (dvoskladova
intonacija) or from short vowels with odnoskladova intonacija. The target sylla
ble was lefward acute syllable (odnoskladova intonacija on long syllables).
171
7.1.6. Dutch accentological school
The ranking of Hirt's law within the chronology of changes from PIE to Baltic an
d Slavic was established by Kortlandt (Kortlandt 1974, 1975, 1977, 1983, 1994).
Hirt's law should take place in Late Balto-Slavic after the loss of PIE accentua
l mobility, Pedersen's law, and barytonesis and oxytonesis of thematic stems. Ap
art from the notoriously known examples like "smoke", Hirt's Law should also ope
rate in some polysyllabic cases form or -eH stems. Those are reflected in e.g. S
lovene Dpi gorm "mountains" and Lpi gorch. Here the stress should be retracted fro
m the ending to the preceding syllable which ended in a laryngeal. Another examp
le can be observed in Lith. Dpi galvms and should also operate in Lpl and Ipl but
we do not find medial stress here due to the analogical transfer of final stres
s from other flexion types: galvos, galvomis.
Hirt's Law did not operate if:
- the laryngeal followed the second component of a diphtong. The example of it i
s Latv. tivs "thin" <*tenh2us . This means that the laryngeal probably was not par
t of a syllable coda but formed a complex onset of the stressed syllable, so ten
.li2us. Therefore, no retraction occured.
- there was a lengthened grade vowel in pretonic syllable
- in the pretonic syllable was a long vowel from vrddhi formation. Tis is refle
cted in S-Cr. mso "meat" <*mmsm or jje "egg" <* h20uim. It is clear that no laryngeal
in the pretonic coda position occured.
- the pretonic syllable contained laryngeal in syllable onset. This can be obse
rved in Rus. feminine 1-participle pila with ending stress. Kortlandt (1975:3) r
econstructs the form *pHilH.
- there was no laryngeal in the root. An example of this is Rus. feminine 1-part
iciple rodil < *rodilH (Kortlandt 1975:3).
From the analysis above it follows that in Late Balto-Slavic the laryngeal was s
till a full segmental phoneme. Phonetically it was probably glottal stop because
the accentual results of
Barytonesis is the analogical retraction of stress to vocalic stems in case form
s where Pedersen's law applied, thus seen in Asg Lit. dv[ "sheep", srni "son" (Ko
rtlandt 1983:4).
600 Oxytonesis means that the stress shifted from an inner syllable to the right
most end of the word in a paradigm with end-stressed forms, seen in Lith. Isg snu
mi "with the son" or Ipl iemomis "with women" (Kortlandt 1983:4).
601 Reconstruction by Kortlandt (1975:3;1983:5), slightly modified by me.
602 Kortlandt 1983:5.
172
laryngeal presence are the same as the ones with preglottalic consonants - and t
his is later acute intonation.
Laryngeal origin of acute according to Kortlandt's theory is accepted by Driesse
n 2003:352-353 for the explanation of acute intonation in Lith. uksas "gold". The
word belongs to API > AP3 and Driessen regards uksas and Lat. aurum "gold" as co
gnates (also accepted by de Vaan 2008:63). Because the traditionally reconstruct
ed form *Ii2uso- or *auso- (IEW:86) with short diphtong does not explain acute in
tonation in Lithuanian (Dehnstufe would give circumflex but there was no long *-g
rade in PIE), Driessen proposes a reduplicated form *Ii2h2Uso- from the root *Ii2
eus- "to shine with a reddish glow", *Ii2ues "hell werden" (LIV: 292, NIL :357).
Driessen's reconstruction is also accepted by NIL: 358. Latin aurum is a neuter
but Balto-Slavic forms are masculine (also Old Prussian ausis). This situation
strongly supports Illich-Svitych hypothesis that PIE barytone neuters (the gende
r is preserved in Latin) became masculines in Balto-Slavic. It means that the PI
E form was originally barytone not oxytone. Therefore, no Hirt's law could have
happened, although the root structure is HVH-. This brilliant reconstruction not
only supports Illich-Svitych's and Kortlandt theories but also shows how accent
ology can help with the reconstruction of original forms.
7.1.7. Laryngeal must be in coda
In his criticism to Illich-Svitych's and Kortland's modus operandi, Rasmussen pr
ecised the function of Hirt's law (Rasmussen 1985/1999): the retraction of stres
s is restricted to words containing a consonantal laryngeal; a laryngeal must be
non-syllabic in anteconsonantal position. Rasmussen also revised the the corpus
of words traditionally assumed to undergo Hirt's law and corrected their etymol
ogies - both nominals and verbs.
7.1.8. Deviant view by Kim: Hirt's and Dybo's laws
The very radical view of the whole system and evolution of IE and BS accentology
was taken by Kim 2002 (with the largest part about Hirt's law written so far).
Using modus operandi of metrical and bracket theory applied by Halle on the IE a
ccentuation together with methods of historical linguistics, Kim argues, that th
e thematic vowel , especially in o-stems, was underlyingly unaccented. Barytone
stems were, therefore, also unaccented with default initial stress. Oxytone stem
s were underlyingly postaccenting.
BS system of underlyingly accentend and unaccented morphemes therefore continues
that of PIE.
173
Kim distinguishes four Pre-Proto-Slavic combination of accentuation and stem vow
el intonation - accented acute, postaccenting circumflex, unaccented acute and u
naccented circumflex (Kim2002:117-118). The contrast between unaccented acute an
d circumlex should be seen in SCr. gristi and trsti, where the former (contaning
acute) underwent Hirt's law while in the second form the distinction between acu
te and circumflex were neutralised (Meillet's law).
According to Kim, it is puzzling that Slavic languages have three accentual para
digms (a, b, c) while Lithuanian has only two (before the operation of de Saussu
re's law). On the other hand, Old Indic and Greek contrast only barytones and ox
ytones in o-stems and -eli2-. Kim argues that those o-stems were underlyingly un
accented and postaccentig, while -eli2- stems were underlyingly accented and una
ccented. Of course, Kim admits that we do not have parallels in Balto-Slavic whe
re we do not see barytonesis and oxytonesis in vocalic stems and rests of mobili
ty in consonantal stems (as in Old Indic and Greek). Balto-Slavic innovated mobi
lity (which is a long time problem in Balto-Slavic accentology).
Kims research results are in direct opposition to those made by Illich-Svitych's
: To sum up: according to Kim, PIE o-stems were unaccented (barytona) and postac
centing (oxytona); -eli2-stems were accented (barytona) and unaccented (oxytona)
; BS barytone o-stems are continued by unaccented stems of APc in Slavic, oxyton
e stems underwent a split -they continue by postaccenting stems APb if the nucle
us of the syllable preceeding the thematic vowel does not end in a laryngeal; if
it ends in laryngeal, stress is retracted by Hirt's law.
Now the problem with Slavic APb raises - Kim is puzzled why this law operates on
ly in Slavic, why it allegedy was not functional in West Slavic ( this is the id
ea of Garde 1976). Together with the claim that postaccenting and unaccented ste
ms were originally oxytona, "the forward shift postulated by Dybo fails to accou
nt for a curous and hitherto insufficiently acknowledged peculiarity of BS1. acc
entual reconstruction" (Kim 2002:129. It means, that Dybo's law is considered un
necessary. Kim disputes Illich-Svitych's and Dybo's etymologies of words that sh
ould undergo Dybo's law as questionable and controversal. Also, his counterargum
ent against Dybo's law is the massive morphological remodeling of PIE words in B
alto-Slavic. It means that forms continuing from PIE to Balto-Slavic have no val
ue about the original PIE accent. However, Kim support his claim only in two *-tr
words that underwent thematisation: *mh.2tr and *brh.2tr (Kim 2002:130-131). But th
ose examples (apart from varied accentual reconstruction of *meli2ter) are stres
sed on the root in PIE and
174
have APa in Slavic and API in Lithuanian - so the thematisation here does not in
fluence the position of accent.
Moreover, Kim claims that PIE accentual system is a misconception taken by Illic
h-Svitych - that PIE had dichotomy between barytone and oxytone-mobile paradigms
. Kim is right that this projection was taken by Illich-Svitych according to Old
Indic and Greek state but should he use Kortlandt's chronology he would underst
and that mobility is secondary in Balto-Slavic. Kim completely omited the explan
ation of Balto-Slavic mobility. Instead of it, he claims that PIE oxytones conti
nue to Balto-Slavic. However, he again backs his claim on a limited bulk of exam
ples, like PSI. *ena (APb) and *vbdova (APb). Also, Old Prussian deiws and widdew
a which are claimed to be columnal oxytona (Stang 1966:172-3, 300). Just those t
wo examples are considered by Kim as a proof for columnal oxytonesis of o- and a
- stems in Baltic and also in Russian and Serbian-Croatian.(Kim 2002:147).
On the one hand, massive remorphologisation shoud have obliterated old accentuat
ion, on the other hand, the same remorphologisation had no effect on preserving
old oxytona. The solution is simple, for Kim - where we find former postaccentin
g stems with acute intonation, those stems underwent Hirt's law and now have acu
te on stem final syllable. Hirt's law is therefore "a reversed Dybo's law" while
Dybo's law itself is useless in Slavic (Kim 2002:133). This is very bad misunde
rstanding of the conditions of Dybo's law. Dybo's law does not require the speci
fied intonation of the target syllabe while Hirt's law operates only when the ta
rget syllable ends in consonantal laryngeal.
Kim also thinks that Hirt's law played minor role in historical studies of Balto
-Slavic accentology and was used as "an explanation of isolated diachronic pecul
iarities" (Kim 2002:134). Actually, the whole classical pre-Stang accentology ba
sed its theory on two laws -Hirt's law and Fortunatov-de Saussure's law.
Kim argues that the features of PIE nominal system of columnal stress on one han
d and strong and weak cases on the other hand continues to BS. Pre-PSl had, acco
rding to Kim, just one immobile accentual paradigm which was postaccenting and p
art of it are formed by oxytona continuing from PIE. That single paradigm splitt
ed to APa and APb (with and without Hirt's law retraction (Kim 2002:135-136). AP
c should therefore continue PIE barytona (that they also underwent remorphologis
ation does not obviously matter). Kim adduces PIE o-stems barytona formerly unac
cented and postaccenting that should have surived as unaccented barytona APc: *g
ojb, logy, syny, vblky, vozy, zoby (Kim 2002:136). PIE oxytone o-stems (postacce
nting) splitted to APb (postaccenting) or APa (if root syllable ended in larynge
al and underwent Hir't law).
175
So - PIE barytona o-stems unacceted + postacceng > PS1 APc; PIE oxytona o-stems
(postaccenting) > APb.
The problem obviously remains how PIE postaccentig acute stems that survived in
Old Prussian became unaccented in Balto-Slavic. Hirt's law caused that post-acce
nting acute stems ending in stem laryngeal became stem accented and acute (Lith.
API, Slavic APa), unaccented acute and unaccented circumflex stems gave Lith. A
P3, AP4 and Slavic APc. Postaccenting acute stems that did not have final stem l
aryngeal and did not undergo Hirt's law underwent various retractions from word
final syllables like Lith. divas
As far as I know, Kim's proposals have not met any reaction at all. Partially, i
t is because his dissertation is hardly known among scholars. Should it become m
ore familiar, the reactions would be negative because Kim's solutions are based
on misunderstanding of some Balto-Slavic accentual conceptions.
7.2. Paradigmatic reconstruction
Several problems have still remained unexplained. The PIE accentual distribution
has been regarded as follows: athematic nomina shoud have been aerostatic, prot
erokinetic, hysterokinetic and amphikinetic, as succesfully established by worke
rs of Erlangen school and their followers. Their continuing research in internal
derivation and transition between paradigms also promise new looks on early BS
accentuation. Thematic nomina are considered to be accentually distributed betwe
en barytona and oxytona. The coherent explanation of how those paradigms develop
ed to Baltic and Slavic accentual distribution was made by Kortlandt (Kortlandt
1974, 1975, 1977, 1994). After the loss of IE mobility, mobile patterns should m
erge into a single laterally mobile class. Pedersen's law should cause the retra
ction of stress from inner syllables in mobile paradigm; this should be limited
to the flexion of polysyllabic consonant stems (the commonly used example is the
PIE word for "daughter"; see also Rasmussen 1985, 1992 for a similar view). The
n, barytonesis (analogical spreading of stress retraction to vocalic stems in ca
ses where Pedersen's law applied) and oxytonesis (stress shift from an internal
syllable to the ending in end-stressed forms) applied. Following, Hirt's law is
supposed to apply.
This succession, which is important for the starting point of the application of
Hirt's law, has recently and independently been challenged by Klingenschmitt an
d his followers (e.g. Klingenschmitt 1994, 2001), Kim 2002 and Olander 2004, 200
5, 2006. I agree with Olander's claim that analogical "laws" like Pedersen's, wh
ich are supposed to operate at Early BS and at the beginning of Late BS, are com
plicated and unnatural. More acceptable is to
176
consider the continuation of phonologically unstressed (root stressed) and thema
tic stressed paradigms in vowel stems (as silently supposed by Olander), and the
continuation of accentual distribution of thematic stems from PIE. Olander expl
ains the further mobility of those stems by establishing the mobility law (rejec
ted by Kortlandt 2006).
7.3. Reflection of data and proposed solution 7.3.1. Data
When checking the small IE corpus of nominals supposed to undergo Hirt's law, th
e accentual reconstruction does not apear to be quite firm. Clear seem to be the
reconstruction of thematic oxytones:
1) Latv. jtis "fork", Lith. jutis "ox", Balt.*j?tis, OInd. ytih "union, junction",
a derivte from the root yav- (KEWA 1964:25, EWA 11:402), actually abstractum from
yuti, yuvti, Av. yitis; original root *ieu- (IEW:507, LIV: 314), ablauted derivate
*n-ri- (IEW:508), Latv. jtis and Lith. jutis connected by Smoczynski (2007:231); or
ig. PIE form* itis (Illich-Svitych 1975:59), *juh-ti "joint" (Rasmussen 1985:172)
2) SCr. jato, Sin. jato "flock", jata (collective), Big. jato, Rus. jat "shoal
offish", Big. jato, VSljto (APa), derivte from *jati "go", OInd. ytm "progress"; PIE
root *je/?2 - "go" (LIV 309-310), *iah2-t-m (Rasmussen 1985); *iah2-t-m > *ieh2-td
Derksen 2008:154 Further references: Illich-Svitych 1976:136; Skok 1971:761:762
; Bezlaj 1976:271, Schuster-ewc 1980/7:262; Gluhak 1993:291, Borys 2008:207, Snoj
2003:236
3) Lit. duona, Latv. duna, Balt.*dn (Smoczyski 2007:134):, OInd. dhnh"store for corn"
, Av. dn.kars(a) "Getreidekrner schleppend", TochB tno "seed, grain", PIE *dhn (Illich
-Svitych 1979:57), *dhoh-n-h2 (Rasmussen 1985, Smoczyski 2007:134)/*dhoH-nh2 (KEWA
2: 98, EWA I: 787, Adams 1999:286), *dhoh1-nah1 (NIL 125)
Further references: IEW:242; Fraenkel: 111
4) Ru. dlgij, SCr. dug, Sin. dlg, Cz. dlouh, Pol. dlugi, USorb. dluhi, OCS dlhgh,
PSL *dblgh (APa); Baltic forms *d- >0: Latv. ilgs, Lit. ilgas, OPrus. ilga, PBal
t. *ilgas, BS.*dIlga (Smoczyski 2007:218-219), OInd. drgh- "long", Av. dardga, OPer
s. darga, Hitt. talugai, Gr. dolichs "long", Lat. longus, PGmc *lang, Goth, laggs
, Germ, lang, Eng. long < *(d)longho-, originally from *del(h)-gh- (Snoj 2003:11
7); PIE *d]ghs (LEW: 197, Illich-Svitych 1979: 58,136), *dlhgh--s (Rasmussen 1985)
, dlhlgh- (EWAi 1:728). Kloekhorst
177
(2008:820) and de Vaan (2008:348) suggest that there are various form of the sam
e root reflected in IE languages: Gr. dolichs < *dolig o; Gothic and Latin form (
with nasal infix) from < dolihig o; OInd., Av., OCS and Baltic forms from *dlihj
g while Hittite talugai < *taluki< *dlug i. Both authors consider the form a part
of a petrified pair of the English high and dry, safe and sound, the first part
was probably *de/ol(h])- observed in PS1 *dblb, Cz. dl "length", dlt "remain, res
t", the secont part is reduced to *-g -.
The root is also observable in Latin indulge "be indulgent", originally a compoun
d verb of the form *en-/n-/endo- +-dVlg- (de Vaan 2008:302); LIV:113 doubtly con
nects Latin indulge with essiv form *dlg'-h1i from *delg* - "get fixed", de Vaan (
2008:302) reconstructs *dlg -ehi, probably original stative, but see detailed di
scussions there. Further references: Borys 2008:114, Schuster-Sewc 3:159, Vasmer
1:524-525, Derksen 2008:133, ESJS 3:135-136. Fraenkel 1:183-184, Lehmann 1986:2
24
5) Ru. griva, SCr.griva, Cz. hva, Slk. hriva, PI. grzywa, USorb. hriva, LSorb. gr
iwa, Rus. griva, Latv. griva, BS *gri?wa? (Derksen 2008:189), OInd. griva; PIE *
griu (IEW:475) *griHuH (Kortlandt 1975:22), *gwrih-uh2 (Rasmussen 1985), *gwrhuah2 (Sn
oj 2003:191), gwriH-ueh2 (Derksen 2008:189).
Further references: Vasmer 1:458, Borys 2008:187, Skok 1971:1:620, Schuster-Sewc
1975/5:343, Bezlaj 1976:1:177, Gluhak 1993:247, ESJS 4:203.
6) Latv. snte "linen cloth", s-less form also nts "linen", OE. snd "hood", Eng. sn
ood "headband, snood", Olr. snth, OBret. notenn, MoBred neud<PCelt.*snto- "thread"
, PCelt. form from *snhito- which is a derivte from past participle, the root sh
ortening due to the Dybo's law (in Italo-Celtic), the Latvian form with o-ablaut
*snohjto- (Matasovi 2009:348-349); *PIE orm*snah-th2 (Rasmussen 1985), original ro
ot form *(s)n-/(s)ni- "put threads together" (IEW:973), *snehj- "spin" (LIV:571),
also observed in Lat. ne, nre;
7) Lit. sns (AP1>AP3), "son", OPr. sons, OCS sym>, Rus. syn, Cz syn, Slk. syn, PI.
syn, S-Cr. sin-sina, Sin. sin-sina, PSI. *sym> (APc) Balt.*snus (Illich-Svitych 1
979:59), BS. *s?nus (Derksen 2008:483), OInd. suns, Got. sunus, TochB soy, Toch A
se < PToch *syu- < *suhyu-, the same root but a different derivative suffix; the
original root is *suH-(NIL: 686-690), a derivte from *seu-; PIE form * suns (IEW:9
13), *suh-nus (Illich-Svitych 1979:59, Derksen 2008:483. NIL:686)
178
Final stress in Balto-Slavic was restored in that time, rests of initial stress
due to the Hirt's law can still be seen in Old Lithuanian snus; Matasovic 1997:13
7, 144 (Note 35) thinks that Hirt's law and analogical mobility spreading (due t
o the Pedersen's law) occured together, therefore we observe mobile paradigm in
Lithuanian.
Further references: Borys:590, Vasmer 11:817-818, KEWA 3:494, EWA 11:741, Gluhak
1993:547, Snoj 2003:655, Fraenkel 11:941.
8) Lit. tiltas, Latv. tilts, "bridge", Balt.*rf/ta, OInd. trthm, actually a subst
antivised adjective *tlh2t-, PIE *tltHm (Illich-Svitch 1979:58) *tlh2-th-m (Rasmusse
n 1985)/*r/?2-12- (EWAi 1:650); original root *fe//?2- (LIV:622), related to Lat. l
atus (to toll, tollere "pick up" and Gr. tltos "enduring, steadfast"
Further references: Fraenkel 11:1094, Smoczyski 2007:678, de Vaan 2008:621-622
9) Lit. uosis "ash tree" , Latv. usis, OPr. woasis, PBalt.*^^ (Illich-Svitych 19
79), *s-io-(Smoczyski 2007:705), *o?s-io/en (Dersken 2008:29); Gr. oksa "beech'TIE
*sis (Illich-Svitych 1979), *(H)si- (Blaek 2001:50)
There are different suffixes in individual branches to the PIE root *s- (IEW: 782
), *Hehi-s (Derksen 2008:29, de Vaan 2008:435). The suffix *-Vno- can be observe
d in Latin ornus (because of rotacisms); the suffix *-no- in PCelt. *os-no, Olr.
uinnius, Wesh onn, MBret ounn (Matasovic 20009:300-301, who does not accept the
*Hefi3- reconstruction and considers the Lithuanian acute as a secondary vrddhi
formation); the *-en- suffix in PS1 *senb/serih (APa), Cz. jasan, Slk. jase, OPI.
jsie, USorb. jase, Rus. jse, S-Cr.jasn-jsena, Sin. jsen-jasena. The suffix *-ko- in Ge
anic: Ole asker, Engl, ash Further references: Frisk 11:400, Gluhak 1993:290, Va
smer IV:564, Fraenkel 11:1167, Borys 2008:213; Schuster-ewc Wort: 431
10) SCr. pr, Sin. pr, Cz. pr, Slk. pr, PI. perz, Ru. pyrj, PSI *pyrh (APa), Lit. pras
(API) "grain measure ", Latv. pri "winter corn", purs "corn measure", BS *pu?ro-
(Derksen 2008:425), GrHom. prs "wheat", OE. fyrs "spelt", OInd. pr "cake", PIE *puh
]-r-(Rasmussen 1985)
Further references: Bezlaj 3:39, Vasmer 3:419, Fraenkel 671, Frisk 11:631, KEWA
11:322-323, Borys 2008:421
11) Ru. dym, SCr. dim, Sin. dim, Cz. dm, PSI. *dymh (APa), Latv. durni, Lit. dmai,
OPrus. dums, PBS *du?mos, (Derksen 2008:132), PBalt *dumai, (Illich-Svitych 197
9-58), OInd.
179
dhum-, Gr. thums, Lat. fiimus, PIE *dhums (Illich-Svitch 1979-58), *d uH-ms (Derksen
2008:132), Rasmussen 1985, *dhuh2-m < *dhueh2- (Casaretto2004:380, LIV 188); from
the root *dheu- (IEW 261).
Latin fiimus < Pit. fimo- < PIE *d uh.2m is an exception to Dybo's law, long "m" i
s explained by annalogy and *-Ii2- is reconstructed according to Hittite forms a
ntuwahhaw "human", tuhhae- "cough" (de Vaan 2008:249). The root form *d uh2- wit
h *-yo- suffix is also observed in PCelt. *dwyot- "smoke", Olr. d (Matasovi 2009:11
1) Further references: KEWA 1:109, EWA I: 795, Smoczynski 2007:132, Snoj 2003:11
0, Borys 2008:136, Vasmer 1:558, Bezlaj 1:101, Fraenkel 1:110, Frisk 694, Gluhak
1993:196
Other forms of thematic stems as well as athematic stems are not straightforward
: 12) Latv. znuts "son-in-law, sister's husband, wife's brother", Lith. ntas "son-i
n-law"(APl), OCS zqtb "bridegroom", SCr. zet "son-in-law", Ru. zja, Cz. ze, PI zi$,
PS1. zqtb (APa), Bait *noti (Illich-Svitych 1979:59), BS *n?tis/tos (Derksen 2008:
544); Fraenkel: 1301 refused the connection ontas with zqtb, Olnd.jts, Gr. gntos "relat
ive", PIE etymology varies: IEW:373-374 *g'endtos >Lith. ntas, *g'endtis >OCS zqtb
, *g'n- in OInd. jts and Gr. gntos; *g'ntis (Illich-Svitych l979:59)*g'noh3-t (Rasmusse
n 1985:172); Gluhak (1993:695) derives Lith. ntas from *g'en-to-s and Latv. znuts f
rom *g'n-to-s, both forms ablauted from *'gen-t-, a derivte of *g'enhi- "produce"
(LIV: 163) ; Derksen (2008:544) reconstructs * g'enhi-to/ti and accepts connecti
on ontas and zqtb and the derives the Latv. znuts from *g'neJi3-to-; Bezlaj (2005:40
6)reconstructs *g'enh]ti-; Snoj (2003:853) derives Gr. gntos "kinskman", Latv.znut
s and OInd. jti from the zero grade form *g'nhit- NIL (136-139, 154) has also diffe
rent etymologies: *g'emH-to/ah2 for Lith. ntas, *g'mH-t-i for OCS zqtb, Rus. zjtb,
S-Cr. zt (from the root *g'emH- "marry"); *g'noJi3-ti > OInd. jti-, g'nhi-t > Gr. gn
otos and *g'noh.3-t > Latv. znuts, everything from the root *g'neJi3-"recognize".
Two or three roots of the same structure might have contaminate here.; Viredaz 2
002:169 distinguishes four BS types: *ntis > Latv. dial, znutis; *ntas >Latv. znuts; *
as > Lith. ntas, *znti > PSI. zqtb, the original root *g'enh/g'neh in oxytona.*g'neht
fi, g'nhit- but he does not mention Hirt's law. Further references: EWAi:585-586,
601; Vasmer 11:112, Borys 2008:740
12) Latv. vej "wind", Lit. vjas "wind", PBalt. *vejus (Illich-Svitych 1979:59); Sm
oczynski 2007:730 derives vjas from the root vj-, a form from v ti, v ja, v jo "blow"
, reflected in OInd. vti, OHG w(h)en, OCS vjati; further cognates OInd. vjs, Av. vaii
u, PIE *uis
180
(Illich-Svitych 1979:59) ,*h2ueh1-is; (Rasmussen 1985, EWA 11:544), the
verbal root
*h2uehr "blow" (LIV:287)
Further references: Fraenkel 11:1216, KEWA 3:190-191, IEW:82-83
13) Ru. plnyj "full", SCr. pn, Sin. pln, Cz. pln, PI. pelny, USorb. polny, PS1. *pb
lm> (APa), Latv. pilns, Lit. pilnas, PBalt. *pilnas (Illich-Svitych 1979:58), *p
ilna <pl/?;-n (Smozcyski 2007:459), *pilnos (Derksen 2008:426); further cognates O
Ind. prn-, Av. parana, Lat. plnus, Olr. ln, E. full; PIE *plns (Illich-Svitych 1979:5
8); *plh-ns (Rasmussen 1985). Some authors also think about different reconstruct
ions: KEWA 11:324 posits *ph-n- > Olr. ln, *pl-n- > Av. pdrdnaSchaffher (obviously
under the influence of Klingenschmitt) reconstructs the oposition *plhi-n (oxyton
e verbal adjective from pelhi-/plehi, also EWAL156) >*pln/*pdln/ *piln > *pT ln>*plna
>lit. pilnas, OInd. prn, contra *ph]-no > *Psl p'blm> > SCr. pun, R. plnyj (Schaffne
r 2001:336, cf. also Forssman 2001:27); the original root might be root aorist f
orm *ple/?;- "fill, become full" (LIV 482, de Vaan 2008:472-473)
Further references: Bezlaj 3:82, Fraenkel 1:592, Gluhak 1993:512, Lehmann 1986:1
31, Snoj 2003:541,
14) Lit. piemu (AP3 < piemuo API), Gr. poimn, PBalt. *pimn/peimn, according to Fraen
kel 1:585 considers the Lith. vocalims ie <*ei analogicaly introduced according
to forms like piesas "feed"; PIE *pimen (Illich-Svitych 1979:60), *poifi2-men (Ra
smussen 1985), reconstructed by Schaffner as hysterokinetic: Nsg *poiJi2-m(n), Gs
g *poiJi2-mn-s, with Laryngalmetahese/?oz72- <poli2-i- (Schaffner 2001:89-90); Lary
ngelmetathesis, resyllabification and the following laryngeal lost with compensa
tory lengthening is also posited by Smoczyski 2007:454: *po.h-men > *pa.Hi.men > *
paiH.men >*pi.men > piemu.
Further references: Frisk 1:573
15) Lit. mnuo, Latv. mness "moon", mnesis "month", OPrus. menig, OCS msecb, Cz. msc,
Slk. mesiac, PI. miesiqc, S-Cr. mesc, Sin. msec, PSI *msqcb (APa), BS. *me?n (e)s,
Proto-Slavic form from mehin-s(e)n-ko (Derkesn 2008:312-313); OHG mnd, Got. menps,
Germ.*mcent, Gr. mn, Lat. mnsis, Olr. m, OInd. mas, TochA ma, TochB mee; J>IE*mnot (Ill
ich-Svitych 1979:60), reconstructed as amphikinetic Nsg *mh]-n-s, Gsg *meh]-ns-s
(Beekes 1985:62); similarly Schaffner *meh]-n-s: *mdjns-s (Schaffner
181
2001:83-84) and Rieken *mh1-no-t(s): *m(e)huis-s (Rieken 1999:62); EWA 11:352 reco
nstructs Pllr. *maHas < mehi-ns, e-grade in suffix *mehi-nes in Greek, Latin, Go
thic, Lithuanian and Tocharian forms; Smoczynski (2007:388) considers the Baltic
length from laryngeal influence *meh]-ns <*me.ens <*me.Hens (the resyllabificat
ion and compensatory lengthening), Baltic forms from the *men- reformed from Asg
. m-nes-in; the final Lith. mnuo is a modified form of *mnuos <*mens and according t
o vandu etc.; de Vaan (2008:373) posits Pit. mens and Lithuanian and Latvian form
s derives from *mehin-es, the PIE form *meh]-n-s with Nsg mehj-n-t;
16) Latv. vrs, Lit. vras, Balt. *vTras, OInd. vr-, Av. vira, Lat. vir, Olr. fer, Go
th, wair, TochA wir "young" (Latin, Celtic and Germanic brevity is due to the Dy
bo's law, accepted by de Vaan 2008:681, Matasovi 2009:423 and NIL:726, thus *uir >
*uiro); PIE *uirs (Illich-Svitych 1979:58), *uih-rs (Rasmussen 1985), An alternat
ive explanation to Hirt's law is the stress retraction due to the substantivizat
ion of the original adjective, thus Schaffner (2001:331) posits the oposition of
*uihx-r (adjective) > OInd. vr-, contra *uihx-ro (substantive) > Lit. vras (Schaffn
er 2001:331), but see Casaretto for *uih]-r > vras (Casaretto 2004:419 +Anm.l359);
also Smozcynski (2007:756-757) and NIL:726-729 considers it as an alternative t
o Hirt's law.
Further references: KEWA 3:238, EWA 11:569, Fraenkel 11:1258, Lehmann 1986:389:3
90
17) Ru. dver- deverj, SCr. djevr, Sin. dver-dverja, PSI *dven> (APa/c) Lith. deveris,
Latv. diveris, PBalt. daiv (Illich-Svitych 1979:90), PBS *da?iuer (Derksen 2008:10
5), Lithuanian forms show API but Slavic forms tend to be mobile (probably secon
darily); Fraenkel 1:94 considers the Lithuanian root vocalism levelled according
to divas; Smoczynski (2007:111) explains the long Balto-Slavic diphtong due to t
he laryngeal metathesis and resyllabification processes: *deIi2uer > *da.Ii2uer >*
da.h2i.11er > *daih2.uer > ?BS*di.uer;
Gr. dr, Lat. lvir, OInd. devr, Arm taygr; de Vaan 2008:336 reconstructs the Pit. for
m *daiwr, with the Latin replacement of "d"by "1" (thus also EWA 1:744) and -*ver
with -vir due to the influence of vir "man"; PIE daiuer (IEW 179, Illich-Svityc
h 1979:90), *daih-ur (Rasmussen 1985); Nsg *deli2i-uer, Dsg *deh2-ur-i, Asg *deh2-ur-
m (Rieken 1999:266), hysterokinetic, but see Jeong-Soo's argument for amphikinet
ic reconstruction (Jeong-Soo 2005:19), *deh2i-uer (Derksen 2008:105), NI
L:58-60 reconstructs *daiur/daiur and
182
according to Greek and Armenian forms the probable basic form *de\i2-uer, accepte
d by de Vaan (2008:336) but the derivation from the root *deli2- "to distribute"
remains doubtful; Further references: KEWA 2:64, EWA 743-744, Gluhak 1993:200, B
ezlaj 11:99, Vasmer 1:991
18) Ru. ma, SCr mti, Sin. mti, Cz. mti, Slk. ma, OCS mati, PS *mati (APa), Latv. mate,
Lit. mt, OPrus. mti, PBS *m?ter (Derksen 2008:303), OInd. mt, Av. mtar, Gr. meter, Lat
. mter, OHG muoter; Arm. mayr, Alb. motor, TochB mcer, TochA mcar, Olr. mithir, PIE
*mah-ter (Rasmussen 1985); Nsg *meli2tr-s, Gsg *meli2tr-s, hysterokinetic (Jeong-S
oo 2005:14), Beekes argues for static inflection (Beekes 1985:185), also Snoj 20
03:385 and Snoj 2004 reconstruct aerostatic paradigm *mali2tr, Gsg. mli2trs; NIL:4
57-461 reconstructs *mli2ter but is not decided whether to posit an original *-- o
r *-eh.2- but Kortlandt's idea of the development of -VH- sequence to acute is a
ccepted. The oxytonesis in OInd. mt is considered to be taken from pit type. Derkse
n (2008:303) admits the possibility of Hirts's law but also the fact that the or
iginal root stress (and therefore aerostatic paradigm) can be old, because the r
oot stress appears in Greek meter,. Further references: IEW 700-701, Gluhak 1993
:401
It is obvious that a mixture of nominals of different origin and accentuation un
derwent Hirt's law. The different mobility of athematics is also difficult to fr
ame into a sort of lateral mobility - the starting point from which Hirt's law s
hould apply. There is also an interesting remark made by Dybo (Dybo 1981:17) who
, having observed, that u-stems and consonatal stems that underwent Hirt's law r
eturned back to mobility in Lithuanian, suggested, that those forms created a so
rt of mixed accentual paradigm with retracted forms and forms keeping original e
nding accentuation.
7.3.2. Non-strict-oxytonesis hypothesis
We can accept the working hypothesis that original IE accentual frames continued
at least up to the time of operation of Hirt's law. It means that some words ne
ed could retain their PIE accentual paradigm and could escape Balto-Slavic Peder
sen's law. This hypothesis has not very firm grounds, because the corpus of word
s under examination is small. But Optimality Theory analysis seems to explain mo
re successfully the Hirt's law under the premise of the
I proposed early version in 2006 at IWoBA 2, published as Suka 2009, with additio
n in Suka 2008.
183
continuance of original accentual distribution. However, another condition must
be broken -we must accept the fact that the stress was retracted also from sylla
bles not immediately followed a syllable with consonantal laryngeal - which is a
gainst the common understanding of how Hirt's law operates.
7.3.3. Anti-optimal paradigms
Frazier has recently dealt with the accentual paradigms of PIE athematic nouns f
rom the point of Optimality Theory (Frazier 2006). She uses a concept of dominan
t and recessive morphems in a concept of morphology-phonology interface. Dominan
t affixes are those that cause deletion of accent rom the base. Any affix that d
oes not bear such specification is recessive by default. Apart from using input-
output correspondence also output-output correspondence is used, because from on
e base different outputs in paradigms can be created. Accented roots are always
stressed in the output, unaccented roots yield paradigms with alternating stress
, postaccenting roots yield paradigms with stress on the inflectional suffix. Fr
azier also uses antifaithfulness constraints (Alderete 2001), operating only on
the output-output correspondence, which are satisfied by an output which violate
s a coresspondent faithfulness constraint. Comparisons between members of inflec
tional paradigms are solved by a theory of Optimal paradigms, which was, however
, not developed with intention of explaining differences among members of paradi
gms due to inflectional affixes (McCarthy 2005). Creating a non- optimal paradig
m (_,OP ) model to generate multiple candidates simultaneously, Frazier is succe
ssfully able to demonstrate the interaction and ranking of constraints of the ty
pes: DEP (A)-do not insert accent, MAX (A)- do not delete accent, NoFLOP (A)- do
not shift accent, ALIGN-LEFT - for every stressed syllable, align its left edge
with the left edge of the prosodic word, OP-DEP(A)- do not insert an accent int
o any member of an inflection paradigm, -OP-DEP(A) - insert an accent into the s
tem of a member of an inflectional paradigm created with a dominant affix; simil
arly OP-MAX(A), _,OP-MAX(A), OP-NoFLOP(A), -OP-NoFLOP(A), DEP(A)ROOt, DEP(A)DEri
V, and show how they control the placement of the stress in all four types of at
hematic accentual paradigms.
I use the Frazier's concept as a starting point and I try to show that to explai
n a leftward stress shift we must include a dominant constraint which specifies
position of a laryngeal in a root. As for Hirt's law, it is obvious that a targe
t root syllable contains a laryngeal as a part of a coda, which means, that this
laryngeal is consonantal. I argue, that late Indo-European and Early Balto-Slav
ic generally prefer consonatal (and tautosyllabic) laryngeal than vocalic. As
184
for the case of Hirt's law, the root laryngeal is consonatal and therefore attra
cts stress. Therefore, I posit a constraint *aroot (Root laryngeal must be conso
nantal).
If we accept the working hypothesis that athematic nouns, at least those that un
derwent Hirt's law, kept their original accentual distribution, we can easily cr
eate tableaux for showing the undominance of constraints *aroot and ALIGN-LEFT.
Amphikinetic nouns have a root stress in strong cases and an ending-stress in we
ak cases. The stress is, therefore, shifted leftward only in weak cases :
weak cases of *meH-nt-s ;
RS *8root ALIGN-LEFT OP NO-FLOP (A)
^HSE *
RhS *!
R9S * *
As for hysterokinetics, the stress alternates between suffix and ending. The roo
t is never accented. I accept Frazier's presupposition that hysterokinetics had
post-accenting root -otherwise it would be impossible to explain their anomalous
accentuation. The leftward stress shift again shows the undominance of constrai
nts *aroot and ALIGN-LEFT:
strong and weak cases of the type *maH-tr, *daiH-ur, *poiH-mn
RpaSE RPAS * 8root ALIGNL OP NoFLOP (A) POST ACC
RPAE RPAS **i **
^RHSE HSE **i **!
Thematic oxytona also have postaccenting root (accepting Halle's proposal):
Rg-root with non-consonantal laryngeal, S-suffix, E-ending, RH-root with tautosy
llabic laryngeal; OPNoFLOP (A) - do not shift stress in any member of the inflec
tional paradigms
185
RE *8root ALIGNL POST ACC
RpaSE *! *
^RHSE *!
7.3.4. Lubotsky's accent shift
Lubotsky 1992 observed anomalous resistance of Old Indie i- and u- stems derived
from roots with a final laryngeal. Those derivates are oxytonas. There is no re
traction of stress although the original root ended in a consonantal laryngeal.
Some of the Old Indie i- and u-stems have parallels in Balto-Slavic where the fo
rms underwent Hirt's law: Latv. juts, OInd. ytih; Latv. znuts, OInd. jts.
Lubotsky claims that the Old Indie oxytonesis is not of Indo-European origin and
he supposes "the laryngeal accent shift". However, the condition of the stress
shift in Old Indie is "incomprehensible", because root laryngeals generally attr
act stress. Concerning this, there is another interesting Lubotsky's hypothesis
that laryngeals (which merged into glottal stop in Indo-Iranian ) were lost befo
re voiced unaspirated consonant if followed by another consonant (*HDC>DC). Root
s have short medial vowel: *peli2g- OInd. pajr- "firm" but Gr. Tirjyvvjui "make f
ast". In Indo-Iranian we observe assimilation of a glottal stop (merger of laryn
geal) and preglottalised consonants (formerly explained as voiced unaspirated):
CeHDC = CeDC > Ca?7DC (Indo-Iranian "a") > Ca DC. This is Lubotsky's law.
Lubotsky supposes that the orginal i- and u- stems were barytona and the larynge
al shift operated when the root vowel was followed by a laryngeal (or glottal st
op in the above interpretation). We can see that the process is quite opposite t
o the leftward stress shift in Balto-Slavic.
Taking the above mentioned results into consideration, we can easily explain the
anomalous resistance of Old Indie i- and u- stems derived from roots with a fin
al laryngeal, as observed by Lubotsky. The fact that the roots having final cons
onantal laryngeal do not attract stress can be explained by the following prelim
inary hypothesis: while in Balto-Slavic the consonantal root laryngeal causes th
e attraction of stress (Hirt's law) and it is undominated
Lubotsky 1992 put his conception on Indo-Iranian laryngeal shift into a broader
relative chronology of changes, (see Lubotsky 1992:268). The most important resu
lt is that all laryngeals merged into glottal stop in Indo-Iranian (which is the
same result as in Balto-Slavic), then the glottal stop was lost before mediae (
which are conditions similar to Winter's law in my interpretation), and the lary
ngeal accent shift followed.
186
from the OT point of view, in Old Indie the constraints *aroot and ALIGN-LEFT a
re dominated by some other constraints. Therefore, the leftward stress-shift is
blocked.
Lubotsky observes that the orginal i- and u- stems were barytona and the larynge
al shift operated if the root vowel was followed by a laryngeal (or glottal stop
in the above interpretation). We can see that the process is quite opposite to
the leftward stress shift in Balto-Slavic. The specification of Indo-Iranian lar
yngeal accent shift only to i- or u- stems is interesting because it presupposes
dominancy of i- and u- suffix. As remarked by Lubotsky, the shift does not occu
r in a-stems like kma- "wish".
In my article on Hirt's law from 2006/2009 (rewritten above) I tried to explain
the mechanism of Hirt's law using Optimality Theory. Now it seems to me that Hir
t's law and Indo-Iranian laryngeal accent shift are opposite mechanisms, althoug
ht the latter is specified to i- and u-stems and both mechanism need not be sync
hronic.
For the sake of convenience I use the structure CVH.S where H means consonantal
laryngeal and S is suffix. The constraints involved in accent shift are: MAX (A)
- do not delete accent DEP (A) - do not insert accent NOFLOP (A) - do not shift
accent
ALIGN-LEFT - for every stressed syllable, align its left edge with the left edge
of some prosodic word
ALIGN-RIGHT - for every stressed syllable, align its right edge with the right e
dge of some prosodic word
I also posited a constraint *9root ~ rot laryngeal must be consonantal. In my afo
rementioned article I tried to explain Hirt's law in whole paradigms but here I
limit my analysis to Nsg forms.
As for barytona which did not undergo any accent shift (like Indo-Iranian a-stem
s), the tableau is as follows:
607 In Indo-Iranian as well as in Balto-Slavic the original three laryngeals mer
ged into one which was phonetically glottal stop.
187
CVHS ^root MAX(A) DEP (A) NONFLOP ALIGN-L ALIGN-R
a^CVHS *
b CVH * * * *
Candidate (a):
*9root MAX(A), DEP (A), NONFLOP ALIGN-LALIGN-R
Indo-Iranian laryngeal shift: barytona > oxytona *d urH-ti, OInd dhurti-. To nar
row the shift for i- and u- stems I use the Sspec suffix:
CVrlbspEc ^root ALIGN-R ALIGN-L MAX(A) DEP (A) NONFLOP
a CVrlospEc *
b ^CVHSPEC * * * *
Candidate (b):
*9root ALIGN-RALIGN-L MAX(A), DEP (A), NONFLOP
Hirt's law in Balto-Slavic:oxytona > barytona, BS *dH-mo-
CVHS ^root ALIGN-L ALIGN-R MAX(A) DEP (A) NONFLOP
a^CVHS * * * *
b CVH *
188
Candidate (a):
*9root ALIGN-LALIGN-R MAX(A), DEP (A), NONFLOP
Oxytona remain oxytona and do not undergo stress retraction as in Balto-Slavic,
*d uH-m-, OInd dhm-
CVHS ^root MAX(A) DEP (A) NONFLOP ALIGN-R ALIGN-L
aCVHS * * * * *
' b^CVH *
Candidate (b):
*9root MAX(A), DEP (A), NONFLOP ALIGN-RALIGN-L
Conclusion
In this chapter I proposed the Non-strict oxytonesis hypothesis. It means that s
ome nouns need not be necesarily oxytonesized and could continue from PIE to Bal
to-Slavic with their original accentual paradigm. I use the Frazier's concept as
a starting point and I accepted Rasmussen's claim that Hirt's law required the
laryngeal in coda position. Such structures attracted stress. In Indo-Iranian, o
n the other hand, the situation is opposite and roots ending in laryngeal coda d
o not attract stress. I proposed a new constraint *9root which prohibits vocalic
counterpart of a laryngeal in a root. The Hirt's law and Old Indic oxytonesis i
s then the result of different ranking of *9root and ALIGN family of constraints
which are responsible for the position of stress. The both processes need not b
e synchronic but the opposite mechanism suggests the interaction of the same bul
k of constraints.
189
8. Winter's law
Introduction
Winter's law seems to be one of the important accentual laws of the Balto-Slavic
period. Its reality is now established and acknowledged by most scholars. The h
otly debated issue is the mechanism of Winter's law. In the following section I
am going to describe various approaches to Winter's law. Then I review the data,
both those who support Winter's law (fully or partially) and the so called coun
terexamples. I will argue that Kortlandt's theory of preglottalized consonants s
uccessfully explains data and I will propose my solution of Winter's law from th
e point of Optimality Theory.
8.1. Discovery and conditions of the operation
The story Winter's law dates back to 1978, when Werner Winter published his grou
ndbreaking article about reflexes of PIE root syllable nucleus with coda contain
ing a voiced stop. Winter observed, that if the root contained a sequence of sho
rt vowel with voiced stop, that short vowel was lengthened: CVD >CVD in Balto-Sl
avic. Winter analysed only roots with former *a,o and *e which means that Slavic
responses of those short vowels are a, , in Lithuanian we find , uo, in Latvian ,
uo, a. The important thing is that Lithuanian shows acute and Latvian shows brok
en tone: Lith. sti, Latv.st, OCS jasti; Lith. nogas, Latv. nugs, OCS nagh. Winter ad
duced 19 examples of short-vowel lengthening before voiced stop and nine excepti
ons, which he tried to explain.
Lengthening was not observable in sequences CVT - *met- > msti, mest, mesti and C
VD - *uedh- >vesti, vest, vesti, i.e. when root syllable contained original unvo
iced or voiced aspirated stop.
The vowel lengthening can also be found in the sequence with CVRC bases. The dif
tong bases were hinted but not analysed by Winter, but by Young 1990, 1991. So e
.g. in in sequences (C)VRD *bheld- > Lith. blsti (knock), Latv. belt or *perg- >
S-Cr. prg, Rus. porg, Lith. prgas (fishing boat) we also observe acute intonation i
n Lithuanian and broken tone in Latvian. It cotrasts to sequences CVRD - *bhend
- > Lith. bedras (comrade), Latv.biedrs; *g'omb - > S-Cr. zb, Lith. ambas, Rus. zub
-zub where we see circumflex in Lithuanian.
190
8.2. Rejection of Winter's law
Authors who did not accept Winter's law claimed that the apparent law is either
a phonetic process which happens not only before voiced unaspirated obstruents b
ut also elsewhere or that the process is morphological due to the vrddhi derivat
ion process.
8.2.1. Schmid's "solution"
Schmid 1986:362ff wanted to prove that lengthening happened also before "k", "1"
, "m" and "s". So he compares Lith noga, podas, osti uoga with Goth, naqaps, faz, L
at. odor, Goth, akran as well as Lith. jukas with Lat. locus, Lith. kulas with Rus
s. kol, Lith nuoma with Goth nlman, Lith. solas with Lat. solium, Lith. olektis an
d alkun, Lith. uolus and Lat. adolre, Lith. osis and Lat. ornus. However, this cont
radicts to the original Winter's idea that lengthening is before media only, "k"
and "s" are voiceless and moreover jukas and kulas have circumflex intonation. Ac
cording to Schmid, the following data show that the lengthening is not dependent
on the quality of a root consonant and does not depend on the derivative class:
like Lith. gris - gras, Monis - Manas, lbis-lbas, rgs-rags, stgas-Rus. stog, dis-
-spragti, vgti-vagis. Schmid sees Dehnungspreteritum in Baltic io-class - Lith. le
kiu, lkiau, lkti, analogically rkiu contra OCS rekq, grbiu contra Latv. grebu.
So according to Schmid 1986:364 the lengthening is not dependent on the quality
of root consonant and the whole process is just a product of word formation.
8.2.1.1. Kortlandt's criticism
The Schmid's conception was heavily attacked by Kortlandt 1988:392. Kortlandt ri
ghtly points out that Schmid's wrong results are caused by lack of accentuation
in Lithuanian data. Kortlandt also sees different connection with the data that
Schmid adduces. Kortlandt compares Lith. topa (with length before tenuis ) with L
at. ppulus, while Russ. topol should be blend of MLat. papulus and y\HG papel. Sc
hmid connects Lith. stgas with WL and Russ. stog, but according to Kortlandt the
absence of lengthening in stog is due to it relation to Gr. stkhos. Lithuanian sp
rgti has right acute from WL but spragti is for Kortlandt connected with spraga (b
reach), sprdge (flea-beetle) < *spreg -. So no lengthening happens before media
aspirata. Acute in Lith. grbti is not analogical, as Schmid thinks, but due to grb
ti (seize) reflected also in SCr. grdbiti. Intonations in Lithuanian verb mgti "l
ike" (WL) and magti (want) are taken as analogical by Schmid but Kortlandt points
to their different roots. Acute form of rpti (gather) is according to Kortlandt
doublets of repti. Kortlandt sees
191
connection onoma not with Goth, nima, as Schmid does, but with Gr. nm. As for kopa, Sc
hmid adduces it as an example of lengthening before tenuis, but Kortlandt identi
fies kopa with Gr. kop "handles" <* keii2p-. Circumflexed kpas is related to Lith.
kdpti "scrape". Acute form of tis can be connected with Latv. tast (peel and is no
t related to Lith. tati and Latv. tst. Schmid also adduces Lith. trob (house) with a
s and example of out-BS-lengthening because of Osk. triibm but Kortlandt derives
the Lithuanian form from *treb->OIr. treb (dwelling).
Kortlandt's criticism began fruitful. Schmid's contribution to Winter's law rema
ins only as a historical peculiarity. The Schmid's cardinal mistake was his pers
uation that accentuation is not important for WL. Therefore, his article did not
have any positive reactions.
8.2.2. Morphological explanation - Gercenberg
Gercenberg (1981:129-140) shows that root lengthening is not limited to Balto-Sl
avic only and is connected with grammatical function. For example Gercenberg add
uces*^-,? > Hitt. ezzai as an sigmatic type of verb form. Length there is consid
ered archaic. He also tries to show examples where lengthening does not depend o
n root final voiced consonant but on sonant: Lith. eras "lamb", OCS jarina; Lith
. loektis, Latv. ulekts "elbow", Lith. tvora, OCS tvarb, and also examples of leng
thening before voiced aspirated consonant: Skt. vrdhate <*uredh-; Skt. vhati <*ueg
rh.Against this, Kortlandt (1988:390-391) claims that Lith. eras <jras (referring
to Bga) is derived from the word for "year" as is Russ. jrka "lamb", Lith. olektis
and Gr. olen <*h$ehil-, oblique cases *hihiel-(k)-, *hihil-(en)- observed in Lat
v. elkunis, TochA. ale "palm of the hand". Kortlandt's original form for Lith. tv
ora, OCS tvarb is *tur- which should have a lengthened grade but no acute.
Gercenberg absurdly claims that Kortlandt's hypothesis of preglottalic consonant
s requires unvoiced and glottalised sonants, e.g.: Lith uosis, Russ. jse < *h$eh2S
, oblique case hihies-(k), seen in Arm. hacci with the same ablaut processes as
in *h?,ehil-, oblique cases *hhiel-(k)- ?proterokinetic. Gercenberg also suggests
that Kortlandt's conception of deglottalisation concerns also roots *d-, and *dh-
, as OCS dadqth, Lith. dodu, dedii.
Gercenberg's ideas met only with criticism, e.g. Shintani 1985, Kortlandt 1988b.
As Matasovi (1995:58) remarked, Gercenberg's approach is largely irrelevant beca
use he tries to show that both Balto-Slavic and some other IE language show leng
thened grade in the root.
192
This does not explain why just Balto-Slavic shows the long vowel and what the me
chanism was.
8.3. Winter's Law and Compensatory Lengthening
The probable mechanism of vovel lengthening was briefly discussed by Birnbaum (1
985:48-49). Birnbaum made rather bizarre typological comparison with CL in Slavi
c. Birnbaum refers to Timberlake 1983 and his detailed descriptions of CL due to
the loss of final yers. It is long known and described (e.g. by Polish authors)
that CL is limited to the quality of coda consonant. It seems to me that althou
gh Birnbaum rejects that he woud see the parallel between WL and NAct CL, he dis
cusses the quality of coda consonants that influence the operation of both proce
ss. Winter's law is a Balto-Slavic process and it does not operate when coda is
formed by either IE unvoiced or voiced aspirated stop or a consonant cluster. Ne
oacute lengthening is limited to loss of yers (at least in nominals) conditionde
d by the voiced/unvoiced stops. I cannot see any connection with the two process
es and it is not clear to me why Birnbaum tries to argue about quality of conson
ant. He only alludes to Kortlandt's conception of glottalised stops and the ques
tion if those consonants could condition length in other instances. Birnbaum (19
99) came back to Winter's Law but only as as a summing up of recent research and
as a criticism of Kortland's interpretation. Birnbaum miconnected and therefore
refused Kortlandt's glottalic theory with the general Indo-European glottalic t
heory because he did not know Kortlandt's articles about Germanic obstruents.
Contrary to the often repeated claim, Birnbaum 1985 did not seem to reject WL, h
e rather made some objections at Kortlandt and his interpretation of exceptions
to WL. Birnbaum also did not discuss the mechanism of Winter's Law and all the d
ata but only the certain counterexamples and problematic reconstructions. In his
1999 article he saw the Law as a tendency not as a phonetic law but this seems
only because of the acceptance of the Law by Rasmussen and the problematic inter
pretation of the Law by Schmid to which Festschrift Birnbaum contributed
Birnbaum 1999:31.
193
8.4. Two cases
can be adduced as an important contributions to our knowledge of Winter's law al
though both had opposite effects
8.4.1. The "ubog-b" case
A bit unhappy contribution to Winter's law has been done by Zimmer 1986:224 who
argues, that the prefix u-<*au- is not attested in Iranian and argues for archai
smus for Slavic, because u- is lost early as a perfective prefix (OCS udaliti, R
us. ubeatb, he also notes that **bogh as simplex is not atested, only as a compos
itum. It is quite obvious that Zimmer ignores many facts, such as the similarity
of Slavic and Iranian form etc. see also Kortlandt 1988:395. Etymologically, pr
efix "u-" is from BS *au- and corresponds to Lithuanian and Latvian au-, Old Iri
sh and Old Indie ova-, PIE *Ii2eu- (Derksen 2008:506). As for *ubogh "poor", the
form is only Slavic - OCS ubogh, Rus. ubgij, Cz. uboh, Slk. uboh, PI. ubogi, S-Cr.
bog, Sin. ubpg. For etymology and discussions of *bogh "god" see below.
8.4.2. Hamp's contribution
Hamp 1972, 1991 also touched Winter's Law in his etymological analysis of Lith.
doti -duoda "give" and dti - dda "put". He reconstructs Balto-Slavic *duodmi/ddmi, d
edmi and compares those forms with Skt. reduplicated forms ddmi, dadhmi and creates
PIE *dhdheh]mi:*dhedhehims; *ddehmi:*dedhns. The latter forms give Balto-Slavic *ddm
edms, ddmi: dedms. Oxytone accent in dedms as well as vocalism were generalised > ded
mi: dedms contra dedmi: dedms. A new form was created due to proportion analogy - d
ed-ded-, ded-dod- (with short "o") but for distinctivness sake actually "dd-" > duo
d-. This was the interpretation from 1972, before the appearance of Winter's pap
er and shows PIE reduplicative background. Hamp 1991 simplified all the process
of formation and posited "dd-" as Winter's law but the actual effect of his propo
rtional analogy remains mysterious and very improbable.
8.5. Mechanism of Winter's law
Scholars who accepted the reality of Winter's law tried to explain the mechanism
of it. It was observed that the situation is not quite clear and that we cannot
simply postulate that in CVD position the law operated and in CVD not. This is
only observation, not explanation. Several hypothesis have been proposed and we
can say that without the context of the others theories they might see competing
or alternative for anybody who is not familiar with them.
194
8.5.1. Closed syllable hypothesis
Matasovi (1995) argued that Winter's law is a process of lengthening which occure
d only in closed syllables. His analysis is limited to monophtnogs because he co
nsiders diphtongal bases always to be closed. He expects that WL should operate
in athematic verbs with monosyllabic roots CVD-, in thematic verbs CVD-CV- (yo-s
uffixed verbs), in substantives CVD-CV and all diphtongal bases CVR-D. I will di
scuss Matasovi's examples below. The whole Matasovi's theory was criticised by Der
ksen 2002, who points that first, Winter's law operated both in closed and in op
en syllables, second, according to Matasovi's theory the law would not happen in
zero grade of roots Ci/uD type. The term "lengthening" is also misleading becaus
e it does not say anything about the intonation difference on long vowels. Simpl
y, if one says that Winter's law is lengthening of a vowel, he does not explain
why such vowel obtains acute intonation and not circumflex. Matasovi also misinte
rprets the Kortlandt's theory of glottal stop influence on WL. Supposing that WL
is lengthening of a preceding vowel, Matasovi thinks that the loss of glottal st
op occured in the closed syllables causing compensatory lengthening: *se?d.mi >
*sed.mi > Lith. sdu. The first syllable is "double closed" and the mechanism of l
enghtening is actually conjoined with the simplification of complex coda. On the
other hand, *se?.geii3 (the wrong reconstruction combining glottal stop and a l
aryngeal) > *se.g > seg. Here the coda in the first syllable is not complex and th
at is the reason why WL does not operate.
Matasovic (2005) made Winter's law a central point of his relative chronology of
early Balto-Slavic sound changes. He sticked to his own 1995 formulation claimi
ng that there are many counterexamples to the "original" formulation which, acco
rding to Matasovic, is the lengthening in open syllalbe, e.g. Lith. dubus "deep"
, gegu "cuckoo", pdas "sole" etc. Matasovic claims that there are no counterexample
s to his formulation and considers Derksen's objection (Derksen 2002) as a non-a
rgument because because length in open syllables can be explained in other way.
He considers the original Dehnstufe in *ngw-s/*nogwos- "naked body" to be preserv
ed in Balto-Slavic while other IE languages should have generalized the full gra
de.
jj.ww-w/.
610 Derksen 2002:6.
611 Matasovic 1995:69.
612 Matasovic 2005:155.
195
8.5.2. Shintani-Rasmussen hypothesis
Both Shintani and Rasmussen accept the existence of Winter's Law. They both take
Winter's Law as a morphonological rule, although the mechanism of lengthening i
s not clear. Shintani in his paper from 1985 suggested that "a short vowel befor
e PIE plain media was lengthened only in unstressed position" (Shintani 1985:274
). As a support for he adduces Latvian Brechton: nugs, uga, ust, bele...Short vowel
was not lengthened in barytone forms of mobile paradigms, only in oxytone forms
(otherwise we should observe alternation of long/short vowels. So without length
ening should have been:
- Lith. pdas (AP2), Lat. pads, ORus pob, here barytone *podom; original oxytone in
OInd padm < *pedom (Shintani 1985:276)
- Lith. sgti, OCS prisqti, OInd sjati, Shintani reconstructs barytone thematic pre
sent *sge/o-
- PSI *sedblo - Shintani inclines to see it as Germanic borrowing, according to
him the form can also have barytonic root *sd - (Shintani 1985:276)
- PS1 *voda - belongs to mobile paradigm and secondary a-stem, originally r/n s
tem , for explanation of different forms in Baltic and Slavic Shintani suggests
following etymologies:
- contamination of *udr- with collectivum *udo - > BS *uod > PSI *vod
- Nsg *udo- (Lith. vdaksnis) > contamination with -n- from verbs (cf. OInd unti, un
dti) > *undo >Lith. vandu
- Lcoll. *udn > *den- (Winter's law) > *nden- > Lith.Zem. undu, Latv. dens
Also, Shintani completed examples of Winter's law with words containing *i, u >e
xpected BS *T and * (Shintani 1985:287-288), e.g.
Lith. dras (AP3), Latv. dris, OInd. udrh, *udrs, acording to Shintani the lenght in
Lithuanian can be analogical, cf. Greek barytone hudra
Lith. bgti, according to Shintani from IE thematic aorist injunctive *b ug-/- or sk
-present *bhug-sk'-/-
Latv. dzidrs < *gw idrs, according to Shintani length can also be secondary. Coun
terexamples adduced by Shintani would be, e.g.
Lith. dubs (AP4), dgnus (AP4), PSL *dbno, *dub- >dubn - in some cases, influenced
with b ud - (OInd. budhnh), according to Shintani, therefore no WL.
Lith. svidus (AP4), svidti; *suesuid-, pl.suesui- , to Lith. svidti, svydti - Shintan
i reconstructs *su' id - root stress form singular >svidti, *su - oxytone from old
plural > svidti.
196
Shintani also criticised Kortlandt' solution to WL. First, it goes about the ori
gin of acute -Kortlandt thinks that acute originated from laryngeal feature. Sec
ond, Kortlandt also incorporated WL into relative chronology of changes. Kortlan
dt 1977, 1978, 1978a stated Winter's law is posterior to Hirts law, end of Balto
-Slavic period: "merger of the glottalic feature with the reflex of PIE laryngea
ls was certainly posterior to Hirt's law because the stress was not retracted in
the forms which were to develop into Latv. pqds, nugs (Kortlandt 1977:320). Acco
rding to Shintani, it does not matter whether Winter's law operated before Hirt'
s law, e.g. *nogws > *ngas - there was no laryngeal in the root (Shintani 1985: 29
2)
Shintani rejects Kortlandt's theory about the origin of acute from laryngeal fea
ture (Shintani 1985:293, he sees the origin of acute in PIE lengthened grade, li
ke *ms > SCr mis; *ns > Lith. nsis. Shintani refers to Rasmussen and in concordance
with him he rejects both glottalic theory and Kortlandt's interpretation of Win
ter's law.
Shintani's theory was accepted by Rasmussen 1992 who specified its conditions. I
n his conception, Winter's Law produces length only in the syllable immediately
preceding the accent, not under accent (*sgeti >Lith. sga), not in the syllable se
parated from the accent by an intervening syllable (*maders > Lith. mdaras).
If Winter's law is interpreted as a vowel lenghtening before a voiced stop, it i
s questionable why those new vowels become acute and differ from other long vowe
ls which are circumfiexed.
The real caveat of Rasmussen's approach is that he does not include reconstructe
d Slavic accentuation. Most of his "proofs" are just juxtaposition of mostly Bal
tic forms with other Indo-European cognates. But this is not proof, of course. R
asmussen is forced to assume that when a Baltic form has circumflex, it must be
an exception to WL or a it must have been due to some blockage mechanism. Such i
s the situation of Lith. slbnas "weak" for which he proposes a blocking cluster *
bn. Should Rasmussen include the Proto-Slavic accentuation, he would have seen t
hat it has acute and is therefore positive for WL.
Shintani-Rasmusssen hypothesis is heavily defended by Copenhagen circle. Shintan
i's 1985 article has even been re-published in 2009 at the IWoBA 2 Proceedings.
bli Derksen 1995:64-65.
614 Rasmussen's claim that there is no Slavic etymological dictionary recording
the tonal properties of the word and that he must use Fraenkel's dictionary (the
state of the art in 1992) fails to understand why he did not use the rich mater
ial of MAS.
Stressing the past. Papers on Baltic and Slavic accentology. eds. Olander, T.; L
arsson, J.H., Rodopi 2009.
197
8.5.3. Stressed-only position as a condition of Winter's law
A bit curious hypothesis of Winter's Law mechanism was proposed by Hoist 2003. H
oist takes Winter's Law as lengthening process and he backs his theory on the of
ten lengthening of vowels under the stress while lengthening in unstressed sylla
ble should be less know. Hoist thinks that before the WL the original root vowel
is short (which really is) and due to the WL that vowel is lengthened with conc
omitant intonation. The problem for Hoist is the explanation of the this intonat
ion which he omits. Moreover, his attempt to reconstruct the original stress sys
tem of Balto-Slavic and Proto-Slavic leads to mere description of prosodic syste
ms in individual languages without taking any account of the scholarly accentolo
gical literature. No accentual paradigms are mentioned and forms are juxtaposed
and compared as in the stone age of the classical accentology.
For Hoist, the situation of Winter's Law is quite simple: if the ictus fell on t
he root syllable, the short nucleus was lengthened. Hoist reconstructs Proto-Bal
to-Slavic forms which underwent WL as root-stressed forms and as a support he ad
duces root stressed cognates from other IE languages. So BS *sti >*sti because OIn
d. tti, Gr. d; BS*ssti >*ssti because OInd. sidati, Gr. zomai etc. What strikes here i
s the unanswered question why such lengthening under stress does not regularly o
ccur in Old Indie and Greek but only in Balto-Slavic. No length is expected wher
e the Old Indie and Greek show oxytonesis: BS *pods, OInd. Gsg. padh, BS *ogns, OIn
d. agn-. Holst explains counterexamples without any referrence to previous discus
sions. Therefore, Hoist neither quotes nor discusses Kortlandt's glottalic expla
nation and his blockage clusters theory and if discusses Kortlandt, he misinterp
rets him although favours glottalic theory. That concerns "water" and "fire" wor
ds. Hoist's remark that in PIE the "water" was a heteroclitic and the lost of he
terocliticity in Balto-Slavic lead to the new accent paradigm does not explain t
he absence of WL and of course, the n-infix in Lithuanian. Hoist thinks that Lat
vian Brechton and Winter's Law do not relate and he considers Brechton as a spec
ial Latvian origin. But it does not explain why the Brechton occurs in forms wit
h Winter's Law and what the concomitant intonation should be phonetically. Hoist
's result is quite curious - for him the Winter's law is the Balto-Slavic length
ening of short stressed vowel before unvoiced plosive (or ejective in glottalic
theory). Why should such process happen and why it concerns glottalic consonants
,
616 Curiously Slavic languages, where Winter's law operated, show the opposite t
endency. Stressed vowels in Czech do not normally lengthen (apart from emphatic
forms and local dialectal development), pretonic vowels are lenghtened (trva type
). Posttonic syllables are also commonly long in Serbian-Croatian.
617 Hoist 2003:167-158.
618 Apart from p. 168-169.
619 p. 166-167.
198
remains a mystery. It also remains a mystery why this article, which omits almos
t thirty year-discussion of WL and the relevant scholarly literature, was publis
hed in HS.
8.6. Glottal stop solution- Kortlandt's theory
According to Kortlandt, Winter's law is a phonetic process of dissolving PIE glo
ttalic stops into laryngeal and buccal part. The laryngeal part merged with the
reflex of PIE laryngeals, the buccal part with the reflex of the aspirated stops
. In the relative chronology, Winters Law belongs to Late Balto-Slavic and is po
sterior to Hirt's Law because stress was not retracted in Latvian pds "footstep".
The Brechton here reflects the final stress *pedm. Similarly, this can be seen i
n Latv. nugs <*nogws and 1st sing, of the verb "give" dumu < *dodhsm.
Kortlandt 1988b shows that Latvian broken tone can be both the result of Winter'
s law, both reflexf of mobility. Mobility was productive in Latvian before the s
tress fixation on the first syllable. Acute can also be reflected as circumflex
(gnda "nit", grbstit "rake", mz "be accustomed", which, according to Kortlandt, dispro
ves Shintani's assumption that acute is from lengthened grade (Kortlandt 1988:39
4).
Winter's law is not lengthening but the rise of acute. Kortlandt claims that len
gth and timbre are concomitant features of acute. In Kortlandt's theory, acute v
owels (of WL and of laryngeal origin) are distinct from PIE and Balto-Slavic len
gthened vowels. Glottalization gives later either short or long vowels in separa
te languages.
8.7. Winter's law in Albanian?
Winter's law has been accepted by Huld 2005:57 for Albanian (PIE*spgolos > PAlb.
*(f>cedzala > fyell "flute". Albanian shares WL with Baltic and Slavic. Orel 200
0:9 connected lengthening in Alb. boj "to drive, to mate" < EPAlb. *bgnja <PIE *b
egw-. Orel describes it as a "lengthening similar to Lith. bgti, Latv. bgt, so al
though not mentioning WL openly, it is clear that he considers it.
Paradoxically, should Hoist have been acquainted with Shintani-Rasmussen hypothe
sis, he could have known that both scholars tried to prove the precise opposite
of his own conception - that Winter's law is lengthening in the pretonic syllabl
e! Also, should Hoist have read LIV carefully, he would have noticed that this n
ew standard Indo-European work adopted the conception of WL by Matasovi (1995) wh
ose paper Hoist obviously does not know.
621 Kortlandt 1983:5.
622 Kortlandt 1983:5-6.
623 This is expressed in Kortland 1988b and 2007b.
199
Summary
1. Winter's law is taken as a proven fact. It operates before voiced unaspirated
obstruents.
2. There are two competing theories concerning what Winter's law is. The first
proposal comes out from Winter himself and is accepted by Matasovic, Shintani-Ra
smussen et al. It says that Winter's law is a lengthening of a vowel and this le
ngthening is reflected as acute. Such explanation is problematic because it does
not explain what acute is, it implicitly supposes that acute must have been lon
g and project the current intonations to Balto-Slavic.
The second theory is the one by Kortlandt claiming that Winter's law was glottal
ization of a nucleus. This theory fits into the Kortlandt's general theory of ac
centuation and also explains why WL occures only before the originally unaspirat
ed obstruents. The apparent lengthening is of later origin. I therefore suppose
that Kortland't theory is the one that is the most probable explanation of WL.
3. Concerning the syllabic position where WL operates. The position of stress i
s not important because WL is glottalization which results from the loss of glot
tal stop. Therefore, the strict Shintani-Rasmussen and Hoist's hypotheses are fa
lse. Matasovi's hypothesis that WL operated only in closed syllable is also false
because what really closes the syllable is glottal stop.
3. Blocking clusters are generally not explained although beaing treated as a co
ver term "neutralization".
200
8.8. Review of data
In the following section the data showing Winter's law are adduced and discussed
. Because the Winter's law is accepted as a proved fact, I do not discuss data w
hich do not show WL because they contain the original voiced aspirate or unvoice
d obstruent. This is not necessary because the existence of WL has been proved b
y the above-mentioned authors and is now generally accepted. However, I discuss
the counterexamples to Winter's law.
8.8.1. Survey of data which would support Winter's law
1) OCS agnq, Cz. jehn, SCr.jgnje, Sin. jgnje, PSI *agnq (APa), Lat. agnus, Gr. amns
, PIE *agw(h)no- (IEW 9), *h2egw-n-ent > PS1 *agnq (Derksen 2008:26), *h2egw-no
- (de Vaan 2008:30);
Gercenberg 1981:137 sees varinats of root consonant *gw/ghw, so Lat. agnus, Gr.
amn x OE anian, Olr. an, Gercenberg constructs heteroclitic form *oghw-, *agwns; Shi
ntani 1985:291 sees two different roots *(h2)agw -, *Qi2)ag -; *agwn-
(Rasmussen 1992/1999: 527); Matasovi (1995:63) accepts WL as lengthening in
a closed syllable, reconstructs BS *gnen-n;
Status: Slavic forms reflect the WL.
Further references: ESJS1 1989:46, Gluhak 1993:288, Bezlaj 1976:217, Frisk 1:
93, Snoj 2003:232-233, Winter 1978:433, Vasmer 4:544-545, Dybo 2002:396.
2) Lith. iktis "passion, heat"; other cognates: the connection with OInd. jati "mov
es, nasal present ingati "flutters" (Fraenkel 1:2-3) would lead to the root PIE
*aig- "move quickly" IEW: 13-14.
Smoczyski 2007:4 proposes the alternative derivation from the original *Ii2eid -
> *aid-ti with further *k- epenthesis > aiksti. The epenthesis only supports Win
ter's law because if the velar would be voiced, Winter's law could operate befor
e the voiced assimilation process. In that case, the cognates would be probably
Gr. aith "burn in" and OInd dhate "shines", see LIV 259. Dybo 2002:431 connects al
so PS1. *jbgra "game", Rus. igr, Cz hra, S-Cr. igra, Sin. igra. The problem is th
at Proto-Slavic form is APb. Dybo's connection with OInd. jati "move" <*Ii2eig- w
as refused by Derksen 2008:209 also for semantic reasons. Status: evidence for W
L. Further references: Vasmer 2:16, EWAi 1:264,
201
3) Lith. ugti "grow", Latv. agt "grow", adzt "raise"; other cognates: Lat. augere
"increase", Goth, aukan "increase", Gr. aks, OInd. j as "strenght",
PIE *aueg-, aug-, ug- (IEW:84), *fi2eug-tei (BIL)
Smoczyski (2007:32) considers acute from *ungsta "begins to grow" or from intensi
ve
gdyti "grow" but the transfer is improbable.
Status: evidence for WL.
Further references: Fraenkel 1:24, de Vaan 2008:61, NIL: 328-332, Dybo 2002:422
4) OCS azh, Slovene jz, SCr. ja/jz (dial), Lith. , Latv. es, Lat. eg, Gr. eg, OInd aha
m, Goth. ik, Hitt. k,
PIE *eg'-, eg( 'om, eg'- (IEW 291), *hieg'-, there were several variants of the p
ronoun in PIE, some languages added *-- ie/oH), other *-(H)om (Beekes 1995:207),
accepted by Derksen: *h]eg'Hom (Derksen 2008:31, Kloekhorst *h]g'H- > PHitt hjg'-
("u" from accusative *himnu-) (Kloekhorst 2008:114); Schmid 1986:362 consider th
e relationship of BS and Latin forms dubious; Smocznyski 2007:25-26 reconstructs
PB *e- syncopated from *eam <*eg'h.2om; Snoj 2005:237 accepts Winter's law, recons
tructs to PIE forms *eg'Ii20m, *eg'oh2-.
Kapovi 2009 has dealt with the accent of Slavic *ja(zt) trying to prove that ther
e were two forms *ja and *jazt related to the different accents. The latter with
neoacute (Stok.j and for Kapovi also in Czech j) and the former with acute (Sloven
e jz, North Cakavian ja(z). The original form *j (APa)should have been derived fro
m PIE *g'- (with corresponding Lith. , Av. azd) where the acute is from Winter's la
w. The absence of acute in Lithuanian is considered a result of a sandhi variant
*ek'- with absence of Winter's law. The second variant *jzh (APb) should also be
derived from the original PIE oxytone *eg'Hm (reflected in OInd ahm) with the Win
ter's law producint acute pretonic length in closed syllable (sticking to Mataso
vi's approach). Of course, this interpretation is ad hoc because it is not clear
why just sandhi variant would be generalized in Baltic. Kapovi supposes that the
pretonic acute was subsequently lost in Slavic which is a pure ad hoc solution,
later the stress was retracted from the final yer with the rise of neoacute. Whi
le Lithuanian should have had only one pronoun form , Proto-Slavic territory shoul
d have two differently accented forms which must have mixed, thus giving rise to
various generalization of one of the ttwo accents in both forms. Acute in both
forms ja, jz should have been generalized in a part of Kajkavian and
Originally presented in 2006 at IWoBA 2.
202
North akavian, neoacute in Old Czech j, jz. That improbable scenario was challenged
by Kortlandt (2006) proposing that as the geographical distribution of *jazh is
found in SE and NW South Slavic and SW and NW West Slavic, the form *ja is a PS
1 innovation which did not reach peripheral dialects. Korlandt also refuses to a
ccept that the two forms coexisted paralelly without a semantic distinction. I a
gree with it and I remark Kapovi does not take the syntactic aspect ofthat pronou
n into account. The use of lsg personal pronoun is marked because already in OCS
the azh is used for stressing the subject: azh bo neobrtajq vb nmb viny (J 19,6,
Zogr), corresponding to Greek original: eg gar ouch heurisk en aut aitian. The same
counts for Old Czech: Jz tch knh dvno hledaj..., js v tom dobeznaji.. It is therefor
ite possible that the Czech length here is simply emphatic. ESJS 1:53-54 adduces
different views of the etymology, the favourable one seems to me the proposal t
hat *ja is a shortened form of *jazh. Otherwise, ESJS does not even adduce WL an
d sticks to an unfounded lengthening of PSL *o, alternatively a PIE doublet with
different laryngeals which would explain the Baltic and Slavic differences. Sta
tus: positive example of WL.
Further references: Gluhak 1993:283, Bezlaj 1976:222-223, Lehmann 1986:204-205,
Dybo 2002:410-411, Kloekhorst 2008:111-112, 912, de Vaan 2008:187, Winter 1978:4
33, Fraenkel 1:18, Frisk 1:441, EWAi:I:155, Vasmer 4:538, Rasmussen 1992/1999:52
7.
5) Lith. bgti "run", Latv. bgt, OCS bgati, Rus. bga, Cz. bhat, SCr. bjgati, Sin bgati,
Gr. fbomai,
PIE *bhegw- LEW: 116, LIV:67
Gercenberg 1981:132 sees there original root *bhegw- (also Rasmussen 1992/1999:
528) but
suggests that Indo-Iranian data show original length too - Hind, bhgn, Beng. bhg etc
. also
referring to Pedersen length in Olr preterite techim-rotich, rethim -ro
rith. Shintani
1985:290 claims that original length can be seen in Indo-Iranian, e.g. bhjn- (flee
), Gr.
phbomai, and takes those forms as aerostatic athematic.
Matasovi 1995:62 proposes BS *bg- < PIE *b egw- and the WL due to the closed sylla
ble.
Another approach was taken by Derksen (2008:39-41) who posits Balto-Slavic *be?g
- < PIE
*b egw- with differently accented Proto-Slavic forms. Iterative *bgati is (APa) w
ith acute
form from Winter's Law while * bati is mobile (APc) reflected in OCS bati, Rus. b,
Cz. bet, SCr. bjati, Sin. bati and Lith. bgiti "run about".
625 SJS 1:18, ESSJ 2:74
626Nejstar esk rmovan Kronika tak eenho Dalimila., NAV Praha:1957, 17-18.
203
ESJS 1:62-63 considers OCS bati as developed from *bg- < *b g- < *b gw- without
considering the possibility of Winter's Law influence. LIV:67 accepts Balto-Slav
ic forms as a
result of Winter's Law in the Matasovi's approach.
Status: Data show the positive evidence for WL.
Further references: Strunk 1984:494-495 (original Dehnstufe), Frisk 11:998-999,
Fraenkel
1:38., Dybo 2002:404, Fraenkel 1:38, Vasmer 1:143, Gluhak 1993:133,
6) Lith. bliyti "tear off, Latv. blizt "beat", OCS blizh,"near", Rus. bli, blzkij, C
z. blzk, Pol. bliski, USorb. blizki, SCr.bli, Sin. blzak, Lat. fligere "beat" ,
PIE *bhlig'-/bhlig'- "beat" (IEW 160-161), *bhloig'-o (BIL), bhlig'- (LIV :88). BS
form
reconstructed by Derksen 2008:45-46 *blei?z-.
de Vaan 2008:226 challenges the connection with Gr. flib "rub, crush" (thus IEW 1
60)
claiming that Greek form has secondary lengthening and requires *gw apart from L
atin, Baltic
and Slavic forms.
Dybo 2002:419 connects also Gr. flida "melt away" but he obviously contaminated t
wo
roots: *bhleid- "swell up" and *bhleig'- "beat" (IEW 156, 160, Frisk II: 1027-10
28)
Status: positive occurence of WL.
Further references:Fraenkel 1:46, Bezlaj 1:27, Snoj 2003:47, ESJS 2:68
7) Lith. bgti "run away from fear", cognate with Gr.fego, Lat. fugi, OIn.d bhujti "b
ow", Goth, biugan "run away"
PIE *bheug- "run away, flee" (IEW: 152, LIV:84)
Status positive occurence of WL.
Further references: Fraenkel 1:37, Frisk 11:1005-1007, de Vaan 2008:246, Dy
bo 2002:
415-416.
8) Lith. drti "plane, shave", Latv. drzt "carve", cognate with OInd. dhrjati "move".
PIE *dhreg'- (IEW:273), *dhreh2g'- (Smoczynski 2007:126-127). The connection be
tween Baltic and Old Indie rejected by KEWA II: 115 but taken by Dybo 2002:400 a
s a proof of WL. Status: positive occurence of WL. Further references: Fraenkel
1:106.
204
9) Lith. dodu, doti "give", Latv. dumu, dut, OPrus. dt, OCS damb-dati, Rus. dam-da, Cz
. dm-dt, SCr. dm-d, Slov. dm-dti, other cognates Gr. didmi, Olnd ddmi, Av. daiti,
PIE */-/fo (IEW 223-226);
Shintani excludes that Baltic and Slavic forms reflex *doh$mi, because they would
undergo Hirt's law **dhsmi , which is not supported by Latv. broken tone and Ser
b.-Croat, mobility. Instead, Shintani operates with "proportional analogy": *d e
d himi: *d ed ehims > *d ed (hi)mi: *d ed (hi)ms > BS * dedmi: *dedms, analogically
*dedh?,mi: *dedh?,ms > *ded(hymi : *ded(h)ms, then introducing -o- from *dii3- > *do(
h)mi: *do(hi)ms > BS *ddmi: *ddms (oxytona, then Winter's law).
Different approach is taken by LIV:106 which posits PIE root *deh$- and reduplic
ated present form d-doh/d-h- reflected in Olnd. ddti. Balto-Slavic forms should also
be reduplicated *d-dh$- , remade to *dd- so that to avoid homonymy with *ded- "sit
" < *d d hi-. As an alternative form the remaking of *d-dh$- > *do-dhi- according
to aorist form *d- < *deh$-with simultaneous Winter's Law (which in LIV conceptio
n is lengthening). Matasovi 1995:63-64 posits BS *dmi "give" with the interconsona
ntal laryngeal loss before the operation of WL *dodhimi >*dod-mi >*ddmi >dmi.
Derksen (2008:96) posits Balto-Slavic root *do?-, present form *do?d-mi, PIE *de
h$-, *didh$. First part of the reduplicated present form has acute due to Winter
's Law. Latin present d-dare was explained by de Vaan (2008:174-175) as a new pre
sent made according to aorist forms *d-/da. The original reduplicated forms shoul
d be seen in other Italic languages (e.g.Sabelic).
Dybo 2002:403 reconstructs BS *do-d >*d-d as a reduplication of PIE *d-, Balt. lsg
*dd-mie, PSI. *dad-mb.
Smoczyski 2007:134-135 reconstructs PBS *d < *dohi-C- <*deh$-C and takes *d-d as a
BS innovation.
Status: Anyway, the first part of the compound is definitely WL reflex. Further
references: Bezlaj 1:95, Snoj 2003:96, Vasmer 1:483
10) Lith. dgti "to sprout", Latv. digt, other cognates: Lat.g "drive in, insert", O
N diki, OE die "dike", TochB tsk "bite",
reconstruction is mine
205
PIE *dhigw- (IEW:243), *dheiHgw/dhiHgw- (LIV:142, Smoczyski 2007:109),
*dheigw-
(deVaan 2008:219)
Full grade in Lith. degti "sting, prick", Latv. digt "sting", WL accepted by de Va
an
2008:219, reconstruction of laryngeal in the root is superfluous.
Status: positive example of WL.
11) Lith. rdti "fall apart, xmdo"/ardti, Latv. rdt "separate", OCS oriti (derivte fro
m razoriti "break off); other cognates: OInd. rdati "disperses, dissolves", Gr. rd
a "dirt".
ardti and rdti might be different ablaut forms. The problem is with the reconstruct
ion of the coda obstruent. IEW: 333 has the suffix -dh added to the root *er- "u
ndo" which would exclude Winter's law, Old Indie forms fall to *ered- "melt away
" (IEW:334). LIV:223 posist *Herd- for Old Indie forms and *Ii2erH- "dissolve, d
isappear" for Slavic forms. Derksen 2008:374 connects both Lithuanian and Slavic
forms to BS *or-ei/i-, PIE *Hor-eie. ESJS 10:593 posits -dh- for both Lithuania
n and Slavic forms. Further references: KEWA 1:51, EWAi: 117-118, Dybo 2002:448-
449
12) Lith. sti, Latv. est, OPr. 1st, OCS jasti, Rus. est', SCr. jesti, Cak. sti, S
ln.jsti, Cz. jst, OInd. dmi, Lad. ed-esse, Gr. ed, Hitt. ed-/ad-, Got. itan; PS. *sti (
APa), BS *e?sti (Derksen 2008:154),
PIE *ed- (IEW 287-289) now *hied-\ Gercenberg 1981:130 claims that Balto-Slavi
c length
can be older and not due to WL and adduces Hittite ed-<*d- but ad-<*dd-, so there
should
be two root variants *hid-/hied-, see also Shintani 1985:289;
Hoist 2003:163 reconstructs BS *sti < *sti; Rasmussen claims that long root vowel
can be
IE lengthened grade (Rasmussen 1992/1999: 530), similarly Snoj 2003:240 *h]dmi a
nd
Smoczyski 2007:148 who postulates BS*d- <PIE *hjd- which is a vrddhi derivative fro
m
the original *hied-;
Matasovi 1995:62 also posits BS *d- but in his conception the WL operated here bec
ause of
the closed syllable.
LIV:230 posits present forms * hid-/hied- (* hid as Narten present), length in H
itt. dmi
accepted by LIV as a possible analogical ablaut. However, long "" in Latin and ac
uted "e" in
Balto-Slavic can be from Lachmann's and Winter's Law. This idea is accepted by d
e Vaan
(2008:185-186) who posits Lachmann's Law in present forms s, est < *edt-, eds- an
d in past
participle sus <*edtos. The same is taken by Kloekhorst (2008:261-262) who refuse
s Narten
206
present because from the point of Lachmann's and Winter's law the reconstructed
long "" is
secondary. Kloekhoerst also newly explains e/a alternation in Hittite: the parad
igm
e-et-mi a-tu-e-ni/e-du-ua-a-ni
e-ez-si az-za-as-te-ni/e-ez-za-at-te-ni
e-za-az-zi a-da-an-zi
used to be considered as the replacement of "e" by "a" in plural (thus Melchert
1994:138).
Kloekhorst claims that zero grade "a" is original, therefore the contrast 3sg/3p
l ezzazzi/adanzi
is due to e/0 ablaut from *h]dti, hjdenti;
Narten (1969:15, Anm.44 posited aerostatic paradigm with Dehnstufe for Balto-Sla
vic and
Latin, thus PIE *dmi, *tsi.. , see also Strunk 1983:492-494 who discusses it and
rejects
WL, Dehnstufe probably secondary, analogical; Narten paradigm also accepted by K
im
(2000:159) without any reference to WL,
Status: Positive evidence for Winter's and Lachmann's laws.
Further references: Fraenkel 1:124-135, Vasmer 11:18, Dybo 2002:404, Bezlaj 1:22
9, Frisk
1:444, Lehmann 1986:208, EWAi 1:28
13) Lith. glinda "nit" (API), Latv. gnda, Rus. gnda, Cz. hnida, S-Cr. gnda, Sin. gnd
a, PS1. *gnida (APa), other cognates (aslo the meaning "nit") Gr. konis, OE hnit
u, ON gnit, Lat. lens, Olr. sned, Alb. them
PIE *ghen-, ghhnei-, ghhneid- (IEW 436-437), *knid-, *k'nid-, *sknid- (IEW 608),
*ghi(H)d-,
ghhnei(H)d- (Snoj 2003:177), *k/g/Hnid- (Derksen 2008:169). BS form reconstruct
ed by
Derksen 2008:169 *gni?da?.
Problematic seems the initial obstruent which, however, is not important for the
operation of
WL. Concerning Latin form, de Vaan 2008:334 relates it with PIE *k'nid- "to scr
atch"
reflected in Gr. kniz "to prick, irritate" Matasovic 1995:64 refuses the WL here
because of
the open syllable.
Status: Evidence for WL.
Further references: Vasmer 1:421, Fraenkel 1:157-158
14) Lith. gnaibyti "pinch", gnbti, Latv. gnibeklis "wood splits", cognates with
MHG knipen "pinch", Gr. gnifn "skinflint, marble"
PIE *gneibh- (IEW:370) but Dybo 2002:432 sees the probable doublets *gneib-/*gne
ibh-Status: probable evidence for WL
207
15) Lith. grbti, Latv. grbt "grab",OCS greti "row", Rus. gresti, OCz hsti, SCr. grps
ti, Sin. grbsti; Cz. hrabat, OInd. grbhnti (*grabh-, thus EWAi: 505-507 *grebh2),
PIE *ghrebh- (IEW:455-456), also LIV:201; BS1 *greb- (Derksen 2008:186-187);
according to Rasmussen it is the PIE alternation of consonantal and vocalic lary
ngeal
*ghrebd2-/ghrebh2- (Rasmussen 1992/1999: 528),
ESJS 4:201 takes OCS greti from the meaning "grab" and *g reb - which would expl
ain the
absence of acute; Derksen (1996:321-322) considers the confusion of two simi
lar roots
*g reb - and g reb- reflected in Lith. grbti "seize", SCr. grabiti x Lith. grbti
, OCS greti;
PSl *greti is (APc) while Lith. grbti has acute from Winter's Law and analog
ically
transfered to grbti.
Status: Baltic forms reflect WL.
Further references: Winter 1978:431, Fraenkel 1:165-166, Smoczyski 2007:196-197,
Snoj
2003:189, Gluhak 1993:246, Bezlaj 1:173
16) Lith. grsti, grndu "scrape", cognate with OE grindan "rine", OHG grint, ON gr
andi, Lat. frend, frendere "grind one's teeth"
PIE *ghrendh- (IEW 459), *g(w)hrend- "crush" (LIV204), *ghrend- (Smoczyski 2007:1
97),
*g(w)hrenh)- (de Vaan 2008:241)
As proposed by de Vaan, we observe here two allomorphs: a form with *d giving Wi
nter's
law in Baltic, and a form with *d giving Germanic reflexes.
Status: probable reflex of WL.
Further references: Fraenkel 1:167, Dybo 2002:462.
17) Lith. grodas, Latv. grads "grain", OCS gruda "heap, lump", Rus. grda, Cz hroud
a, Slk. hruda, S-Cr. hruda, Sin. hruda, other cognates ON grautr "groats"
PIE *g reu-d (IEW 461), *g ru-d (Snoj 2003:194). BS form reconstructed by Smoczysk
i
2007:205 as a derivte from the verbal *griud-:grud- "hit"; Derksen
2008:192-193
reconstructs *grou?d-.
Status: evidence for WL.
Further references: Fraenkel 1:173, Vasmer 1:463,
18) Lith. gurdus "slow, weak" (AP3 > AP4), Latv. gurds "exhausted", OCS. grbdb,
Rus. grdyj "proud", Cz. hrd, S-Cr. grd "terrible, ugly", Sin. grd, PSl. *gb~rdb (
APc), other cognates Gr. bradus "tired, dull", Lat. gurdus "blockhead".
208
PIE *gwrd- (NIL 195-196), *gwrHd- (Snoj 2003:172). BS form reconstructed by Der
ksen
2008:198 *gur?dus. The problem here is the Slavic mobility with circumflex.
Status Baltic forms probably reflect WL.
Further references: Frisk 1:262-263, Fraenkel 1:178, Smozcyski 2007:212, Bezlaj 1
:172, de
Vaan 2008:275, Dybo 2002:450
19) Lith. gzis "gizzard, protuberance" (API), Cz. hye "tip of the shinbone", S-Cr
. gida "stump of a wine", PSI. *ga "stump" (APa). BS form reconstructed by Derksen
2008:200 *gun?ja. The connection with *gozh, guzh "bump", Rus. guz "buttock", Cz.
huza "rump", S-Cr. guz "buttock", Sin. gpza accepted by both by Derksen 2008:18
4 and Dybo 2002:417. Status: Probable example of WL.
20) PSl. * chud-b "small, thin", (APc), OCS chud-b "poor", Rus. chudj "thin, lea
n, bad", Cz chud "poor, lean", Slk. chud, S-Cr. hud "bad, evil, Sin hud, other cog
nates OInd. ksoda "dust", ksudr "small". Baltic cognates are unclear.
PIE *kseud- "crush" (IEW:625 )
PSl form is mobile but as rightly shown by Derksen 2008:205, the mobility is due
to the
Meillet's law.
Status the original Winter's law is very certain.
Further references: Fraenkel 11:978, ESJS 4:230-231,
21) S-Cr. jug "south", Sin. jug, Rus. jug, Cz. jih, PS. *jugb (APa), other cogn
ates: Gr. aug "light, beam", Alb. ag "twilight", agon "dawns"
PIE *aug- "shine, see" (IEW:87), *h2eug- (Derksen 2008:207)
Status: positive WL.
Further references: Vasmer 4:528, Frisk 1:183-184, Snoj 2003:244, Dybo 2002:423
22) Lith. jngas "yoke" (API), Latv. jugs, Rus. go, Cz. jho, Sin. igp-isa (s-stem),
other cognates: OInd. yug "yoke", Gr. zugn, Lat. iugum
PIE *ieug- (IEW:508, NIL:397-404), form *Hiugo- proposed by Snoj 2003:217, BS fo
rm
*ju?go- reconstructed by Derksen 2008:209
Status: positive WL.
Further references: Fraenkel 1:196, Frisk 1:615-616, Smoczyski 2007:237, Dybo 200
2:425
209
23) Lith. kliuti "obstruct", Latv. klt "succeed" OCS kljuiti sq, Rus. kljka "handl
e", Cz. klika, S-Cr. kljka, Sin. kljka, other cognates Gr. klis "bolt, hook, key",
Lat. clvis "key". PIE *klu- (IEW 604); according to BIL *-e- *kle?u is secondary a
nd reconstructs *klfi2U-, also de Vaan 2008:119 who connects Lith. form with Ole
. hljta, OE hlotan "toss", Goth. hlauts "fate, inheritance" which would have largis
sement -d-, *kleud-, kloud-. Smoczyski reconstructs *kluH-C and connects the Balti
c forms with Slavic *kljbvati "eck, hatch out", Derksen 2008:226 proposes BS *kl
e?u < *klefi2U- which excludes WL. Balto-Slavic acute presupposes a glottal stop
from either a laryngeal or a preglottalised obstruent. As the reconstruction he
re is not quite clear, acute might be from either a root laryngeal or an largisem
ent *d which was lost in Balto-Slavic.
Status: the occurence of WL unclear.
Further references: Fraenkel 1:274, Bezlaj 2:44.
24) PS1. *kydati (APa), OCS iskydati "throw out", Rus. kida, S-Cr. kidati, Cz. k
ydat, Latv. hidit "drive", other cognates Skt. cdati "impel", OE scotan "shoot".
PIE *(s)keud- "throw" (IEW 955-956, LIV: 560)
Status: positive evidence of WL.
Further references: Fraenkel 1:305, Bezlaj 2:31, Snoj 2003:270, Vasmer 2:230, De
rksen
2008:264-265.
25) Lith. luti "break", Latv. lauzt, cognates with OInd. rujti "break", OE lcan "we
ed", Lat. lge, lgre, lxi, lctum "mourn", Got. galkan, OE tlcan "interrupt, break"
PIE *leug'- (IEW:686), LIV:415 *leug-, PB *liau-, lu- proposed by Smoczyski 2007:34
0.
The connection of Latin form with PIE ablauted *lug- "break" rejected by
de Vaan
(2008:351) for semantic reasons but the etymology is preserved: *loug-. LIV take
s luti as a
variant with a palatal while velar is supported by avestan uruxti- "break".
Status: The reconstruction is problematic but apart from the Smoczyski's claim th
at acute is
analogical, the WL can be proposed.
Further references: Dybo 2002:425, Fraenkel 1:347
210
26) Lith. lig "illness", legti "be ill, Latv. liga, cognates with Gr. oligos "smal
l" PIE *leig- (IEW:667)
*hslig- (Rasmussen 1992/1999: 536), Fraenkel 1:370; according to (BIL) the origi
nal tone preserved in Lith. (pa)liegti "be sickly", Latv. ligt x Gr. loigs "ruin",
Alb. lige "calamity". Matasovi 1995:65 considers the absence of WL here and deri
ves the Lithuanian form from PIE *li.go- where the first open syllable did not c
ause WL. Further references: Fraenkel 1:370, Dybo 2002:432-433.
27) Lith. mudyti "bathe", Latv. maudt "bathe", OCS myti, Ru. my-mju, Cz. mt, Slk my, P
ol. my, S-Cr. miti-mijm, Sin. mti-mjem, PSI.*mti (APa),
PIE *meu-, meud- "move", (IEW 743), *miuhi-/mihiu- (LIV 445-446), *muH- (Derksen
2008:338, Smoczynski 2007:578). BS1. *m(o)u?- (Derksen 2008:338);
Slavic forms are therefore primary, acute is a normal reflex of a laryngeal, Lit
huanian
mudyti is causative-iterative with the secondary "d" (LIV and also Smoczynski). A
cute is
therefore not WL origin.
Status: no WL.
28) Lith. mlti "milk", Latv. milzt, OCS mlsti, Gr. amlg "milk", RusCS mlsti, SCr. must
i "milk", PS1 *melzti, also derivates PSI *melzivo (APa), Rus. molzivo, Cz. mlezi
vo, Sin. mlzivo; other cognates Lat. mulgre , Gr. amlg, Alb. mjel, OE melcan
PIE *melg'-/mlg' (IEW 722-723), *h2melg'- (LIV 279, Dersken 2008:307-308), BS for
m
*mel?- reconstructed by Derksen 2008:307-308, Smoczynski 2007:407-408 *mul-.
WL accepted also by LIV and NIL, for Smoczynski (2007:387-388) who did not accep
t WL
is the origin of Lith. acute unclear.
Status: positive evidence for WL.
Further references: Fraenkel 1:434-435, Frisk 1:91-92, Vasmer 2:644-645, de Vaan
2008:393,
Snoj 2003:407-408, Bezlaj 2:189, Dybo 2002:443.
29) PS. *mera "net" (APa), OCS mra, Rus. mera, Cz. me "grating", Slk. mrea, S-Cr. mr
", Sin mra, Lith. mrka "sheet", Latv. marga "railing".
PIE *mereg - (IEW:733), *merHg - (Smoczynski 2007:420), BS form reconstructed by
Derksen 2008:308 *mer?g(i)a?. The PIE reconstruction with aspirate is challenge
d by Dybo 2002:451 who points that the reconstruction is based on the Balto-Slav
ic connection with Gr.
211
brchos "cord, loop, stitch" which is dubious for morphological and semantic reaso
ns. ESJS
8:502 is indecided about the final obstruent, either *morHg-, *merHk-, merHgw-.
Status: positive evidence for WL
Further references: Smoczynski 2007:374, Dybo 2002:452.
30) Lith. mirgti "twinkle", Latv. mirdzet, Rus. morg "blink", Cz. mrga (dial) "move"
, PI. marga, PS1. *nn>rgati, other cognates: ON myrkr "dark"
PIE *mer(d)gw- (IEW 734), *mr(H)gw- (Derksen 2008:335). BS form reconstr
ucted by
Derksen as *mur?g-/mir?g-;
Status: positive example of WL.
Further references: Fraenkel 1:410-411, Smoczynski 2007:404, Vasmer
2:652, Dybo
2002:451-453.
31) PS1 *mrzh (APa) "frost", OCS mrazy, Rus. morz, Cz. mrz, Slk. mrz, PI. mrz, USorb.
mrz, Kash. mrz-mrozu, S-Cr. mrz, Sln. mrz, other cognates Olr. meirc, Alb. mardhe.
PIE *merg'- (IEW 740), *morh2g'o
Status: positive example of WL
Further references: Bezlaj 2:199, Gluhak 1993:425, Schuster-ewc:962-963, Borys 20
08:340,
Vasmer 2:656, Orel:245, Dybo 2008: 453-454, Derksen 2008: 326.
32) OCS naglh "hasty", Rus. nglyj, Cz nhl, Slk. nhly (Rhythmic Law), USorb. nahly,
SCr. ngao-ngla/ ngao-ngla, Sin. ngel, Lith. nglas (borrowing from Slavic?), Latv. nago
t "go quick" PSI *ngh (APb) (Derksen 2008:345), Got. anaks "sudden"; Matasovi 199
5:63 reconstructs BS *nglo- , accepts WL in closed syllable.
Status: positive example of WL.
Further references: ESJS 9 1999:526, Gluhak 1993:432, Vasmer III 1987:36-37,
Bezlaj
1982:212, Snoj 2003:429, Lehmann 1986:31, Winter 1978:433
33) Lith. naud "benefit" (AP3), Latv. nada "money", OCS nuda "necessity", Cz. nouz
e, Slk. ndza, S-Cr. nda, Sin. nja, PSI. *nudja/nodja (APa), cognates with Goth, naup
s "need", OHG not, OE nad. Slavic forms with the same root in *nuditi "compel", O
CS nqditi "force", Rus. ndi, Cz. nudit "bore", S-Cr. nuditi, Sin. nditi-nudim, cogn
ates with Goth. niutan "obtain, reach".
212
PIE *nau- (IEW 756), *nouH-dh-i-eh2 (BIL), *neud- (LIV:456, Smoczyski 2008
:418),
*nah2ud- (Snoj 2003:453)
Derksen 2008:358-359 connects *nuditi with Lith. naudti "use" but admits the sema
ntic
difficulties, so prefers connection with OPr. nautin "need". The
final etymology is
problematic, although WL is attested.
Status: positive example of WL.
Further references: Fraenkel 1:487, Vasmer 3:88, Lehmann 1986:264-265,
269, Dybo
2002:427
34) Lith. nedti "detest", Latv. naids "hostile", cognates with Skt. nindati "rebu
ke", Gr. neidos "reproach", Goth, neip "envy"
PIE *neid- "revile" (IEW:760), *h3neid- (BIL, LIV:303), BS form reconstructed by
Smoczyski 2007:424 *neid, *nid-
Status: positive example of WL.
Further references: Dybo 2002:433-434, , Fraenkel 1:501, Frisk 11:394
35) Lith. nogas (AP3) "naked", Latv. nugs, OCS nagh, Rus. nag, nagj, Cz nah, SCr. n
ag, Sin. ng, PS. *ngh (APc),
PIE *nogw - (IEW:769), *nogwns <*nogwodhhis (Rasmussen 1992/1999: 527) BS1. *no?gs
(Derksen 2008:345),
other cognates: Got. naqaps with dental formant *nogwot/od -o- (de Vaan 2008:418
, Lehmann 1986:263), Skt nagn-, Lat. ndus (*nogwodo > *nowodo > *noodo > *ndo > ndus
(Schrijver 1991:??)), Olr. nocht (both also dental formant) PCelt *noxto- (Mata
sovi 2009:294), Gr. gymns (<*gogwno- < *nogwno-, de Vaan 2008:418 , Hitt. nekumanz
a (Nsg from adj. nekumant- < *negwnont-, Kloekhorst 2008:602), according to Gerc
enberg 1981:136 the length is expressive; Hoist 2003:164 reconstructs BS *ngos <
*ngos; de Vaan 2008: 417-418 reconstructs PIE aerostatic paradigm Nsg *ngws, G. ngw
s; Matasovi 1995:63 refuses the application of WL here and posits BS *ngos. <*nogw
o-. Matasovic's theory would predict that here should be no lengthening, because
the syllable is open, so he posits laryngeal here *nogwh-o so that the first sy
llable would be closed. This approach is criticised by Derksen 2002:7 that the r
econstruction of laryngeal is arbitrary and based on the basis of Gothic form an
d the presence of laryngeal in that position is implausible in Balto-Slavic. Der
ksen is in favour to another Matasovic's proposal that the first syllable would
be closed by
213
nasal, BS *nogno- based on OPrus. nognan "leather" and the OInd. form. Neverthel
ess, Matasovi did not accept the criticism and in still sticks to his original so
lution (2009:294). The most complete summary of data are in NIL: 513-515 under t
he root *negw-, Baltic forms from ablauted *nogw-/h.2, admits the relevance of WL
(in Dybo's interpretation), for OInd. cognate ng assumes Brugmann's lenghtening. S
tatus: positive example of WL.
Further references: Bezlaj II 1982:212, Vasmer 3:36-37, Gluhak 1993:432, Fraenke
l 1:511-512, ESSJ 9 1999:526-529, Beekes 1995:36, Winter 1978:433, Dybo 2002:402
,
36) Lith.obelis, buolas (AP3), Latv buols "apple", OPrus. woble, OCS ablhko, Rus.
jabloko, Cz. jablko, Sin. jblo, PS1 *ablhko (diminutive) (APa); BaltoSlavic *a?bl
s (Derksen 2008:25), *bi- OHG apful, Olcel epli, Welsh afal; PIE *bl (IEW 1-2), *ab
ls (Rasmussen 1992/1999: 527; *h2eb-l (Derksen 2008:25); Hoist 2003:164 reconstruc
ts BS *abolos < *bolos;
NIL:262-266 *Ii2eb- accepts Winter's Law from Matasovi's interpretation.
Matasovi
(1995:63) reconstructs BS1 *bi- and considers the lengthening of root vowel due
to the
original closed syllable *Ii2eblo-;
Original PIE accentuation proposed by Beekes 1995:177 - hysterodynamic 1-ste
m Nsg
*h2b~l (Latv.buols), Gsg *Ii2bls (Rus. jabloko), Asg. *Ii2blm (Lith. obelis);
Rieken 1999:421-422 supposes proterodynamic paradigm: *bl, *bl from *hj/3ebh2b-
/
h&hib-; Clear is the roo Ii2eb-.
Status: positive example of WL.
Further references: Vasmer 1987:539, Fraenkel 1:515, Bezlaj 1976:215-216, Snoj 2
003:231,
Matasovi 1995:63, Winter 1978:433, Dybo 2002:396-397.
37) PS1 *Qglb "coal" (APa), OCS. qglb, Rus. go-glja, Cz. uhel, Slk. uhol, S-Cr. iig
alj, Sin pgel, Lith. nglis, aglis, anglis, Latv. uogle, OPrus. anglis, other cogna
tes OInd. ngra "coal"
PIE *ong- (IEW:779), *angli-, angelo- (Snoj 2003:465), *hl0ngw-l- (Derksen 2008:
385). BS
form reconstructed by Smoczyski 2007:15 *angli- and Derksen *on?glis.
Status: positive example of WL.
Further references: Fraenkel 1:10, Vasmer 4:146, Bezlaj 11:243, Dybo 2002:460.
214
38) Lith. ok "goat", oys (AP3), Latv. azis "billy goat", OCS jazbno "skin", S-Cr.
(j)azno "skin, leather", other cognates Olnd: ajh "billy goat", Alb. dh,
Dybo 2002:395 connects the forms with Russian jaz' "fish Idus melanotus", Sloven
, jez, S-Cr. jaz, further references in Vasmer 4:551 and Bezlaj 1:231 who also a
ccept the connection with Lithuanian forms.
Matasovi (1995:63) posits BS *- , Lith. form oys from PIE *Ii2eg'yos, so WL should o
perate in the closed syllable, and also connects PSI. koza (APb) "goat" with no
Winter's law. On the other hand, he considers Slavic and Old Indie ajinam as non
-inherited forms. Different opinion in Derksen 2008:242 who takse *koza as Turki
c borrowing.
PIE *ag'- in IEW: 6, *h2eg'-o (EWAi 1:51); Schmid 1986:362 sees Lith. oys (AP3) <
*gio; Gercenberg 1981:137 points to length in TochA s, MIran z; oys accepted by Ras
mussen as a positive example of WL, the PIE reconstruction *h2ag'-o-/-no- (Rasmuss
en 1992/1999: 527). Smoczyski 2007:434 does not accept WL and takes the BS *-iia, *-i
na as a vrddhi derivte. Derksen 2008:32 postulates BS *a?z'-ino, PIE *h2eg'-ino.
Status: In my opinion, the root form is a satisfactory proof for the WL existenc
e. Futher references: Fraenkel 11:519, Winter 1978:433,
39) OCS padg, pasti "fall", Rus. pad-pas, OCz. padu-psti, SCr. padnm-pasti, Cak. pd
em-psti, Sin pdem-psti, PSI. *pado-psti, Skt. pdayte "go, fall", OE gefetan,
Slavic derivative in *-ati > PSI *pdati (APa), OCS padati, Ru. pda, Cz. padat, SC
r pdati-pdm, Cak. padati-padam, Sin pdati-pdam, PIE *ped-/pod- (IEW 790-791, Derksen
2008:392), LIV:458 *ped- "fall, sink";
LIV:458 sees *ped- in OCS pasti (aorist stem), Skt pdyate < *ped-j- (pres. stem),
LIV accepts Winter's Law;PIE intensive *pedpdmi (Rasmussen 1992/1999: 528); Holst
2003:164 reconstructs BS*psti <*psti; from *pod- > derivative -ati, OCS padati, R
us. pda, Cz padat, SCr padati, Sin padati, PSI *pdati (APa); ESSJ 10 2000:628-629 d
oes not accept Winter's Law, sees *pd- > BaltoSlavic *pad- as a contamination wit
h *p l- <*peli3lH-"fall"(LIV 458, 463-464) reflected in Arm. pclanim, OHG fallan
- aorist stem *pd-/pd- in OCS padg, acceptance of Klingenschmitt's explanation
that * > PSI *a and contamination with *pehilH- "fall". Alternatively, LIV accept
s Winter's law. As for Olnd. pdyate, LIV proposes *ped-i-; for Olnd. causative pdyat
i "cause to fall" the o-grade *pod-ie;
215
Gerzenberg 1981:134 thinks that long grade in root is in athematic verbs, normal
grade in
thematic verbs, Shintani 1985:290 sees that form as a dereduplicated intensive,
so OCS padg
<pod-mi;
Matasovi 1995:62 posits BS *pd- and the original Dehnstufe, therefore no WL.
Snoj 2003:497 accepts WL according to Rasmussen as a possible explanation, takes
PS1.
*pasti as an intensive from *pe-pd-mi.
Status: positive example of WL
Further references: Dybo 2002:398-399, Vasmer 3:184, Gluhak 1993:469
40) Lith. palgti "lay down", OCS lesti-legq, Rus. le, OCz. lci-lahu, Cz lehnout si
, SCr. lci, Sin. lei, Gr. lkhomai "go to sleep", PIE *legh- (IEW 658-659, LIV 398),
Derksen (2008: 270-271) reconstructs PS1 form *legti which is (APa). Stative suf
fix *-ti gives the Proto-Slavic form leti which is mobile (APc) and is reflected in
OCS lzati, Rus. le, Cz. leet, SCr. lati, Cak. leti (Derksen 2008:271-272). Iterative
m with root-lengthened vowel PSI. *lgati is reflected in OCS lgati, Ru. legt', Cz.
lehat si, SCr. Ijegati se, Cak. ligati, Sin. lgati (Derksen 2008:272). There is a
lso ablauted PIE form with causative suffix *log -eie- which gives PSI *loiti (AP
b) and whis is reflected in OCS loiti, Ru. losja, Cz. loit, SCr. loiti, Cak. loiti and
Got. lagjan (Derksen 2008:287-288) Status: positive evidenco for WL.
Further references: Frisk 11:110-112, Snoj 2003:348-349, Vasmer 2: 475, 490, ESJ
S7 1997:408-410
41) Lith. pd, pdas (AP3), Latv. pda "footstep", OInd. pd-" foot", o-stem padm, Lat. ps-
pedis "foot", Gr. pos, pedn, Lat. oppidum < *opipedom (NIL 535), Toch. A pe, B pai
yye (see NIL 531-532 for the discussion on Tocharian forms), o-grade in, Hitt. pt
-/pat, Go.fotus, OEft, OHGfuoz, Arm. otn, ;
data point to the ablauted root PIE *ped-/ped-/pod/pd- (IEW 790-792, LIV 458, NIL
526); according to Griepentrog 1995:153-184 generalised o-stem in Germanic and
Balto-Slavic forms vrddhi derivative or original Dehnstufe; Shintani 1985:290 *pd
, G.pds (neuter), vrddhi adjective pd- (jewel); de Vaan (2008:462) claims that Lati
n pes <*peds due to the Lachmann's Law, also Schrijver 1991:135, therefore there
is no -grade for PIE paradigm; Beekes (1995:189) reconstructs static paradigm fo
r PIE, Nsg. *pd(s), Gsg. pds, Asg pedm; Kloekhorst (2008:654) reconstructs protero
kinetic paradigm as a basis for Hittite form; Kassian (2002:53) compares Hitt. p
ad(a)-, Apl pdu, Gpl padn "foot" with other cognates
216
claiming that plene writing corresponds to the reconstructed place of PIE accent
. Hitt. pdu
/pa-a-tu-us /corresponds to Gr. pdas, padn , Gr. podn and OInd. Gpl padm.
NIL:528, 536 for Lith. pd, Latv. pda < *ped-aJi2, accepts Winter's Law but also poi
nts to
the interpretation by Matasovi (1995:62) who posits original Dehnstufe BS1 *pd- "f
all".
Matasovi does not consider WL here.
This interpretation is contra Kortlandt's theory that Dehnstufe yields circumfle
x in Balto-
Slavic, see also Derksen 2002:6.; Winter's law also accepted by LIV as a possibl
e explanation
of the long root vowel.
What is clear is the operation of Winter's law in Balto-Slavic and Lachmann's la
w in Latin, so
the original *ped- > *pe?d- >Latin *ped-s, Lith. pd-
Status: positive evidence for WL and Lachmann's law.
Further references: Rasmussen 1992/1999: 527, Fraenkel I: 561-562, NIL 562-540,
Lehmann
1986:121, Winter 1978:433
Lith. prdiu-prsti "fart", Latv. pirdu-pirst- Rus. perde-per, Cz. prdt, S-Cr. pdjeti, S
prdti, PSI. *pbrdti (APc), other cognates Skt.prdate, Gr. prdomai, OHGferzen
PIE *perd- (LEW: 819, LIV 473-474)
Slavic form is mobile but acute is preserved in Baltic.
Status: positive evidence of WL.
Further references: Fraenkel 1:577, Smoczyski 2007:452, Bezlaj 3:108, Snoj 2003:5
61,
Vasmer 3:235-236,
42) Lith. prgas "canoe", OCS pragh "treshold", Rus. porg, Cz. prh, Slk. prah, USor
b. prh, S-Cr. prg, Sin. prg-prga, PSI. *prgh (APa), other cognates Latin pergula "att
achment to the front of a building", ONforkrk "club"
PIE *porg- (IEW 819), *prHg- (Snoj 2003:557). BS form reconstructed by
Derksen
2008:413 *por?gos.
Status: positive evidence of WL.
Further references: Fraenkel 1:572, Vasmer 3:329-330, Gluhak 1993:498, Bezlaj 3:
100, de
Vaan 2008:460.
43) S-Cr. pjga "freckle", Sin. pga, Cz. piha, Sin peha, PSI. *pga (APa), other cog
nates OInd. pingal "reddish brown, Lat. ping "paint", Gr. piggalos "lizard.
PIE form seem not to be complete clear. IEW:794-795 and LIV:464 reconstruct *pei
g-, also Derksen 2008:392 differently ablauted *poig-, Snoj 2003:503 sticks to I
EW but for pokilos
217
takes *peik'-. Similarly de Vaan 2008:465-466 proposes *pink'-, connects Latin p
ing with Gr. poikilos, OInd. pimsati "adorns", TochB pinkem, "paint", Lith. piest
i "draw lines", OCS pbsati, "write", everything from *pik'- or nasal present *pi
-n-k'-n- which would correspond to the base *peik'-. But the two-fold etymology
does not explain the acute in the Slavic derivte. Status: positive evidence of WL
. Further references: Frisk 11:532-533, Dybo 2002:434
44) Lith. podas (API), Latv. puds "pot", cognates with OHG faz "container",
PIE *podm (Rasmussen 1992/1999: 527), *pdiio- (Gercenberg 1981:135), IEW:790;
Hoist 2003:165 reconstructs BS *pdos < *pdos; NIL: 529 *podo-, a derivte from the
original root *ped- (the same root as in Lith. pdas), adduces the possibility of
Winter's law,
cognates also in OEfaet, OHG faz "barrel";
Matasovi 1995:66 does not consider WL here;
Status: WL occurence here is probable.
Further references: Fraenkel 11:668, Patri 2005:275-276, Winter 1978:433, Dybo 2
002:402.
45) Lith. rugti "belch", Latv. ragties, OCS. obrigati "throw out", Rus. ryg "belch" Cz
. hat, S-Cr. rigati-rigm, Sin. rigati - rigam, PS1 *rygati (APa), other cognates Gr
. eregomai "belch out", Lat. rgire "roar", ergere "belch"
PIE * reug- (IEW: 871-872), *hirug- (Derksen 2008:441-442), BS form *ru?g- also
by
Derksen.
Status: positive evidence for WL.
Further references: Vasmer 3:526, Frisk 1:554, Bezlaj 3:179, Snoj 2003:621-622
, Dybo
2002:428:429.
46) Lith. rtis "stretch", Latv. riezties "stretch"; other cognates: OInd. rjti "str
etches out" (nasalised form from rjyati), Av. rzayeiti "stretch out", Lat. rego-r
egere-rxT-rctus "direct, guide", Gr. org "stretch", Goth, raihts "right", Olr. atrai
g "stand up", MW re "get up"; PIE *reg'- "make right" (IEW:854-857), *h3reg'- (L
IV:304-305)
Smoczyski (2007:512) reconstructs BS *r-, Latin rectus is due to the Lachmann's law
.
Status: evidence for Winter's and Lachmann's laws.
Further references: Fraenkel II: 725-726, Dybo 2002:464, Matasovi 2009:308
218
47) Lith. riebs (AP3) "fat", Latv. riebt "obstruct", cognates with OE reopan "rip
pen", PIE *reib- (IEW 858)
Status: evidence of WL.
Further references: Smoczynski 2007:514, Dybo 2002:434
48) Lith. raud "lamentation", raudti "weep", Latv. rada "tear", radt "weep", OCS ryda
ti "mourn", Rus. ryd "mourn" Cz. rydat "wail, nag", S-Cr. ridati "sob", PSI. *ryda
(APa) other cognates Skt. rudti, "lament", Lat. rd-rdere "bellow", OE rotan, OHG rioz
an "weep".
PIE *reu-d- "weep, cry" (IEW:867), *reudH- (LIV:508), *h3r(e)ud-H (de Vaan 2008:
528), BS form reconstructed by Derksen 2008:441 *ru?d-. Old Russian has stressed
suffix but belongs to APa (Zaliznjak 1985:133-134). Status: positive evidence o
f WL. Further references: Fraenkel 11:704, Smoczynski 2007:502, Vasmer 3:526-527
49) Lith. sugoti "preserve", Latv. saudzt "keep", Goth siuks "sick" VlWseug- (IEW:
915),
Status: etymologically unclear but WL highly probable.
Further references: Fraenkel II :764, Smoczynski 2007:536, Lehmann 1986:307,
50) Lith. sedti, Latv. sdt "sit", OCS sedti, ssti, Ru. sid, Cz. sedt, SCr. sjdjeti,
iditi, Sin. sedti, Lat. sedre, Gr. hzomai "sit down", Got. sitan;
IE *sed- (IEW 884-887), Balto-Slavic form *se?de?- from PIE *sed-ehi- was reco
nstructed by Derksen (2008:445), Hoist 2003:163 reconstructs BS*sesti <*ssti, *PI
E stative sedhj-, present *sedhiitor (Rasmussen 1992/1999: 528)
Gercenberg 1981:132 sees alternation of *e/ in OCz sedt-siesti, *e also in TochA s
e-, TochB sai < *sd-i-. He also connects Lith. sedti and Lat. sds. Gercenberg referr
ing to Stang claims that Lith. sdi (3sg) comes from aorist which whose root lengt
h would be a mark of original perfect. Shintani 1985:289 opposes that TochA impf
sem, TochB sam <hjs, similarly TochA yem, TochB yain <hji- <hjei- (go). As for
Lith. ssti, OCS sesti-seq,
Gercenberg claims that the root length is due to nasal infix *se-n-d-, against t
his Shintani 1985:289 that the form with nasal infix would result in Lith. **sen
du; Lith. ssti, sedu "sit down", Latv. sedu, OCS ssti: Skt.aor. sadat, PIE *aor. se
dm, sedm (Rasmussen 1992/1999: 528);
219
The same Balto-Slavic root *se?d- is in Lith. ssti, PSI *ssti, OCS ssti, Rus. ss, OCz
iesti, SCr. sjsti, Sin ssti (Derksen 2008:447).
Ablauted Proto-Slavic *saiti is (APc), reflected in OCS saditi, Rus. sadit, Cz. s
adit, SCr. saditi, Sin. saditi and Lith. sodinti "set" is reconstructed as Balto
-Slavic *so?d-ei, PIE *sod-eie, supported by OInd. sdyati "set" (Derksen 2008:442)
.
Matasovi 1995:62 thinks that WL operates here because the verb was athematic in P
IE and BS and the first syllable was closed '*sed. mi.
Winter's Law is also accepted by LIV:513 which posits present roots *sd-/sd and ao
rist stem *sd-/sd-. Lithuanian sedti and OCS sedti are considered as an essiv. On t
he other hand, WL not accepted by Smoczynski 2007:538-539 who takes BS*sed- a vr
ddhi derivative from PIE *sed-.
Status: positive evidence of WL. Further references: Fraenkel 11:769, 777, Vasme
r 11:613, Dybo 2002:406
51) Lith. srgti "guard", OCS strsti "guard, Rus. ster', Cz. stci, S-Cr. stri, Sin. st
I. *stergti (APc) other cognates Gr. strgein "love"
PIE *sterg- (LEW: 1032), BS form reconstructed by Derksen 2008:467 *ster?g-. WL
should be
preserved in Lithuanian.
Further references: Fraenkel 11:776-777, Smoczynski 2007:544, Bezlaj 3:3
25-326, Snoj
2003:703.
52) PS1 *sqdzati, segati "search for" (APa), Rus. posjaga, Cz. sahat, S-Cr. szati-
sm, Sin. szati-szam, sgati-sgam, Lith. sgti "fasten, pin", cognate with OInd. sjati "
re to". PIE *seng- (IEW:887-888), BS form *se(n)?g- reconstructed by Derksen (20
08:449). Winter's law operated here but did not operate in PSI. *segnti "reach fo
r", Rus. sjagn, Cz. shnout "touch", S-Cr. sgnuti "reach. Here the WL did not occure
because of the existence of a blockage cluster *-ngn-, so BS *se(n)?gn-. The dif
ference between acute and non-acute stem is visible in the S-Cr intonation and t
he length difference in Czech where shnout contains pretonic length.
Status: Evidence for WL as well as well documented condition for the case of non
-aplication. Further references: LIV:516 (*seg- "pin, fix"), Fraenkel 11:770,
Smoczynski 2007:539, Vasmer 3:825, Bezlaj 3:221, Snoj 2003:643, EWAi 2:688-689
, Dybo 2002:465.
220
53) Latv. sirds "heart", Lith. sirdis, OPrus. seyr, OCS srbdbce, Rus. srdce, Cz.
srdce, S-Cr. srce, Sin. srce, PS1. *sbrdbce (APc), other cognates OInd. hrd-, G
r. ker, Lat. cor, Arm. sird, Olr. cride, Goth, hairto, OHG herza.
PIE *'eri/- (IEW 579-580), *W- (de Vaan 2008:134-135), *Vi/- (Derksen 2008:485),
*k'rd-/k'rd- (NIL 417-423). BS form reconstructed by Derksen as *sird-.
The obvious problems here is the reconstructed Dehnstufe (apart from different a
blaut grades-
- Latin has o-grade) which would exclude the expected acute from WL which is pre
served in
Latvian. In my conception of ablaut, the Dehnstufe can be secondary. Should acut
e in Slavic
be eliminated by Meillet's law, the BS form could have been *sir?d-.
Further references: Fraenkel 11:986-987, Bezlaj 3:304, Snoj 2003:690, Dybo 2002:
456
54) Lith. skediu, skiesti "dilute", Latv. skeu, skiest "scatter", Rus. cedit "strain
, filter", Cz. cedit, Slk. cedit', PI. cedzi, USorb cyci, S-Cr. cijditi-cijedim, Cak
. ciditi-cidim, Sin. cediti, PSI. *cditi (APc), cognates with OIc. skita "shit";
IE *skei-d/t- (IEW 920-930), *sk'heid- "split, tear" (LIV: 547-548),
*(s)koid- (Derksen
2008:74, BIL); BS form reconstructed by Derksen *(s)koi?d-
Zero grade *(s)kid- is in Lith. sktas (AP3-4), Latv. lfists, OCS isb, istiti, Cz. ist,
S-Cr.
cist, Cak. cist, Sin. cist, PSl*st (APa), BSl. *(s)ki?sto-, Skt. indmi "separate", O
HG scizan
"shit", Lat. scind-scindere-scissum, o-grade causative Lith. skidau, skidyti "split
", Latv.
skaidu, skaidt "dilute"
Status: positive example of WL.
55) Lith. slgti "take off, fall, Latv. slagans "sleep", cognate with ON slokna "di
e", PIE *sleug-, slug- (IEW: 959-960, 962)
According to Dybo 2002:425 the traditional Germanic cognate forms like ON slkr "s
leeping boy" is contaminated with *slg-. Smoczyski 2007:573 who does not accept WL
considers Lithuanian acute from the original *slg- to be secondary. Further refe
rences: Fraenkel 11:835, Smoczyski 2007:573,
56) Lith. smirdti "stink", Latv. smirdet, Rus. smerd, Cz. smrdt, S-Cr. smdjeti, PSI.
*smbrdti (APc). Here also belongs PS *smrdb (APc), Cz. smrad, Slk smrad, PI. smrd-s
mrodu,
S-Cr. smrad, Lith. smrdas.
221
PIE *smord-, smer d- (IEW 970), *smer(H)d-, *smor(H)d- (Snoj 2003:675)
, BS forms
reconstructed by Derksen 2008:456-457 *smir?d-, *smor?dos.
Status: Slavic forms are mobile because of the elimination of acute by Meillet's
law, but the
original Winter's law is confirmed by Baltic.
Further references: Fraenkel 11:847-848, Smoczynski 2007:578-579, Bezlaj 3:274,
Vasmer
3:684-685, 691-692, Borys 2008:563, Dybo 2002:455-456.
57) Lith. snusti "slumber, Latv. snast "sleep, cognates with Gr. nustzo "doze",
PIE *sneud(h)- (IEW:978); Smoczynski 2007:580-581 postulates BS *snaud-, concern
ing WL
the PIE root *sneud- is more probable.
Status: the very probable occurence of WL.
Further references: Fraenkel 11:852-853, Frisk 329-330, Dybo 2002:430.
58) PS1. *sldhkh (APa) "sweet", Cz. sladk, Slk. sladk, S-Cr. slatkl, sladak, Sin.
slddk, Lith. saldiis (AP3), Latv. salds, cognates with Goth, salt, OE sealt, Lat.
sl.
PIE form *sal- (IEW:879, NIL 586-590), *seh2-l-s (de Vaan 2008:535), *sh#l- (Der
ksen
2008:459 and Smoczynski 2007:529-530). BS form reconstructed by Derksen (208:459
)
*sol?dus, Smoczynski 2007:529-530 *sald-u. Winter's law accepted by NIL. The int
eresting
opinion is the one by Dybo 1981:102 who thinks that acute was lost in Old Russia
n and
Middle Bulgarian, thus *sldhkh, *soldbk, *slbko.
Status: positive evidence for WL.
Further references: Fraenkel 11:752, Dybo 2002:443-444.
59) Lith. spusti "press", spudyti "compress", cognate with Gr. sped "hasten", PIE *(
s)p(h)eud- (IEW:998-999), *speud- "hurry" (LIV:581)
Status: positive evidence for WL.
Further references: Frisk 11:765, Fraenkel 862-863, Smoczynski 2008:585, Dybo 20
02:430-
431.
60) Lith. spndiu, spsti "arrange traps", Latv. spist "press", OCS pqdb "span", Rus.
pja, Cz. p, S-Cr. ped, Sin. pd, PSI. *pqdb (APc), other cognates Lat. pend, pendere
"weigh". PIE *(s)pen(d)- (IEW:988, LIV:578), BS form reconstructed by Derksen 20
08:398 *(s)pen?d-
222
WL is positive, accepted by LIV. PSI form is mobile but this is secondary becaus
e "span" is
an i-stem. WL not accepted by Smoczyski 2007:586 who takes Lith. acute secondary
due to
the influence of *spenhi-, Lith. pinti "tie"
Status: positive evidence for WL.
Further references: Fraenkel 11:865, Vasmer 2:422-423, Dybo 2002:466-467,
de Vaan
2008:457
61) Lith. sprusti "press into", Latv. sprast, cognate with Goth, sprauto "quickly
", Welsh ffrwst "haste";
PIE *spreud- (IEW:994). Smoczyski 2007:590-591 reconstructs *spreud - /sproud - b
ut WL
should prefer unaspirated obstruent.
Status: very probable evidence for WL.
Further references: Fraenkel 11:879, Lehmann 1986:320-321.
62) Lith. sprgti "burst", Latv. sprgt; ablauted forms, e-grade in Lith. sprag, spra
gti "pelt down", Cz. prahnout "long for", Pol. pragnac, USorb. prahny "dry", Ukr.
pragnti, PS1. *pregriQti;
PIE *(s)p(h)ereg-, (s)p(h)erdg- (IEW 996); Baltic forms are with s-mobile. Form
*spreg- in LIV, present form with the meaning "speak" can be seen in OHG sprehha
n. Other cognates are OInd. sphrjati "burts" < *sp rh,2g- (EWAi 778), Gr. sfar
agemai "bursts, rustle". Causative forms seen in OCS praiti, SCr. priti, Sin. praiti
, PI pray, USorb. pray, Status: positive evidence for WL.
Literature: Fraenkel 11:882, Borys 2008:479, Schuster-ewc: 1148, Frisk 828, EWAi
:778, LIV 582, IEW:996
63) S-Cr. strii-strm "cut", Sin. stri-strem, OCS stristi, Rus. stri-strig, OCz. st
strigti (APc), other cognates Lat. stringere "bind fast, strip off, OE strican "
brush". PIE *streig- (IEW: 1028-1029, LIV:603)
Although the Slavic forms are mobile, acute is retained in infinitive (see S-Cr.
) Latin form is
taken as a contamination of two roots *string- "brush" being itself a nasal infi
x form to
*streig-, and *strengh- "tie" (de Vaan 2008:591-592, Dybo 2002:418)
Status: positive evidence for WL.
Further references: Vasmer 3:778, Bezlaj 3:329, Snoj 2003:705.
223
64) Lith. stgas "roof, other cognates Gr. stego "cover, protect", Lat. tego-tege
re-tectum "cover", Lat. toga "toga", Olr. teg, tech "house"
PIE *(s)teg- (IEW 1013-1014, LIV:589, NIL:634-636). The complete noun derivates
are in
NIL which proposes Baltic *staga and Lith. form as vrddhi-derivate. The connecti
on with
PS1. *stogh "stack" is taken as dubious.
Differently Derksen 2008:468 who takes *stogh as APb/c which excludes WL. Derks
en
connects *stogh with Lith. stgaras "stalk", Gr. stchos "brick pillar" from the or
iginal
*stog -, thus also Frisk II: 804-805. PB form had probably two synonym roots *st
ag-, one
from *steg- "cover" and another one from *steg -
Matasovi 1995:64,65 doubts the connection of Lithuanian stgas and Greek steg and
admits that his theory cannot explain the WL. Concerning *stogh, he refuses WL
here
because of the first open syllable *stogos/stogeros.
Smoczyski 2007:605 proposes that the Lithuanian form would either continue *ste J
i2g- or
*steg- which would mean that acute would be reflex of the PIE long vowel from of
the
laryngeal influence or the BS vrddhi derivation.
Status: Lithuanian form definitely underwent WL. Latin ppt/supine
has length from
Lachmann's law.
Further references: Fraenkel 11:911 Dybo 2002:399
65) Lith. striegti "cower with hay". According to LIV:608 the original root *st
reig- "get stuck", striegti a ie- present, nasal present *stri-n/n-g in Lith. str
igti "get stuck", Pol. (za)strzac "be stuck". The homonymous root *streig- "stro
ke" in PS1. *strigti (APc), OCS striti, OCz. stci, S-Cr. stri-strem "cut", Sin. stri-
cognate with Lat. stringere "bind, fasten, strip off.
Status: probable evidence for WL.
Further references: IEW: 1028, 1036, Fraenkel 1:886, Derksen 2008:469, de Vaan 2
008:591-
592, Snoj 2003:705, Bezlaj 3:329.
66) Lith. stgti "cool down", Rus. stydnut', stgnu, Cz. stydnout, PI. stygna, PSl.*s
tdngti derivte PSI. *studh (APc), OCS study "shame, Rus. stud "cold, Cz stud "sham
e", S-Cr stud "cold", Sin. stud "aversion"; PSI *stydh "shame", S-Cr. std, Sln.std
.
PIE reconstruction: LIV:601 proposes *steud- "become cold", ablauted variant and
causative suffix *stoud-eie > OCS studiti, essiv *stud-h]i > OCS stydti sq. The r
oot *steug- "get into a violent movement" (LIV:602) would be reflected in Gr. st
yg "hate, abhor, fear". The
224
connection is accepted by Dybo 2002:416 but considered dubious by Derksen 2008:4
71.
Winter's law would be visible in *stydh < *stoud- (Derksen 2008:471)
Status: positive evidence for WL.
Further references: Fraenkel 11:928-929, Frisk 11:812-813, Vasmer 3:789, IEW: 10
32-1033,
1035.
67) Lith. svsti, svsta "start to shine, svidti "shine", Latv. svist "become clear
" (sta-presents), the original PIE root *sueid- (IEW: 1042, LIV:608). The form s
vindu taken as nasal infixed *sui-n-n-d- by LIV, svidti as a fientive form *suid-hi
/hi, LIV also accepts WL. other cognates: Dybo 2002:421 connects Baltic forms wi
th Lat. sidus "star", this is refused by de Vaan 2008:562-563 who considers the
form *sfi2-d hj-o "binding" to *shii- fasten. Status: positive example of WL.
Further references: Fraenkel 11:952-953
68) Lith. trob "cottage" cognate with Latv. trba "building", Gr. teremnon "house
", LaUrabs "beam of wood", Goth, paurp "field", OHG dorf "yard", Goth, parp "fiel
d", Olr. treb "house"
IE *treb-/trb- (IEW 1090), 'Hrob- (BIL);
The exhaustive etymologies are now at NIL 705 which postulates different ablaut
grades for
individual cognates: *trb- "wooden beam" in Germanic, *treb- "to build" in Olr.
treb-, *trob-
in Baltic. NIL accepts WL.
Smoczyski 2007:690 did not accept WL and considers Baltic forms a Dehnstufe.
Status: positive evidence for WL.
69) Lith. odas "gnat", Latv. uds, cognate with Gr. dis "labour pains"; everything
Dehnstufe from *ed- "eat" (IEW:288), *hied ;
the connection with Rus. vod, Cz. ovd, SCr. bbd, Sin. obd, PSI. *o(b)vadh (accepted
by
Vasmer III: 114, doubted by Borys 2008:404) refused by Bezlaj 11:231, Fraenkel:
1164).
NIL:208 derives odas from ablauted *h]d-o/ah2. No WL is mentioned here although
adduced at other forms derived from this root.
Status: positive evidence for WL.
Literature: IEW:288, Frisk 1143-1144, Fraenkel 11:1164, Vasmer III: 114, Borys 2
008:404,
Bezlaj 11:231
225
70) Lith. uodeg "tail", Latv. uodega, cognate with OInd dgah "stick", Olr. odb "ta
il".
PIE *od(e)go-, od(e)gwo- (IEW:773), ?*Hosgw- (NIL 207). Obviously it is a comple
x word of
dubious etymology but the non-aspirate final obstruent seems to be certain.
Status: WL unclear.
Further references: Fraenkel 11:1164-1164, Dybo 2002:401-402.
71) Lith. oga, Latv. uga "berry", OCS vinjaga "grape", Slov. vinjga, SCr. vinjaga
(everything composed from vino+jaga), second part PS1 *aga in PS1 *agoda, OCS j
agoda, Cz jahoda, Latva "grape", Goth, akran ; PIE *g-/dg- (IEW 778), */?20g-e/2 (D
erksen 20088:27); Balto-Slavic *?ga? (Derksen 2008:27);
Gercenberg 1981:137 points to length in Lat. va <*ugw and compares the length in La
tin
an Baltic, OCS vinjaga from *g- which should reflect a middle state of BS develop
ment
from *u>*>uo; Shintani 1985:291 does not accept, compares Lith oga with Got. akran
"fruit", TochA,B oko "fruit" (Adams 1999:109-110)
Rasmussen discarded that oga, uga, vinjaga and va do not match and connects BS da
ta
with Toch. AB oko "fruit" <PToch. oka (Rasmussen 1992/1999: 529), de Vaan 2008:6
48
connects Lat. va with Gr. o, Lith. iev, Latv. iva "bird-cherry", Rus. va "willow", C
z.
jva, S-Cr.va, PSI. *jbva (APa), BSl*eiw-, f PIE* hioiH-uh2-', if connected, the BS
l had to
have glottal stop *i?wa? (Derksen 2008:216);
Matasovi 1995:63 reconstructs BSl *g, derives Lith. uoglas "plant", S-Cr. jagla < P
S1
*agla from the same PIE root and supposes the regular WL because the first sylla
ble is
closed, so length Lith. oga and *agoda must be explained analogically. This is ex
planation is
refused by Derksen 2002:8 as quite unsatisfactory, poiting that Lith. oglis belon
gs to ugti
"grow".
Status: positive example of WL
Further references: Fraenkel 11:597, Bezlaj 2005:319, ESJS1 1989:46-47, Lehmann
1986:24,
Winter 1978:433, Dybo 2002:400
72) Lith. osti, Latv. ust "smell", OCS jadati "explore", Gr. zein "smell", Lat. odo
r "smell", Arm. hotim;
PIE *oi/-"smell" (IEW 772-773), Balto-Slavic form is reconstructed as *o?d- from
PIE *hied- (Derksen 2008:26), Hoist 2003:164 reconstructs BS *sti <*s; Ablauted va
riants *h}d-/h}d- is posited by LIV:296;
226
According to Gercenberg 1981:133 sees there the original athematic root *d-, leng
th can be
taken from preterite, against this Shintani 1985:290 who connects Lithuanian and
Latvian
forms with Gr. z, Arm. hotim < hiod-ie; according to Rasmussen PIE stative *h3odhi
itor,
aor. hodlnt (Rasmussen 1992/1999: 528);
Matasovi 1995:62 postulates BS *d- from *h3ed-y and WL due to the closed syllable.
WL
not accepted by Smoczynski 2007:705 who takes the BS form as a result of the per
fective
*Ho-Hd- <*h3e-h3d-.
Status: the positive example of WL.
Further references: Dybo 2002:401, Fraenkel 11:1167-1168, Frisk 11:353-355
, de Vaan
2008:425-426.
73) Lith. vargas "hardship, misery" (AP2>AP4), Latv. vrgs, vrgs "pining", OPr war
gan "misery", wargs "evil", Rus. vrog "foe", Cz. vrah "murderer", Slk. vrah, PI.
wrg-wroga, USorb wrh-wroha, S-Cr. vrag "devil", Sin. vrag, PS *vrgh (APc) other cogn
ates Goth. Wrikan "persecute".
PIE *ureg-/uerg- (IEW 1181, LIV 697), ^uorg-o (Derksen 2008:527
). BS form
reconstruced by Derksen as *wor?gs.
Both Baltic and Slavic forms are mobile but the mobility is secondary. In Baltic
, the o-stem
was originally and end-stressed neuter and underwent metatony due to the retract
ion from the
final *-a. This retraction, as shown by Derksen 1996, gave mtatonie douce. Slavic
form
underwent Illi-Svity's law and Meillet's law and so the Proto-Slavic form is mobil
e.
Nevertheless, the original acute is from Winter's law, see also Derksen 2008:527
. What we
observe here is the interaction of different accentual processes.
Status: positive example of WL.
Further references: Fraenkel 11:1125, Smoczynski 2007:721, Vasmer 1:352, Snoj 20
03:832-
833, Borys 2008:710-711.
74) Lith. vras "fishing basket" (AP1>AP3), Latv. varza, Rus. versa, Cz. vre, S-Cr.
vra, Cak. vra, Sin. va, PS. *v&ra (APa), other cognate OHG were "work"
PIE *uerg'-, *ureg' (IEW 1168), *uer-k'-/uer-g'h- (Snoj 2003:836 who connects th
e data with *uer- "track, wind" which would correspond Lith. verti "bind", OCS vrti
, see LIV:688). Status: positive example of WL. Further references: Fraenkel 11:
1230-1231, Dybo 2002:458-459, Derksen 2008:539
227
75) Lith. vdaras (AP3) "entrails", Latv. vdars "belly", OInd. udram "belly", Lat. u
terus, , Gr. hderos "dropsy", OCS vdro "bucket", Cz. vdro, Slk. vedro, P. wiadro, SC
r. vjdro, Sin. vedro, Rus. vedro, PSI. *vdro (APb);
PIE *udero- (IEW: 1104-1105); de Vaan 2008:647 *Hud-r-o, Balto-Slavi
c *ue?dero-
(Derksen 2008:518)
Gercenberg 1981:136 sees original length *uends-, zero form in Avest. udara-, Gr
. oderos,
normal grade in Lat. venter; according to Rasmussen vrddhi derivative *uedrom fro
m *udro
(Rasmussen 1992/1999: 528);
NIL:706 constructs the basic root *ued- "spring" and Dehnstufe *ud-r-o- > OCS vdro
accepting the long root as vrddhi formation. Vrddhi also accepted by Vasmer 1:28
3, Bezlaj
4:289, Snoj 2003:810, Borys 2008:687. The problem obviously lies in the isolated
formation
(the only vrddhi from that root is seen in Germ. *wta "wet", ON vtr, OE wc) and als
o in
the accentual pattern of Slavic - the word belongs to APb. The best explanation
seems the one
by Derksen (2008:519) that the word remained oxytone. Long root is due to the Wi
nter's Law,
glottal stop was lost in pretonic position and stress was not retracted because
the cluster -dr-
prevented the Balto-Slavic retraction from final open syllables. *ued-ro- (BIL).
Status: evidence for WL.
Further references: Fraenkel 11:1210-1211, Winter 1978:433, Frisk 11:956, Dybo 2
002:408
76) Lith. vedys (AP3) "suitor", OCS nevsta "bride", Rus. nevsta, Cz. nevsta, Slk. n
evesta, S-Cr. nvjesta, Cak. nevista, Sin. nevesta; PSI *nevsta (APa) cother cognat
es: OInd. vadhu-"bride" HomGr. edna "bridal presents", OE weotuma "dowry", relate
d to Lith. vedu-vesti, OCS vedq-vesti (ESSJ9 1999:541-542);
PIE =W-o-(IEW:1116), LIV:659 *h2ed-umno- "dowry";
Winter 1978:433-434 saw two competing bases in Lithuanian alternative forms vedi
s, vdis,
vdys. A form *ued- would continue to vd- with further cognates GrHom edna, OE
weotuma "bridal presents" and OCS vno, nevsta, while *ued - with the meaning "lead
"
woud give ved-, also reflected in vedinti "mary off (but see *vno in the next par
agraphs);
Schmid 1986:362 sees old -dh- here and the absence of WL; Gercenberg 1981:136 al
so
observes two different roots *ued -/ued - the second one in Skt. vadh; different
roots ending
with *d/d also accepted by Rasmussen (1992/1999:528) and explained as alter
nation of
consonantal and vocalic laryngeal Nsg *hiudd2S, Gsg hiudh20s;
Two roots also in IEW: 1115 *ued -, before nasals *ued-, LIV:659 has only *ued
- "lead",
the root *ued - also accepted by Snoj 2003:44, *ne- + vrddhi derivte *ud -tali2 -
',
228
Derksen (2008:351) analyzes the Slavic form as *ne- and to-derivative of PIE *uo
id- "know,
also Snoj 2003:444 as a possible alternative, but with vrddhi variant *ne-*uid-ta
h2. The
problem causes also PS1. *vesti which is (APc) and excludes WL.
Status: unclear with respect to WL.
Further references: Derksen 2008:517, ESJS 8:541-543, Vasmer 3:54-55.
77) Lith. vngti, vngiu "avoid", cognate with OHG winken "wink" PIE *ueng- "be bent
" (IEW: 1148-1149, LIV 682)
Status: positive evindence for WL.
Further references: Fraenkel 11:1223, Smoczynski 2007:734-735, Dybo 2002:468-469
78) PSI. *vno "bride-price", Ru. vno, Cz. vno, Slk. veno, S-Cr. vijno. Other cognat
es are Gr. edna "bride-price, wedding gift", dnon "dowry", OE weotuma.
The accentual pattern is problematic. Derksen 2008:519-520 has APc but with a do
ubt. Russian has a root accent, Old Russian accentuation is unknown to me and th
e S-Cr accentuation is secondary (Hamp 1968, 1970 quoted by Derksen). Dybo 2002:
406-407 takes *vno as a proof of the WL and discusses the traditional etymology c
oming back to *ued -"lead" (IEW: 115-116, LIV 659). Both Dybo and Derksen consid
er the original form with unaspirated obstruent primary *hiued-no-m. Dybo refers
to EWAi 2:497, Mayrhofer here considers the aspirated obstruent in coda seconda
ry due to the laryngeal metathesis: *Hued-> *uedH-.
Status: Accepting the laryngeal metathesis proposal, I consider *vno as a proof f
or the operation of WL, although the precise PS1 accentuation is still unclear.
79) PSI. *vdti "see" (APa), OCS vidti, Rus. videi, Cz. vidt, S-Cr- vidjeti, Sin vidti
, Lith. veizdti (Zem.) "look for" other cognates Gr. idomai "appear", Lat. video-v
idre-visum,"see", Goth, witan "observe"
PIE *u(e)di-/u(e)idi- (IEW: 1125), *ueid- (LIV 665-667), BS1. form reconstructed
by Derksen
2008:521 *wei?d-
WL accepted by Bezlaj 4:312 and LIV.
Status: positive evidence of WL.
Further references: Fraenkel 11:1212, Vasmer 1:312, Gluhak 1993:667, Snoj 2003:8
19, de
Vaan 2008:676.
229
80) PSI. *vlga (APa), S-Cr. vlga "moisture", Sin. vlga, Rus. volga, Cz. vlha, Slk. vl
aha, USorb. wloha, Lith. volg, OPrus. welgen "cold", other cognates OHG wolkan "c
loud", OE wolcen.
PIE *uelg- "become wet" (IEW:1145, LIV:676), BS form reconstructed by Derksen 20
08:524
*wol?ga?. Among other Slavic derivates belongs here also PS *vliti (APa), Rus. volo,
Cz. vlait, cognate with Lith. valgyti "eat" and vilgyti "moisten".
Status: positive evidence for WL.
Further references: Vasmer 1:337, 340, Fraenkel 11:1189-1191, Snoj 2003:826, Smo
czyski
2007:716-717, Dybo 2002:446, Derksen 2008:527.
81) Lith. vti "cover", Latv. vzt, Lat. vagina "sheat, scabbard" PIE *uag- (IEW 1110
), *ueh2g'- "cover" (LIV:664).
Status: Etymology is unclear but WL in Baltic is probable. Further references: F
raenkel 11:1275
8.8.2. Exceptions to Winter's law
Exceptions to Winter's law are forms which contain traditionally reconstructed v
oiced unaspirated or preglottalized obstruents (in Kortlandt's conception) but t
he Winter's law is absent. Exceptions used to be takes as counterexamples to WL
and as an argument against its existence.
1) OCS bogy, Ru. bog-bga, Ukr. bih-bha, Cz. buh-boha, PI. bg-boga, USorb. bh-boha,
S-Cr. bg-boga, Cak. bg-boga, Sin bg-bog, other cognates: Av. baga- "herd", OInd.
Mga-"prosperity, the one who allots", bhajati "allots", Gr.fagein "essen",
PIE: *bhag-"allot" (IEW: 107);
NIL:1 *b ag- ", differs between *b go-m > OInd. bhga-, Av. baga, OCS bogy and vrdd
hi
derivative *b g- in OInd. bhg- "share";
ESJS 2, 1990:71-72 also differ nomen agentis "giver" and nomen acti "prosperity"
, detailed
etymology in ESJS, Gluhak 1993:137-138, Bezlaj I: 1971: 29-30;
Accentologically PS. *bgh is APc (Derksen 2008:50).
Winter 1978:442 considers it an Iranian borrowing (the word is absent from Balti
c) and
therefore it escaped Winter's Law, also Kortlandt 1979, Birnbaum
1985; Rasmussen
1992/1999:529, Hoist 2003:168, Snoj 2003:48-49, Derksen 2008:50 and already Poko
rn in
IEW.
230
Derivates: PSl *nebogh < *ne + *bgh (Derksen 2008:506), OCS nebogh, Cz. neboh, SCr
.
nebg, Sin nebg ; "ubogh <"u + bgy, Rus. ubgij, Cz. uboh, SCr. bog, Sin ubg.
Kortlandt (1979:60) connects "ubogh with Skt. bhgah "fortune" and considers its b
orrowing
from Iranian with the meanig "god" and "fortune".
Schmid 1986:361 is willing to accept Iranian origin but is against Winter's clai
m that the word
was borrrowed in 2nd cent. AD;
Shintani 1985:278 accepts the Iranian borrowing but as a barytone "bhgos, therefo
re no
lengthening, but refuses that PSI "bgy in "(u)bogh, "shboghje (. zbo) is a loanword
,
considering Ir. baga a spec, cultural term, therefore PIE "bhgos > PSI "bgy;
Matasovi 1995:65 sees the absence of WL due to the open syllable, refuses the bor
rowing
from Iraian and posists PIE *b ogo-;
Status: Absence of WL is definitely due to the late borrowing from Iranian.
Further references: Vasmer 1:181:182, Dybo 2002:478-479
2) OCS chob "motion", Rus. chod-chda, Ukr. chid-choda, Cz. chod, Pol. chd-chodu, SC
r. hd-hoda, Cak. hd-hoda, Sin. hd-hda, Gr. hods "way",
PIE *sed- (IEW:887), *sod-o- (??), derivte from this root is PSI "choditi with "c
h" from RUKI rule after prefixes *pri-, u- (??),
Winter 1978:442 sees the word problematic because it has ablaut with blh (being t
herefore unlikely to borrow), the connection of chob with "sed- is left open, alt
hough initial "ch" can be explained as analogical spreading of regular RUKI rule
after per-, pri-, u-, while Iranian borrowing cannot be excluded;
Birnbaum 1985 rejects the borrowing from Iranian and the comparison with Gr. hod
os due to the different gender; Shintani reconstructs PS "chod-, chda, Gr. hods con
siders a transformation from "hdos <sdos, a nomen actionis from "sedetei (Shintani
1985:278); Kortlandt 1988 considers "chob" a real counterexample, because in Sla
vic it is mobile, in Greek it is oxytone so we should expect acute according to
Shintani's interpretation of Winter's law but it is not; moreover, Kortlandt der
ives the verb choditi < "sed- (from which the deverbative chodt is formed) from
the model of BS reduplicated present "sizd- (zero grade), compares it with Skt.
sidati, Lat. sido, sees the blockage cluster -zd- like in Lith. lizdas (nest) x
Lat. nidus (Kortlandt 1988:394), so "choditi replaced the old present "sizd-, wh
ere Winter's Law did not operate because of the blockage cluster";
231
Holst 2003:167 posits BS *sods and thus absence of WL in unstressed syllable; Mat
asovi
1995:65 takes *chodb < *sed, *sod-;
LIV:513 posits *si-sd- as reflected in OInd. sdati, Lat. sTd-sidere "sit" and OCS c
hoditi
from causative *sod-eie-;
de Vaan (2008:562) compares Lat. sid <*sisde/o- with OCS ssti, seq <*sind- < *sizd-
;
Status: The counterexample to WL seems to be only apparent. Winter's law did not
operate
due to the blocking cluster *S?D-
Further references: Vasmer 4::252-253, Frisk 11:349-350,
3) Lith. pdas (AP2) "floor", Latv. pads, ORus. pob, Rus. pod-pda "hearth-stone", Cz
. pda, SCr. pd-poda, Cak. pod-poda, Sin. pd-pda, PIE *pod- (IEW 791-792),
Winter 1978:439-40, referring to Fraenkel consider *podos, as actually being dev
erbative from *-dh(E)os-* + prefix *pa- >*podh(H)os; so not from *ped- "feet"; t
hus also Kortlandt 1979:60, Birnbaum 1985:45 agrees but objects to the different
meaning of the etymon; Schmid 1986: 359-360 argues that padas (Fussshohle) is n
ot derived from pda (Fuss) and padti (unterlegen stellen), according to him padas.
pda is just a morphological parallel to badas (Hunger): bda (Not), Schmid's except
ion is therefore semantic;
Rasmussen 1992/199:529 deals with voiced aspirate obstruent and therefore no cou
terexample to WL.; for Matasovi 1985:65 the absence of WL is due to the open syll
able existence; Hoist 2003:165 points to the end stressed forms in Old Indie and
Greek and proposes the same state for Balto-Slavic *pods, this would explain the
absence of "lengthening" in unstressed syllable (Hoist's theory);
Kortlandt 1988 compares pdas, pads with similar Lithuanian words idas, pridas. Thos
e words are of similar derivational category and lack lengthening (see Kortlandt
1988:393); NIL:526-546 just discusses different opinions on Winter's law (Hoist
, Dybo, Derksen, Patri). An interesting proposal has Snoj 2003:531 who posits *p
o-d hio with an ablauted form *dhehi-"lay", see LTV 136.
Derksen (2008:408-409) reconstructs PS1 *podh as uncertain (APb or APc), origina
lly *po-and zero grade of *d ehi- "do".
Status: In my opinion this is no real counterexample to WL if the obstruent is r
econstructed as aspirate (being probable the part of a compound). Further refere
nces: Fraenkel 1:521, Smoczyski 2007:435.
232
4) OCS sdblo "saddle", Cz sedlo/sdlo "saddle, place of living", USorb. sydllo, cog
nates with Goth, sitls; the word merged with *selo, OCS selo "field", Rus. selo
"village", SCr. selo "village", Cak. selb, Sin slo, Lith. sala (AP4) "island", co
gnates with Got. sitls "bank", PGmc *setla,
PIE forms: nomen *sed-lo-m from *sed- "sit" (IEW: 884-887 NIL:592 , LIV:513)
Winter 1978:440-441 considers it as a loanword from Gothic while supposing that
Grimms
law in Germanic did not operate suddenly;
Kortlandt 1979:60 considers the word being borrowed from Gothic sitls; Gothic bo
rrowing is
rejected by Birnbaum 1985:46 due to different meaning ("seat, chair" in Gothic,
"saddle" in
Slavic, but also should the word be borrowed, then Goth, sitls >**sbtlh,
Schmid 1986:361 quotes Pruss. saddina - "stellt" with a short vowel and without
lengthening
but his argument does not disprove possible Germanic borrowing.
Birnbaum (1999:29) accepted German borrowing (aus dem frnkischen Kulturkreis) ref
erring
to OHG satul "saddle" and sedal "seat" which should be etymollogically closer to
the Slavic
etymon.;
Accentologically is *sdlo APb, *selo also APb (Derksen 2008:445).
Matasovi 1995:62 postulates BS* se-di.lo(m) and therefore no WL in the open sylla
ble
should occur; Hoist 2003:166 posits BS oxytone *sedilm and no WL under the absenc
e of
stress should happen. Rasmussen 1992/1999:529 takes also the word as a borrowing
.
Status: WL is unclear but it is possible that APb reflects the original Derksen'
s oxytone.
Further references: ESJS 13:799
5) Lith. sgti "fasten", OCS prisqti "touch", Sin. sei "reach for" cognates with OIn
d. sjati "attach";
ESSJ 3 1992:141 derives PS1 *segti from PIE *si(n)k-, which is a reduced grade o
f *seik-,
also admits the connection with *segw - /*sengw - and doubts about the connectio
n of *seg-;
IEW:887-888 derives it from *seg-/seng-, the former form in OCS segnqti, the lat
ter form in
Latv. segt "cover" and Lith. iterative sagti;
LIV:516 *sg- > OInd sjati, Lith. sgti, *sn/ng- > OCS segnqti; LIV:532 problematicall
y
connects OCS 3rd aor. seb "said", and *sengw -;
Winter 1978:440 thinks that there were root variants *seg-, *sg-, *seg- and consi
ders the
word as a counterexample to the WL; Birnbaum 1985 objects to Slavic *seg- as a
reflex of
*se-N-g- and considers it a counterexample to Winter's Law too;
233
Holst 2003:166 proposes to reconstruct end-stressed form thus explaining the abs
ence of "lengthening" in the initial syllable: BS *segt.
Matasovi 1985:65 posits PIE *segeti with all open syllables and therefore absence
of Winter's law. His proposal was challenged by Derksen 2002:10 who points that
Slavic forms have nasal infix and acute *sengati > S-Cr. sezati. Form S-Cr. sgnu
ti, Cz. shnout are non-acute forms due to the Kortlandt's blocking rule. This is
explicitely expressed in Derksen 2008:449 where BS *se(n)gn- > PS1. *sgnQti > Rus
. sjagn, "reach for", Cz. shnout, S-Cr. sgnuti, and BS *se(n)?g- > Lith. sgti; PS1. *
se,gti > OCS prisqti , Sin. sei, Cz. dosici "reach". The original idea comes back
to Kortlandt 1988b:389 who already proposed the blocking cluster for that word.
Status: the counterexample to WL is only apparent because its absence is due to
the blocking cluster *-N?G-. Further references: Fraenkel 11:770, Smoczynski 200
7:539
6) OCS voda, Rus. voda, Cz. voda, SCr. voda, Cak. voda, PSI. *vod (APc), Lith.
vandu (AP3), Latv. udens, OPrus. wundun, other cognates: Skt. udn, Hitt. wtar-wi
tena, Gr. hdor, Lat. unda "wave" Got. wato; Originally r/n heteroclitic.
As for Lat. unda see de Vaan (2008:641) who sees PIE *udr, *udn- and *udn > *und-
n; Latin unda is a-stem reformed from collectivum *udnom "body of water"; Kassia
n 2002:55 points that plene writing in Hittite N-Asg wa-a-tar corresponds to Gr.
hydor and reconstructs also PIE *udr
Schindler (1975:4-5) reconstructs *udr-, udn- static paradigm; Kloekhorst (2008 98
7-988) claims that the paradigm must be proterodynamic because Hitt. witena is ph
onologically /idn-/ being a reflection of *udn-, instead of vocalic "u" there is a
n analogical *u/w, therefore original forms are *udr-, udn-;
Winter 1978:441 carefully admits the idea of the borrowing from Gothic, because
wato is an n-stem, while in Slavic is an a-stem, he considers voda as exception
to the Law; Tremblay 1996:40 considers the BS paradigm Nsg *'vnd, Gsg*un'denes; Ko
rtlandt reconstructs PS1 *voda from Gsg *(v)undnes and this from Balto-Slavic *v
ondr, the vocalism of *vod- would be due to lowering of *un- before tautosyllabic
stop + dissimilatory loss of *n- (see also Derksen 2008:523); the nasal infix s
hould be from suffix, similarly as in Latin unda; cluster -ndn- blocked Winter's
Law; Lithuanian has acute vandu
234
(after de Saussure's law) because sequence -nd- did not cause the blockage; Kort
landt 1988b also points to the accentual mobility of "voda", so we should expect
acute from Winter's law according to Shintani's hypothesis, but it is not so (K
ortlandt 1988b:393). Birnbaum 1985:46 reminds *wdr-, vdro, vydra and the original
heteroclitic r/n stem formation; also objects to Kortlandt's reconstructions and
considers nasal in Lith. vandu and taking Lat. unda as a secodary nasal infix. A
ccording to Birnbaum, the nasal infix is secondary and is not recorded in primar
y IE languages (thus also Birnbaum 1999:29-30). Schmid 1986:361 adduces Lith. Va
da, Vadaksta and other appelatives and connects them with vanduo and vad (trocken
e Furche) and vada (baumfreie, feuchte Stelle im Wald); Holst 2003:166-167 posit
s BS *vadr, although admits that the word would be mobile because of the Russian
vod-vdu, so WL should theoretically apply. He explain the absence of WL by the los
s of heteroclicity in Balto-Slavic. Concerning *vydra, Hoist reconstructs BS *dra
<*udra and with WL, the difference between presence and absence of WL in "otter
" and "water" is explained as the loss of semantic relationship in BS. I conside
r the explanation purely arbitrary.
Matasovi 1995:62 takes *vydra as a vrddhi derivation or a form which underwent WL
, similarly *vdro would have undergone WL because the syllable was closed: *ved.r
o. Matasovi rejects nasalisation proposed by Kortlandt, he explains Lith. vandu as
a result of metathesis *uodn- >*vand-; Snoj 2003:828 and Bezlaj 4:334-335 also
take Lith. vandu as a result of secondary nasalisation from *u-n-d-mi, *u-n-d-nti,
reflected in OInd undmi, undnti, *vdro is considered a vrddhi derivte.
NIL: 706-715 reconstructs *uod-o/en > Lith. vandu, accepts Petit's reconstruction
Nsg vdn, Gsg dnes and sees "voda" as a problematic example of Winter's Law; as for
PS1 *vydra and Lith. udra (API), NIL derives it from *udrali2;
Concerning *vydra, Bezlaj 4:313 accepts WL and posits BS *dra which is a substant
ive from vrddhi adjectiva *dras <*udrs "water";
Smoczyski 2007:719 sees *uodr >*vaduo and considers 2 alomorphs in weak cases: *un
d-> OPrus. unds < *ud-n-, and *ud-en reflected in OLatv. udens, but further deve
lopment is unclear.
Status: It seems that from many theories proposed the most optimal is the one by
Kortlandt. The blocking rule *N?DN- not only effectively matches the other coun
terexamples caused by blocking cluster but also belongs to a broader context of
the theory.
Petit 2004:98, 368.
235
Further references: EWAi 2:215-216, Frisk 11:957-959, Gluhak 1993:668-669, 676
-677, Fraenkel 11:1194-1195, IEW 78-80, Dybo 2002: 413-415,468,
8.9. Proposed OT solution of Winter's law
8.9.1. The nature of glottalized consonants
The above-mentioned data support Kortlandt's theory or preglottalised consonants
. There are no other alternative theories which would explain Winter's law bette
r. Now I try to solve the mechanism of Winter's law as a result of OT constraint
interaction.
As proposed by Kortlandt 1996, Dialectal IE had the opposition of three kind of
obstruents: plain voiceless T, plain voiced D and glottalic voiced D. The same o
pposition would be in Balto-Slavic at the time of Winter's law operation.
Kortlandt proposes that the glottalic voiced consonants were actually preglottal
ized. Preglottalised consonants fit into my conception of glottal stop insertion
and its further loss with either the effect of glottalising or lengthening of t
he preceding nucleus. But what is the phonetic characteristics of preglottalised
consonants?
The optimal laryngeal state for occlusive is voiceless, unaspirated and unglotta
lised. The contrast between glottalised, aspirated and plain obstruents is due t
o position of glottis. Glottalized consonants are characterised by [+constricted
glottis] and [-spread glottis]. Aspirated ones have [-constricted glottis] and
[+spread glottis] features while plain consonants possess [-constricted glottis]
and [-spread glottis]. If [voiced] feature is added, the combination of feature
s is as follows:
p b p b 6 p
spread gl + + -
constr gl - - - - + +
voiced - + - + +
Glottalic voiced consonants could not not have been ejectives because they are l
inguistically unknown. On the other hand, Indo-European and Balto-Slavic preglot
talic voiced consonants might have been implosives. Laryngeal setting here vary
and implosives
6291 presented the part of idea in Suka 2009a.
630 Kenstowicz 1994:38.
631 The phonetic characterization of laryngeal features by Halle and Stevens 197
1 quoted by Kenstowicz 1994:39.
632 ibid.
633 Ladefoged & Madieson 1998:80.
236
are not simply defined as obstruents characterised by a constricted setting of t
he vocal
folds.634
Implosives are mainly occuring in West African languages which might be seen as
an
objection to the reconstruction of Indo-European consonantism.
The reconstruction point to the voiced obstruents but there might be doubt if th
e implosives could not have been voiceless. Voiceless implosives are fully glott
alised, there might be laryngeal implosives, laryngealized stops or stops with g
lottal closure. Generally, voiceless implosives and preglottalized stops are har
d to distinguish. Voiced implosives phonetically lower the larynx while tthe voc
al folds are vibrating. Voiceless implosives are characterised with glottal clos
ure.
The typological objection can be lessened the description of the preglottalized
consonants as sychnronically unstable or underlying forms. The critics of "glott
alic society" often thinks that glottalised consonants must have existed as real
phenomena for a certain time. In my opinion, the could have just been underlyin
g forms which surfacely disintegrated into a cluster composed of a glottal stop
and an obstruent. There might have been no real preglottalised stops at all, jus
t the surface combination of a voiced stop preceding with a glottal stop.
8.9.2. Constraints and solution
In Suka 2009 I proposed the following solution which I repeat and modify here.
Preglottalised consonants change their laryngeal specification from preglot
talised to unglottalised. The faithfulness constraint requiring identity of lary
ngeal specification is one of the IDENT constraints. Constraints describing l
aryngeal specifications were dealt with Lombardi 1999.1 accept her IDENT (Lar)
constraint: Consonants should be faith to underlying laryngeal specification.
Because a tautosyllabic combination of a vowel and a preglottalised consonant ca
nnot occur (therefore Winter's law), I posit a new constraint *VD: (A vowel and
a preglottalised consonant cannot occur tautosyllabically).
The insertion of the glottal stop is required by the undominated DEP constraint
(No insertion). The interaction of *VD with faithfulness IDENT constraint and DE
P constraint results in glottal stop insertion (?) and the loss of glottalic fea
ture of the preglottalised consonant (D > D):
634 ibid p. 82.
635 Clements 2002.
237
/CVD/ *VD DEP IDENT-LAR
^CV?> * *
CVD *
No change is observable if a syllable ends in an unvoiced consonant (T) because
DEP prohibits the insertion of glottal stop and IDENT (Lar) bans any change of l
aryngeal specification:
/CVTY DEP IDENT-LAR
CV?T * *
CVD *
^CVT
The same arrangement of constraints fits the syllable ending in an aspirated sto
p:
/CVD11/ DEP IDENT-LAR
CV?Dh *
CVD *
or CVD11
Further development of the glottal stop leads to its reanalysis into the glottal
ic feature of a vowel. Consequently, glottalic feature leads to acute intonation
which for Balto-Slavic are practically synonyms.
I would argue that the cluster *?D used to be stable for a certain period so the
re is no need to use Stratal OT for the description of the development of preglo
ttahzed obstruent to the glottalized vowel. So classical OT is still satisfactor
y here.
8.9.3. Strategies for eliminating glottal stop
The CV?D- structure is unstable because it is is voiceless and is in the vicinit
y of voiced elements There might be five strategies to cope with the situation.
a) Loss of glottal stop: CV?D > CVD
b) Lengthening of the vowel: CV?D > CVD
c) Acute (vowel glottalization): CV?D > CV?D
d) Assimilation: CV?D > CV?T
238
e) Merging: CV?D > CVT
a) MAX constraint is responsible for the loss of glottal stop. Another constrain
t which accounts for the change -?D- to D is AGREE constraint proposed by Lombar
di 1995 a a constraint accounting the obstruent voicing assimilation: Obstruent
clusters should agree in voicing. The constraint simply states that a row of obs
turent must share the same feature [voice]. IDENT-LAR constraint requires that i
nput-output would not change with respect to the laryngeal specification.
CV?D AGREE MAX IDENT-LAR
CV?D * *
orCVD * *
As we see in this tableau, glottal stop is sucessfully eliminate due to the higl
y ranked MAX constraint and the winning candidate satisfy AGREE.
b) Lengthening of the vowel is requires a special condition because it is connec
ted with the rise of rhythmicity. As I argue that lengthening is not the Winter'
s law case but the case of Lachmann's law, I skip the analysis now and return to
it in the next chapter.
d) Assimilation of voice is another possible strategy to satisfy AGREE constrain
t. Also, *LAR constraint is relevant here: Don't have laryngeal features (Lombar
di 1995):
CV?D AGREE *LAR IDENT-LAR
CV?D * *
^CV?T *
e) Merging can be taken either as the total assimilation process or the interact
ion of *LAR and MAX constraints where the MAX deletes glottal stop but the resul
ting CVD structure fails to satisfy highly ranked *LAR.
239
CV?D AGREE *LAR MAX IDENT-LAR
^CVT * *
CVD *
c) The difference between unglottalized and glottalized vowel is in the markedne
ss of the glottalized vowel. So it is more common for a language to have a vowel
without a glottalic feature than to have a glottalized vowel. Therefore, I posi
t a constraint
*V : no glottalized vowel. I would argue that glottal stop is not deleted here b
ut becomes the vowel feature.
CV?D MAX *vv
CVD *
CVVD *
In combination with the other constraints the resulting tableaux is as follows:
CV?D AGREE IDENT-LAR *LAR MAX *vv
CVD !* *
CVVD * *
CVT !* *
CV?T !*
As seen above, acute (glottalization) is the result of the highly ranked constra
int IDENT-LAR and *LAR. Unvoiced obstruents do not satisfy IDENT-LAR while voice
d obstruents are faithful to it. There are two possible winners, CVD and CVD whi
ch both fail to satisfy *LAR. But if the *V means that glottal stop is not delet
ed but simply transformed to the preceding vowel, the MAX constraint accounts fo
r the final elimination ov CVD candidate.
240
8.9.4. Explanation of further counterexamples
Apart from the counterexamples to the Winter's law which must be explained indiv
idually (see the data below), there are two mechanisms which can be applied to t
he whole groups of words. The first one is Kluge's law in Germanic and the secon
d one is the existence of certain blocking consonant clusters which prohibit the
operation of Winter's law.
8.9.4.1. Kluge's law
Kroonen 2007 dealt with exceptions to WL by adduced by Matasovi 1995 which have c
orrespondence in Germanic: Lith. stgaras "stick", PS1. *stogh, ON stakkr "stack";
Lith. dubus "deep", Goth, diups; Russ. kogo, "nail, claw", OE hacud "pike". In a
ll those examples Matasovi proposes the absence of lengthening due to the open fi
rst syllable. In his criticsm of Matasovi's solution, Derksen (2002:10) pointed o
ut that Matasovi's counterexamples reflect etyma where the reconstruction of PIE
or Balto-Slavic voiced stop depend only on the Germanic evidence. Apart from the
examples adduced above, the other counterexamples are: Lith. gegu, "cuckoo", Latv
. dzeguze, OPr. geguse, Rus.dial. egozlja, ON. gaukr, OE gac, OHG gouh;
OCS kobb "destiny", ONhappr "happines, success", Olr. cob "victory".
Lith. balenas, Latv. blzins "cross-beam", which according to Derksen showes to root
ending with *g' (because of circumflex) , ON bjalki, OHG balko, OE balca "beam".
Because Germanic roots often have different consonant, it might be possible to
explain all the anomalies in reconstruction due to the borrowings from a substra
tum. Moreover, as Derksen remarks, it cannot be excluded that some Germanic form
s with *D>*T are cognates with words, which in other languages point to *D . Ano
ther possibility is that at a certain time, Balto-Slavic cognate with voiced una
spirated (and unglottalised) was borrowed when already a change *D >*D had been
done, therefore no Winter's law is visible.
Concerning e.g. ON stakkr, Derksen notices that it is an original n-stem where t
he voiceless stop is actually result of phonetic change called Kluge's law: *sta
kk- <*stog -n-.
Kluge's law is a sound change describing the assimilation of suffixal *n (in a s
tressed suffix) to a preceding consonant, thus giving Proto-Germanic geminates (
Kortlandt 1991).
636 Up to now I had only a handout of Kroonen's presentation.
637 The etymology was discussed by Derksen 1996:315-116 in detail. The original
root would be reconstructed as *b elg'- but as Derksen admits, the root would gi
ve acute in Balto-Slavic due to the Winter's law, so he sticks to the IEW: 125 r
econstruction of *belg' -"swell" which is semanically odd. Derksen 2002:11 has a
lready accepted Kluge's law as an explanation ofthat anomaly, the same is for 20
08:54, where the Balto-Slavic *bolzei?na? is postulated from the original root *
b olg' -. The absence of Winter's law is threfore explained by different reconst
ruction because Kluge's law cause the change *g' -n- > *-k(k)-, so Germanic *k i
s therefore ofthat origin here.
241
Kluge's law was advocated by Kortlandt to explain various reflexes of Germanic g
eminates. In view of Kortlandt's theory, PIE voiced aspirates were deaspirated i
n dialectal IE but remained distinct from unaspirated voiced obstruents which we
re actually preglottalised. After the operation of Verner's law, the Grimm's law
caused remaining voiceless obsturents to undergo lenition and voicedness was lo
st as a distinctive feature. Kortlandt claims that that system was preserved in
Icelandic apart from the change of preglottalization to preaspiration. Now, Klug
e's law applied between Verner's law and Grimm's law.
According to Kroonen, Kluge's law explains the Germanic geminates as in Goth, fu
lls "full", Lith. pilnas < *plh]-n- or Goth, wulla "wool", Lat. lna <*}i2ulh2-nh2-
contra ON svefn "sleep", OInd. svpna <*sup-no- where the suffix is not stressed. T
he resulting geminates were shortened in PGmc after long vowels, diphtongs and r
esonants, e.g. Goth diups "deep" < *deuppa <*d eub -n, Lith. dubus (therefore sho
rt vowel which points to the reconstruction of *b , not *b, as already pointed b
y Kortlandt 1991:3) Paradigmatically, Kluge's law lead to consonantal alomorphy
in n-stems, so e.g. in originally amphikinetic paradigm: Nsg.*g nb -on "boy" >PGm
c *knab, Gsg. g nob -n-s >*knappaz we observe the alternating *b/*pp. Now, as Kroo
nen brilliantly explains, the paradigms have been homogenized which means that t
here was a tendency to preserve either a feature [+voice] or [-voice]. So the or
iginal alternating paradigm splitted into two constant paradigm (my terminology)
: Nsg *knab, Gsg *knabbaz and Nsg *knap, Gsg. knappaz. The resulting forms can be
visible in Germanic languages, so OHG knabo, OE cnafa <*knaban-, OFri knappa, OE
cnapa < *knapan-, MHG knappe <*knabban. What results from Kroonen analysis is t
hat the consonantism of OE staca, Goth, diups, ON bjalki is secondary. So e.g. O
E staca, ON stakkx < PGmc Nsg. stag, Gsg. stakkaz, PIE root *stog - (supported by
Gr. stchos "pillar"), ON bjalki < PGmc Nsg *balg, Gsg. balkkaz, PIE root *bholg'h
-. It means that Kluge's law effectively eliminates some apparent counterexample
s to Winter's law.
8.9.4.2.Blockings clusters
8.9.4.2.1. Kortlandt's blocking clusters
Kortlandt 1979:60-70 suggested, that clusters *ngn- and *-ndn- blocked the opera
tion of Winter's law (nasal and liquid diphtongs) The first cluster can be found
in ProtoSlavic *ognb, Lith. ugnis (AP4), Skt. agnih, Lat. ignis, for which Kort
landt reconstructs *ngwnis >BS *ungnis (labialization of labiovelar); for explan
ation *un>*o see Kortlandt 1979:61. The cluster -ndn- is to be found in ProtoSla
vic *voda, Lith. vandu, Latv. dens, OPruss undw,
242
wundan. Kortlandt reconstructs BS paradigm: Nsg *vondr, Gsg *(v)undnes > ProtoSla
v. *vodnes Asg *vondenim, Npl *(v)und; *un is the zero grade of *on, initial v in
troduced analogically in other case forms, in my opinion due to decomposition of
[+labial] feature; *vund ~ Lat. unda, Prus. unds; in Lith. vandu, Latv. dens Kortl
andt sees the preservation of vocalic alternation up to the end of East Baltic p
eriod Nsg *vand, Gsg *vundenes, Asg *vandenin; ProtoSlavic *voda is APc which, ac
cording to Kortlandt, reflects old consonantal mobile paradigm.
The blocking rule was rejected by Birnbaum 1985:48, who sees similar environment
s but questionable etymologies of the word for BS words "fire" and "water". Birn
baum derives Lat. ignis < *egnis and concerns Lith. ugnis as a form with zero gr
ade root and he interprets nasal forms of "water" in Lith. vandu and Lat. unda as
secondary although it is not clear how and why this parallel and independent in
fixation to the same etymon in separate languages could occur. Therefore, Birnba
um rejects Balto-Slavic nasalised protoform for "fire" *ungnis as improbable and
also doubts that Czech vhe should support this reconstruction. Rule rejected by R
asmussen who sees *ngio- (Cz. vhe, S-Cr viganj) as vrddhi derivative from *ugni, bu
t ugnis consider as an counterexample.
Proposed solution
The glottalization in the *ndn- position has been lost due to the neutralization
but we should explain why and how it happened. I would proposes that the *ungni
s and *vondr are in fact *un?gnis and *vond?5r because the voiced obstruents are
preglottalised or phonetically they simply form a combination of the glottal sto
p and an obstruent. The syllabic structure CV2DNV- is atypical with respect to s
onority. Glottal stop is unvoiced and is in the neighbourhood of the voiced segm
ents - the nucleus and a voiced obstruent which can be either a part or the firs
t syllable coda or the second syllable onset. The existence of an voiceless segm
ent among voiced segments is anomalous and the voiceless segment must either be
deleted or must undergo the assimilation of voice.
As Lombardi 1995 proposed, such situation can be controled by Harms generalizati
on (HG) constraint which requires that voiced obstruents are more sonorous. AGRE
E constraint does not say anything about the direction of assimilation, apart fr
om HG. So if HG is undominated, all the obstruents in a row must be either +voic
ed or -voiced.
Birnbaum takes the nasal infixation in Latin and Baltic as the general tendency
(Birnbaum 1985:48). Birnbaum 1999:30.
243
The interaction of HG and MAX constraints is shown in the following tableau:
un?gnis HG MAX
un?g.nis *
^ung.nis *
The input *un?gnis gives two candidates, both resyllabified. The first candidate
does not satisfy HG because of the combination V?g containing the glottal stop.
The second candidate is the winner because the MAX constraint eliminated the vo
iceless glottal stop.
The glottal stop cannot be assimilated with respect to voice feature, it must ei
ther be deleted or transformed into a glottalic intonation.
The existence or non-existence of any laryngeal feature is controled by *LAR con
straint (do not have laryngeal features).
Assimilation is prohibited by the IDENT LAR constraint requiring that consonants
should be faithful to underlying laryngeal specification. IDENT constraint is r
esponsible for the preservance of any feature from input to output.
Assimilation of voice is required by AGREE constraint: obstruent clusters should
agree in voicing. Presence or absence of the glottal stop is controled by MAX c
onstraint. Because there is a row of obstruents in a syllable (in the reconstruc
ted form we are not definitely sure with the precise tautosyllabic and heterosyl
labic position), the constraint limiting the number of consonants in onset and c
oda position is controled by *COMPLEX constraint. The glottalic intonation is ge
nerally avoided and its absence is required by the *V which I propose - no glott
alic feature on a vowel.
As we can see, the tableau above is missing one more candidate with nucleus glot
talization *u ngnis. This candidate would not be faithful to *V but would satisf
y AGREE constraint.
The constraint interaction can be showed on the "fire" example. I propose that i
nput is *un?gnis:
244
un?gnis IDENT AGREE HG MAX *COMPLEX *vv
l.un?g.nis * * **
^2.ung.nis * *
3.u ngnis i*** *
The first candidate fails to satisfy both AGREE and HG constraints and is elimin
ated from the output. The third candidate is eliminated due to the failure to me
et gradation constrain of *COMPLEX as well as the *V\ Therefore, we do not have
the *ungnis with a glottalised vowel (or acute). The second constraint is faithf
ul to both AGREE and HG constraints and is the optimal candidate that does not c
ontain either glottal stop and the glottalised nucleus. The form *ungnis is late
r simplified to *ugnis due to the highly positioned * COMPLEX cluster but the ch
ange is of no significance to our solution here.
8.9.4.2.2. Dybo's blocking clusters
Dybo 2002:480-502 proposed other clusters which should prohibit or neutralize th
e effect of Winter's law. One must say that Dybo's analysis is completely indepe
ndent of Kortlandt and other authors and that Dybo sticks to classical Neogramma
rian approach.
Dybo distinguisthes several consonantal combinations: 1. *-sg-, -sd- > *-zg-, -z
d-, e.g. Lith. mazgti "wash"
Lith. mazgti "wash, Latv. mazgat, other cognates: OInd. mjjati "sink", Lat. merg, m
ergere "plunge, immerse". PIE'Wg- (IEW:745-746, LIV:441)
De Vaan (2008:375) reconstructs Pit. *mezge/o-. KEWA 2:549 and IEW connect also
Gr. misgein "mix", Frisk 1:193 reconstructs *mi-msg- and connects with Lith. mieti
"mix", OCS miti which requires the root *moik'-, thus also Derksen 2008:313 and C
hantraine :677. Further references: Fraenkel 1:421, DELL: 710-711, Dybo 2002:480
.
It is obvious that what we deal about is the voicing asimilation. We have two po
ssibilities that reconstruction allows us. If the original cluster is *z?d-, the
factorial typology is the same as in Kotlandt's *n?gn- cluster because of the h
igly ranked AGREE and HG constraints.
If the original cluster is *s?g-, the situation is different because the only vo
iced segment in the cluster is *d. So glottal stop must be lost due to the higly
ranked *COMPLEX constraint which eliminates glottal stop from the coda position
:
245
mes?g- AGREE *COMPLEX IDENT-LAR MAX *vv
l.mes.g * *
2.me sg * * *
^3.mez.g * *
4. mes?.g * *
The first two candidates are also banned by the AGREE constraint because the obs
truents in a row do not agree in voicing. The fourth candidate has a first sylla
ble complex coda and must be eliminated by * COMPLEX constraint.
2.the combination of voiced unaspirated and a cluster contaning a fricative, e.g
. *D+s, *-Dzd, -Dsk-, -Dst-, e.g. PSI* loz "wine, PSl. *gvezdd "star", PSL. *ovbS
b "oats", PSl. *blesh> "brightness"
1) PSl *loz "wine" (APb), OCS. loza, Rus. loz, Cz. loza, Slk. loza, S-Cr. loza, Si
n. lza,
Lith. lazd "stick", Latv. lgzda "hazel", OPrus. laxde other cognates Alb. laithi,
ledhi
"hazel", Arm. last "boat".
PIE *lg'h- (IEW:660)
BS form *la(g)zda.
The connection of Slavic and Baltic forms rejected by ESJS 7:439 which prefer th
e
independent origin. The connection with PSI. *lska "hazel" (APb with pretonic len
gth), Rus.
Ijazg, Cz. lska, Slk. lieska, USorb lska, S-Cr. lijska, Sin. lska, proposed by Derkse
n
2008:274 and Dybo 2002:486, 487, the same cluster *-zgd- which blocks WL aslo
reconstructed by Snoj 2003:352, who reconstructs original *l9s-dh.3-h.2 for *loza
and
*uloiskah2 for *lska. The obvious problem in the reconstruction of *lozd is the a
spirate
obstruent. So Dybo reconstructs ?early BS *log'zd and *leg'k, the later form proba
bly
underwent dissimilation. The definite etymology is not clear but if the voiced a
spirate is
reconstructed, there is no need to postulate WL here.
Further references: Smoczyski 2007:341, Derksen 2008:286-287, Matasovi 1995:65.
246
2) PSL. *ovbSb "oats", Rus. oves, ovsa, Cz. oves, S-Cr. vas, ak. ovs, Sin. vds, Lit.
avi (AP3), OPrus. wyse, another cognate Lat. avna "oats, stalk, straw"
PIE *auig'- (IEW:88)
The reconstruction is problematic. Derksen 2008:385 posits BS *vi- from *}i2euig'
(s)eli2
but does not exclude the substratum origin. Also de Vaan 2008:65 who considers *
-ig' - suffix
strange and points to the different suffix in Slavic and Baltic. Smoczynski 2007
:39
reconstructs Bait. *aui- < *auig' /*h2euig' -eli2 (referring to Schrijver 1991: 46-
47). He
derives Slavic form from *h2euig' -so > PBS *aui-a with *-s assimilation. Dybo 200
2:485-
486 suggests BS. *awi-so <*auig'-so where the cluster -g's- shoud block WL. The s
ituation
is similar to the "hazel" reconstruction. If the voiced aspirate should be here,
no WL would be
required.
Further references: Vasmer 3:113, Frisk 1:31-32.
3) PSI. *gvzd "star" (APb), OCS dzvzda, Rus. zvzd, Cz. hvzda, Slk.
hviezda. PI. gwiazda, USorb hvzda, S-Cr. zvijzda, Sin. zvzda, Lith. vaigd (AP4), Lat
v. zvigzne. PIE *g'huoigw- (IEW 495), BS *g/zwoizde? (Derksen 2008:196).
The reconstruction is not quite clear. The reconstruction of IEW is based on the
connection with Gr. foibos "shining". This etymology is accepted by Dybo 2002:4
88-489 who refuses Fraenkel's (Fraenkel 11:1324) form *vaig(e)s, vaid(e)s combined
with PIE root *dh-{*d eh]-). The IEW approach is, however, rejected by Derksen w
ho proposes the PIE reconstruction *g' uoig' -d ehi, *g' uoid -d ehj. Snoj 2003:
861 accepts Fraenkel and reconstructs *g' uoigwzd{hi)ah2- Smoczynski 2007:794 de
rives vaigd <*vaist and consider the initial fricative voicing due to the related Sla
vic forms and derives it from the root *k'ueit-/k'uit- "lighten". This etymology
is not probable.
Gluhak 1993:702-703 proposes the original *g uoi-st with the assimilation of voic
e *st>zd considering the Lithuanian "g" secondary. Similarly Schuster-Sewc:368 w
ho considers Lithuanian "g" unclear. Borys 2008:189 starts from the same *gw i- "
clear", if connected with Gr. phaidrs, Lith. gzdras "heavenly light" but the etymo
logy is unclear to give Slavic forms. Further references: Vasmer 2:85-86.
4) PS1. *bleskb "brightness" (APc), Rus. blesk, Cz. blesk "brightness, lightnin
g", Slk. blesk, USorb. blesk, S-Cr. bijesak "glow", Sin. blesk "brightness, ligth
ning", Latv. blaiskums"sTpot" PIE *bhleig'- (IEW 156-157). BS form *bloisko- rec
onstructed by Derksen 2008:43.
247
The same root with zero grade in OCS blbstati "shine, sparkle", Lith. blyskti "sh
ine, BS
*blisk'e?- <*bligske- (Derksen 2008:49) where the "g" was lost before WL. De
rskens
explanation seems probable as an explanation of the absence of WL.
Further references: Vasmer 1:173-174, Bezlaj 1:27, Snoj 2003:46, Dybo 2002:
490-492,
LIV:89.
5) Lith. blksti "hurl, fling", cognate with ON blekkja "beat", Lat. *flg, flgere, fl
agrum
"whip"
PIE *bhag'- "beat" (IEW:154), *bhleh2g- (LIV:87, Smoczynski 2007:66.)
Latin form derived from the zero grade *b IHgro- (de Vaan 2008:224), also Lithua
nian form
?*b lli2g-sk' (LIV). Smoczynski reconstructs BS1 *blg-stu >*blkstu but leaves Lithu
anian
circumflex unexplained.
The glottal stop here might have been neutralised with th ecombination of laryng
eal, if the
reconstruction C(V)RHD- is right. The neutralisation would have been similar to
Lubotsky's
law, so C(V)R??D- >C(V)R?D. The final merger would have then be vocalised.
Further references: Fraenkel 1:51, Dybo 2002:491.
As seen, the above-mentioned group of blocking cluster does not seem to be real
blocking clusters. The data can be explained either by an alternative etymology
or by the early loss of voiced obstruent. I also doubt that there would have bee
n any phonetic process which would block WL in such combination because the elim
ination of a glottal stop in the position V?DC must lead to the glottalisation.
But the data here do not support such situation.
3. -st- and -n-st- stems
Here the explanation is provided by Derksen 2008 (sta-presents) who proposes the
*ske/o *-Hske/o- due e to the reanalysis of presents CRH-ske/o. The introduction
of the glottal stop causes mtatonie rude. Mtatonie douce is in sta-presents is li
mited to Lithuanian only (in *Ci/uD) structures and spread to demominative sta-p
resent verbs.
4. clusters *-br-, e.g. PS1. *dobrt "good" .
This apparent prohibiting cluster can also be explained by a different etymology
:
PS1. *dobn> "good" (APb), OCS dobry, Rus. dbryj, Cz dobr, S-Cr. obar, Sin. dbdr
PIE * dhabh- (Derksen 2008:110)
Further references: Dybo 2002:496, ESJS:3
248
5. clusters *-g'n-, *-gn-, *-bn-, e.g.*PSl. *dhn "bottom", PS1. *ognjb
*PS1. *dhn "bottom" (APb), Rus. dno, S-Cr drib, Sin. dno, Lith. dgnas (AP4), Latv.
dubs,
duobj "deep".
PIE *dhubh-no (Smoczynski 2007:130, Derksen 2008:130 who both reconstruct BS *
dubno-.
As remarked by Derksen, Lithuanian acute could be from WL but the problem is Sla
vic APb.
Moreover, the reconstruction shows aspirate in coda.
Another *-gn- cluster, adduced by Dybo, is the same as the one adduced by Kortla
ndt.
8.9.4.2.3. Rasmussen's blocking clusters
Rasmussen 1992/1999:534-536 distinguishes the following blocking clusters:
1. -DR-, before sonorant, e.g. Lith. anglis "coal" OCS qglb < BS *ang-H; Lith.
ugnis "fire", OCS ognb < PIE *og-n-/n; Lith. slbnas "weak" < *slab-ns.
PSI. *Qglb is APa and the glottal stop is positively reflected here. The word fo
r "fire" is the one belonging to Kortlandt's clusters but Rasmussen reconstructs
different etymology. Lith. slbnas is a bit problematic. Proto-Slavic *slabh is A
Pa which is quite logical but it does not correspond Lithuanian circumflex. Derk
sen 2008:452-453 considers the Baltic form a borrowing. As Derksen aptly remarks
, Rasmussen's counterexample even the counterexample to his own proposal that WL
operates in pretonic position. But this does not explain Slavic acute.
2. -RD-, after a sonorant, e.g. Lith. stulbas "post, mast", ORus. sthlbh "colum
n", ON stolpi, Rassmussen considers the probable Slavic loanword; other Rasmusse
n's examples poit to the reconstructed aspirate, as he himself points e.g. Lith.
gaubti "curve", ON gaupn "hollow of the hand", PIE *ghoubh-n.
Rasmussen's blocking clusters are not real blocking clusters, they are either po
stulated without reference to Slavic accentuation or they can be explained by an
alternative etymology.
249
Conclusion
In the previous pages I proposed the development of Winter's law as a loss of gl
ottal stop before the voiced unaspirated obstruent. This is the basic idea of Ko
rtlandt which I accept. I claim that the loss of glottal stop has been controled
by the constraints responsible the laryngeal features of obstruents: AGREE, *LA
R, IDENT-LAR. Those constraints, developed by Lombardi as a description of the a
ssimilation of voice and voice neutralisation, can be successfully applied to th
e behaviour of glottal stop. Glottalization of the vowel nucleus (acute) is caus
ed by the lowerly ranked *V constraint which prohibits vowel glotalization.
Blocking clusters can also be explained by the above mentioned constraints with
the interaction of HG constraint which is responsible for the position of sonoro
us segments in the neighbourhood of the vowel nucleus.
250
9. Lachmann's law - "Lautgesetz" or analogy?
Introduction
Lachmann's Law is traditionally defined as the law in Latin where short vowel in
original PIE root ending in media is lengthened before participle suffix -to-:
RVD-to > RVT-to (\ego-lctus). The law was formulated by Lachmann in his commentar
y to Lucretius in 1850. The verbal forms undergoing Lachmann's law are e.g. legi
t-lgit-lctus "read", edit-dit-sus "eat", agit-git-ctus "act", frangit-fregit-frctus "br
eak". Vowels which are regularly prolonged in passive participle (which is the t
he position where Lachmann's law can be mostly observable) are a, u, o > , , 5. Vo
wel "e" is also prolonged to "" (ed-esus, leg-lectus, reg-rectus, apart from sede-ses
sus. High front vowel "i" is normally not prolonged to "T" - so find-fissus, scin
d-scissus but vide-visus is taken as an counterexample.
In the following pages I will deal with the history of research, review the data
and I will propose my own solution of the problem.
9.1. History of research
9.1.1. Neogrammarian approach
Osthoff 1884 tried to explain the influence of long perfects with -- vocalism to
past participles as "Formbertragung" while considering the possibility that older
short forms could remain paralel with Lachmann's Law results.
Saussure 1895 explained the the Lachmann's Law as an analogical introduction of
a voiced consonant which should trigger lengthening of the preceding vowel: *akt
os >agtos >gtos >ktos >ctus. But this is just ad hoc solution which applies only to
Lachmann's Law without any general appearance.
9.1.2. Rejection of Lachmann's law
The existence of Lachmann's law was refused by Kent (1928). According to Kent, a
ll cases of lenthening are explained by analogy in combination with the avoidanc
e of homonyms of divergent meaning. From the roots ending in voiced unaspirated
consonant, Kent excludes all past passive participles which end in -nctus, -nsus
; those participles have always long root
640 The overview and criticism of various approaches also in Strunk 1976 who, ho
wever, did not propose anything new apart from the complicated analogical phonet
ic-morphological explanations, see pp. 62-64 in his publication.
641 Kent 1928:188.
251
vowel before n - cTnctus (cing, cingere, cinxT), functus (fung, fungi), inctus (iun
g, lungere, inxT), linctus (ling, lingere, linxT), mnsus (mand, mandere, mnxT), pnsus (
pend, pender e, pependl), spnsus (sponde, spondre, spospondl) etc. Excluded are also
participles ending in voiceless consonant and with zero grade in the root - dic
tus (died, dlcere, dlxl), ductus (dc, dcere, dxT), ictus (Tc, Teere, TcT), ductus (dc,
dcere, dxT) etc.
Past passive participles and perfects could analogically adopt a long or short v
owel from the present: doctus (doce, docere, docuT), frictus (frig, frigere, frlxl
), nectus (neco, necre, necuT), sectus (sec, secure, secuT), coctus (coqu, coquere, cox
T), flexus (flect, fleetre, flexi), nexus (nect, nectere, next), pexus (pect, pecter
e, pexT), plexus (plect, plectere, plexT), fassus (fateor, fatrT) , -fessus (-fite
or, fitri), messus (meto, metre), passus (patlor, patl), quassus (quatl, quatere),
raptus (rapl, rapere, rapuT).
Long vowel in past participles could be analogically transposed from long perfec
t forms: actus (gT), fretus (frgT), lctus (legi), pctus (pgT), pTctus (pTnxT), rectus
(rxT) , tctus , tctus (text), casus , sus (dT),fusus (fdT), Visus (vidi). The problems
are with short forms -rictus, strictus (string, strinxi), -cessus (conced, conces
si), fissus (find, fidi), fressus (frend), passus (pand, pandi), scissus (scind, sci
di), sessus (sdT). Kent solves those counterexamples simply - as a result of anal
ogy: cessus for *ce-sesssus, fressus as an alternative form ofrsus, passus as an a
nomaly form being replaced by pnsus and scissus as a form being distinguished fro
m -cisus (from caed), so abscissus, excissus contra abscisus, excisus). Long part
iciple actus should have taken the long form from perfect which is gT. This contr
adicts the analogical development, so Kent assumes the old form *gai which should
influence the participle. The old form should be reflected in OIcl k, Gr. perfec
t echa, gmai . The new form gT should be an analogical perfect fromfecT It is quit
e clear that this evolution is purely arbitrary and it is not clear why fecT sho
uld influence just *gai. Moreover, Kent supposes that gT-ctus influenced frgT-frctus
and pgT-pctus . In my opinion, we can see here the concept of analogy ad absurdum
which, as deus ex machina, can be freely used to explain all possible anomalies
from regular development. No wonder that Lachmann's
642 Forms completed by me.
643 Kent 1928:186.
644 The form "raw" is an example of "overlapping exponence" (Spencer 1991:51-52)
where a single category is realized by a more than one marker. The corresponden
ce between a form and its function is many-to-one. In "rxT", the perfective is ma
rked by -s- and --. Spencer claim that a certain morphosyntactic category for cer
tain lexemes is signalled by root allomporphy as well as by an affix.
645 According to Kent, the length in participle is according to fretus, pctus.
646 Probably analogical according to other participles.
647 Kent 1928:185.
648 Kent 1928:186.
649 ibid.
252
Law is treated as a law which does not exist but there is just a combination of
massive analogical processes and homonym avoidances. Taking this claim seriously
, we could use analogical process as the explanation of every sound law possible
as well as deviations from
i 1 650
such laws.
9.1.3. Phonetic explanation
Maniet's 1956 article inclined to explain mechanism of lengthening phonetically
and also dealt with two possible explanations - the influence of supine to past
participle and the introduction of e-grade into the past participle forms. Havin
g e.g. the past participle gntus (*gen- + -largissement +tos >*geridtos >* gnatos (
zero grade) >gntus), that form was replaced by genitus according to the supine ge
nitum. Similarly, the supine from cad was *kdtum and this form replaced the old pa
st participle *kadtos > *kdtos > casus.
The phonetic lengthening is shown on the superlative form mximus < *mags-. Compar
ative form is maior < *magios with short "a". The long "" in superlative is unexp
ected unless we postulate a sort of analogy or a rule that lengthens that vowel.
In my opinion the explanation can be either due to the influence of regressive
assimilation *mags->maks- > mks- or due to the introduction of e- grade into the
root and the following lengthening.
As Maniet aptly observes, this kind of lengthening is only in Latin, it is not o
f Proto-Indo-European origin because it does not occur in Celtic languages. Iris
h superlatives nessam "the nearest" or tressam "the strongest" show short root v
owel.
Another interesting proof of the phonetic lengthening is the observation that "i
, e, a, o" lengthen before s+voiced segment, e.g. *prismos >primus, *se(k)sdecem
>sedecim; also before n+s/f, like *inferT > TferT. This is actually the tru
e compensatory lengthening.
9.1.4. Rule ordering
A great debate started in late 1960s . Kiparsky 1965 posited two ordered rules i
n which first the vowel is lengthened before voiced obstruent and then regressiv
e assimilation followed. Lachmann's law is seen here as a rule insertion which s
eems to be an essential
650 "I regret the appearance of Lachmann's law, in one or another of its forms,
in virtually all the recent handbooks." (Kent 1928:188).
651 This idea, obviously omitted by other authors, was elaborated later into Kor
tlandt's theory.
652 Maniet 1956:234.
653 Osthoff: 1884:114.
654 In his unpublished dissertation Phonological Change (MIT 1965). I was unable
to obtain the dissertation, although most authors dealing with Lachmann's law q
uote it. I therefoe use secondary information from the published articles dealin
g with the subject. Watkins 1968:56.
253
concept of Kiparski's approach. According to this rule the vowel was lengthnened
before -gt-
and -dt-:
[-consonantal] > [+long] /___[+obstruent, + voiced] [+obstruent, -voiced].
A modification ofthat rule can be:
V > [+long] /____[+obstr, -asp, +voiced]
The underlying forms are -gt- and -dt-, so *agtos > actus, *edtos >sus. The sound
change here is taken as an example of rule insertion (or rule addition in the s
eries of other rules). A rule insertion is taken as a proof of a grammatical cha
nge and an underlying form is considered as a condition to make a change operate
. It seems to be a plausible explanation but it would mean that the vowel should
be lengthened everytime it occurs before media. But Kiparski's rule insertion d
oes not explain why the lengthenning does not apply in cases like lassus < *ladt
os, tussis < *tudtis. Moreover, it also does not explain why the lengthening doe
s not occur before voiced aspirates, like trah-tractus, fodi-fossus, iube-iussus. A
n alternative solution would be that lengthening happens in certain morphologica
l domain but still, the rule seems to be applicable only to Latin past participl
es only without any other typological parallels. And, as Jasanoff aptly notes, K
iparsky's sound change is just a rule, based on acoustic and articulatory facts,
an ad hoc rule that completely omits the real speaker. As Collinge (1975:227) r
emarks, although a rule ordering is a handy tool to explain changes in phonologi
cal system of language, the rule
V > [+long] /___[+obstruent, +voice] [+obstruent, - voice]
is just unnatural. Should the rule of lengthening be purely phonetic, we should
also expect lengthening in other gramatical forms, like grex-gregis "herd"
Kiparski's ideas were heavily popularized by King (1969) within the general aim
to combine historical linguistics and generative grammar. Two rules are taking i
nto account, the regressive voicing assimilation rule (originally Indo-European)
:
[+obstruent] > [a voice] /_______[+ obstruent, a voice]
and the Lachmann's Law rule:
V > [+long] /____ [+ obstruent, + voice] [+ obstruent, - voice]
655According to Drachmann 1980:92.
656 See also Jasanoff 2004:406-409.
657 Watkins 1968:86.
658 Jasanoff 2004:207.
659 Baldi 1991:7.
254
while the former rule is considered as an example of rule addition into the gram
mar of a language (here Latin) where it applied to derivation between the system
atic phonemic and surface phonetic. Lachmann's Law rule should apply before the
assimilation rule:
Base form ago agtum fakio faktum
LLrule gtum
Ass.rule ktum
Final form ago ktum faki faktum
Latin spelling ago actum faci factum
It is clear that the from those rule successions the lengthening of perfect form
s are excluded or simply omitted. As noted above, it is not explained why the ru
les should apply only in past participles and not in perfect forms. To do so, we
should need another rule insertion to make the perfect form long and another on
e to distinguish this lengthening from the absence of length in present forms, i
n short, using the concept of rule insertion, we need at least two rules to expl
ain the quantitative difference ago and gT. The final algorithm becomes puzzling.
Paradoxically, the boost of rule insertion concept did not last long and was rej
ected by King himself in 1973. Rule insertion as a process of rule addition insi
de the grammar were dropped off and replaced by reorderings of constrains, some
cases of rule insertion were even admitted as wrong analyses. Lachmann's Law as
an example of rule insertion, is however still regarded as a sort of rule additi
on - after morphophonemic rules but before the fonetic rules, so not completely
abandoned.
9.1.5. Kurylowicz and Watkins' morphological explanation
Kurylowicz in his 1968 paper adduced that in PIE there was never oposition gt/kt
/gd, so devoiced kt is an Indoeuropean heritage. Kurylowicz explains Lachmann's
Law in a morphological way - that lengthening resulted due to the position in th
e system of oposition active-pasive, infectum-perfectum.
According to Kurylowicz, we have oposition legit (present active) lgit (perfectum
active), legitur (perfectum active) \ectus (perfectum active). Lengthening of t
he perfective form lctus is conditioned by perfect endings -T, -isti etc. Perfect
ive active lgit is in correlation to passive
660 King 1969:126-127.
661 King 1969:44.
662 King 1973:576.
663 Kurylowicz 1968:296.
255
perfective lectus and causes its lengthening > lctus. So the verbal forms are leg
ere-lgit-lctus, edere-dit-ctus, videre-vTdit-vTsus, emere-mit-mptus, also regere-rxit-r
tus, tegere-txit-tctus, agere-git-ctus, cadere-cecidit-csus. It is obvious that lengt
hening is limited to roots ending in -d, -g, -m. Absence of lengthening in forms
iacere-icT-iactus, facere-JecT-factus is explained by identity absence of root i
dentity between perfect active forms and the rest of forms in the system. The sa
me principle operates m findere-fidi-fissus, scindere-scidT-scissus ,where only
phonetic conditions are met (-d in roots), and in relinquere-reliquT-relictus, v
incere-vicT-victus, where neither morphological nor phonetic conditions are pres
ent. On the other hand, Kurylowicz has to operate with analogical lengthening in
fundere-fdi-fsus (like dit-sus) and tundere-tutudi-tsus according to fsus. Nasal pres
ents should block the influence of present stem with past participle form, but K
urylowicz does not explain why the similar nasal presents actually do influence
participles, because we have tang-tctus or frang-frctus but this is also an adhoc so
lution.
According to Kurylowicz, lengthening appeared in Latin when intervocalic mediae
aspiratae were fricativized and were in oposition with pure mediae. The proof sh
ould be the neutralisation of that oposition after nasals like umbilicus, minger
e, also lack of influence of disse-dit-sus to fodere-jodi (<l*fdi) also trahere-trax
T-tractus, vehere-vexT-vectus , iubre-iussi-iussum. Long forms tangere-tetigi-tctu
s, frangere-fregi-frctus and pang, pctus should have original long root vowel (or i
t was imitated according to any of the former forms). Kurylowicz also sees paral
els with *pepagit-*pktos as parael to Greek epgn: pkts. So length *pg- >pctus is reflec
ted by Gr. pgnumi, Gr. pktus.
Kurylowicz thinks that length in pctus is inherited, which is not, as shown by Lu
botsky. It is also very dubious how the length was transformed from the original
long perfect to past participle when we have reduplicated perfect with short ro
ot vowel and short vowel in reduplicant syllable - pepigi, tetigi... Therefore,
the influence of originally long pctus to *taktos, fraktos >tctus, frctus must be r
ejected. The problem of Kurylowicz' solution also obviously lies in the examples
like fodi-jodi-fossus "dig" which have original voiced aspirate and long perfect
but it is not explained why this long perfect fails to trigger lengthening in
passive participle. Also examples like veni-veni-ventus are curio
usly
It is "morphological" condition in Kurylowicz theory.
Kurylowicz 1968:297.
See also Jasanoff 2004:410.
Kurylowiccz 1968:298 has also pctus which shoud be pactus.
See Lubotsky 1981 for interpretation of pgnumi which is now called Lubotsky's law
.
256
explained as a phonetic shortening of the combination ov V+n+l,r,t but it does t
here are unexplained counterexamples like spnsus, tnsus, tnsus, pnsus where the comb
ination of -nt- did not or did (?) provoke change of vowel length.
Anyway, Kurylowicz' explanation of Lachmann's Law is morphological . From the va
rious means of Latin perfect forms it takes only "legi" type which triggers the
length in passive participle. The rest forms are variously remorphologised but t
his re-morphologisation completely excludes the real speaker and puts him into t
he position of unnecessary complicated analogical solution of just the only gram
matical problem.
Watkins 1968 adduces counterexamples lassus <*ladto- (Goth, lats), tussis <*tudt
i-(tund, OInd. tudti). Moreover, Watkins thinks that Lachmann's Law grade in Gr. pk
ts, rkts was indeed original but not for Latin, whence for the latter form we would
expect *wrg-:wrag- >Gr. rgnumi.errgn, Lat. *dhk-: *dhak- {feci: f ado) >*dhkto- but w
e have *dhakto- (/actus). He also points to the complexity of Kurylowicz' analog
ical construction which cannot explain why fundere-fiisus is lengthened but not
findere-fissus. For Watkins the situation with lengthening is more similar - pri
mary verbs with initial short root vowel lengthenend the vowel in perfectum. So
emere-mi ~ agere-*g > later gi according to faci-JecT. Watkins also hints that there
is a correspondence between long vowel perfect and reduplicated perfect - agere-
**g -actus ~ pang-*pepagT -pctus. So here we again see analogy but much more simple
than in Kurylowicz' conception. Watkins actually tries to reduce Kurylowicz' ar
guments to two processes - the original one leg-legi-lctus and the analogical one
ag-egi-ctus with the aim to put both two processes into one category where length
in pefrect produces morphological length in past participles, As for ago-gi the c
omplication lies in the absence of * *g form so it is not clear how and why the "e
" could be analogically put into the perfect form when the simple solution is ju
st **g.
The problem with fodi-fdi-fossus, sede-sedi-(ob)sessus is obviously with the lack o
f lengthening in the participle. For Watkins the perfect jodi never existed, it
is an analogical form according to dl (odi-odire). Therefore, no lengthening is po
ssible in fossus. As for sessus, Watkins considers the unexpected brevity in per
fectum as influenced by supine form sessum. Watkin's solution seems to be ju
st ad hoc prerequisite that short vowels in present
669 Kurylowicz 1968:297
670 See also Drinka 1991:69.
671 Similarly in Kurylowicz 1968:526-528.
672 See also Otkupikov 1984:88.
673 Watkinsl968:61-63.
674 Jasanoff points to the lengthened preterite *h2g- being also present in legi,
mT, dT, rgi(Jasanoff 2004:410)
675 Watkins 1968:64-65.
257
should prolong the same /or a different vowel in perfect forms (obviously withou
t any coda constraint). It is not explained why should such process take place a
nd why such long forms should trigger Lachmann's law in some forms and not in ot
hers, e.g. faci-fcT-factus, vinc-vTcT-victus. Phonetic conditions are ignored and m
ophological forms are the only means of causality.
9.1.6. Numerology
Foley 1969 rejected the interpretation of Lachmann's Law as ordered rule based p
rocess (first lengthening, then voice assimilation) as being ad hoc (no relation
of lengthening to other types of lengthening in Latin) and language idiosyncrat
ic (typological lengthening). As for other types of lengthening in Latin, Foley
adduces compensatory lengthening (CL) like dns < *dents, nidus < *nizdos. Foley c
oncludes that the general rule for Latin CL is that a vowel is prolonged before
[+consonantal [+continuant] segment. Similarly, Foley supposes that similar proc
ess happened in examples like 2sg *eds > *ds> *ts> *ss>s. The ordered rules are as f
oLachmann's Lawows - vowel lengthening >vocing assimilation > assibilation > clu
ster reduction. As for participle forms like actus, Foley also sees the lengthne
ning as a rule ordered process. However, the situation is a bit complicated here
. In forms like sancire-snctus which Foley adduces as an example of that kind of
lengthening, a complicated rules should take place. First, "t" should cause leng
htening although it is not clear why and how. If preceded by a consonant, "t" co
nverts it to a continuant - *sanctus >*snjtus. Then, a cluster simplification sho
uld follow but the resulted form could be **sdnus or sdtus. To avoid that proces
s Foley posits a rule that inserts a continuant between two stops. The distincti
ve features of that continuant are determined by features [voice] and [compact].
Voicing is determined by the second stop, compact feature depends on the first
stop. Between "g" and "t" a segment "x' is therefore inserted, so *sanktus > *sa
nkj(tus. The same process of "a continuant insertion" functions in 2sg *edt> *ed
st and also in agtus > *agjtus. Now, the problem with cluster simplification sti
Lachmann's Law remains because lengthening would fail in *sankj(tus because [+co
ntinuant] segment "n" is not followed by [+voiced] consonant. Therefore, Foley p
osits a bit clumsy ordered cluster simplifictation - the more complex
6/6 See also Drinka 1991:55.
677 See also Collinge 1975:229.
678 Foleyl969:135. As for dns , the process is similar: *dents>dnss>dns (vowel leng
thening>assibilation >cluster simplification.
679 Foley 1969:135.
258
clusters are simplified in descending order. So *sankj(tus > *sanj(tus > *snj(tus
is simplified earlier than *agj(tus >g](tus >](tus and *ds >s.
It is not quite clear how Foley gets the final form snctus < *snj(tus and gtus < *j(
tus but it is obvious that in the former example it can be reached by place assi
milation. Anyway Lachmann's Law is viewed here as a part of much more general vo
wel lengthening in Latin under similar process.
The more coherent and theoretically better founded explanation of Lachmann's Law
lengthening appeared in Foley's Foundations of theoretical phonology from 1977.
Foley claimed that the difficulties with Lachmann's Law are through the assumpt
ion that phonetically natural classes determine phonological processes. Therefor
e, the interpretation like this requires assumption that the law should apply un
iformly to all vowels in the same environment. But this is not so, so forms that
do not obey Lachmann's Law (e.g. strictus) are simply regarded as counterexampl
es with various possible explanations. For Foley, Lachmann's Law is just one of
the many phonological processes which suppose that consonants and vowels have di
fferent relative phonological strength. This strength is responsible for phonolo
gical processes to operate or to be absent. For example Romance vowels have the
relative phonological strength: i e u o a
12 3 4 5
while the relative strength of voiced consonants taking part in Lachmann's Law i
s:
d g
1 2
Relative strength means the relation of the elements to one another in a phonolo
gical system
and their propensity to undergo lenition. Foley claims that the relative strengt
h of course
depends on a language and tries to explain Lachmann's law as a result of the tot
al value due to
the combination of vowel and consonant elements.
In this conception, Lachmann's Law lengthening is actually strengthening and acc
ording to Foley, it applies differently to the vowel with different phonological
strength. The preference is the combination of strong vowels with weak consonan
ts.
As fo "a", which is the strongest vowel, lengthening always applies - actus, tctu
s, pctus.. .The high front vowel "i" is the weakest, so lengthening does not appl
y - strictus,
680 Formulation of the rule is mine.
681 Foley 1977:138.
682 Foley 1977:129.
683 Foley does not examine the causes of lengthening, he is interested on in the
input elements.
259
scissus. The vowel "e" with the strength 2 lengthens depending on the combinatio
n with a
consonant. When combined with "d", which has the strength 1, lengthening does no
t occur -
sessus, fressus , when combined with "g", which has the strength 2, the lengt
hening applies
- lctus, rectus, tctus. Vowel "u" has the strength value 3, so when combined both
with "d"
and "g", it lengthens -fsus, tsus, frctus. So before "g", all vowels lengthen apart
from "i",
before "d" only strong vowels "u" and "a" lengthen. Numerically, the total stren
gth number
must not be less then 4:
i+d =2 scissus
i+g = 3 strictus
e+g = 3 sessus
e+g = 4 rectus
u+d = A fsus
u+g = 5 frctus
a+d = 5 casus
a+g = 6 actus
The result of this analysis is that Foley sees Lachmann's Law as a normal develo
pment of strengthening process. In my opinon, there are three problem with this
analysis. First, the numerical symbols in Foley's analysis do not explain why le
ngthening occurs in past passive participles ony and why the lengthening is abse
nt in other forms, like present ones - ag, leg, freg. Second, the numerical computa
tion of the combination vowel+consonant is purely adhoc, it has no explanatory v
alue because it is only the numerical symbolism of the actual behavior of certai
n structures. To say that "i" before "d" does not explain, is the same as to say
that "1" + "1" is "2". The mechanism of change is reduced to formal behavior of
two successive elements. Third, although Foley successfully eliminates the numb
er of counterexamples to Lachmann's Law (like absence of lengthening of "i"), th
ree counterexamples still remain and are explained quite curiously. For "sus", wh
ich is combination of "e+d" (numerically 3) and no lengthening is expected, Fole
y posits long e-grade *ed-. Participle form visus, where the length is anomalous
because of the numerical value 2 (i+d = 2) is explained as the combination of g
lide form "u" + "i" +"d" with the background idea that the underlyin form of "u"
is actually "u". The total numerical value is 5 (3+1+1) and this causes lengthe
ning.
The counterexample is esus. To explain this anomaly, Foley supposes the original
length in Balto-Slavic *dmi. This would lead to the PIE form *hidmi, which is una
cceptable to me. 685 Adapted from Foley 1977:140.
260
Of course, this idea is simply bizzare and the magic of numbers is simply modifi
ed to apply to this unique syllabic structure. Moreover, "u" in *uid-tus is obvi
ously onset of the syllable and should not have any effect on the total syllable
weight. Foley does not hide that his approach is quite different from tradition
al ones and that he operates with the concept that phonological changes do not o
ccur to groups of sounds but to individual elements. Although this atomization s
uccessfully explains why certain elements lengthen or not, it does not explain w
hy this happens only in a isolated structures and reduces the phonological proce
ss to a primitive pythagorean mathematics.
9.1.7. Collinge
Collinge in his 1975 paper heavily criticised the Osthoff-Kurylowicz-Watkins mor
phological hypothesis as the only condition for Lachmann's Law. The whole concep
t is taken as a "dazzling aray of special arguments which leave only a lively se
nse of cumulative dissatisfaction". Collinge suggested that the solution should
be phonetical. He proposed series of nine duration levels in Latin ranging from
maximally short (e.g. prevocalic position like in "chaos" to maximally long syll
ables (e.g. long vowels in closed syllable like pastor). Lachmann's Law should b
e active between grades 4 and 6. Grade 5 should reflect past participles like fa
ctus which have short vowel and tenuis in root. This -ac- is considered to be th
e extension of the vocoid articulation into the syllabic release consonant, the
resulting vowel is therefore short. Grade 5 responds to actus. The original syll
able contains short vowel and media (*agto-) and the "checking" (or probably par
sing) rests on the following consonantal sequence coda+onset (i.e. over the syll
abic boundary). The resulting sequence is long (there may be voicing assimilatio
n which is irrelevant for lengthening process.
9.1.8. Lengthening rules independent of Lachmann's law?
Perini 1978 thinks that Lachmann's Law is not a rule at all and suggests its eli
mination from Latin grammars. According to Perrini, the lengthening rule existed
in Latin before the operation of Lachmann's Law. That rule is the the one that
lengthens root vowels before active perfect endings, so legit contra legit:
V > [+long] /____C0 + +affix
686 Foley 1977:141.
687 ibid.
688 Collinge 1975:228.
689 Collinge 1975:237-240.
690 Collinge 1975:238-239.
261
+perfect +active This rule should be marked and apply only to verbal forms that
respect it. Lengthening in passive perfect like actus is the same process apart
from that a feature [+active] is dropped. For Perini, Lachmann's Law is therefor
e no law but just a variant of existing rules.
This very simplified solution was challenged by Klausenburger 1979 who admits th
at the general rule of lengthening in perfect active does not necessary mean an
automatic lengthening of passive participle. The counterexamples are e.g. vincit
- vicit - victus "conquer", facit - Jecit - factus "do", rumpit - rpit - ruptus
"break", capit - cpit -captus "capture". Klausenburger's explanation is just simp
le - the lengthening is morphonologically conditioned and Perini's general rule
(concerning Lachmann's Law) should therefore be modified: active perfect endings
, so legit contra lgit
V > [+long] /____C + +affix
[+voice] +perfect - active
Similar remark was made by Joseph 1979 claiming that in Perini's interpretation
actually any feature could be dropped so just positing that we omit feature [-ac
tive] does bring any solution and obscurs the motivation of change.
Stephens 1979 in his remark obviously misunderstood the mechanism of rules leadi
ng to Lachmann's Law because he asssumes inherited *lektos as changing to *legto
s (leg+tos). Is is not quite clear if this is a misprint or a an interpretation
of the author. Stephens notices that Lachmann's Law concerns only verbs having n
ormal grade in the present but PIE lengthened grade in the perfect, although not
every verb with lengthened grade in the perfect undergoes Lachmann's Law. Analo
gical transfer of long vowel from perfect active to perfect passive is purely ar
bitrary. Moreover, a subgroup of verbs having -s- from original PIE aorist also
has lengthened grade (regere-rxT-rctum). So Stephens adds to previous rules the [+
stem formative] feature which should cover the examples of lengthening in s-perf
ects. However, all this also does not explain the mechanism of Lachmann's Law.
No counterexamples becasue the root *d ehr adds the suffix *k (de Vaan 2008:198)
. No LL because of the root *reup- (LIV:510-511) No LL because of the root *keh2
p- (LIV: 344-345) Joseph 1979:364.
262
9.1.9. Lachmann's law as a part of multiple processes
Gaberell Drachman 1980 dealt with Lachmann's law from the broader point of view.
Breaking the mechanism of the law into separate parts of change, Drachman tries
to explain the law as a multiple conditioned process. He uses special terminolo
gy for each part. According to Drachman, among factors contributing to the opera
tion of Lachman's law are: patient - a segment undergoing a change (the lengthen
ed vowel); agent - a segment triggering a change (root final voiced stop); envir
onment - negative (inhibiting or blocking a change) or sponsoring (triggering a
change); directionality of change (from left to right or right to left). Patient
- the root vowel that lengthens, is considered in terms of strength. In the hie
rarchy, "i" is considered the weakest, status of "u, e" and "o" is unclear, "a"
is the strongest. The similar hierarchy can be observed in the agent - vowels ar
e lengthened less before voiceless spirants, more before voiced stops and nasals
and almost regularly before voiced spirants.
As for environment, the obvious problem with Lachmann's law is that lengthening
does not occur before voiced aspirates. Therefore, Drachman accepts Foley's conc
eption of weak and strong consonants by postulating that voiced aspirates are we
aker than voiced stops, therefore no lengthening can be observable before them.
In association with it, an ordering paradox pops up - either vowel lengthening p
recedes devoicing assimilation > voiced aspirates cause lengthening, or devoicin
g asimilation precedes vowel lengthening > no lengthening can be observable. Acc
ording to Drachman, the lengthening occurs or does not occur in a domain vowel +
consonant. Lengthening in the domain vowel + [+voiced, + aspirated] should have
had lower "treshold" than voiceless assimilation, therefore, in the combination
VD t- only assimilation happened, not lengthening.
Drachman thinks that what we observe in Latin past participle is the pressure of
the system to restore voiced stop with subsequent lengthening. The process oper
ates with the simultaneous vowel and consonant hierarchy: vowel strength (left t
o right) i-e-u-o-a; consonant strength (manner of articulation - v-w-r-voiced sp
irant-voiced stop-voiceless sonorant-voiceless stop; place articulation: k-t-p;
g-d-b).
An interesting remark Drachman made for environment responsible for operation of
Lachman's law. Left environment (which is actually the syllabe onset) is respon
sible for
695 Drachman 1980:80.
696 An interesting observation is that certain cluster trigger or block the leng
thening, V >[+long] /__ns, nf, nkt
nks, gn, {dns, sdnctus, ignis). Lengthening occurs before the group n+spirant clu
ster. On the other hand, the
cluster n+alveolar stop at the end of the worddoes not provoke the root vowel le
ngthening: V > [-long] /__nt #,
(amant).
697 So either *agtos >*gtos > actus or *agtos->*aktos>actus.
698 Drachman 1980:93.
263
lengthening if the onset contains initial [+labial] segment, so *gwresus > frsus,
but *gressus >gressus. Absence of onset (after the loss of laryngeals, obviousl
y) also triggers the lengthening of nucleus - sus, sus, actus. Right environment (
root coda) depends on relative strength of the segments. Root final "g" is consi
dered weak and provokes lengthening. Cluster "ss" is taken as stronger and shoul
d the root nucleus be long, it must contain a weak vowel. The problem is, howeve
r, whether "u" has the same strength as "o", because we havefiisus but fossus.
Summarised, Lachman's law in Drachman's interpretation is the res
ult of various "constraints" interaction together with simultaneous morphologi
sation.
9.1.10. Back to phonetic explanation - Otkupikov
Otkupikov made an interestin criticism of previous conceptions of Lachmann's law.
Otkupikov criticises Maniet's claim that supinum influenced past participle forms
by introducing e-grade into the root. In Otkupikov's opinion, supine form was too
rare to influence other more common forms. Moreover, analogical forms sum>sus do n
ot explain why the same influence failed in sessum-sessus, or dictum-dictus , ru
ptum-ruptus. We should suppose that supine influenced past participles in both l
ength and brevity, which solves nothing. Otkupikov therefore thinks that where the
brevity in participles is, the regressive voiced assimilation is of PIE origin
and no lengthening operated (if we take the influence of root voiced consonant i
nto account). Correspondences in Old Indie or Greek seem to support the hypothes
is - Lat. pictus, OInd picth; Lat. fissus, OInd. bhitth; Latsessus, OInd. satth; La
t. scissus-Gr. skists. If length is observed, those forms are Latin neologisms. T
he big mistake of Kurylowicz-Watkins solution is, according to Otkupikov, the wron
g presumption that all forms of Latin past participle existed already in proto-l
anguage, even if in PIE we have parallel -n- and -t- past participle suffixes. I
ndoiranian, Germanic and Slavic languages have both suffixes in past participles
, Latin and Lithuanian use only -t- now. Otkupikov envisages the substitution of a
djective forms with n-suffix by t-suffix (both suffixes existed simultaneously i
n PIE, so *agnos>agtos>actus. As for the lengthening, it can be phonetically con
ditioned due to the regressive voiced assimilation or, as Otkupikov also reasons,
lengthening could be triggered by compensatory lengthening thanks to syncope, *a
gnos > *agetos (introduction of e-grade?) > actus. The annoying question that ri
ses here is
Otkupikov 1984.
No LL because of the root *deik'- (LIV: 108-109)
Otkupikov 1984:84.
264
how we prove that syncope operated also in past participle form with long vowels
(should there were any) or why syncope did not always produce lengthening, like
dictus or ruptus. Otkupikov aptly observes that the forms which in Latin or in ot
her Indo-European languages preserved the old n-suffix underwent Lachmann's law:
*agnos, n-suffix Lith agnus, men-suffix Lat. agmen, past participle actus; *pag
nos, n-suffix Lat. pinos, men-suffix in Latin pagmentum, r-suffix Olnd.pajr-, pas
t participle pctus; *legnos, n-suffix Lat. lignum, men-
70?
suffix in Lat. ablegmina, past participle in lectus.
Otkupikov's solution of Lachmann's law is therefore the combination of phonetic an
d word-formation processses. Phonetically, voiced regressive asimilation occurs
with possible triggering of the root vowel. Simultaneously, this change operates
in the background of the Latin tendency to unificate past participle forms with
t-suffix only.
9.1.11. N-infix transfer
Bridget Drinka in her 1991 article dealt with Lachmann's law from a new and inno
vative approach. Drinka also noticed the obvious connection between Winter's law
and Lachmann's law. This comparison is quite anomalous among scholars outside t
he Leiden school. For Drinka, Winter's law was not conditioned by segments outsi
de the syllable in contrast to Lachmann's law where the condition "voiceless obs
truent must followed the root" existed. It is dubitable whether this is the real
condition triggering Lachmann's law. We can agree that morphologically, Lachman
n's law operated only in past participles with "*-tos" suffix but it is question
able if the "t" itself in the suffix triggers the lengthening of a vowel in prec
eding syllable.
Drinka also discusses the glottalic approach to the solution of Lachmann's law,
i.e. the one by Kortlandt and by Baldi. It is not clear to Drinka, how "t" in La
tin would cause the glottalic consonant to retain glottalistation and how the le
ngthening could operate. This is because her misunderstanding of the Kortland's
conception of glottalic consonants. Kortlandt always speaks abou preglottalic co
nsonants C. It means that in Kortlandt's interpretation there were never forms l
ike C , therefore clusters CT did not exist. Preglottalised consonants could be
dissolved into ?C (full glottal stop + consonant) with subsequent compensatory l
engthening. Paradoxically, this is also the solution offered by Baldi whose appr
oach Drinka also puts
Complete list of forms in Otkupikov 1984:89. Drinka 1991:56.
265
under criticism. Although dismissing both Kortlandt's and Baldi's approach, Drin
ka does not discuss why those explanations are unnatural.
Instead of it, Drinka offers an alternative solution of compensatory lengthening
in Latin past participles due to the loss of nasal infix. This nasal infix had
to be transferred from present stems to the participal forms and the whole proce
ss including the lengthening of the root vowel in participles operated in severa
l stages.
First stage saw root with no n-infix in present stems. Those stems did not have
any lengthening in past participles - tene-tentus, sTd-sessus, faci-factus. The dev
elopment is the same as in those roots ending with voiced aspirates - fodi-fossus
, iube-iussus, veh-vectus. So the in the first stage, both roots ending in plain v
oiced and roots ending in voiced aspirates behaved in the same way - no lengthen
ing was observed regardless the "*-tos", so "t" has no influence on the quantity
of preceding syllable.
In the second stage, present forms of the old roots (also those with reduplicate
d perfects) joined verbs containing the nasax infix - scind-scissus, according to
that form > tund-*tundtus, sponde-spospondT-*spondsus . Similarly, "n" was introd
uced in past participles of present stems containing "g" in root - pang-pepigT-*p
angtus, tang-tetigT-*tangtus. Drinka thinks that the insertion of nasal from pres
ent stems to passive participles resulted in the creation of different syllable
structures (apart from the further lengthening of preceding vowel). The resultin
g syllable structure depended on the root coda: -Vnd.t- > -Vn.s- (*dt>s, assimil
ation and spirantisation), -Vng.t > -Vkt- (ng > assimilation of place and voice)
. The obvious problem here is the mechanism of compensatory lengthening which Dr
inka omits. She points that by the "n" introduction to past participles "overly-
heavy" syllables were created but it is actually "t" which contributes to the ov
erly-heavy cluster (although "t" is not tautosyllabic). The mechanism of compens
atory lengthening is also very dubious - in the first example -Vnd.t- it is "d"
causing lengthening, in the second example -Vng.t- is the lengthening caused by
"n". The plain error ofthat analysis is that "t" cannot be tautosyllabic without
breaking the sonority hierarchy, so *pangtus can be syllabified as pang.tus not
pangt.us, so I am not aware how those superlong syllables can be formed.
Drinka's argument that compensatory lengthening through nasal loss is well attes
ted in other languages cannot be taken as a proof because her examples *lupons >
lupus, *pedens >peds contain tautosyllabic "n" whose loss causes the "real" comp
ensatory lengthening. There are no overly-long syllables.
704 Drinka 1991:58.
705 Drinka 1991.62.
266
The lack of lengthening in forms containing root "i" - ping-pictus, string-strictu
s, fing-fictus present also a problem for Drinka's analysis. She explains the lac
k of lengthening in passive participle by a simple postulate that n-infix was an
cient there and had not spread into the participle. According to Drinka, "n" is
actually not an infix anymore but it is a part of the root. If forms ping-pictus
is an archaismus, then fictus and strictus, fissus, scissus, mictus, ictus are a
nalogically short according to pictus because they have no nasal. But quintus ha
s got nasal, so Drinka's explanation is quite ad hoc - lengthening operated unde
r different conditions.
Anyway, in Drinka's conception, the further step the influence of "T-root" forms
on "u-root" forms. Long forms in n-infixed stems vinci-vTnxT-vinctus "bind", lin
go-linxT-linctus
____ ____
707
"lick", extinguo-extinxi-extinctus "extinguish", cingo-cinxi-cinctus "gird" shou
ld influence past participles of iung-inxi] pung-pupugl, ungu-nxT >inctus, pnctus, nct
.
In the next stage, length in from the above mentioned forms spread to forms with
out nasal presents, like leg-lectus, ag-ctus. Counterexamples ale fodi-fossus and ve
ni-ventus, while brevity in ventus can be explained by vowel shortening before -n
t- cluster.
In Drinka's analysis, perfect forms play no role, they only trigger the connecti
on between nasal and non-nasal verbs.
The problematicity of this kind of Lachmann's law explanation lies in the ad-hoc
-aid of "n" infix to cause various kinds of compensatory lengthening. Verbs are
supposed to undergo changes on different chronological levels. Counterexamples t
o lengthening like fissus, lassus, pessum, scissus, sessus, tussis (*-dt->-ss-)
are not explained. The n-infix introduction is very complicated process and actu
ally selects only a group of verbs where the real compensatory lengthening shoul
d operate. The different chronological levels are just incidental and otherwise
unrecorded and are not described in literature.
9.1.12. Lachmann's law in recent historical grammars
Lachmann's Law was alco accepted by Sihler 1995 and Meiser 1998 in the new stand
ard historical grammar of Latin language. Sihler sticks to the traditional conce
pt of the influence of perfectum. Lengthening in past participles occurs, wherev
er the root ends in "g" or "d" and where both devoicing of root-final stop in th
ose participles and long vowel in perfect forms occur. Sihler combines phonetic
and morphological explanation of the Lachmann's Law.
706 Drinka 1991:65.
707 Length in ppp. is not attested everywhere, moreover, the first syllable coda
ends in reconstructed voiced aspirate which is irrelevant for LL.
708 See also criticism by Kortlandt 1999:246-247.
267
Counterexample string-strinxT-strictus is considered not as a counterexample but
as a normal development because Sihler claims that the length in strmxT is secon
dary. Unexpected brevity in find-fidifissus, pand-pandT-passus is thought to be du
e to splitting of similar forms fdT "poured" and fidl "split" > *fudto- > *fiissu
s > fiisus and *fidto- > fissus.
Meiser 1998 accepts Lachmann's Law neither from morphological nor from analogica
l "Ausgleichsphenomn" but seem to accept Kortlandt's glottalic explanation, altho
ugh remarks that some forms do not obey his theory, like tussis or fissus.
9.1.13. Jasanoff - blast from the past
Jay Jasanoff made an in-between explanation between Kiparsky's and Kury
lowicz'
711
approach - the sound law on one hand, analogy on the other hand. Actually, Jasan
off claims that the sound law is created due to analogy. As a similar developmen
t to Neogrammanan approach (a la de Saussure), Jassanoff adduces examples from S
lavic consonant clusters *vedti >vesti "lead" (the regressive assimilation and s
-insertion) and *vezti > vesti "convey" later developed to Ukr. vezty. This deve
lopment should be parallel with de Saussure's conception of consonant assimilati
on.
Jasanoff also points to the effect of Latin syncope in superlative type mximus "t
he biggest". The long "" in superlative is anomalous because both positive and co
mparative has short "a" magnus-maior <*magios. Mximus is therefore explained as s
yncopated *magismmos > *magsmnos and the following regressive assimilation to
*maksmos and
71 ?
further lengthening of the root "a" > *maksimos. This process is similar to Lach
mann's law in Neogrammanan approach. The obvious problem with other superlatives
of the type pessimos is solved by postulating that long "" was shortened due to
-issimus superlative type and general littera shortening, so *pedismmos
> syncopated *pedsmmos > regressive
_ _
71^
asimilation and lengthening *petsmmos > *pessmmos >shortening/?e,s',s7>ra/,s'.
Syncope, assimilation of voice and lengthening are therefore put into "rule orde
ring" in Jasanoff approach to Lachmann's law. First, the syncope of mximos type o
ccured. Then, root
/uy Sihler 1995:75-76.
710 Meiser 1998:79-80.
711 Jasanoff throws away Kortlandt's explanation of Lachmann's law as "unaccepta
ble" without even discussing it or explaining what the unacceptability of glotta
lic approach lies in, see Jasanoff 2004:410-411, note 10. Jasanoff also does not
see the obvious connection of Winter's law and Lachmann's law - the similar syl
lable structure, the different results. The polarity Jasanoff versus Kortlandt w
ith numerous clashes dates back to the 1980s (the polemics about final syllables
in JIES) and the Baltoslavic accentology, started in Per aspera ad asteriscos.
712 Referring to Cowgill, W.: Italic and Celtic Superlatives and the dialects of
Indo-European., in Cardona, G. et al: Indo-European and Indo-Europeans., Univer
sity of Chicago Press 1970, 113-153.
713 Jasanoff 2004:411-412.
268
final "g" in past participle forms before suffixes beginning with voiceless obst
ruent (*-tos) were restored - so *aktos, rektos, striktos > *agtos, regtos, stri
gtos. Jasanoff support this change by the similar development in Slavic consonan
t clusters, where e.g. Ukr. vesty > vezty "convey". The "z" in infinitive is res
torated from present stem "vez-". The same restoration to past participle should
apply in Latin. However, this is just arbitrary explanation because in my opini
on a change like this has nothing to common with Lachmann's law. First, it is qu
ite clear that the contrast vesty - vezty is just the only one and maybe due to
the need to distinguish the similar forms. Second, the restoration of voiced fri
cative in Ukrainian has nothing to common with lengthening of the preceding vowe
l - the parallels are only apparent.
The same reintroduction of the voiced consonant to past participle from present
stems should apply in roots ending in "d", so *kassos, tussos, fissos >*kadsos,
tudsos, fidsos. Again, a parallel with Ukrainian restitution of voiced element i
n beregti > berei > berehi is seen.
After the restoration of voiced obstruent in past participles, Lachmann's law op
erated. Lachmann's law here is interpreted as two-step process - regressive voic
ed assimilation and lengthening of the preceding vowel, so *agtos, regtos, kadso
s, tudsos > actus, rectus, kssus, tssus. Curiously, Jasanoff compares this type of
lengthening to the one in Nsg of Slavic o-stems, like *bogh>bg (Polish) or Olr.
*dant >dt "tooth". However, those are two different processess having nothing to
common with Lachmann's law. Both Slavic and Old Irish forms show that a syllable
segment was lost.
As for lack of "i" lengthening, Jasanoff thinks that Lachmann's law did not caus
e the lengthening due to a crosslinguistic tendency of high-vowels to remain sho
rt, so visus is interpreted as a neologism to vidi.
9.1.14. Glottalic theory explanation
Baldi 1991 tried to explain the mechanism of Lachmann's Law from the glottalic t
heory. The traditional Indo-European series of voiced unaspirated obstruents are
replaced by a row of glottalic consonants: b=p' , d= , g=k', so the forms sessus
, essus, actus, strictus, rectus used to have roots *se -, e-, ak'-, stri(n)k'-, r
ek'-. Lachmann's Law can be formalised as: VC + to- > VCto-.
Jasanoff 2004:414.
269
Baldi's glottalic system is as follows:
p' bh/b p/p
dh/d tVt
k'w g /g kwh/kw
alophones alophones
From PIE to Latin the evolution of consonants is as follows: *p7p > Lat. p, *pne-
"foot", Lat. pes, pedis; *tVt > Lat. t, *threyes "three" > Lat. trs; *kVk > Lat.
c(h), *khmthom "hundred", Lat. centum; *d7d > Lat. f,d,b, * lumos "smoke" > Lat.
fmus. Glottalic responses to Latin are as follows: *p' > Lat. b, *p'el- "strong"
> Lat. dbilis; * >Lat. d, *omos "house" > Lat. domus; *k' > Lat. g, *k'enos "race"
> Lat. genus; *k'w > Lat. u/gu, *k'wen- "come" > Lat. veni. Traditionally, PIE v
oiceless obstruents *p, t, k > Lat. p, t, k, PIE voiced obstruents > Lat. b, d,
g and PIE voiced aspirates > Lat. b,d,g/f,f,h. In Baldi's glottalic system, the
development is as follows: PIE *p7p, fy kh/k > PLat. *p, t, k > Lat. p, t, k; PI
E*bh dh gh >PLat. *ph kh> *(|), 6, x > Lat. f, f, h; PIE *b, d, g > PLat. b, d,
g > Lat. b, d, g; PIE p', , k' > PLat. *6, , d"> Lat. b, d, g.717 Baldi also claim
s that if PIE *p', , k' > Lat. b, d, g, we should have responses of Germ, p, t, k
. According to traditional model, PIEvoiceless *p, k, k, kw > PGmc *f, p, h, hw;
PIE voiced unaspirated *b, d, g, gw > PGmc *p, t, k, kw/k and PIE voiced aspira
tes *b ; d ; g , gw > *b, d, g, gw/g. Baldis glottalic model supposes the follow
ing development: PIE *p7p, th/t; kh/k, kwh/kw > PGmc *f, p, h, hw; PIE *bh/b dh/
d gh/g, gwh/gw > PGmc *b, d, g, gw/g and PIE glottalic *p', , k', k'w > PGmc *p,
t, k, kw which corresponds to Lat. b, d, g, gu. Latin voiced unaspirated can als
o reflect glottalic consonant secondarily voiced between vowels: teg < *tek'-, but
tctus < *tek't os. Fricatives can result from assimilation and assibilatiomyi/ms
' < *g ut't os.
Lachmann's Law in Baldi's hypothesis is due to the compensatory lengthening proc
ess CVC't os > CV?Ctos > CVCtos in syllable final position, so only in past part
iciples. The same process does not operate in word final position, so there is n
o compensatory lengthening in Latin grex. As seen here, the glottalic consonant
disintegrated into the obstruent and glottal stop which later caused the compens
atory lengthening. The problem rises with unexpected brevity in lassus, pessum,
scissus, -sessus and tussis reflecting the structure -VSS- < *-Vt't os.
715 Baldi 1991:10-11.
716 ibid.
717 ibid.
718 Baldi 1991:13.
719 Schema is mine.
270
Baldi claims that the surface variants -VSS-/-VS are unpredictable and therefore
we have
770
various parallel lexical forms like litera/littera, Ipiter/Iuppiter etc. Baldi tr
ies to explain brevity in participles of lassus-type as the realisation of a pro
cess that is sporadic and lexical
77 1
and due to it the complex with geminates/or nongeminates can have three moras
, so:
O G
WS VSS
Baldi interprets the different development of *-Vt os- as a parasitic harmony, lo
ss of glottalisation without lengthening due to the phonetically close segments,
so *- t't os (parasitic harmony) > -Vssus, *t't os (no harmony) > -Vsus. In my
opinion, what we observe here, is no unpredictable development, but a typical ex
ample of a closed syllable effect. I deal with it below in greater detail .
The most important contributions to the puzzling problem of Lachmann's law were
made
777
by Kortlandt. Three of his articles successfully used the presupposition of the
preglottalic consonants existence and their influence on the preceding syllab
le nucleus. Kotlandt's
? ... .
. . ? _
preglottalic consonants CV C give lengthening in Latin passive participles *a gt
os > agtus
9
and acute in Balto-Slavic (Winter's law) *por gos > prgh (APa) with reflections,
in Cz. prh,
77^
SCr. prg. With the conception of Italo-Celtic proto-language it is interesting to
observe whether Lachmann's law operated in Celtic. It did not, as Old Irish rec
ht "law" and Latin rectus. It means that preglottalisation still existed in Ital
ic branch after the distintegration of Italo-Celtic.724
Kortlandt supposes that passive participles had different ablaut forms depending
on the root structure. Roots with CeC- structures had e-grade form before Lachm
ann's law, like in actus, sus, lctus, sus, rectus, tctus, also vectus whose root end
s in voiced aspirate *ueg'htos. In -essus the e-grade was inserted after Lachman
n's law, as Kortlandt claims, because the language system had a tendency to avoi
d zero forms -ssus from *-sdtos. The form
720 Baldi 1991:17.
721 Baldi 1991:17.
Lachmann's law., The new sound of Indo-European: Essays in phonological reconstr
uction., Mouton de Gruyter 1989, 103-105.; Lachmann's law again., Language chang
e and typological variation: In honor of Winfred P. Lehmann on the occasion of h
is 83rd birthday, vol. I: Language change and phonology. Journal of Indo-Europea
n studies, monograph 30, 1999, 246-248; Italo-Celtic (www.kortlandt.nl 2006); al
l reprinted in Kortlandt, F.: Italo-Celtic origins and prehistoric development o
f the Irish language., Rodopi 2007.
723 Beekes 1995:133 uses the same results but with different notation. Preglott
alised consonats should evolve to the combination of a glottal stop and a follow
ing consonant. This is also my conception. As far as I know, Kortlandt does not
speak about glottal stop, mostly about preglottalised consonants and glottalic f
eatures of the preceding vowels, although in Kortlandt 1999 he writes about glot
talic feature preserved as a glottal stop which causes the lengthening in Latin
past participles.
724 Kortlandt 1989:103.
271
7?S
can be observable in Latin nidus "nest" <*nisdos . Structures CeRC had zero grad
e CrC, Secondarily, e-grade was introduced there later but before the Lachmann's
law operated. The examples are *ghrdhtos > *-grassos>Latin -gressus "stepped" (
as and example of CrDh stem, also in CrD stem like *bhrg'tos > *bhragtos>frctus.
Therefore, we find length in cases w.
777
CeHC- root had both grades. Kortlandt also claims that the similar structure
s with laryngeal
o o
and preglottalised consonant show opposite effect, so zero grade CffC >C?'C>C?C,
so the preglottalic feature was lost after a laryngeal, like *k' Ji2d- >cass, *l
hidtos > lassus. The similarity with Lubotsky's law is that this process results
in a short vowel. We know that the
798

structure CHC- gives CaC- in Latin. Therefore, the participle forms casus,
pactus, tactus
770
with the forms k'li2d-to-, pli2d-to-, tli2d-to - shoud be reflected as *'casus,
pactus, tactus. In fact, we observe length there. Kortlandt explains the situati
on with the later introduction of e-grade, otherwise the length is unexplainable
. The explanation is quite logical because the Sanskrit cognate roots of *k'Ii2d
- are sad- "to fall", of *pli2d- is paj-r "solid, firm" and of tctus.
Blockage clusters -NC- prohibited the operation of Lachmann's law because in Ita
lo-Celtic the obstruents were neutralised and developed into voiced counterparts
in that position: Lat.

7^1
pando < *-nt-, pingo < *-nk'-, mungo <*-nk- . However, as Kortlandt remarks, the
original obstruent was often analogically restored, so find-fissus, scind-scissus
, string-strictus, where the neutralisation was extended to passive participles,
but passus, pictus, where the neutralisation from present forms were not extende
d to those forms.
Kortlandt's theory has been adopted by Schrijver 1991:134-138. Schrijver observe
s that all vowel might be lengthened but *a is sometimes lengthened or not, ther
efore the difference between actus and lassus "tired" The latter form is conside
red original (*'lehid-) because the root should be isolated in Latin (sic). Schr
ijver rejects Kortlandt's explanation of casus, pctus and tctus and things that th
e glottalic feature was restored here on the basis of present and perfect forms.
The restoration of glottal stop is almost the same principle as Drinka's n-infi
x -
725 See Kortlandt 1999:247 for details.
726 Reconstructions by Kortlandt 1999:247.
727 CeH?C form can be observed in Lubotsky's law where the anomalous short root
vowel is explained by previous assimilation of the laryngeal (glottal stop) and
preglottalised consonant (or a glottal stop and an unvoiced obstruent in my inte
rpretation).
728 e.g. Beekes 1995:142.
729 de Vaan 2008:78, 442,606.
730 Kortlandt 1989:104. Contrary to Kortlandt, de Vaan 2008:606 claims that leng
th in tctus is due to Lachmann's law.
731 This is the old Thurneysen's observation, see Kortlandt 1989:105.
272
the difference is only in the quality of the segment. As my explanation is diffe
rent (see below), I cannot agree with Schrijver's explanation.
The innovative concept of Kortlandt's theory is not only the mechanism of preglo
ttalic consonants which cause the length (and the same clusters also cause Winte
r's law in Balto-Slavic), but also the effective explanation of various misleads
of Lachmann's law due to the different ablaut grade in passive participles.
Summary
Taking apart fantastic hypotheses as well as various analogy explanations (being
actually no explanations) the most optimal solution of the nature of Lachmann's
law are Drinka's and Kortlandt's approaches. Although I have criticised many Dr
inka's explanations above, some examples can be explained by a secondary n-infix
according to present forms. But I argue that the n-infix occured after Lachmann
's law (in the roots of the original CV?D- structure and the long vowel in final
CVNCTu- form is only because the -N- is not moraic.
Kortlandt's application of preglottalic consonants (which disintegrated into a c
luster of a glottal stop+obstruent, as I argued in the previous chapter) not onl
y fits into the whole Kortlandt theory of accentuation but also easily explains
why the same structures undergo Winter's law in Balto-Slavic and Lachmann's law
in Latin, the fact that did not generally come into attention of many scholars.
In the following lines I will check the data if they fit into the theory and I w
ill propose my own OT solution of Lachmann's law.
9.2. Review of data
1) ago "drive", gT, actus, Gr. go, OInd. jati, Av. az- "to lead", Pllr *Haz- (
Cheung 2007:171-172), TochB k-, ON aka, PIE *ag'-- (IEW:4), *h2eg'- (LIV:255),
perfect form eg! is normally considered as a replacement of the original form, f
or discussions see de Vaan (2008:31); NIL accepts Lachmann's Law for past partic
iple, reconstructs -li2g't-(NIL 2008:277); Schrijver (1991:27-28, 31) dealt on th
e *h2g'-to/h2eg'- problem. He posits
change from the structure *HC > *aC /__#, i.e. vocalisation of the laryngeal
before
morpheme boundary. Particple form actus was then remodelled according to ago < *
h.2eg'-
which does not seem probable.
Status: positive example of LL.
Further references: DELL:27-32, Chantraine: 17-18, Frisk 1:18, EWAi 1:50-51.
273
2) cado "fall", cecidi, casus, OInd. sad-, Arm. cacnum, Olr casar "hail" *kad-t-
ara), PIE*k'ad-(IEW:516, LIV:318).
Proto Indo-Iranic form reconstructed as *sad- (EWAi:607). Glottalic hypothesis s
upported by OInd. form sad- which reflects Lubotsky's law. De Vaan posits PIE *(
k'e)k'li2d-, reduplicated form gives perfect form cecidi, ablauted zero form lea
ds to cad- in cad, cadere; this solution already suggested by Schrijver (1991:100
, 136-138) who also accepts Lachmann's Law in casus.
Status: positive example of LL. Further references: DELL: 145-147
3) ed "eat", dT, sus, Gr. domai, OInd. dmi, Av. aiti, Olr. eini, esse, Hitt. d-, Lit.
sti, OCSjasti, Rus. jes, Cz. jst, SCr.jsti-jdm Goth. itan;
PIE *ed- (IEW:287-289), *hied- (LIV:230-231)
Balto-Slavic forms with acute reflect Winter's Law, those forms belong to the ca
nonic corpus of positive examples of Winter's Law with reconstructed Balto-Slavi
c form *e?sti (see also Derksen 2008:154). Before the acceptance of Lachmann's a
nd Winter's Laws the long "" in Latin and Balto-Slavic lead to reconstruction bac
ked on Narten present *h]ed-/h]ed- now considered unnecessary. Hittite forms wou
ld support the original long "" - tmi, zi, zzazi, adueni, azzasteni, adanzi Kloekhors
t (2008:261-263) discusses this problem and posits present forms as ablauted *hid
-ti/hid-nti. Long "" in Latin esus is of course due to the Lachmann's Law *edt- > s
s- (de Vaan 2008:185), long "" in perfect form "dT explained by Schrijver (1991:54
) as the development from reduplicated *hie-hid-. As seen, the verb "eat" corres
pond perfectly to both laws, Latin "" in past participle is due to the Lachmann's
Law, Balto-Slavic acute forms are due to the Winter's Law and Hittite forms are
reflections of normal ablaut. Both laws are also accepted by LIV (230-231) and
NIL (208-220), although LIV still posits aerostatic Narten paradigm *hid-/hid-Stat
us: positive example of LL and WL
Further references: EWAi 1:61-62, Cheung 2007:148, Chantraine:312, Lehmann: 1986
:208, Fraenkel 1:124-125
For complete paradigm with variants see Hoffner & Melchert 2008:188). 733 *d for
Hittite refused by Puhvel 2 (1984:320) for graphic reasons. For history of opini
ons about Hittite forms and their interpretations see Tischler I (1983:117-118).
274
4) findo "split", fidi, fissus, cognate with OInd. bhintti "split, Gr. feidomai "
spare", Goth. beitan, OE bitan "bite", Celtiber. bidetud "split"
PIE *bheid- "split" (IEW:116, LIV:70-71), Pit. form *find-e reconstructed b
y de Vaan
2008:221, reconstructed form of ppp. would be *fidt-o
Status: LL is expected, the short vowel is due to the closed syllable effect.
Further references: DELL:418-419, Chantraine:1185, Frisk 11:999-1000, Lehmann 19
86-66,
KEWA 2:500-501, Schrijver 1991:500.
5) fing "shape", finxT, fictus, cognate with Olr. dingid "opress", Arm. dizanem,
Gr. techos "wall", Goth, digan "form out of clay", Lith. iesti "form", Latv. zies
t "coat with clay", ?S\*zbdati "build"
PIE *dheigh- (IEW:244), *dheigh- "spread, model" (LIV: 140-141), Pit.
form *fing-e/o
reconstructed by de Vaan 2008:221.
Latin form is n-infixed. Further Slavic forms are OCS zbdati, S-Cr. zdati-zdm "buil
d", Sin.
zdati-zdam, BS form *z(e)id- reconstructed by Derksen 2008:551-552, the original f
orm
would be *g id - resulting from metathesis of *d eig (thus already Fraenkel 11:1
307).
Status: no LL is supposed in ppp. because of the original voiced aspirate in cod
a. Absence of
acute from WL is supported by mobility of Slavic verbs and Lithuanian circumflex
.
Further references: DELL:419-420, Lehmann 1986:90, Snoj 2003:853,
Smoczynski
2007:783.
6) flu, "flow, run", flxT, flctus, cognate with Gr. fl "abound", fl "boil over", Lith.
bliuti "bleet", Latv. blaut, OCS bhvati-bljujo "vomit", Rus. blva-bljuj, Cz. blt, S-
Cr. bljvati, Sin. blvati,
PIE *bhleuH- "overflow" (LIV :90)
BS form * bijou?- reconstructed by Derksen 2008:46, PS1. *blbvati (is probably A
Pa because
of the ORus. form, see Zaliznjakl985:133), so acute is the common reflex of the
glottal stop
from laryngeal origin, the same counts for Baltic.
Latin cognate conflges with -g- is explained as analogy by LIV. Forms flxT, flctus
require
an obstruent, so Meiser 1998:194, 208 reconstructs *b leugw-e > *flue > fluere (o
bstruent
weakening), *b lougw-s- > flxT. This explanation is refused by de Vaan 2008:228 w
ho sticks
to proportional analogy stru.strxT > flu.flxi. I do not accept such proposal because
it is
too artificial (using proportional analogy we can choose and compare any forms w
hich are
morphologicaly/phonologicaly similar) and I would point to the traditional expla
nation of *-
275
H- and - *gw- as regular "Erweiterungs", see IEW 158-159. In such case, there is
no problem to accept LL in Latin ppp.
Further references: DELL:430, Chantraine: 1212, Frisk 11:1025-1026, ESJS 2:69-70
, Fraenkel I: 49-50, Smozcynski 2007:65, Bezlaj 1: 28, Snoj 2003:47, Vasmer 1: 1
73,
l)fodi "dig",fdl, fossus, cognate with OCS bodq, bosti "poke, stab", Lith. bsti "st
ick".
PIE *bhedh- (IEW: 113-114), *bhedhh2- (LIV:66), Pit. form *fopi- reconstructed b
y de Vaan
2008:229.
The reconstructed coda obstruent is aspirate so no LL is expected in Latin ppp.
Slavic data
support the claim as they are mobile, S-Cr. bsti-bodm, Sin. bsti-bdem, Rus. bos/bost-
bod, "butt", OCz. bodu-bsti, PS. *bosti (APc), BS form *bed-/bod- (Derksen 2008:59,
de
Vaan 2008:229).
Further references: Vasmer 1:183, ESJS 2:74, Snoj 2003:51, DELL:433, Fraenkel 11
:41,
Smoczyski 2007:57
%)frang "break", frgl] frctus, cognate with Goth, ujbrikan "break", OHG brehhan
PIE *bhreg'- (LEW: 165, LIV:91) variant with *-g proposed by de Vaan 2008:239. L
atin form
from *b rng'-, Pit. forms *frang-, ppp. *fragto-
Status: positive evidence for LL.
Further references: DELL:446, Lehmann 1986:80, Schrijver 1991:478
9)frend "grind one's teeth", frsus, cognate with OE grindan "grind", OHG grint, ON
grandi and Lith. grsti "scrape" ,see previous chapter for discussion where de Va
an's proposal about the PIE allomorph roots has been used. Latin ppp. has long r
oot vowel which would point to LL due to the presence of glottal stop. Further r
eferences: de Vaan 2008:241, DELL:449-450, Lehmann 1986:161.
10) fruor "'enjoy", fruT, frctus, cognate with Goth, brukjan "use", OE brcan, OHG
brhkan
PIE *bhrg- (IEW: 173), *bhreuHg(')- "enjoy" (LIV:96), Pit. form *frg- reconstruc
ted by de
Vaan 2008:244-245.
Status: the reconstructed laryngeal can be phoneticaly glottal stop so in that c
ase the LL in
ppp. is attested.
Further references: Lehmann 1986:81, DELL:455-456, Schrijver 1991:232-233.
276
11) fundo "pour, emit", fdi, fsus, cognate with Hitt. kutt- "wall", OInd. juhti "po
urs, Gr. che "pour" Goth, giutan "pour", Toch B. ku- "pour, offer a libation"
PIE *g'heud- (IEW:448, LIV:179), Latin from from *g'hund-, Greek *g'hue- (de Va
an
2008:249-250), Old Indie form is reduplicated.
Status: positive evidence for LL in ppp.
Further references: DELL:463-464, Frisk 11:1090-1093, Chantraine: 1255-1256, Le
hmann
1986:156-157, KEWA 1:442, Adams 1999:179-180, Kloekhorst 2009:498-499, Puhvel 4:
296-
298.
12) iube "order", iussi, iussus, OInd. ydhati "fights", Lith. jund, justi "in B
ewegung geraten"
PIE *ieudh- (IEW:511), *Hieudh- (LIV:225-226), Pit. form *joup-eje/o reconstruct
ed by de
Vaan 2008:312.
The reconstructed aspirate coda excludes LL, therefore no length in ppp. is expe
cted. Absence
of WL in Lithuanian only support the claim.
Further references: Fraenkel 1:195-196, Smoczynski 2007:240, KEWA 3:19-20, DELL:
580-
581.
13) iung "joint", inxi, inetus, cognate with OInd. yj- "yoke, associate", Lith. jung
ti "join", yoke", Latv. jgt.
PIE *ieug- (IEW:508, LIV:316), Pit. form *jung-e/o by de Vaan 2008:314, so ppp.
would be
*jug-to.
As the same root is in the noun forms Lith. jiingas which I dealt in the previo
us chapter and
which is positive to Winter's law, LL would be expected here. In fact, ppp is lo
ng and the
nasal is infixed secondarily.
Further references: DELL 582-586, Schrijver 1991:406
14) leg "read", legi, lctus, cognate with Gr. lego "collect, speak", Alb. mb-ledh
"collects" PIE *leg'- (IEW:658, LIV:397), Pit. forms *leg-e-, ppp. *leg-to- reco
nstructed by de Vaan 2008:332.
Status: positive evidence for LL.
Further references: DELL:623, Chantraine: 625-626, Frisk II: 94-95, Schrijver 19
91:22.
277
15) ming "urinate", minxi, mictus, cognate with Lith. myti "piss", Latv. mizt.
PIE *meigh- (IEW:713), LIV: 301-301 derives the forms from *h3meig' -. Baltic fo
rms are
zero grade.
Status: reconstructed aspirate in the root coda excludes the LL. The absence of
WL is
supported by the Lith. circumflex.
Further references: DELL:718, Schrijver 1991:24.
16) dT "hated", sus, cognate with Gr. aor. odus(s)asthai "be angry", Arm. ateam
"hate, ON. et ja "hunt"
PIE *od- "hate" (IEW:773), *h3ed- "begin to hate" (LIV:296), pf. *h3e-h3(o)d-, h
3e-/od-io-
"hatred" (de Vaan 2008:425)
Status: Latin ppp word is positive for LL.
Further references: DELL: 813-814, Frisk II: 351, Schrijver 1991:49-50.
17) pang "fix", pepigl, pctus, cognate with OInd. pajr- "firm", Gr. pgnumi "make fas
t" PIE *pak'/pk'-, pag'-Zpg' "fix" (IEW:787), *peh2g'- (LIV:461), Latin form from
*ph2-n-g'-(LIV, de Vaan 2008:442-443), Pit. form reconstructed as *pang-, ppp. *
pagto- by de Vaan (ibid).
LIV considers Old Indic paj- as a "Neowurzel", Ilr. *paj < *p aj- < *ph.2ng'-, w
ith *p for *p according to *pinj- <*pli2-n-g' and *pj- < *peli2g'-. The same new roo
t should be visible in OInd. pajr. OInd. paj- is therefore reconstructed as prima
ry n-infixed *pli2-n-g' and the Greek form is taken as questionable.
Anyway, the above-mentioned complicated solution is much more simple although no
t mentioned by LIV. Both Greek and Old Indic forms belong to Lubotsky's law (Lub
otsky 1981) where the loss of laryngeal before the original voiced unaspirated o
bstruent (which is in fact preglottalized) caused the Indo-Iranian short vowel,
so *peli2g' = *pe? g'- > paj-. Because the Latin ppp. is positive for Lachmann's
law and Old Indic form reflects Lubotsky's law (which would otherwise be explai
ned by complicated analogy, as in LIV), we have another proof of the existence o
f glottal stop here.
Further references: DELL:848-849, Frisk II: 525-526, Chantraine: 894-895, Schrij
ver 1991:97.
18) pung "sting, pierce", pupugl, pnctus, cognate with Gr. pks "with the fist", pgm "
fist" PIE *peuk'-, peug'- (IEW:828), *peug(') LIV:480, Pit. form *pung- recons
tructed by de Vaan:2008:499, ppp. therefore *pug-to-.
278
Latin form is nasal present and the status of coda consonant is unclear. If the
voiced obstruent is expected, Lachmann's law would appear and the n-infix in ppp
. would be secondary. Further references: DELL:965, Frisk 2:619-620.
19) reg "direct, guide", rxl, rectus, cognate with OInd. rjati "rules", zero grade
rnjati "marches forward in the line", Gr. org "stretch", Goth, raihts "right", To
ch B conj. rsm "should stretch, Olr. atraig "stand up", MW re "rise" < PCelt. *reg
e-o (Matasovi 2009:308) PIE *reg'- "go right, stretch" (IEW:854-857), *h3reg'- (L
IV:305-305, de Vaan 2008:517), Pit. form *reg-e/o reconstructed by de Vaan (ibid
.), so ppp. form can also be reconstructed aas *regto-.
Zero grade of the root is in Lith. rtis (see previous chapter) which is positive t
o WL. Status: evidence for Winter's and Lachmann's laws.
Further references: Lehmann 1986:280-181, DELL: 1002-1004, Chantraine :817, Fris
k 11:412-413, EWAi 2:425, Schrijver 1991:24, 121, 135,
20) tango "touch", tetigl, tctus, Gr. tetagn "having seized" , Goth, tekan "touch
", Toch.B cesm "touch"
PIE *tag- "touch" (LEW: 1054), *teh2g(') "touch", Pit. form Hange-, ppt. *tagto-
reconstructed
by de Vaan 2008:606, PIE form continuing to Latin is zero grade with nasal infix
.
Greek form is reduplicated.
Status: positive example of LL.
Further references: Frisk 11:884, Chantraine: 1109, DELL: 1193-1194, Lehmann 198
6:342-343,
Schrijver 1991:98, 136
21) teg "cover" text, tctus, cognate with Gr. stg "keep off, Olr. tech "house", OW
tig < PCelt. *tegos (Matasovi 2009:376), Lith. stgas (see the previous chapter).
PIE *(s)teg-e/o (IEW 1013-1014, LIV:589), Pit. form *teg-, ppp. *tekto- reconstr
ucted by de
Vaan 2008:608.
Status: positive examples of LL and WL in Balto-Slavic.
Further references: DELL: 1197-1198, Chantraine: 1046, Frisk 11:78
1-782, Schrijver
1991:127.
279
22) tundo "beat", tutudi, tusus/tunsus, cognate with Olr. dotuit "crumble, fall
" <PCelt. *tudo-"fall" (Matasovi 2009:393), OInd. tudti "beat"
PIE *steu-d "punch, beat" (IEW 1032-1034, LIV:601), Pit. nasalised form reconstr
ucted as
*(s)tund-(e/o) by de Vaan 2008:633.
Status: positive evidence for LL.
Further references: DELL: 1249-1250, KEWA 1:5111, EWAi 1:671.
23) ungu "smear", nxi, nctus, cognate with Olr. imb "butter, OInd. ankti, aja
nti "anoint", Arm. awecanem "anoint"
PIE *ongw- (IEW:779), *fi2engw- "anoint" (LIV:267, second edition replaced *li2
instead of
*h3 ), *h3engw- (EWAi 1:54, de Vaan 2008:642), Pit. *ongw-e (de Vaan 2008:642) w
hich
means that the original ppp. would be reconstructed as *ngw-tu-.
Old Indie form is zero grade.
Status: LL is expected but the effect of glottal stop loss is blocked by the -n?
D- cluster. Long
nctus is due to the secondary lengthening when the disyllabic three-moraic domain
arose.
Further references: DELL: 1321-1322, Schrijver 1991:50, 62.
24) pand "stretch", pandl, passus, cognate with Gr. ptnmi "spread, open"
PIE *pet- "spread" (IEW:824), *peth2- (LIV:478-479), Latin form as a zero grade
*pt-n/n-h2, Pit. form reconstructed as *pand-n- < *pndn- by de Vaan 2008:442
. PPP form would therefore be *padto- with secondarily introduced "a". The appar
ent absence of LL can be due to the closed syllable effect. Further references:
Frisk 11:521, DELL: 847-848, Schrijver: 1991:332, 498-499.
25) ping "paint", pinxT, pictus, OInd. pimsati "paints", Gr. poikilos "many-colou
red", Lith. piesti "paint, write" (je-present), OCS pbsati "write"
PIE *peig- /peik'- (IEW 794, LIV: 464, 466), Pit. forms reconstructed as *ping-e
/o, *pikto- by
de Vaan 2008:466.
LIV proposes *peig- for Latin and *peik'- for Old Indie, Lithuanian and Slavic f
orms. But as
de Vaan remarks, the separate need for the zero form *pig' - for Latin might be
superfluous
because Latin form can be explained by the nasal present *pink'n-.
Proto-Slavic *pbsati has APc (Derksen 2008:430)
Status: with the reconstruction of the original *k- in first syllable coda, no L
L is expected.
Slavic mobile forms support the fact that neither WL nor LL occured here.
280
Further references: DELL:899 and the previous chapter under S-Cr. pjega disc
ussion; Schrijver 1991:499-500.
26) sede/sid "sit", sedl, -sessus, (in compouds) sessum, cognate with Lit. ssti "si
t down", Latv. sedu (see the previous chapter for cognates).
Pit. form *sed-e reconstructed by de Vaan 2008:551-552
Status: as the Baltic forms are positive for WL, Latin ppp. should have had LL.
Its absence is
due to the closed syllable effect.
Further references: DELL 1062-1063, Schrijver 1991:376.
27) scind "tear apart", scicidi, scissus, cognate with Lith. skiesti (see the
previous chapter for further cognates.
Pit. form *skinde/o- reconstructed by de Vaan 2008:544.
As the Lithuanian form is positive for WL, Latin ppp. should have had LL law. Ko
rtlandt
(1999) explains its absence due to the loss of glottal stop in present forms whe
re the blocking
cluster *-nd- would cause the glottal stop loss. Short "i" would spread into oth
er forms.
Sihler's proposal (Sihler 1995:76) that the short ppp. is due to the influence o
f perfect form
should be taken as improbable.
Status: Short scissus is due to the closed syllable effect.
Further references: DELL 1062-1063.
28) string "tighten, strip off", strlnxl, strictus, cognate with S-Cr. sti "cut
" (see the previous chapter for further cognates)
Pit. form reconstructed as *string- by de Vaan 2008:591-592.
Status: If the Latin form is a result of contamination of two PIE roots, the res
ult would be
twofold. In case of the original *CVDTV- structure, Lachmann's law should appe
ar but the
resulting short "i" in strictus would be due to the "closed syllable effect". Sh
ould the original
structure be derived from *CVD -, there would not be any glottal stop and theref
ore no trace
ofLL.
Further references: DELL: 1159-1160.
281
29) traho "drag", traxi, past participle tractus, cognate with Gr. trcho "run",
Goth, dragan "carry".
PIE *dhergh- (IEW:257), *dhreg(')h - "carry, draw" (LIV:154), Pit.
form *rraje/o
reconstucted by de Vaan (2008:626-627), which means that ppp. would be reconstru
cted as
*traxto.
De Vaan connects Latin form with Olr. tethraig "ran away", trig "ebb, beach", bot
h probably
from PCelt. *trgi "beach, lowtide" (Matasovi 2009:387). De Vaan also ref
uses the
connection with Gothic dragan.
Latin form explained by LIV as "Hauchdissimilation" *d -g > *d-g .
Status: no LL because the first syllable coda is aspirate.
Further references: DELL: 1233-1234, Frisk 11:927-929, Chantraine 1135-1136,
Schrijver
1991:188-189.
30) veh "carry", vxT, vectus, cognate with OInd. vhati, Lith. vti, OCS vesti, "car
ry", Goth, gawigan
PIE *ueg'h- (IEW: 1118-1120, LIV:661), Pit. form *wej-e/o reconstructed by
de Vaan
2008:658, ppp. would have been *wekto-
Other Slavic forms are Rus. vezt, Cz. vzt, S-Cr. vsti, Sln.vsti, PSI. *vezt (APc), BS
form
*ve- (Derksen 2008:518).
Status: no LL can be observed because the original root contains aspirate obstru
ent in coda.
The absence of glottal stop is also supported by Slavic mobile paradigm.
Further references: Fraenkel 11:1236, Smoczynski 2007:746, DELL: 1
267, Lehmann
1986:154, KEWA 3:177-179, EWAi 2 :535-537, Snoj 2003:816, Schrijver 1991:121
31) video "see", vidi, Visus, other cognates see PSI. *vdti in the previous chapte
r.
Pit. form reconstructed as *wide- by de Vaan 2008:676, reconstructed ppp. would
be *widto-Status: positive evidence for both Lachmann's and Winter's laws. Furth
er references: DELL: 1296-1298, Frisk 1:451, Chantraine:316-317.
9.3. Proposed solution and the Bifurcation hypothesis
Following the Kortlandt's steps that preglottalization still existed in Italic b
ranch at the time of the existence of Lachmann's law, I would propose the OT sol
ution of the law. As it is obvious, the mechanism of the law is similar to the o
ne of Winter's law because the same
282
preglottalized obstruents are present both in Italic branch and Balto-Slavic. Th
e difference between Balto-Slavic and Latin is in the development of the cluster
glottal stop+obstruent. Because such cluster is generally unstable, glottal sto
p tend to be lost and affects the preceding vowel. Either the vowel obtains glot
talization (in which case we can doub if the glottal stop is really lost -1 clai
m here that it is not) or the preceding vowel can be lengthened. Balto-Slavic ha
d the tendency to develop glottalized vowels which is due to the lowly ranked *V
constraint.
In Latin, on the other hand, the vowel before the glottal stop was prolonged. I
argue that this is because the disyllabic domain with three-moraic structure has
been developed. Heads of the domain (the first syllable) is bimoraic, therefore
the first syllable must contain either the long nucleus (a vowel) or a short nu
cleus and a moraic coda: [CV^C-tu^s], [CV^C^-tu^s]. The domain where Lachmann's
law can be morphologicaly limited - only in past participles. It strongly remind
s the situation in Czech where the disyllabic domain is also visible only in cer
tain morphological categories, e.g. in hypocoristics: [Ka^.t'a^] versus [Ka^.ka]
. Only here we can observe the domain with constrained quantity as well as the m
oraic consonants which are otherwise anomalous in Czech.
The syllabic structure which contains the sequence CV?D(C)- develops in two ways
: either in favour of the Balto-Slavic glottalization (BS acute) or in favour of
length (Latin), e.g. Lith. sti x Latin sus. It looks like the common syllabic str
ucture was bifurcated in the development. I would therefore call such change a B
ifurcation hypothesis. Bifurcation occured due to the low/high ranking of *V con
straint and the presence or absence of bisyllabic three-moraic domain.
Concerning the mechanism of Lachmann's law itself, we start with the actus examp
le. The input is surely (a?g.tos) where the form is already parsed into foot. El
imination of the glottal stop by MAX. Highly ranked *V constraint eliminates the
candidate e.
7-3C
The bimoraic head is satisfied by HD-BIN (Heads are binary under moraic analysis
). Candidates c and d do not satisfy HD-BIN and are eliminated. Candidates a and
b satisfy HD-BIN although do not meet IDENT 1-0 Vjj, (no change in vocalic mora
). Candidate a is finally eliminated by the highly ranked AGREE constraint which
requires that consonant clusters should have agree in voice. Candidate b is fai
thful to AGREE because it underwent assimilation and finally is the optimal winn
er.
734 See Bethin 2003 as well as the Chapter 11 in this dissertation.
735 Bethin 2003.
283
/(a?g.tos)/ *vv AGREE HD-BIN IDENT-I-OV^i MAX DEP-^i
a. (a^g.tos) !* * * *
^.(a^k.tos) * * *
c. (aug.tos) !* * *
d. (aj.tos) !* *
e. (a nk.tos) !* *
Lachmann's law observed in sus is a more complicated. It is obvious that should w
e start from *(e?d.tos) apart from the Lachmann's law itself the obstruents and
coda must first be spirantized, then merged and the final structure must be resy
llabified so that that we should obtain .sus. I would claim that we do not need S
tratal OT here because the spirantised variant *es.sos/us could exist in the lan
guage system. The support for it is the existing forms sessus where the Lachmann
's law is not visible due to the moraic -s- in the first syllable. It might be a
rgued if the forms developed from the structures with the original voiced aspira
te in coda (gressus) also contain moraic -s-. As the combination -ssus does not e
xist, it is very probable that the disyllabic threemoraic domain exists crosswis
e the original structures. Another interesting thing is that only fricative can
be moraic here, not the plosive. Anyway the phenomenon observed here is again th
e equivalent of the Czech situation described by Bethin 2003 as a closed syllabl
e effect where the coda is moraic. Due to the closed syllable effect we might wr
ongly suppose that no quantitative change occured during the derivation.
The constraint responsible for non-moraicity of consonants is *\i/cons (consonan
ts are not
x 736
moraic).
As seen in the following tableau, the winning candidate (e^s^.sos) which is surf
acely *essos/essus fails to satisfy *\i/cons but it is too low ranked so that th
e candidate would not win. Also low ranked are constraints *cont (no continuants
) responsible for the spirantization,
7^7
and IDENT 1-0 maimer (no change in the manner of articulation between input and
output). Lachmann's law happens here but the winning candidate has putatively no
change (and this could be characterised as an counterexample to Lachmann' law).
But the first syllable has still two moras due to the closed syllable effect:
The similar constraints in Kager 1999.
284
/(e?d.tos)/ *v? AGREE HD-BIN IDENT-I-OV(x MAX DEP- *(x/cons
*cont IDENT J-" ^manner
a.(euud.tos) * * * *
b.(euut.tos) * * *
c.(eud.tos) * * *
d.(eut.tos) * *
e.(euud.tos) * * * *
f.(e?ut.tos) * *
g.(eutu.sos) * * *
^h.(e^.sos) * *
*
The winning candidate h., which could exist in the system for a certain period o
f time, would serve as an input and undergo further change. The constraint CODA
(a syllable must have coda) which I propose here is responsible for the existenc
e of a syllable coda. Candidate c. fails to satisfy it but CODA is so low ranked
that it prevents the candidate c. from being eliminated:
/(e^s^.sos)/ *\i/cons HD-BIN IDENT I-O^i MAX DEP-^i CODA
a.^s^.sos) !*
b.^s.sos) !* *
^c.(e^.sos) !* * * *
Candidate a. is eliminated because it is not faithful to the highly ranked *^/co
ns constraint.
One must say that sus is just a variant of -sessus. The former is the result of t
he further development of *essus: Structures -Vdtus > Vssus > -sessus/-Vssus > V
sus > sus (alternative quantity).
Conclusion
In the previous pages I proposed the Bifurcation hypothesis. Accoding to this hy
pothesis, glottal stop developed into glottalization in Balto-Slavic and lengthe
ned the vowel nucleus in Latin. This idea has already been proposed by Kortlandt
but my OT explanation tries to show how and why it works. In the same syllabic
structures where the both laws can be observed, the different development is due
to the differently ranked *V? constraint. Apart from it, Latin also faces close
d syllable effect caused by moraic coda which apparently causes no lenghtening.
But as I showed, the total weight in the bisyllabic structures remains the same
and in the sus example the whole syllabic structure is also resyllabified.
285
Lachmann's and Winter's laws are examples of how a common syllable structure dev
elops differently in separate languages. Moreover, both laws prove that those la
nguages still had glottal stop. My explanation of the mechanism also support it.
286
10. Compensatory lengthening in West Slavic
Introduction
The end of Proto-Slavic period is characterised by the transformation of accentu
al patterns. West Slavic lost the old accentual differences and developed new qu
antitative ones. From the processes which are relevant to it, the so called comp
ensatory lengthening has been used to explain the development of zero forms (aft
er the loss of final yers). In the following pages I will deal about it. Althoug
h I will speak about West Slavic in general, the focus will be done on Czech.
Under the cover term "compensatory lengthening", various processes of the CViCVy
er development (especially Nsg of o-stems and Gpl of a-stem) have been put. Clas
sical accentology took almost every quantity in zero form as a compensatory leng
thening (e.g. CJA 5) without even postulating what compensatory lengthening is a
nd why should it happen. The caveat which is often being ignored and avoided fro
m discussions is how a final yer which had a half-mora quantity could be lost an
d cause a compensatory lengthening of the preceding syllable. Such a process is
taken as a fact confirmed by a tradition without even realizing that if the weig
ht of Vi is one mora (is short) and the Vyer is half-mora, after the loss of yer
the Vi cannot suddenly obtain two-mora weight. Where is the missing half-mora?
In the following pages I will describe various theories of compensatory lengthen
ing - what CL is and how it works. Then I will deal with the approaches to the s
pecific CL in Slavic and
TOO
I will offer my solution to the problem.
10.1. Compensatory lengthening - theory and approaches 10.1.1. Introduction
Compensatory lengthening (CL) can be described as a phonological phenomenon wher
ein a loss of one segment is accompanied by a lengthening of another segment. Th
e lengthened segment can be a vowel or a consonant (in that case the consonant i
s geminated). Four types of CL can be distinguished:
1. CLvc - lengthened segment is V, lost segment is C
2. CLw - lengthened segment is V, lost segment is V
7381 only recently obtained a brilliant dissertation by Beltzung (2008) who in a
great detail describes the various approaches as well as the recent methods of
OT including Sympathy Theory and OT-CC. The dissertation can be used as a very g
ood introduction to the problem of CL but I was not able to incorporate it into
my own text because of the shortage of time. But Beltzung does not the Slavic CL
which gives me an open field here. 739 Morin 1994: 137).
287
3. CLcv - lengthened segment is C, lost segment is V
4. CLcc - lengthened segment is C, lost segment is C
The CVCV >CV:C compensatory lengthening is typical for Slavic o-stem which forme
rly end in yers: *bogh "god" > OCz. bh. It is also typical for the change of Midd
le English. As a CVCC > CV:C compensatory lengthening mechanism a situation in T
ehrani Farsi can be adduced. The colloquial form has CL due to the loss of glott
al stop contrasted to the standard variant: ro?b "terror" > ro.b.
Concerning this situation a problem of adjacency rises because the lost segment
is not strictly adjacent to the lengthened vowel, so e.g. the abovementioned sit
uation in Teheran Farsi ro?b "terror" > ro.b. and rob? "quarter" > ro.b. As we c
an see, the loss of glottal stop causes CL in both examples. In both examples it
must be moraic if the CL here should be described as a mora conservation proces
s. But using moraic theory, the association lines would cross which is impossibl
e, so the solution of adjacency problem is the separation of CV and moraic tier:
Another problem which rises here is the directionality of CL. It seems that when
a segment is deleted, the direction is always right-to left (thus claimed by Ka
vitskaya 2002:32) but in Slavic we observe precise the opposite situation: *pbsa
ti "write" >Cz. psti, *lhica "spoon" >Cz. lce. Should this be CL, it would be a mode
l CV1CV2 > CVi:C. Such situation cannot
be described by a moraic theory because it would also mean that the association
lines are
j 743 crossed.
The more less general description of various CL mechanisms are Bickmore 1999 and
Kavitskaya 2002.
The most "primitive" account of CL is just the sequence of rules, one can descri
be the processes of C1VC2C3 as follows: first, the C2 is deleted, second the rem
aining sequence is lengthened: C1VC3. Most often, such description is no explana
tion and sometimes one finds no natural account CL processes, e.g. C1V1V2C2 > CV
1C2. It means that the sequence: delete > lengthen is impossible here, the only
possible way to explain such process is: lengthening > deletion.
740 See Darzi 1991.
741 Kavitskaya 2002:30.
742 Original idea by Darzi, A.: Compensatory lengthening in Modern Colloquial T
ehrani Farsi. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 21, 1991, 23-37, discussed by K
avitskaya 2002:31.
743 The examples are lenghtened due to the Kortlandt's lengthening rule and is
connected with the rise of
rhythmicity in Czech. See the next chapter.
744
This is the apt observation of Bickmore 1999:120.
288
10.1.2. Weakening hypothesis
One of the first modern serious approach to the various mechanism of CL is the t
heory of De Chene and Anderson (1979). They concentrated themselves on the CL du
e to loss of consonant and proposed that CL and loss of consonants can be indepe
ndent processes.
Two processes can be taken into account - weakening of consonant to a glide, the
n glide disappear and causes monophtongization. Length appears only if a length
contrast is independently motivated in the a language system. CL does not take p
lace in the absence of a previously-existing or independently-motivated length c
ontrast (De Chene; Anderson 1979: 520). Glides can be developed from stops: PGmc
*frignjan > frinan > frinan "ask", from spirants: *nisdo- > nidus "nest" probab
ly through *nihdos being parallel to Sanskrit visarga s > h. The formation of gl
ides from sonorants should be observed e.g. in *penkwe >OCS pqtb (before homorga
nic stops, actually */-enkw- > probably */ew/; *ghans- > probably I-awl Lith. qsi
s (before homorganic spirants). Schematically the process can be writtten as - C
VCX > CVGX (weakening) > CVX (monophtongisation) (where G is glide, X is a conso
nant). The theory started to be immediately criticised mainly because the many c
ounterexamples and better alternative explanations.
For example Morin (1994:138) argued that what de Chene &Anderson propose, is act
ually a sequence of changes, not a true CL. prosodic weight cannot be freed afte
r the loss of segment to which the weight was previously attached and subsequent
ly transfered to another segment. This is the non-autonomy thesis (in historical
changes, prosodic weight cannot be orphaned as the result of segmental loss"
10.1.3. CV tier hypothesis
CV tier as a syllable representation appeared with the rise of autosegmental pho
nology (Goldsmith 1976) when the phonologists realized that a phonological entit
y is not a simple matrice of unordered distinctive features but that these form
separate tiers that can be accosciated to segments with association lines. A CV
tier means that consonants form a consonant (-syllable) slot and V form a +sylla
ble slot. C and V slots are also named skeletal slots or skeletal tier which is
a lower level of a syllable tier (o). The lowest level is represented by the seg
mental or melodic tier. Hereby the CV tier model of the Czech word trm "beam" is
presented:
289
a Svllable tier
C C V V C Skeletal tier
IV I
t r am Segmental tier
CV-tier was also proposed as an explanation for CL. Clements (1982:6ff) argues a
gainst intermediate stage (weakening) proposed by de Chene & Anderson. He adduce
s various structural examples where the glide cannot be observed, e.g. VC>V (C^G
): Engl. /kar/>/ka:/ car . Another example of glide absence is the gemination C1
C2 > C, as in e.g. OE trymman "strengthen" > 2sg trymest. Also, loss of nasal wi
thout necessary glidening leads to the compensatory lengthening: VNC> VNC (>VC);
/kasnt/ >/kast/ can't. On the other hand, vowels can develop into glides and be
come a part of syllable onset: CViV2>CGV2, Proto-Bantu *mu(y)anna > Luganda mwaa
na "child".
According to Clements' conception, CL supports the hierarchical view
of syllable structure. Clements proposes a modified verison of a CV tier:
"Jennifer", "car", "can't"
0 0
As we can see, there is three-tiered phonological syllable representations. Elem
ents on each tier are independent (autosegmental). Therefore, phonological proce
sses can operate on
745 Modified examples form Clements 1982.
746 Clements 1982:18
290
the separate tiers. The mechanism of CL as illustrated by application of CV tier
allows to take the deletion of C on the lowest tier. Then the segment spreads t
o the lef position leaving the original position empty. CL can be connected and
explained by means of the hierarchical syllable representation.
Hock 1986:450-451 criticises Clements' explanation as unhappy to explain all the
examples of CL possible and being successful only for the loss of segment insid
e a syllable. Concerning e.g. CL of PS1 *bobh > Slk. bob, Clements formulation w
ould lead to the crossing of association lines:
CF CT
er a
c \
b B
.
0
\ -. XX
c v ~"c y
b 1 .-- b
c v
b o
As seen, the schema does not explain the intonation change (neoacute) which woul
d accompany CL. To avoid it, Hock proposes that a mora tier should be posited on
a separate tier containing moras whouch would also explain the new intonation a
s a tonal-spread development:
C A* C V C V C V
j j j j
I
I
H H
Although apparently successfully explained, Hock's interpretation of CL is actua
lly a multiplication of levels because apart from CV tier he puts also the separ
ate moraic tier. This leads to doubling of representation because V-slot is alwa
ys moraic. It is not clear how would Hock solve the moraic consonant.
747 Hock rightly pointed out that CL due to the vowel loss cannot explain the di
fferent behavior of *bogb and *bobb giving S-Cr. bg, bob and that CL (esp. in Sla
vic) is connected with tonal compensation, (p. 435, 438). Morin (1994:139) criti
cised Hock's solution to CVCVyer CL in Proto-Slavic. Morin proposes that the cha
nge could not have been sudden but gradual and compares the situation in Proto-S
lavic to the one in Old French. The stressed vowel here was lengthened before th
e complete loss of posttonic schwa (which was shortened): craie /kreis/ > /'kred/
>/kre:i/. I found such comparison unsatisfactory. Morin supposes that stress mu
st be on the first syllable without explaining why CL is found in former oxytona
(or at least could have happened there). Morin supposes that the root vowel is
lengthened due to the transfer of timing unit (similarly to Hock's discrete
291
Various solutions of CL mainly from CV tier and autosegmental phonology have bee
n collected in Wetzels & Sezer 1986. Alas, no article is devoted to Slavic. Also
Bickmore 1999 provides a good introduction to both CV and moraic frameworks con
cerning CL.
10.1.4. CL as a metrical phenomenon
Ingria (1980) assumed that CL can be described as an interaction of changes on t
he segmental level with those on the syllabic level. He used metrical phonology
approach combined with the syllabic trees.
The important result of Ingria's interpretation is the Empty node convention (EN
C). As seen below, there are weak and strong nodes in the syllabic tree. Empty w
eak nodes are part of the syllabic coda but are associated with the terminal ele
ment dominated by the immediately preceding syllabic nucleus:
Due to the ENC, the loss of segment leads to the compensatory lengthening. The o
nly condition is that the segments must be in the weak syllable position. The li
nes are associated to the left. Using the ENC concept, Ingria tries to explain C
L as the preservation of integrity of a complex syllable nucleus - keeps heavy s
yllables heavy but as Hock 1986:446 remarks, this approach can account only exam
ples of CL resulting from the loss of final segment.
Various approaches to CL have been collected by Wetzels & Sezer (1986), mainly f
rom the CV tier and autosegmental phonology. Alas, no article deals with CL in S
lavic.
10.1.5. Moraic theory
Moraic theory replaces the skeletal tier with moras (\i). The difference between
the moraic theory and CV-tier is that in moraic theory only certain segments ar
e associated with the
timing units). The obvious caveat is that the transfer of timing unit is influen
ced by the quality of intervening
consonant.
Morin objects to the opinion that CL must include the prosodic invariance which
limits CL to a language system
where length contrast is already distinctively established. Emerging prosodic pa
tterns can either survive on
barren ground, or may enrich a poor prosodic system. They may also be different
from earlier prosodic patterns
or may destroy earlier prosodic distinction. So there cannot be any invariancy.
748 Ingria 1980:471.
292
timing units (moras). The mora is connected with syllable weight. Heavy syllable
s have two moras, light syllables have only one mora. So the Czech example trm ca
n be represented in moraic theory as follows:
Moraic theory was applied to CL by Hayes (1989). For our purpose of the CL in Sl
avic, the most important concept is the Parasitic delinking (syllable structure
is deleted when the syllable contains no overt nuclear segment). The following e
xample of CL in Middle English is adduced by Hayes:
a a
The input *tah "tale" first undergoes final schwa drop. Because this leads to th
e loss of second syllable nucleus, the second syllable is deletd. Empty mora (wh
ich cannot be lost) is filled from the left. Finally, the stranded final "1" is
resyllabified giving the output ta:l. It is clear that the Middle English situat
ion corresponds to the Slavic one of *bogh type. Mora count is conserved in a sy
llable change, this is an important result of moraic theory.
Another result of Hayes' analysis it the WBP (weight by position) which means th
at certain coda consonants are give an mora when adjoined to the syllable. We wi
ll also use that concept in the description of Slavic CL.
The modification of moraic theory called Segmental moraic theory was proposed by
Schmidt 1992. Schmidt doubles the representations by replacing the CV-tier by X
-slot tier and inserting moraic tier before the syllable tier and X-slot tier.
The solution is not too successful because on the one hand, X slots do not disti
nguish between C and V (-syll and +
Hayes 1989:268. 'Hayes 1989:258. The detailed discussion of CL in moraic theory
in Bickmore 1999.
293
syll slots), on the other hand Schmidt distinguishes moraic and non-moraic X slo
ts. So the
result is basically the same
752
10.1.6. Q-tier
The previous conceptions of CL tried to explain that phenomenon using the variou
s syllable hierarchy structure. CV-tier used by Clements (mora can be any elemen
t on the CV-tier dominated by the nucleus node) or weight tier (Hyman (1985:13-1
8) where each segment is associated with a weight unit (x). Onset does not contr
ibute to the syllable weight and it's weight is therefore deleted by the Onset c
reation rule which attaches (x) node to the following
vowel
753
X
[+cons] [-con] t
Moraic theory of Hayes (1989), as seen, uses moraic node attached to the syllabl
e one. Fox (1998:51) adds another an alternative tier to explain the prosodic fe
ature of quantity. His Q-tier is basically analogous to the moraic tier. The exi
stence of Q-tier is advocated by the claim that length is stratified and therefo
re relevant at different levels. The stratification of length is similar to the
stratification of stress in metrical phonology.. The example from Middle English
is therefore interpreted:
I (foot)
ta
1 9
ta
Q-tier represents the unit of quantity and is posited on a separate tier dominat
ed by foot node.
If the mora is retained as the intrasyllabic characteristics, the structure will
be as follows:
755
See also Rialland 1993. ; Hyman 1985:15-17 (modified). 'Fox 1998:51 (modified).
1 Forx 1998:52.
294

v
ta 1 t a 1
Fox tries to defend his solution against being accused of superfluous redundancy
and claims that the quantity features at the foot leves and weight features at
the syllable level help to distinquish various quantitative levels. Instead of o
ne moraic level, the quantity is suplemented by another Q-level, thus separating
mora as a measure of syllable weight and Q as a property of a foot which is the
largest unit of timing in speech.
10.1.7. OT solution of CL
Hermans (1999) tried to solve CL using Slovak examples and Optimality Theory. Ho
wever, as a source of Slovak data he uses Rubach 1993. Rubach (1993:144-149) cla
ims that in Gpl a-stems a yer is at underlying level and never reaches a surface
and therefore causes lengthening of preceding vowel - like chata-chtO. As Herman
s (1999:72) rightly remarks, according to this model we shoul also observe CL in
Nsg o-stems like chlap, syn, med > **chlp, syn, mied. Surprisingly, Hermans solv
es those counterexamples to Rubach's hypothesis by postulating that Nsg simply d
oes not contain yer. The absence of yer means that there is no CL because nothin
g is to delete. It is obvious that this absurd claim is easily refuted by exampl
es like chlieb, mrz, k, k, pr, prt, l etc. with long root vowel. Also, Rubach's postul
e that in Gpl there is underlying yer causing CL when deleted is infirmed by com
paring Gpl with Czech where the same underlying yer shoud be present and should
cause CL. But in Czech we have numerous examples with brevity in Gpl like krav,
stran, bran, vod, zim etc. Also, Herman's absence of underlying yer in Nsg in co
ntrast with length in Czech dm, prm, kl, lk and tens of other examples. It is clear
that both Rubach's and Hermans' presumtions are just ad hoc hypotheses not suppo
rted by data.
Moreover, Hermann does not distinguish between the lexical material from differe
nt levels of historical development, so he uses examples like Nsg-Gsg liter-litr
a "litre" and bobor-bobra "beaver" as an ilustration of Opacity problem where le
ngthening does not take place if the putative yer is located in the root domain.
Hermans expects that if the an iflectional ending
295
of Gsg is added, the yer is retained in the form of a long vowel, so **ltra, bobr
a. (Hermans 1999:77). But this is not what we observe. To solve this, Hermans us
es ROOT-LIN constraint stating that "the linear order of two underlying segments
that are both located in the root morpheme is preserved, whereas the linear ord
er of two underlying segments, on of which is located in an affix, can be change
d" (Hermans 1999:77). This constraint is then incorporated into the ranking of o
ther constraints. Again, this solutions misses the point. Although I agree that
consonant clusters are broken by a vowel and are avoided in a certain occasion.
But comparing liter and bobor is just a put-everything-into-one-bag-and-compare
method. Bobor is is a Proto-Slavic word with problematic etymology *bobrh/bebrh/
bbbrh while liter is a borrowing from French litre via German Liter recorded fro
m about 17th century. Slovak liter could be borowed as unchanged from German. It
is therefore absurd to compare those two words of different origin, suppose tha
t both consonant clusters behaved in the same way.
Hermans proposes that CL has nothing to do with mora preservation but it is basi
cally a segmental faithfulness from the point of OT.
An OT solution to CL was also proposed by Sumner (1999). She analysed CL in Co
lloquial Tehrani Farsi where the loss of glottal stop in various syllable positi
ons causes CL of the syllable nucleus. The basic structures are: CV? > CV: CV?C
> CV:C CVC? > CV:C CVCiC2> CVCi
As seen, the positon of glottal stop does not influence the presence/absence of
compensatory lengthening. Neither the presence or absence of consonant cluster i
s not important for the CL. The only requirement is that glottal stop should be
in coda position -then it is deleted. Sumner posits a constraint *GLOTTAL: No gl
ottal consonants should be present in the output. For CL mechanism, she also pos
tis BIPOSITION constraint stating that an output segment representing two input
segments must be linked to two prosodic positions. Should we have the input CiV2
C3?4 where segments are subscripted, the BIPOSITON constraint requires that the
candidate CiV2;4C3 should be bimoraic. As seen, CL represented here is actually
coalescence of two segments. Therefore, deleting of glottal stop is prevented by
MAX constraint. Candidate CiV2;4C3 with no lengthening does not meet BIPOSITION
constraint.
Sumner 1999:537.
296
C1V2(^)C3?4 BIPOSITON MAX seg
-CiV2,4(Wl)C3
CiV2(n)C3 !*
CiV2;4(^)C3 !*
10.1.7.1.The opacity problem
Langston 2003:1976 pointed out to the opacity problem with the description of So
uth-Slavic lengthening but the problem applies also to West Slavic CL. Opacit
y involves
7S7
generalizations that are not surface- apparent or or not surface-true. Concernin
g CL, the opacity problem involves e.g. lengthening of a vowel before voiced con
sonant. The conditions of the *bogh > OCz bh lengthening are not apparent on the
surface. From the underlying form (1) y er must be deleted (2). Then, resyllabif
ication must happen so that the original second syllable onset would become a fi
rst (and only) syllable coda and the coda must become moraic by WBP (3) and subs
equently the mora must be reassociated to the nucleus (4):
Q)
bob
The conditions of lengthening are opaque because WBP (coda consonants are moraic
) is hidden on the intermediate level.
Phonological opacity can also be observed when the surface phonological pattern
in some forms is contradicted by other forms. As we will see in the next chapter
, the obvious problem represent Gpl of a-stems.
Phonological opacity can be easily solved by a rule ordering but it represents a
problem for the classical OT which is surface-oriented. Therefore, alternative
variants of OT must be proposed, as seen below.
McCarthy 1999:332.
297
10.1.7.2. Chain shift
Shaw (2007) proposed that CL could be described as a parallel derivation in chai
ns which are formed by gradual improvement of a previous optimal output. Each li
nk of a chain must have an output more optimal than the preceding one and this i
mprovement must be done by a single constraint only. The basic idea of OT-CC (Op
timality Theory with Candidate Chains) is that each candidate is not formed by a
single form but as a chain of forms. The first member of a chain must be fully
faithful to the input and the following forms must gradually accumulate differen
ces. Chain forms are locally optimal. The difference between classic OT and OT-C
C is that the former one provides only two levels of representation: input and a
nd surface output. In OT-CC, the serial chain links are gradually improving thei
r output. Structure which is not in the input is build up as the links continue.
A chain in OT-CC begins with the fully faithful candidate - a candidate th
at does not violate any faithfulness
7CQ
constraint. Each link gradually gets one faithfulness violation or a local u
nfaithful mapping (LUM). Precedence constraint (PREC) evaluates the ordering of
LUMs.
Shaw analysed CL in Komi Ima language (Uralic) where the CL is ov CVC type. As th
e tableaux are complex, I refrain from adducing them here. The important point i
s that OT-CC approach can solve the opacity problem.
10.1.7.3. DOT and Stratal OT
Apart from Standard Theory, CL was also solved by the modified OT which combine
cyclicity. Two basically the same methods have been used, DOT analysis and S
tratal OT.
Phonology and morphology are stratified as in Lexical phonology. Strata/levels (
stem, word, postlexical) are formed by a system of parallel constraints. Output
of each morphological operation is submitted to the phonological constraints on
its stratum - stem must be faithful to the phonology of stems, words to the phon
ology of word and phrases to the phonology of phrases. Constraints interact para
lelly and the output is transparent. Strata, on the other hand, are derived seri
ally. Moreover, phonology and morphology are mutually
/5S McCarthy 2007:60.
759 Steps described in McCarthy 2007:61.
760 DOT (Derivational Optimality Theory) has been developed by Rubach (1997, 200
0, 2003). The basic idea is that withing OT paradigm there are derivation levels
. The number of those levels is minimal, they are minimally different ranking. T
he output of the lower level serves as the input to the higher level. The numbor
of rerankings is minimal and the number of constraints is also minimal. Rubach
posited three derivational to describe the glide insertion in Czech and Slovak.
761 Kiparsky Redup.
298
influenced. For example, if a suffix is attached to a base, the base must have a
certain phonological property which need not be faithful with the underlying fo
rm.
Opaliska (2004) applied DOT analysis to the CL in Old English. She sticked to mor
aic theory and dealt with Gsg *feoxes > Jeos "money", which is a CL from contrac
tion, and Gsg *feorxes > Jeores "life" being a CL from consonant. So e.g. for th
e former example Opaliska proposes that at the level 1 a mora is assigned to the
sonorant consonant when Max-C dominates *Ons-x :
Level 1: WBP > Max-C > *Ons-x , Dep^
WBP Max-C *Ons-x Depu
^f(eo)uru.xeus * *
f(eo)(ir.xe(is *! *
f(eo)ur.eus *!
fe^re^s *! *
The most harmonic candidate feor.xes with moraic "r" serves as the input to leve
l 2 where constraints are reranked. Constraint *Ons-x now dominates Max-C so tha
t the optimal candidate feores is prefered:
Level 2: *Ons-x >Max^>WBP >Max-C
*Ons-x Max-n WBP Max-C
^fenOiJ.xenS *
fenOnr.xe^s *! * *
^eoVr.e^s * *
f(eo)uru.xeus *
Stratal OT developed by Kiparsky seems pretty the same as DOT with the respects
of levels/strata. The method has been applied by Kiparsky 2009 to the CL in Finn
ish. The important observation is that CL depends on resyllabification. This is
the fact which is often forgotten, especially in Slavic situation.
As I apply Stratal OT in my own analysis, I refrain from adducing Kiparsky's exa
mplex.
No fricative in onset.
Opaliska 2004:246-247.1 modified the tableaux for the sake of simplicity.
299
10.2. CL in Slavic
CL in Slavic is the CVCV type. The process depends on: 1. the nature of vowel -
only mid vowels e, o are lengthened; 2. the nature of the consonant; 3. the orig
inal accentual paradigm. From the typological point of view, the CVCV CL is more
often diachronically (Kavitskaya 2002). The situation similar to Slavic can be
observe e.g. in Middle English, Hungarian, Estonian, Korean, also in Nilotic lan
guage Dinka or Voltaic language Baasaar (see Kavitskaya 2002:104 for literature)
.
1. Only mid vowels *e, *o undergo lengthening in most Slavic languages, although
in peripheral areas (Kashubian) also high vowels can be lengthened. I agree wit
h Kavitskaya (2002:130) that Late-Proto-Slavic mid vowels are reflects of origin
al short vowels while the peripheral (high and low) vowels reflected long ones o
r diphtongs. Therefore, *e and *o can only be lengthened.
2. Compensatory lengthening generally occurs before the voiced obstruent, so CVi
DV
yer
>
CViD, although various other observations have been proposed.
3. Even if alternative suggestions have been done, it seems that CL generally oc
curs in former
APc although APb is also taken as a paradigm where CL can be observed.
10.2.1. Typological parallels to the CL in Slavic
Comparatively similar to Slavic situation is CL in Friulian. In CV1CV2 structure
s the unstressed V2 vowels (except "a") were lost giving rise to the CL of prece
ding stressed Vi. The Friulian vowel system develops from Vulgar Latin. Vulgar L
atin lost all the length differences. The new phonological contrast in Friulian
can be seen in masculines and
r- 765 feminines:
masc. fem.
l.f lve "wolf
rii.t rude "pure"
fr.t frde "cold"
be.t bede "blessed'
After the loss of final vowel in masculine forms leads to the lengthening of pre
ceding vowel with subsequent resyllabification and devoicing of the final
consonant. Hualde (1990:37) adduces the classical explanation of the CL devel
opment: 1. the voicing and fricativization of Latin intervocalic stops: lupum >
lobu > lovu "wolf
764 Hualde 1990; Prieto 1992, Repetti:1992. Kavitskaya 2002:108-117.
765 Hualde 1990:32. Length is marked by a colon, acute means stress.
300
2. the lengthening of the vowel that precedes the voiced obstruent: lobu > lo.vu
3. the loss of unstressed final vowels other than - a: lo.vu > lo.v
4. the devoicing of word final obstruents: lo.v > lo.f
Hualde suggests an alternative explanation in which the deletion of final vowel
prededed the lengthening of the stressed vowel: 1.Voicing of stops: lupu > lbu >
lovu "he-wolf; lupa > lba >lva "she-wolf
2. Loss of nonlow unstressed final vowels: lovu >lv; lva > (rule does not apply)
3. Lengthening of stressed vowels followed by a word-final obstruent: lv >l:v; lva
> (rule does not apply)
The lengthening also occurs before sonorants: palu > p:I "stick", pilu > p.l "hair
" but not if the original sonorant was geminated: mille > mil "thousand", volle
> vl "valley". Hualde interprets the CL in Friulian as the combination of initial
stress and a following voiced consonant supported by the tendency for vowels to
be phonetically longer before a voiced consonant. Interestingly, Hualde posits
a three-moraic constraint on rime complexity - the number of morae within a syll
able cannot exceed three morae. So if the vowel was followed by a geminate (whic
h was moraic), the nucleus in the new syllable cannot be long because it could e
xceed the total amount of morae within the word. This interesting result has, as
we will see, the important implication for the description of Czech quantitativ
e system.
The compensatory lengthening in Friulian, as interpreted by Hualde, can be seen
as a mora insertion and simultaneous conservation of the total mora count in the
segmental matrix.
/rud/ /rude/
d
/ lili
: R O R O R
A A
The lenghtening process is due to the devoicing of final obstruents and successi
ve mora reassociation:
766 Hualde 2002:37-38.
767 Hualde 2002:39. However, Prieto (1992:227) admits that the contrast between
geminates and non-geminates in final position would be unstable and tended to be
rapidly neutralised.
768 Hualde 2002:40.
769 Hualde 1990:43-44.
301
r u t _^, rut
An alternative explanation to Friulian CL was suggested by Prieto (1992), mainly
backed
770
on Hayes (1989) parasitic delinking concept:
The process from Classical Latin: mele "honey" to Late Latin mjle and further Fri
ul. mil is described by vowel loss. First, Late Latin form undergoes vowel delet
ion and parasitic delinking:
Then, CL and vowel change results in the output form mil:
u, u
m r 1
Basically, the non-low final vowel deletion is triggered by restructuration of t
he weight units. Then, vowel lengthening due to the parasitic delinking occurs.
A similar explanation for Friulian CL was provided by Repetti (1992) who rightly
counts with the resyllabification of the final consonant. So after the CL, when
the form *meml occurs, the final consonant is resyllabified (the process which
is unclear because "1" remains in the same syllable but according to Repetti ist
just share the nucleus mora, so becomes
771
moraic). This is a problem because Repetti thinks that the final coda which is n
eutralised in voice (la:t) is underlyingly moraic because of the feminine lade w
here the consonant is simply
777
vocalised due to to voice environment. I agree with Repetti that the long vowel
must be (or to be precise, must have been) followed by the voiced consonant befo
re CL but after it the +voice feature was lost in final position.
The situation in Friulian was also dealt with Kavitskaya (2002:108-117). However
, she does not seem to bring anything new to the explanation. She just copies th
e well-known
770 Prieto 1992:234.
771 Repetti 1992:166.
772 Repetti 1992:171.
302
typological finding that long vowels are phonetically longer before voiced conso
nants and interprets the CL in her theory of phonologizaton of the inherent vowe
l duration after the change in syllable structure (see below). Having showed tha
t here are two factors that trigger the CL - the inherently long root vowel befo
re D being supported by stress: CF7/DV2, she explains the CL due to the phonolog
ization of the inherent length in Vi after the loss of V2.
Two other typological parallels to Slavic CL can be mentioned. Andersen 1990 des
cribed the quantity in two Western Nilotic languages, Pari and Dinka. T While Pa
ri has binary length contrast shortlong, Dinka developed a ternary length contra
st: short V, medium VV and long VVV. The difference in length between two langua
ges is due to the CL:
CVC-V: Pari: p "knife x CWC: Dinka : pal; CVVC-V: Pari: tjen-o "evening", CVVVC: Din
ka: teen.114
Hungarian situation is also similar to the Slavic one because short high vowels
are deleted:
77S
*wizi > viz "water", *ludu > lud "goose".
The important difference between CVCV CL type and other types is the change from
open syllable structure to closed syllable.
10.2.2. Conditions of CL in Slavic
Compensatory lengthening in Slavic is a phenomenon reflecting the original CVCVy
er structure visible in masculine o-stems. Traditionally, the processes of lengt
hening, as in Cz. bh, stl. are interpreted as compensatory lengthening but the con
ditions are much more complex. It is clear that the motivation for CL is connect
ed with the loss of final weak yer but the situation is complicated by the irreg
ular geographical distribution, the complicated lengthening under neoacute and f
ormer circumflex as well as the influence of final coda in the newly formed mono
syllable CVC.
Generally, several conditons of CL in Slavic can be postulated (repeating):
- geographical distribution: CL is not observed in the periphery of Slavic terr
itory: Polabian, Kashubian, Macedonian, Russian.
- restriction of vowel: only mid vowels e/o are lengthened
- CL is limited to former APb and APC forms (I postpone the discussion if under
APb there is a true CL
773 Kavitskaya 2002:113.
774 Andersen 1990:17.
775 Klmn p: 64 in Benk & Imre 1972.
303
- the nature of intervening consonants - CL can be influenced by voiced obstrue
nts, this condition is geographically limited
- retraction of stress - in APb, retraction of stress and rise of neoacute are
sometimes connected with lengthening
- intonation - CL does not happen in former APa paradigms and if we observe len
gthening there, it is not CL but the origin of length is different
10.2.3. Areal distribution of CL
Timberlake (1983a,b) thinks that Slavic CL underwent also in APa, APb and APc, s
o in all zero forms of the originan three accentual paradigms. According to the
conditions and results of CL, he divides Slavic territory into seveal zones: Wes
t Slavic - Southern subzone - Slovak, Czech, Upper Sorbian
- Northern subzone - Polish, Kashubian, Slovincian, Polabian (no traces of CL)
Lower Sorbian - obscure traces of CL South Slavic - Southeastern subzone - Bulga
rian, Macedonian
- Northwestern subzone - Slovenian, Stokavian, Cakavian East Slavic - Southweste
rn subzone - Ukrainian, Southern Byelorussian
- Northeastern subzone - Central and Northern Byelorussian, Russian (no CL) CL d
ivides Slavic into two areas: in Slovenian, Stokavian, Cakavian the CL occurs mo
re in APc, in Ukrainian and souther Byelorussian more examples of CL can be obse
rved in APb.
The mechanism of CL should generally be as follows: the change of quantity to qu
ality lead to the situation that there was no phonemic opposition in quantity. T
here were only allophonic quantitative differences, partially due to the accent
(distinction of accent but no phonemic distinction of quantity). Tense vowels we
re shortened n final syllables and in polysyllabic forms. That change lead to th
e rise of phonemic quantity - lax vowels contra long, long vowels due to the con
traction and CL. Neoacute here means the retraction from stressed yer.
In Slovenian, Stokavian, Cakavian the acute on tense vowels was allophonically s
hortened. Neoacute on lax vowels (identified with short acute) or tense vowels (
pretonically) acquired phionemic quantity and the opposition short acute+short n
eoacute x long neoacute occured. Circumflex on tense vowels was interpreted as l
ong intonation, circumflex on lax vowels was interpreted as short intonation. Th
ose changes resulted in the rise of quantity.
304
Ukrainian, Southern Byelorussian merged acute and circumflex and neoacute did no
t cause the rise of phonemic quantity. Russian Leka dialects have two "o": the t
ense from acute (korva) or neoacute kn. It means that until fall of yers there was
still accent distinction, acute merged with neoacute.
In West Slavic territory there are three areas of different development - Polish
, Kashubian, and Slovincian merged acute and circumflex on tense vowels with sub
sequent shortening. Czech shortened circumflex on tense vowels while acute on te
nse vowels remained long. Neoacute was on both lax and tense vowels. Such situat
ion lead to the reorganization of the accent system and the rise of phonemic qua
ntity. In Upper Sorbian, neoacute did not lead to the rise of phonemic quantity
but there was still accentual contrast at the time of neoacute rise. Summary of
Timberlake's approach:
- rise of allophonic length
- development of neoacute
- rise of phonemic quantity+redevelopment of accentual system: Polish, Kashubi
an, Slovincian, Slovak, ?Czech, USorbian, Ukrainian, Southern Byelorussian - mer
ging of acute and circumflex; Slovenian, Stokavian, Cakavian, Central and Northe
rn Byelorussian, Russian
- merging of neoacute and acuteowels - a vowel acquired length in proportion to
the phonetic reduction of the yer in the following syllable, length of the stro
ng vowel adjusted dialectally for the immediately following consonant according
to the sonority hierarchy (p. 314).
- consonant effect during CL - only West Slavic and Ukrainian, Southern Byelorus
sian
- dialectal isoglosses - CL not under neoacute from Slovak (none), Czech (restr
icted by consonants), Upper Sorbian (unrestricted), North Cakavian (only before
sonorants) - South Cakavian (before sonorants and voiced obstruents)
Problems:
- it is not clear why the intonation should be phonemic but length allophonic
- the rise of phonemic length due to the loss of years does not seem to be in co
nnection with intonation
- why only e, o were lengthened under CL - it suggests hierarchy of o, e other vo
wels but it is not clear what this hierachry reflects (p. 317). Ukrainian, South
ern Byelorussian + Upper Sorbian - restriction due to the phonological system at
the fall of the years - they had phonemic opposition of quantity on tense for t
hose mid vowels, at the fall of yers the phonetically lengthened mid vowels > lo
ng. Slovak - CL only under neoacute because e, o and yers were only short vowels
occuring under neoacute. Czech has also this hiearchy,
305
although it is not clear why they are lengthened when experimental studies show
that high vowels are more liable to lengthening.
Let's look more at the CL and related quantity development in West Slavic : S
lovak
- APb long, no influence of intervening consonant kl-kola, stl-stola, vl-vola, k-koa,
n-noa, k-koa, bb-bbu, knt, pst
- APc short (exception bl, br), med, bok, stroj, most, stoh, lov, also originall
y long bes, hrad, vlas, kvet
- APa - short - dym, kraj, hnev, ded, mak Czech
- APb long, according to Timberlake CL without limit because Old Czech reflects
lentgh, so standard stl, k, n, dvr but bob, ko, sko , OCz k, kt
- APc long before sonorants and voiced fricatives bh, dl, hnj, dm, vz; short before
voiced stops and voiceless obstruents rod, med, led, brod, most, nos, rok, bok
- APa long, mrz, mk
The situation in Czech is notoriously difficult. I partially discuss Czech data
below and in a great detail in the next chapter which is devoted to Czech length
.
Upper Sorbian
- APb long, no influence of intervening consonant k, med, Mos
- APc long, no influence of intervening consonant Ms, hrd
- CL also on strong yers
Here the situation is also more complex.
Long , are in stressed syllables (fixed initial stress) but also in unstressed po
sition (irrelevant of accentuation - we jstw "in the room", njew "does not know".
After a depalatalised spirants and "c" there is a change ">y" - syno "hay", cydi "s
train" (<*cditi)
According to Rytarowska (1927:81) there is no influence an intervening consonant
on CL. Rytarowska thinks that CL was previously unconditioned with regard to th
e consonant. While Polish developed brevity before the unvoiced cons
onants and secondarily devoiced
776 modified according to Timberlake.
777 Timberlake 1983:211.
778 Timberlake 1983:212.
779 Timberlake 1983:213.
780 Schaarschmidt 1997:82.
306
consonants (after the loss of yers) due to the analogical transfer of brevity fr
om the oblique cases, Upper Sorbian preserved the original state. The proofs for
that claim can be seen in the alternation of length in examples like n-noa/na and in
brevity of the nouns like dol, dom, drob, low, row. The short vowel here is tho
ught to be secondary after oblique cases where the CL did not operate.
Rytarowska's approach was criticised by Dybo (1963) but his only serious critici
sm is on Rytarowska's claim that Upper Sorbian "" and "" are neutralised before la
bials and velars. This might be a problem for interpreting data but it is not im
portant for our analysis. The important results by Dybo are those that he adduce
s examples from Upper Sorbian dialects and old grammars which can show different
quantitative situation.
Special development show the examplex of o-stems with strong yer vocalisation (D
ybo 1968:64-68). Strong yers show different reflexes depending on the original a
ccentual paradigm. If the noun belonged to the original APb paradigm, strong yea
rs are prolonged. Also, weak yers in oblique cases are sometimes vocalised and t
he thus the paradigmatic forms show alternation of length.
*bbzb-bbz > bz-boza; *mbchb-mbch > mch-moha; *sbrih-sbn >sn-sona; *bvb-bv > w-owa;
-psa; *rbb-rbt > rt-rta/rota.
Circumflexed forms, on the other hand, have short reflex of strong yers: *lbm>-l
bna >len-
7 781
lenu.
Derksen (2008a: 126-127) considers the short vowel in oblique cases secondary an
d tries to explain the long vowel in Nsg also as a secondary development - due t
o the ns-nosa pattern. This does not seem probable to me. Moreover, Derksen claim
s that the long reflex of rising yers are not connected with CL, but with the Ko
rtlandt's lengthening rule of short rising vowels. This forces him to admit that
the conditions ofthat lengthening rule were different in Czech and in Upper Sor
bian territory because in Czech we do not have any long reflexes of strong yers
in Nsg masculines. Examples like dve or mn are of not reflexes of lengths in yers. T
he former examples is emphatic and dialectal, the latter one is morphologised ad
verbial form. It has nothing to do with Upper Sorbian length in Nsg masculine o-
stems.
The problem with Timberlake's claim is also his simplification of data. APb o-st
ems might be long or short: - chrst, drn, thr-thrja, wsk, dwr, kn, n but blen, de,
ht
Other examples adduced by Dybo are from i-stems, e.g. *vbb-vbi >wo-w; *rbb-rbi > ro-r
307
be also long with short doublets: hlod, hlos/hls,hrd, Mos prh, smrd wlos/wls, zlob. T
he situation is by no means so straightforward.
East-West development of CL according to Timberlake:
- CL in APb not APc (Slovak) Morava??CL in APb (without limits), CL in APc
(restricted) CL in APb and APc
Unsolved problems are the Moravian shortening (of APa, e.g. mak, hlina) and SW
Czech
overlengthening (also in former APa, e.g. slina, kraj)
- oppositon - -o, q.-ej intervening consonant constraint - len
gth before voiced
obstruent/sonorant, no length before a voiceless consonant: krj-kroju, wdz-wodza,
lw-
lowu, dqb-dqbu sok, bok, pot, nos
Dialects - byk-begu, chlyp-chleba, grot, got (had), kroj
Old Polish (reflects the state before neutralisation o,o_N, standard dom but OPo
l dm/dom,
k/ko (Gonschior 1973).
Compensatory lengthening in Polish has been traditionally observed before voiced
obstruents. Abele (1925-1926:437-438) thought that the length could become due
to a sort of diphtongization: before voiceless obstruent the vowel was short and
before the loss of final yer the final consonant could create a diphtong. After
the loss of yers the, the second part of a diphtong (the consonant, as Abele th
inks) was lengthened. Later, long consonants could be shortened length of the sy
llable variously levelled.
Before a voiced obstruent, the vowel could have been longer and was therefore pr
olonged. This is the explanation of bg x bok examples in Polish.
However, Abele was not able to explain Old Polish lengths as czaas, laas, prooch
and is willing to accept lengthening before voiceless obstruents. On the other
hand, she points out on the similarity of Gpl a-stem - both are zero forms.
Koneczna 1934 (quoted by Dlugosz-Kurczabowa 2006) considered the lengthening bef
ore voiced obstruents as an inherent process. Lengthening before unvoiced obstru
ent should have also be active but the vowel was not inherently longer in that p
osition. So e.g. *nosh would develop into *noos with a phonetic half-long vowel
(the half-mora would be transfered from the weak yer) but the length was not sa
tisfactory enough to become
Timberlake 1983:213-214.
308
phonological. The puzzle which arises here is again the silently supposed half-m
ora yer whose deprived vocalic quality caused it to be lost but whose moraicity
was still strong enough to be trans fered.
The mechanism of lengthening before voiced obstruents would probably be as follo
ws: CViDVyer sequence developed an inherent lengtening of Vi before voiced D. Af
ter the loss of yer, its moraic torzo was transfered to Vi and contributed to it
s "uncompleted two moras" so that the length of Vi became strong enough to becom
e phonologized. Then, D was devoiced and the original condition of lengthening w
as lost.
While such scenario seems logical, it has several disadvantages. First, it is un
clear why such process would happen only before certain voiced obstruents. Forms
with velars are lengthened both in Polish, Upper Sorbian and in Czech, e.g. *bo
gh (APc) > Cz bh-boha, PI. bg-boga, USorb bh-boha but Slovak boh-boha.. Lengthening
before voiced alveolare is dialectally conditioned, e.g. *plodh (APc) > Cz plod
-plodu, Slk. plod-plodu, PI. pd-podu, USorb. pld-plodu. The USorb. lengthening befor
e unvoiced alveolar (plt-plota), apart from Cz. plot-plotu, Slk. plot-plota and P
I. plot-plotu, might be explained as analogy or as an internal Upper Sorbian pro
cess but in my opinion, this is just the rough-and-ready solution. It is unclear
to me why the same inherent and add-the-half-mora-lengthening which should have
happened everywhere in West Slavic would phonologize only certain structures. C
oncerning nasals, as Dlugosz-Kurczabova (2006:101-104) notes, the lengthening is
still preserved in Old Polish, so *dom-b (APc) > *doom > dm > NPol dom; *kon& (A
Pb) >*koo > k > NPol. kon. In Polish tradition (e.g. Topolinska 1964), CL is a phen
omenon resulting from the yer weakening. The original distribution (long vowel i
n a closed, syllable, short in an open syllable) has been erased by the morpholo
gical processes (which is often a synonyme for analogy).
Kashubian
- also lengthening of high vowels, apart from middle ones: bg-begu, md-modu, dob-dqb
a,
sin-sana, gib-gdba, noga-ng, baba-bcob,
10.2.3.1. Criticism of Timberlake: Czech situation
Timberlake (1983:212) claims that CL in Czech is notoriously complex and there a
re counterexamples for every possible generalisation. According to him, former A
Pc show CL before sonorants and voiced fricatives {bh, dl, hnj, dm) and not before v
oiced stops and voiceless obstruents {rod, med, brod, most, nos, rok, bok). Ther
e are counterexamples like
309
Silesian ruh, zvun, rud, luj (which may be of Polish influence, although Central
and Southern Czech also reflect luj), but also Western Czech area (Roudnice, Ra
kovnk) ruh, Old Czech rj, large areas of Czech and Moravian territory have short l
oj. Former APb o-stems should be prolonged no matter what consonant was before t
he final yer - stl, k, n, dvr but bok, ko, roj. However, Old Czech records k, South-W
rn Czech dialects ku, rj. Contrary to Timberlake, I do not see those differences a
s a proof that CL developed under in APb across any consonant and in APc only be
fore sonorants and voiced fricatives. It does not explain why we have doublets i
n Old Czech:APc - blesk/blsk, kyj/kj, rov/rv, roh/rh, vk/viek. In my opinion, we must
also take into account quantity difference in APa, where no CL could not operat
e - standard Czech and Czech dialects mk, mrz, hrch, pl, but mak, hrach, pla (Morava)
and jih, plouh, kraj (South-Western Czech dialects). I do not agree with the deu
s-ex-machina explanation of analogical development which solves nothing. The sit
uation becomes complicated when we start to observe how o-stems behave in paradi
gms. Then, we cannot understand the difference Nsg-Gsg stl-stolu but kl-klu, althou
gh both words with almost the same syllabic structure belonged to APb and underw
ent CL in Nsg. Again, the explanation due to analogy is purely ad hoc because it
is not comprehensible why the same analogy could not operate in dvr, n, k > Gsg**dvru
, **ne, **kn. The similar "differently generalised" situation is in Slovak, where we
have stl-stola, kl-kola but bb-bbu but in Czech bob-bobu. The same principle can be
observed in Upper Sorbian where the situation is complicated by the fact that A
Pb masculines containing root yers also undergo CL and merge with other words of
similar type, e.g. sn-sona "dream", mch-mocha "moss" like ns-nosa "nose".
10.2.4. Slavic CL in Rule ordering
Kenstowicz (1994:74-78) took CL in Slavic as one of the rule in the sequences of
other rules. Polish examples like Nsg nos "nose", ko "basket"-Npl nosi, koe do no
t show any change in structure. But Nsg vus "cart", nu "knife" and Npl vozi, noe a
re examples of final coda devoicing. Final obstruent alternates between voiced a
nd unvoiced alophones. It is clear that the underlying consonant is voiced, so t
he rules describing vus-vozi devoicing situation can be stated as follows:
[-sonor] > [-voiced] /__#
[-sonor] > [+voiced] / V__V
310
This is the change z >s or >. But there is also change o>u in Nsg so Kenstovicz p
ostulates raising rule:
[-cons, +back,-low] > [+ high] /__[+cons, +voiced. -nasal] #
Kenstowicz thinks that this rule must apply before devoicing rule because raisin
g depends on the voicing contrast. So the rule sequences are as follows: /#voz#/
UR
vuz raising
vus devoicing
No matter how elegant the rule sequences can explain the situation, the problem
remains why the rising operates also before voiced consonants without any devoic
ing, like Gpl of pole "field" which is pul. So Kenstowicz is forced to admit tha
t the situation that he describes is not a natural phonological category and the
alternation that he describes is synchronically incomprehensible and must have
the origin in the history of Polish.
10.2.5. Bethin's solution of CL
For Bethin 1998, compensatory lengthening in Late Proto-Slavic is a phonological
change occuring in bisyllabic domain. The mechanism of CL is basically the mora
-preserving structure, being reasociation ofn the moraic tier in a bisyllable do
main:
(7 CT
Bethin (1998:96-104) backed heavily on the Timberlake's data and interpretation
but she takes CL as a process in the rise of the bisyllabic domain in Late PS1 d
ialects. Bethin interprets CL as a dissociation and reassociation on the moraic
tier in a bisyllabic domain. North West Slavic (Polish and Kashubian) which have
the voiced consonant effect should interpret bimoraic syllables as a syllable w
eight contrast om: o^. So what was important was not the length of a vowel or a
liquid but the total weight of a syllable.
Bethin interprets neoacute differentely according to dialectal conditions. As sa
id earlier, Bethin interprets Late Proto-Slavic oxytona as forms with H tone on
the final syllable. South
783 Bethin 1998:99.
311
Slavic retraction should be as the dissociation of H tone and its reassociation
to the preceding mora. The result is a long rising neoacute if the target syllab
le is long, e.g. Cakavian Gpl vlas or a short rising intonation if the target sy
llable is short, e.g. Slovene knj. For Bethin, this is the proof that South Slavi
c maintain the length opposition after the retraction. Northern Slavic had the s
tress retaction because shorthening of acute and identification of circumflex in
tonation as stressed lead to the prominence as an interpretation of stress. Conc
erning CL in West Slavic, Bethin interprets it as a lengthening before a stresse
d short vowel (pretonic lengthening) which occured as a support to use quantity
for a trochaic metrical foot, so C\yCVyer > 'CV^Cyer. The subsequent retrac
tion of stress should support the trochaic
++ 787
pattern.
10.2.5.1. Criticism of Bethin
This conception presupposes two stages of development. First, the pretonic lengt
hening. Second, the retraction of stress. This could basically happen but it doe
s not explain counterexamples like Czech bob, Slovak bb. Bethin heavily backs her
analysis on Timberlake (1983) and Feldstein 1978. Although she claims that the
so called neoacute lengthening was different from the real CL under circumflex,
her only distiction from the two authors is that Bethin does not count with the
tone distinction in North-East Slavic. I cannot accept her outcome of acute shor
tening because it is a mistake which is preserved only by a tradition. On the ot
her hand, I fully accept Bethin's conception of the bisyllabic domain. Although
Bethin's opinions on PS1 intonations seems outdated to me, her explanation (1993
:231) of neoacute as a pretonic lengthening before a stressed short vowel in ord
er to mainatin a metrical foot sounds very positive.
10.2.6. CL due to the listener-oriented view
Kavitskaya (2002) developed a phonologization model of CL using listener-oriente
d view. She claims that the loss of a segment causes the phonetic lengthening of
a neighbouring segment and the speaker interprets it so. As for CVCV CL, which
concerns us most, the mechanism is as follows: the first open syllable is is par
sed a long and the second one interpreted as phonologically short. When the fina
l fowel is deleted, the "lengthened" vowel
Bethin 2008:131.
The shortening of acute in West Slavic is one of Bethin's shortcomings.
Bethin 2008:147.
The earlier version in Bethin 1993.
Kavitskaya 2002:9.
312
in the new closed syllable is anomalous because it is longer than expected. So t
he listener parses the longer vowel as intended by the speaker and reinterprets
the vowel as phonologically long. The conditions for CL were lost and the phonet
ic property is therefore hypercorrectly misinterpreted and phonologized both by
the listener and a speaker. The result is a long root vowel. For Kavitskaya, the
CL does not mean the transfer of length or weight but is reinterpreted as phono
logically relevant due to the change of syllable structure (from open to closed)
and then lexicalised.
Such process is explained in CV1CV2 CL in Slavic. Kaviskaya claims that the extr
a phonetic length is inherently present in Vi because the vowel in open syllable
is considered longer than vowels in closed syllables. When the yer (V2) is lost
, the inherent phonetic length is "misinterpreted" as phonologically long during
the above-mentioned relationship listener-speaker.
10.2.6.1. Criticism of Kavitskaya's methodology
Slavic situation presents a considerable problem for Kavitskaya. The first short
coming is the the source of data. Kavitskaya's main source of information is Tim
berlake (1983) without any reference to alternative approaches. This prevents he
r to take account the relevant data from dialects and to consider CL in zero gra
de forms in a broader paradigmatic perspective (see below). To explain the diffe
rent results of CL in Slavic territory, Kavitskaya again uses her model of inher
ent long vowels before voiced stops. To prove it, she uses experimental model of
phonetic realization of vowels in the different consonantal neighbourhood being
persuaded that the situation in Russian is closed enough to vowel length in Sla
vic dialects which undervent CL (sic!) Of course, there is no proof for such cla
im. Moreover, Kavitskaya uses the Contemporary Standard Russian variant speakers
and although her phonetic experiments support the prerequisite that vowels are
phonetically longer before voiced and shorter before voiceless consonants, it do
es not at all mean that the situation in Russian is similar to the situation of
Proto-Slavic. Also, although having such phonetic contrast, Russian did not deve
lop CL and quantity contrast similar to West and South Slavic territory.
Kavitskaya also does not take into account the fact that not only she uses the s
tandard (codified) variant of Russian but also that it there is more than a mill
enium between Late Proto-Slavic and her Russian speakers. Another peculiarity om
itted by Kavitskaya is the fact
789 Kavitskaya 2002:11.
790 Kavitskaya 2002:126-129.
313
that CL in Late Proto-Slavic depends on the original accentual paradigms which a
re, of course, absent from modern Russian as well as the synchronic vowel system
(as Kavitskaya itself admits). But the fatal methodological error is the number
of respondents (only 3!), speaking standard Russian. It is striking that Kavits
kaya projects the results of three idiolects to the situation being on the whole
Slavic territory almost one thousand years ago.
Now, why just mid vowel should be longer before voiced consonant in CVDV were in
terpreted as longer. Kavitskaya argues that the lengthening is connected with th
e fall of yers connected with the newly closed syllables containing inherited mi
d vowels and new mid vowels from the even-numbered yers. If I understand Kavitsk
aya well, she expects that the old mid vowels would be quantitatively treated di
fferently than new mid vowels originating from strong yers. But first - the situ
ation is simpler, the strong yers could be lowered later than the lengthening of
original mid vowels. Also, the situation in Upper Sorbian contradicts Kavitskay
a's premise because CL also occurs in structures with strong yers.
Concerning the dependance of CL on the original accentual paradigms, Kavitskaya
argues that vowels under the falling accent were phonetically longer than vowels
under the rising
701
accent. The accentual system of Kavitskaya is based on a modification of the Bet
hin's system (Bethin 1998). Kavitskaya hypothesizes that the rising accents were
realised over two moras. The short rising accent is centered over a monomoraic
vowel, second mora of high tone is realised on the preceding syllable. Pretonic
syllable was necessary for the contour because it contained the upward slope to
the peak. Using that modification, Kavitskaya explains the absence of short risi
ng initial accent.
Acute: short rising long rising
H
A'
Kavitskaya 2002:134. Kavitskaya 2002:136-137.
314
Circumflex: short falling
long falling
(L) H (1)
ji ji ji
(V) V (V) V
The accentual system presented by Kavitskaya still remains on the position of ne
o-classical accentology: acute is considered as a pitch accent realised on the s
econd mora (instead of being a glottalised feature), she introduces superfluous
L tone (*krva "cow" LHL >Rus.
7Q-3
korva), *grdh HLL "city" > Rus. grod. She interprets CL as lengthening under neoacu
te (HH) in former APb paradigms (*enh > Slovak ien). CL in West Slavic should ther
efore be influenced by the intervening consonants under the falling and rising a
ccents and the lengthening should apply under the neoacute. If the short rising
tone required a pitch rise over two vowels (in two syllables), the reduction of
V2 (yer) lead to the prominence of the rising slope of the Vi. But rising accent
s should be over two moras, so the monomoraic Vi would be lengthened so as to me
et the condition of rising tone existence. Such situation is to be observed in W
est Slavic.
To sum up, the conditions of CL in West Slavic as presented by Kavitskaya should
be presented as follows:
1. in CV1DV2 structures, the Vi are the mid vowels whose source is the original
short IE vowels
2. this mid vowel is phoneticaly longer before D
3. if the structure CV1DV2 is in APb, the rising tone is realised over Vi and V
2 being thus two-moraic
4. after the loss of V2 (yer), the rising slope over Vi must be interpreted as
bimoraic so as to meet the condition of rising tone.
The obvious caveat of this analysis is the fate of weak yers. If the oxytona sho
uld have final rising intonation over two syllables, it is troublesome to explai
n why the yers (which must have been monomoraic originly) should suddenly reduce
to some ultrashort vowels. This is the cliche notoriously repeated in literature
without even explaing how the speakers could distinguish short and ultrashort v
owel in the pronunciation. The second objection
793 Kavitskaya 2002:138, 139
794 Kavitskaya 2002:144. Neoacute here is considered as a retraction from lost y
er to the preceding vowel.
315
against this approach is that Kavitskaya does not discuss the situation of lengt
hening in APc, e.g. Cz. bh, dm contra rod, med (discussed by Timberlake 1983) whic
h obviously contradict Kavitskaya's explanation because on the one hand there sh
ould be inherent vowel lengthening Vi before D, on the second hand the intonatio
n structure should be HL and it is not clear why suddenly the HL > HH. Also, the
explanation why some consonants with [+voiced] feature (voiced fricatives) infl
uence CL while others (voiced obstruents) did not. Kavitskaya (p. 162-163) expla
ins the length difference between Czech dm and rod as the underlying quantitative
difference of stem-final vowels. This is nonsense, of course, because first tho
se vowels are root vowels (the stem final vowel is underlying o-suffix from o-st
ems), second, it would mean that the vowels have different phonetic quantity bef
ore two types of voiced obstruents. To solve such unspoken complications, Kavits
kaya proposes that the CL in Czech (as well as in Hungarian) is phonologically c
onditioned for a certain type of stems
7QC
which are lexically marked and with later, saving deus-ex-machina paradigmatic l
eveling. The heavy reliance on Timberlake's article only prevents Kavitskaya to
see the lengthening in Gpl a-stem: Cz. hln, OCz zm, Slovak krv etc.
10.2.7. Feldstein's Slavic dialectal isoglosses concerning CL and accompanying p
rosody changes
The important progress in the knowledge of historical development of CL in Slavi
c was done by Feldstein (1975, 1978, 2007). Feldsteins ideas basically come from
those of Jakobson (1963).
CL and neoacute is here interpreted as a leftward stress shift because the loss
of stressability was the key factor in the definition of weak yers (especially W
est and South Slavic languages). Destressing also led /or was simultaneously acc
ompanied by their loss.
Feldstein, following the ideas of Jakobson, claims that the place of maximal dis
tinction for PS1 prosody was on word-initial long syllables. Tonal opposition co
uld have been only in the initial syllable, stressed auslaut in APb was redundan
tly rising. This explanation is quite logical, because Slavic circumflex is defi
ned as a falling intonation only in absolute anlaut of a mobile paradigm. When w
e have stress in oxytone forms of APb and APc that intonation must have been at
least redundantly rising There could have been three prosodic possibilities in t
he Nsg-Gsg of o-stems
795 Kavitskaya 2002:164. In cotrast, Friulian strems undergoing CL should be de
terminable phonologically because lengthening occurs only before voiced consonan
ts. According to Kavitskaya (p. 161), there is no need in the lexical specificat
ion. I consider this explanation arbitrary.
796 Feldstein 1975:65.
316
APa - *dmh-*dma - acute on the root syllabe
APb - *stoH, stola > stlh-stol, because there was no stress shift from final non-y
er vowels APc - *bgh-*bga. - alternation with recessive circumflex and oxytones
. Forms with recessive circumflex also underwent lengthening. Due to the shorten
ing of final long syllables the distinctive intonation, stress and quantity was
eliminated from final consonants.
Now there is a question. Old acute in APa was prosodically different from the in
tonation of APb, so *dymh and * tly differed. Stressed vowel in tly had redundant ri
sing intonation.
Nevertheles, situation like that stimulated change in prosodic system, because a
fter the stress retraction from final yers in APb and APc the oppositons in word
-initial syllables started to overflow - APa *dymh (long, stressed, rising), *stl
h (stressed, rising) bgy (stressed, falling).
Solution of the state, according to Feldstein
Serbian-Croatian, Slovene - shortening of acute, rising feature remained, neoacu
te is long and rising, circumflex long non-rising. The system differs intonation
: Sin: Nsg prg - Gsg prga "dust" (former APa), stl -tla (former APb), prh-prha (formr A
Pc); S-Cr. prg-prga, st - stola, prh-prha.
East Slavic - neiher quantity nor intonation is dependent on ictus which is the
only distinctive prosodic feature: Rus.porg-porog, stol-stol, proch-procha.Yers in Ea
st Slavic were the last to disappear and so there is neither distictive intonati
on nor quantity there.
According to Feldstein, the system with absence of quantity or intonation does n
ot allow the effective culmination of prosodic information on initial syllable.
The prosodic changes were closely connected with the chronology of weak yer loss
.
West Slavic - Before the loss of intonation, the word-initial long syllables cou
ld bear acute, neoacute and circumflex. The systems started to reinterpret quant
itative paterns of the three paradigms. In Czech - acute and neoacute syllables
remained an were reinterpreted as long, circumflex syllables as short. So APa an
d APb merged and opposed to APc (APa+APb x APc. Slovak and Polish intepreted acu
te and circumflex syllables as short, neoacute syllables as long, so APa+APc x A
Pb. The only distinctive prosodic feature which survives from
I use the standard notation of accentuation. Feldstein 1975:70-74. Data illustra
ted are mine. Feldstein 1978:365.
317
Proto-Slavic to West Slavic is vowel quantity: Cz prh-prahu, stl-stolu, prach-
prachu Slk. prah-prahu, stl-stola, prach-prachu.
Feldstein also supposes that at the time of neoacute there was still a tonal opp
osition and forms like *stlh "table" (APb) and *plh "half (APc) could be interpret
ed as long, because posttonic yer added another mora to the tonal conture. Shoul
d those systems lose final yer or tone, the tonal contour would be lost and dist
inction of the similar forms of APb and APc would be obliterated. So if either t
onal opposition or disyllabicity is lost, the forms merge, because what remains
are short vowels in both *stlh and *plh or the system uses quantity to differ the
new monosyllables so as to prevent merging. The language system could prolong sh
ort root in APb or in APc to maintain the opposition in Nsg: Cz. pl, stl but Slk.
stl x pol. According to Feldstein, that is actually the state we observe in Slavi
c languages and quantitative differences are dialectically conditioned.
Nsg APb merged with APc - here the system did not use quantitative opposition an
d vowel lengthening is not automatic in a paradigm but it is conditioned by the
quality of final consonant: Pol. kotxwz.
Nsg APb is distinguished from APc. This is the state in Serbian-Croatian and Slo
vene -short neoacute remained short, acute was shortened too. So all the rising
intonations were reinterpreted as short. Short circumflex was prolonged, long ci
rcumflex remained long, so all falling intonation were reinterpreted as long: Si
n prg stl x prh; S-Cr. prg, st, prh In Slovak, neoacute was interpreted as long, c
ircumflex as short : Slk. stl x prach,
From what has been said before, it is doubtful whether we should speak about CL
in Nsg o-stems. In both paradigms in Nsg final yers were lost but as we can see,
the lengthening of a root vowel is conditioned paradigmatically and dialectally
.
Concerning Short vowel oxytona , Jakobson 1963 saw difference between short vowe
l stoli>, (APb) and poly (APc) is due to phonetic contrast - presence or absence
of a tonic mark because retraction of stress results in the same ictus. Feldste
in agrees with Jakobson that neoacute means the change of ictus but there is als
o tonal opposition. Should there be a distictive tone at the time of neoacute, f
orms *stlb, *plb shoud be taken as long, because yer would add another mora.
Merger of those two forms would be threatened by loss of yer >
801 Feldstein 1975:70. I do not agree with Scheer's categorical claim that ther
e is no connection between Proto-Slavic quantity and Czech quantity. I deal with
the criticism of Scheer's hypothesis below.
802 Neotokavian form, ak. st.
803 Feldstein 1978:362-363
804 Feldstein 1978, 359-364.
805 Feldstein 1978:360-361.
806 Feldstein 1978: 361.
318
monosyllabicity, or tonal loss > loss of tonal contour (Feldstein 1978:361). How
ever, it is not quite clear how the final yer that was still present as a phonol
ogical entity could add another mora to a preceeding syllable. Also, shoud oposi
tion APb and APc continue, 2 assuptions must be taken into account: there must b
e tonal oposition and disyllabicity. If any of those assuptions misses, the two
paradigms either merge because they both have short root syllables or they remai
n opposed but another distinctive feature must have been phonologised -quantity
or free stress (Jakobson 1925? )
In long vowel nouns Czech and Upper Sorbian - rising pitch interpreted as length
, non-rising as brevity. According to Feldstein, in those areas must have still
been tone, because APa is different from APc. The difference can be seen in quan
tity of kln, prh (former APa) and prach (former APc). Polish and Slovak interprete
d pretonic APb and APc interpreted as long, acute and circumflex were shortened.
(At the time of quantitative redistribution tone was no longer operating (APa a
nd APc merged quantitatively) , klin, prah. In East Slavic - the quantitative op
position is lost, but rests of it can be observable in original *e and *o. Refle
xes of length (in form of a dynamic stress) can be seen in original TORT groups,
morz x groch.
10.2.7.1. West Slavic quantitative differences
Anyway, the prosodic information on the first syllable of the words contiunes to
be transmitted and transformed by means of West Slavic quantitative differences
. . Czech and Slovak should retain the pitch opposition in contrast to Polish (l
ength in TORT groups, contrast between prach and hrch), Polish and East Slavic sh
are common short reflexes of TORT groups (proch, proch, groch, gorch) which means
that pitch did not exist at the time of metathesis).
Czech and Slovak territories are the result of separate isoglosses: one for the
neoacute
Oil
retraction in long-vowel nouns, another for the retraction in the short-vowel ty
pe. In Czech and Upper Sorbian, the retraction and quantitative redistribution h
appened before tonal loss in long root nouns but after the tonal loss in short r
oot nouns:
u/ Feldstein 1978:365.
08 Feldstein 1978:366.
09 Feldstein 1978: 367.
10 Feldstein 1978:368-373.
11 Also Feldstein 1975:72.
12 Feldstein 1975:74.
13 Feldstein 1978:378.
319
Czech, Upper Sorbian: 1. neoacute retraction to long vowels, shortening of vowel
s with non-rising intonation, 2. change of tone to dynamic stress, 3. neoacute r
etraction to short vowels; Central Slovak: 1. Neoacute retraction to short vowe
ls, lengthening of vowels with short rising intonation, 2. change of tone to dyn
amic stress, 3. neoacute retraction to long vowels, shortening of old acute, sho
rtening of circumflex barytonic long vowels
Slovak CL: Atlas slovenskho jazyka (1968) shows that West Slovak has CL before re
sonants and voiced fricatives: vl, bob, nu, vz, the same development as in Czech. E
ast Slovak merged APb and APc and has CL before voiced consonants : vul, nu, bub,
vuz. The same development can be observed in Polish. Central Slovak, on the oth
er hand, distuinguished APb and APc: vl, n, bb x voz and the CL operates in APb with
out any influence of an intervening consonant. Feldstein (1978:381) assigns East
Slovak to Lekhitic zone and West Slovak to Czech zone (concerning prosody devel
opment).
Feldstein also claims that Czech (Czech dialects, to be precise) and Central Slo
vak are two poles of prosodic evolution. Between them are instances of dialect g
radation.
10.2.7.2. Isoglosses of CL and prosodic redistribution
There had to be separate isoglosses of neoacute retraction and length distributi
on. The neoacute-retraction isogloss to a long vowel goes from west to east reac
hing to Czech-Moravian border , retraction of stress to a short vowel from east
to west to Central Slovak-West Slovak border. The tone in north of Slovak had be
en already eliminated. Loss-of-pitch isogloss goes from the north Slavic area (w
ithouth reaching Serbian and Slovene).
Central Moravian and West Slovak would be untouched by any CL at the time of the
changing of tone to dynamic stress. Therefore, both territories would have the
similar quantitative pattern to Lekhitic: shortening of long APa and APc + mergi
ng of short APb and APc.818
The quantitative development of Moravian dialects share common patterns with Slo
vak and Polish, at least for long-vowel nouns (Feldstein 1978:380). This can be
observed especially for APa paradigm which is reflected as brevity - both in Mor
avian and in Slovak and Polish. Concerning the short vowel nouns, Czech and Mora
vian do not distinguish APb and APc (bob x pot) while Central Slovak does (bb x p
ot).
Modified after Feldstein 1978:379.
Feldstein 1978:394.
Feldstein 1978:382.
Feldstein uses the "Hank" term which is actuary Central Moravian.
Feldstein 1978:382.
320
I do not agree with Feldstein's complicated stress retraction. Feldstein must po
stulate two different retractions, the first one on the short vowel (when the in
tonations were still distinguishable), the second one on the long vowel (when th
e intonation contrast had already been lost). Both retractions should
operate on the opposite east-west and west-east
Ol Q
direction. However, I agree with him that West Slavic territory still differed a
ccentual paradigms at the time of CL. This is precisely the state we observe, ac
centual paradigm are transformed into quantitative paradigms. The original accen
tual paradigm either merge quantitatively or are differed by the new lengthening
. As this the next step is the theory of quantitative paradigm, I will leave it
to the following chapter.
819 See also Bethin (1993:229 ) for criticism of Feldstein's approach.
321
10.3. Proposed solution of CL Introduction
My solution of the problem comes out from two historical approaches and a Strata
l OT solution.
As Kortlandt 1975, 1994, 2008a and 2009 showed, there were several important cha
nges in the phonological development of Proto-Slavic which lead to the rise of n
ew lengths:
- rise of the new timbre distinction - pretonic quantity rephonemicized: all pr
etonic vowels were shortened: APc *rgk >Cz ruka
- retraction of the stress from final yers (Gpl a-stems *gorh > OCz.hr, Nsg o-st
ems APb *konjb >*ktib
- lengthening of short falling vowels in monosyllables *bgh > Cz. bh
- Kortlandt's lengthening rule: short rising vowels in open first syllables of
disyllabic words were lengthenend in Czech and Upper Sorbian *krava >Cz. krva, US
orb. kruwa x Cz. kravami
- krva- krav <krvb - the rule was posterior to the retraction
- Dybo's law - rightwards protraction of stress and rise of distinctive pretoni
c length *trva (APb) > Hrva > Cz. trva APb x strana APc
Bethin 1993, 1998 showed that the phonological changes in Proto-Slavic lead to t
he development of bisyllabic domain:
Rising tone - acute (long vowels) *krva, short vowels (at the end of the word) *
stoly, stola Atona - default circumflex, only initial syllable *bgh, grq
Retention of pretonic length *trv + shortening of final vowels *en > *ena = final syl
lable is metrically weak > rise of trochaic metrical foot = the distribution of
length within a two-syllable sequence (bisyllabic domain) Mechanisms that can go
vern (s-w) model in West Slavic: stress + length: - default initial (APc)
- stress+length (APa)
- pretonic length (APb)
- final stress (APb and APc)
Results (Czech examples) - APa acute (s-w) *krva >Cz. krva, *mrzh > Cz. mrz APc (s-w
) *storn > Cz. strana, *bgh > OCz. bh (CL?)
820 I presented the idea in Suka 2010a.
322
APb (s-w)* trv > Cz. trva
but *stoli3 (w-s) > lengthening of pretonic short vowel > stress
retraction > loss of odd yer > Cz. stl (this is "neoacute lengthening")
Although Kortlandt's and Bethin's theories are only partially compatible, it is
clear that zero forms (here Nsg o-stems) of all three accentual paradigms have d
ifferent quantitative development. I do not accept Kortland's explanation of APb
*konjb > *krib as too artificial but I am willing to admit Bethin's explanation
as the pretonic lengthening because it eliminates Kortlandt's retraction rule an
d then the unfounded lengthening of the monosyllable. On the other hand, if stre
ss in APb remained unretracted, the disyllabic form would create a domain with p
retonic lengthening. After the loss of final yer, stress would be on the first a
nd only syllable by default.
As for APc *bgh, I suppose that the same domain arose here and here is what we wo
uld call CL. This CL is conditioned by the character of the obstruent - lengthen
ing mostly happen before voiced consonant. But, if we have the original structur
e CVi.DVyer , how could the Vi be lengthened? The first syllable is open and the
re is phonetically no reason for Vi to be lengthened before D which is the onset
of the second syllable. Supposing that Vyer is a reduced vowel, it's loss is no
t satisfactory to produce a long Vi because the half a mora is still missing. On
e could of course suppose that yer's half a mora would be added to the voiced ob
struent which would also might have half a mora and then Vi could have obtained
the full mora but I consider such theory rather fantastic. Moreover, after the l
oss of yert, the whole structure must be resyllabified so that D would become th
e first and only syllable coda but it means that in the final position D would i
mmediately be neutralized to T.
My idea is therefore different. The final yer is lost due to the resyllabificati
on. Then, D obtains a mora and the CL is actually transfer of a mora to Vi. This
explains why lengthening occurs before voiced obstruent - because the obstruent
is moraic. And from the previous chapters we know that obstruents might be mora
ic in certain morphological structures.
In the following lines I propose the Stratal OT analysis of the both APb and APc
lengthenings, I only repeat that Stratal OT: - assumes multiple stratified cons
traint system
- constraints may have different rankings at each level
- optimal candidate from lower level forms an input to higher level
323
10.3.1. Constraints used
HEAD: prosodic word must must dominate Ft - no Prw which has not feet in its str
ucture
FT-BIN: feet are binary in moraic structure
PARSE: syllables are parsed
ALIGN : Feet are aligned to the syllable/morpheme boundary
RIGHTMOST/LEFTMOST: stress+high tone (H) are aligned with the edge of prosodic w
ord
HD-BIN: Heads are binary under a moraic analysis, weight prominence within a dis
yllabic
foot
HD-BIM: Head is bimoraic (I propose this constraint for the lengthening or the h
ead in one
and only syllable)
DEP:no insertion
MAX: no deletion
CODA: syllables must have coda
891
*t/b: no syllable must contain yer
WBP: Weight by position - coda consonants are moraic
*u/C: coda consonants must not be moraic
10.3.2. Lengthening in former Nsg APb
Cycle 1: Parsing
/stoli/ Head Ft-Bin Parse ALIGN
a.[stoli] *! **
^b.[(sto.li)l
c. [sto(li)l *! * *
d. r(sto)l-bl *! * *
Oxytone must first be parsed so that the metrical structure would be created. Ca
ndidate a. is eliminated because it is not parsed at all, candidates c. and d. a
re parsed only partially.
Cycle 2: Rise of bisyllabic three-moraic domain
/[(stoK)]/ Hd-Bin DEP^i Ft-Bin Head Parse ALIGN
^a.[(sto:.li)l * *
b. [(stoJi)! *
The winner b. from the first cycle enters as an input to the cycle 2 where the b
isyllabic three-moraic domain is created. Although the candidate b. is parsed, i
t is not faithful to highly
821 Proposed by Rocho 2000 in her analysis of the yer loss in Polish.
324
ranked Hd-Bin because the first syllable is short. Therefore no three-moraic dom
ain is created and the candidate is lost.
Cycle 3: Stress+High tone retraction
/[(sto:.li)]/ Leftmost Rightmost Hd-Bin DEP^i Ft-Bin Head
a.[(sto:.li>)] * * *
^b. [(sto:.It)] * * *
The winning candidate from the cycle 2 enters to cycle 3 where stress retraction
occurs. Stress is retracted because in West Slavic the stress normally falls to
the first syllable. Candidate a. fails to satisfy the Leftmost constraint and i
s lost.
Cycle 4: Resyllabification
/[(sto':.h>)]/ Coda ALIGN HD-BIM Ft-Bin Parse Hd-Bin Head
a.(sto:.h>) * *
^b(sto':l)i> * *
c. sto: (It) * * * * * *
d.(sto:).(h>) ** * * *
Resyllabification in the cycle 4 is influenced by the highly ranked CODA constra
int requiring that every syllable would have coda. The candidates a., c, d. fail
to satisfy it. Candidate b. does not satisfy ALIGN because the only foot is not
aligned with the word boundary. Also, the final yer is unparsed. But b. satisfi
es highly ranked CODA so must win.
Cycle 5: Yer loss
(sto: l)i, *i>/b MAX Coda ALIGN HD-BIM Ft-Bin Parse Hd-Bin
a(sto:l)i> * * *
^b(sto:l) * * *
Final yer is lost because the language system does not allow yers - therefore, t
hey are generally lost. The loss is because the final yers are unparsed. Therefo
re highly ranked *i>/b eliminates the candidate a.
325
10.3.3. Lengthening in former Nsg APc
Cycle 1: Parsing
The tableau is the same as in the cycle 1 of APb. The winning candidate is the p
arsed one and enters as an input to the cycle 2.
Cycle 2: Resyllabification
/(bo'.g-b)/ Coda ALIGN Parse Ft-Bin HD-BIN
a.(bo.gt) * *
^b.(bog)t * * *
c.bo(gi>) * * * *
d.(b6)(g-b) ** **
The rise of the domain is not active here because stress is not at the final syl
lable. Therefore, resyllabification occurs due to the highly ranked CODA constra
int which eliminates candidates a., c, and d. with open syllables.
Cycle 3: Yer loss
/(bog)*/ *-b/h MAX Coda ALIGN Parse Ft-Bin HD-BIM
a.(bog)i> * * * * *
^b.(bog) * * *
Highly ranked *t/b eliminates unparsed yers.
Cycle 4: Moraic coda
/(bog)/ WBP VC DEP^i HD-BIM
^a.(b6gu) * * *
b.(bo'g) * *
The winner from the cycle 3 now enters as an input to the cycle 4. The interacti
on of highly ranked WBP and *\iC is responsible for the moraicity of coda. The c
andidate b. satisfies *\i/C but is eliminate by the highly ranked WBP.
Cycle 4: Mora transfer
/(buguy HD-BIM VC WBP DEP^i MAX^i
a-Oxiygn) *
^.(bo'^g) * * *
c-(bong) * * *
326
The CL is actually mora transfer from the moraic coda to the nucleus. The higly
ranked HD-BIM requires bimoraicity of the head (in the only syllable). Candidate
c. does not satisfy this constraint. Although candidates a. and b. satisfy HD-B
IM, the former is eliminated by *u/C which prohibits moraic consonants.
10.3.4. Former APa
Here, of course no "CL" occured. Acute forms, e.g. *klim> underwent Kortlandt's
lengthening rule which corresponds to the Cycle 2 of APb: Rise of bisyllabic thr
eemoraic domain (with initial stress), so (*kli.m>). After the resyllabification
, yer was lost, both processes in separate cycles.
Conclusion
In this chapter discussed various approaches to the phenomenon called Compensato
ry Lengthening in Late Proto-Slavic Nsg o-stems. The only relevant theories seem
to be those which take into account the influence of an obstruent as well as th
e original accentual paradigm. My analysis shows that what is generally called C
ompensatory Lengthening is in fact a bulk of separate processes. I argue that th
e former APa nouns underwent Kortlandt's lengthening rule and after the resyllab
ification the unparsed yer was lost. Former APb nouns did not correspond to the
rise of trochaic system in West Slavic (as shown by Bethin) and they underwent p
retonic lengthening. I accept the idea by Bethin (not by Kortlandt) because I do
not see any motivation for Kortlandt's claim that stress was retracted from fin
al yer. In my approach, former APb nouns had to undergo pretonic lengthening, st
ress retraction and resyllabification. I use the method of Stratal OT to describ
e the process. Former APc nouns also underwent resyllabification but their coda
became moraic. After the mora transfer, the nucleus became long. This is why we
find lengthening before voiced obstruents. So Compensatory Lengthening process i
s actually a bulk of separate changes.
In the next chapter I will come back to those results and show that this is not
the whole story and that the nouns are immediately spread among quantitative par
adigms which explains various counterexamples and territorial differences.
327
11. The mystery of Czech length
Introduction
Modern accentology turned their eyes to West Slavic prosodic systems as well as
Czech and Slovak length. The explanations of the origin of Czech and Slovak quan
titative patterns is by no means easy. The main caveat in the accentological lit
erature is the use of standard variants of both languages which leads to the mis
interpretation and misunderstanding of the quantity of both languages.
The development of Czech length in the Czech linguistic literature (limited here
to certain categories) has been synchronically dealt either as irregularity wit
hout any specification to the noun type (PMC:256-257) or diachronically within t
he frame of classical accentology. Classical accentology approach (concepts of m
etatonies, de Saussure's law, various shortenings and analogical levellings) sti
ll dominates in Czech linguistic literature, e.g. HVC, HMC, Lamprecht 1987, CJA
5 and must be considered obsolete and out-of-date as for anything concerning Pro
to-Slavic accentology and prosody. As I dealt with the situation elsewhere (Suka
2003) and because the classical pre-Stang accentology has not been used for almo
st half a century anymore, it would be a waste of time to deal with the topic. I
only come back to Czech situation in my criticism of Scheer (see below) because
Scheer's own criticism of the absence of accentological knowledge among Czech l
inguists leads him astray and makes him believe that all Czech quantity is secon
dary.
I argue that Czech quantity can basically be distinguished in a derivative and p
aradigmatic quantiy. Derivative quantity can be a broad term for all quantitativ
e changes occuring during the derivative processes. When I speak about a paradig
matic quantity, I mean the quantitative patterns which we observe in declination
of nouns or conjugation of verbs. My discussion
899
below deal with nouns only.
822 The chapter develops my ideas from Suka 2007, 2009b, 2009c, 2010a, 2010b.
328
11.1 .The case of "fisherman"
Czech ryb "fisherman" is a derivte having one of the allomorph -. Another alomorph, w
hich is short, can be seen in lka "doctor". It might be argued that there is a pro
hibition of two successive long vowel in those derivates. Such phenomenon can be
called rhythmicity or rhythmic law and I argue that such situation can be obser
ved not only in certain Czech derivates but also in Slovak and that the Slovak R
hythmic Law and Czech rhythmicity are in principle the same phenomena.
Some authors have recently observed rhythmicity in Czech derivational morphology
(Bethin 1998, 1998a, Bethin 2003, 2003a, Scheer 2001, 2003, 2004). It was shown
that Modern Czech shows regular distribution of quantity in disyllabic domain i
n certain morphological categories (agentive nouns, hypocoristics, deverbal noun
s). Old Czech supports those results. I show that the disyllabic domain also ope
rates in some Old Czech derivates (e.g. nouns with -anie/nie, -a/- suffixes). I call
that phenomenon "rhythmic law" because it reminds the rhythmic law observed in
Slovak.
11.1.1. Historical explanation: The second principle of paradigmatic accent
The principle of the accentual distribuition in Proto-Slavic derivates was descr
ibed by Dybo (1968) and especially in Dybo (1981) in a great detail. Concerning
the *arjb denominatives , the accentuation is quite clear in Serbian-Croatian an
d Slovene. If the original noun belongs to accentual paradigm (a), the Serbian-C
roatian derivte has also the same paradigm: min > minr, krva > krvr, knga > knjir. D
es from the nouns originally belonging to APb and APc are accentuated at the end
ing (from the Gsg): sedlo > sedlr-sedlra, ena > nr-enra, med > mdr-medra, pivo > pi
Slovene reflects the similar system as Serbian-Croatian but concerning derivates
from APa there is a long falling intonation krva > krava, cesta > cestr, slva > sli
var. As for the derivates from APb, the long roots have also the long falling in
tonation: mlko > mlkar while short roots nouns have the long rising intonation at
the -ar suffix: knj > konr, grb > grobr, k > kor.
The original forms would therefore be *korva > *korvarjb (APa > A ), *melko > mlkr
jb (APb > D), *volh > volrjb (APb > G), *mqso > *mqsrjb. As the type G is not dist
inguished from the type B in Slovene (volar ~ mesr), Dybo supposes the retraction
of
823 Bethin 1998, 1998a.
824 Dybo 1968:197-200; Dybo 1981:176-178.
825 Dybo's symbols for accentuation of derivates: A - acute on the root/stem, D
- neoacuted on the vowel preceding a suffix with yer, G long rising intonation o
n the suffix (neoacute type), B - stress on the ending.
329
stress to the long root in *mqsarjb-mqsarja (it is mobile) >*mqsrjb-*mqsrja and me
rging with *volrjb-*volrja. According to Dybo, such situation is confirmed by Czec
h: D should always have root length: mlko > mlka, lk > lka, mto > mta. The problem th
ybo is not able to cope with is the obvious anomaly with A. Derivates from APa s
hould have regular reflects in Czech which is actually missing: krva > krava, hlna
> hlina, ryba > ryb, mdlo > mydl, mln > mlyn. This unexplaining anomaly for the deriv
of APa (which is the most stabile paradigm) is hardly understandable.
11.1.2. Kortlandt's explanation
Kortlandt (2009:8) claims that the quantitative difference between Cz. peka which
is a derivte from former APc and ryb , which is former APa , is due to the differe
nt quantity development of pretonic and posttonic long vowels. Kortlandt thinks
that postonic long vowels were preserved as in ryb < *rbrjb. This cannot be true. Fi
rst, ryb is a perfect anomaly in all derivates from the original APa which all hav
e short suffix, at least from the original a-stems: krava, hlina, aba, klika but ryb. W
e do not find **ryba in dialects but no one can exclude the possibility that Old
Czech had that form because the preserved rybarz which might be interpreted eith
er as ryb or ryba. So one cannot speak about any preservation of posttonic length h
ere.
Kortlandt also claims that S-Cr. preserved the quantitative distiction between d
ifferent vowels in suffixes but actually there are no alternations in -r suffix w
hich is always long.
Concerning Czech, I am much more inclined to see the quantitative distribution o
f -a/ derrivates as more recent due to the rise of rhythmicity.
11.1.3. The criticism of two recent approaches to Czech length: Scheer and Kapov
i
The two extremes of the approach to Czech quantity will be adduced and criticise
d here -Scheer's refusal of any historical continuity of Czech length and Kapovi
"classical" approach full of analogical developments and rules without any refer
ences to modern phonology.
11.1.3.1 .Templatic conspiracy 11.1.3.1.1. Rhythmicity
Rhythmicity in Czech was also studied by Scheer in several articles (Scheer 2001
, 2003, 2005). Scheer 2001 tries to show that length of vowel-final prefixes d
epends on the kind of
330
suffix. When a word has a nominal suffix it has a length in prefix and short roo
t, on the other hand, words with verbal suffix have short prefix.
Scheer sees the prohibiton of two long syllables in a row (prefix and root) but
he does not observe any prohibiton in -n nouns. For him the Czech rhythmic law is
paralel to Rhythmic law in Slovak without noticing differences - that Slovak RL
is both paradigmatic and derivative. Scheer unifies Czech and Slovak rhythmicity
that sequence of long vowels are prohibited if one of them occurs in the root (
Scheer 2001:37).
In his 2001 article Scheer discusses vocalic alternation. He distinquishes vocal
ised and unvocalised prefixes. Consonant prefixes show zero alternation at the r
ight margin ode-brat, bezO-brad, roze-drat - roz-drobit. Vocalised prefixes shows
COCV root initial cluster, unvocalised prefix - CCV root initial cluster. Howev
er, this observation is however strictly synchronic, so Scheer does not distingu
ish between root clusters "-br-" in brt and in brada. Nevertheless, his synchroni
c observation shows that there are roots provoking vocalisation of prefix - odeb
rat/odbirat (two variants of the same root) and roots provoking non-vocalisation
of prefixes bezbrad (Scheer 2001: 38).Vowel final prefixes occur with long/short
variant -projezdit - prjezd. Scheer mixes old forms whose quantity continues fro
m Proto-Slavic {zbava - zabavit) with new forms without distinguishing them. It s
eems corrects that when concerning za-/z- prefix, in nouns it is always long {zbav
a, zlesk) but the length in prefix can be of different origin.
The results of Scheer's analysis are as follows - prefixed deverbative nouns hav
e long prefix {zliba, zklad, zchod), prefixed verbs are short {zalbit, zakldat, zachze
t). Scheer thinks that zbava is denominal because of nominal case-ending -a (sic!
). However, zbava is deverbative and can be traced to Proto-Slavic...On the contr
ast, he adduces zabaven as an example of deverbal noun because of passive partici
ple suffix -en- , although it is well known that derivivaton of those type of de
verbatives need not necesarily go via passive participle. According to Scheer "t
he entire item za-baveni is nominal only because of the second suffix". This is
not true because the original suffix *-&je has due to its productivity been fuse
d with preceding -n- to -*n&je >-ni. I cannot agree with Scheer that those deriv
atives must be derived from past participle with - en-/an- suffix and are theref
ore "deverbal" in his terminology. The verb spti does not have past participle bu
t verbal substantive is span (OCz spnie) derived with suffix -nie >ni, prefixed de
rivte is zaspn.
Scheer 2001:43 Scheer 2001:41
331
Scheer adduces 816 nouns having za/z- prefix, 760 of them behaving regularly - wh
en deverbal > short prefix, denominals > long prefix. Among nouns that disobey t
he regularity are, according to Scheer, mixed bag of words like zahrdka, zakzka, zk
onitost, zavdk, zsoben, zaocensk.
According to Scheer - nouns whose first suffix is -ek have long prefix if their
root is short and vice versa. So he adduces e.g. zahrdk contra zstrk but those words ha
ve different motivation. Scheer mixes -ek suffix, originally -bkt with -ka <-tka
. It can be true that -ka in zsilka, zachzka can trigger long/short prefix but it
cannot count for zahrdk where - should the suffix triggering the prefix quantity, bec
ause we have e.g. zchran.
Because some nouns do not follow the regularity of quantity distribution (accord
ing to
Scheer words like zsoben, zvodn, y where certain roots do not accept short prefix za-
and
some do not accept long prefix z- , like zahrada, zahradn, zahradnk, Scheer is forc
ed to
consider those roots as quantitatively locked (Scheer 2001:44). An algoritm for
a prefixed
noun (adapted from Scheer 2001:44) is as follows:
Check its last suffix > verbal > short prefix
>non-verbal >check the first suffix >verbal > short prefix
> non-verbal > long root vowel > short prefix > short root > long prefix >short
root (locked) > short prefix
Comparing Czech and Slovak rhythmicity, Scheer comes to a conclusion that the ov
erall weight of the morphological item (affix and root) is constant - 3 morae, a
lthough for Slovak he also accepts the maximal 3 moraic length (Scheer 2001:46).
However, Scheer again adduces mixed bag of rhythmic law examples - reflexes of
old acute - krva-kravou...with derivates like dln, vzn, the abnormal behavior of Slovak
-r suffix, all of which is unclear to Scheer (also p. 48) and considered to be u
nderstood in diachronic term. However, Scheer sees the common ancestor of Czech
and Slovak rhythmicity but is inclined to see only rests of the ancient activity
.
11.1.3.1.2. Distorted Semitic glasses focus on the Czech templates
Scheer 2003 and 2004 developed a different approach to Czech derivative length.
He rejected the term Rhythmic law. The main problem for him is the directionalit
y - why Slovak Rhythmic Law causes the second syllable in a row to be shortened,
Czech shortens the first one. But should Scheer consulted other Czech data, the
examples like cn-cna, msa-msa, tt-tta are perfect examples or Rhythmic Law. Scheer
es not take into account the
332
fact that the Slovak data are codified so and the Rhythmic Law has actually been
a sort of national inspection and modification.
Instead of Rhythmic Law it introduced a templatic solution of Czech quantity pri
nciples. Even if templates are usually served to Semitic languages, Scheer tries
to use "Semitic glasses" to Czech structures. Scheer criticises accentology for
not recognising templatic structure in Czech. Although discussing Balto-Slavic
accentology, Scheer misunderstood it. He mixes classical accentology with post-S
tang evolution and wrongly attributes metatonical explanation of neoacute to cur
rent trends. The reason that Czech historical grammars did not follow developmen
t in accentology and remained on metatony-like approach from 1920s does not mean
that historical explanation and origin of Czech (and West Slavic) quantity must
be totally rejected, as Scheer does. Scheer thinks that only Saur 1995 doubted
the traditional metatony approach and since him the intonational rule over Czech
length has been questioned. The everything-is-diachronic-and prosodic attitude
produced poor results while explaining Czech quantity and Scheers simply throws
the baby out with the water and supposes that Proto-Slavic prosody is unrelated
to the Czech vowel length. However, this is very simplifed rejection of a centur
y-work of prominent scholars and ignoring obvious prosodical paralels between in
dividual Balto-Slavic languages.
Scheer thinks that Czech remained a mystery because alternation of quantity has
been explained with a unified rule (which is the historical approach). I agree w
ith Scheer that we have different systems of quantity in Czech, the first one is
paradigmatic and the second one is derivative. However, it is not true that tho
se systems were not dealt with. Numerous works by Dybo (e.g. Dybo 1981) dealt wi
th derivative prosody only, paradigmatic approaches were
"the ever unquestioned diachronic perspective which relates length to prosodic p
roperties of Comon Slavic is the source of all evil: Czech waters remain muddy u
nless the diachronic and prosodic prism is obliterated" (Scheer 2003:101). No fu
rther comments can be added here.
829 Scheer 2003:104. However, aur himself did not follow current trends and was
not an accentologist. He just reacted to the state reflected by Czech historical
grammar. Metatony was rejected by Stang 1957 and further post-Stang development
(which has dominated accentology since then) split to Moscow and Dutch accentol
ogical schools. The shame that Czech scholars did not follow the trends and rema
ined on classsical explanations does not mean that the problem of Czech quantity
remained unexplatined (Dybo 1981, Kortlandt 1975, Verweij 1994, Feldstein 1975,
1978). The fact that metatony has been used, misused and abused in Czech histor
ical linguistics even up to now is the internal problem of Czech linguistic comm
unity and has nothing to do with the general post-war trends in accentology.
830 Term by Scheer:2003:108.
831Scheer's hasty rejection is of course done without any detailed discussion. F
or him the "traditional approach" is connected with reflection of Czech quanity
with PSL intonations. Scheer puts all the "historical-approach-authors" into one
bag, although some of them have nothing to do with pre-Stang approach (e.g. Car
lton 1991) or their theory is misunderstood by Scheer (e.g. Halle 2001 whose met
atony has nothing to do with classical metatony conception). The so-called CVC-y
er roots which according to Scheer failed to be explained successfully, have lar
gely been dealt with prominent accentologist like Kortlandt, Dybo, Feldstein, Ga
rde and others in numerous works. 832 Scheer 2004:227.
333
solved by Feldstein (1975, 1978). It is true that derivative quantity has been h
eavily dealt by Bethin, as Scheer hints, but alas, all this is done with Bethin
conception of historical development of Slavic prosody (Bethin 1998, 1998a, 2002
).
Scheer 2003 and 2004 completely rejected his 2001 paper, taking preference to te
mplatic explanation. Having said that his paper was erroneous, he takes the proh
ibiton of two long vowels in a row as misleading. Scheer analysed corpus of Czec
h iteratives (minout-mijet, leet-lhat etc.) and posits 3 mora constraint because h
e sees Czech derivates "through Semitic glasses". Templates, which he observes i
n Czech, put a fixed amount of weight to a morphological or semantical category
(Scheer 2003:97).. It means - if you want to be a Czech iterative, the total wei
ght of of the syllables is precisely 3 moras. Scheer's synchronic analysis seems
to be correct, although he does not distinguisth words of different historical
level.
No matter how provoking Scheers analysis can be, it does not seem to be widely a
ccepted. The first thing is that templates are typologicaly limited to Semitic l
anguages and it is extremely improbable that any Indoeuropeanist or Slavist woul
d apply it to Indoeuropean syllable structure. Moreover, while Czech iteratives
seem to obey 3 mora constraint, other derivates break it, e.g. -a/ nouns which simp
ly do not follow precise weight as Scheer would posit. Words like meta, peka, dosa,
eta have 2 moras, while ryb, kol, ska, koula have 3 moras and, polysyllables like z
r, koloto, kolovrtk have even more than 3 moras. Also, while Scheer does not see any q
ntitative distribution in -n derivates {dln, dvn - which also break the strict-3-mora
nstraint), Old Czech and some dialect prove that the distribution of quantity us
ed to be perfectly regular. Even Scheer's non-derivate examples are real counter
examples: in ena declension he thinks that the scope of template is root+case mar
ker and again, the templatic weight is 3 moras. Although examples like blna-blanch
-blanami could support this claim, it is perfectly normal to say blna-blnch-blnami a
nd it remains a mystery why the three-mora constraint is broken in those forms.
Scheer (2003:109) claims that long endings, Isg -ou, Dpi -m, Lpl-ch cause shorteni
ng of the root vowel {blna, ra, krva, dra, hlna) and that it is well known. Actually,
all those examples are former APa forms and underwent Kortlandt's lengthening ru
le. So in blanou, blanm, blanch there could not be any lenghtening because the suf
fix was long, therefore, there is no shortening buth the mechanism is quite oppo
site - root does not lengthen because the following syllable is long, so the roo
t vowel was never long in those cases. Moreover, Scheer completely omits example
s with long root vowels - kroupou, kroupm, loukou, loukm which were always long.
334
Having put the Semitic glasses, Scheer claims that the Czech quantity cannot be
predicted historically, that the only attitude to Czech quantity has been "every
thing-is-diachronic-and-prosodic" and produced poor results (quoting only Czech
historical grammars which stick to classical pre-Stang accentology). This naive
approach leads him to omiting the important results of Balto-Slavic accentology
research during last sixty years, the results that he is obviously not acquainte
d with. This prevents him to interpret the data correctly and causes him to see
them distorted. Alas, some news travel very slowly and bridges between historica
l linguistics and modern theories are still being too long end even being prolon
ged.
11.1.3.2. "Modern" classical approach
Kapovi 2005a, 2005b attempted to solve the development of Proto-Slavic quantity i
nto separate languages. His approach characterised by Croatian-centrism (althoug
h he denies it) and a priori attacks on Kortlandt's theory without even consider
ing them relevant to explain the data. He also neglects results of a lot of scho
lars (although claiming that "to the best knowledge of the author the problem of
Slavic quantity has rarely been discussed in great detail..). His inter
pretation of Czech data is obsolete. Kapovi's ideas were on the one
hand adopted by Hlzer 2005, on the other hand criticised by Kortlandt 2005. I mys
elf criticised Kapovi's approach to Czech data at IWoBA 3 in Leiden (2007) but I
did not published my criticism because I did not have a more complex that time.
I limit my criticism only to some Czech material because the Croatian data has b
een discussed by Kortlandt 2005.
Kapovi still adheres to the classical interpretation of acute as a length and its
conservation in Czech, so *krava > krva (2005a:76). Kapovi completely ignores the
fact that he uses data from Standard Czech which is based on the Central Bohemi
an dialect. The whole Moravian territory has mostly brevity in former disyllabic
a-stems and o-stems, e.g. lipa, mak. The standard Czech situation is simply not
representative and distorts the data. Apart from Upper Sorbian reflexes (kruwa)
the Standard Czech is the only Slavic language which has length in former disyl
labic acute a-stems so it would natural to consider the length secondary. Kapovi
thinks that the preservation of the old acute length is limited by the number of
syllables (2005a:77), so vrna-vranou <*vornojg although the motivation for this
process is quite unclear. On the other hand, it should be preserved in trisyllab
ic forms with a weak yer in
8331 borrowed that slogan from Kortlandt (2004).
834 Kapovi 2005a:74. His only "longer presentations of the problem" is Stang 1957
and Carlton 1991. Kapovi is unfamiliar with Bethin 1998 and all her papers conce
rning Czech quantity, he does not quote any paper by Feldstein , Timberlake, Top
olinska etc.. In his references (2005a), from the 40 items, the 24 ones are refe
rences to Serbian-Croatian. Kapovi does not quote any work concerning Czech, Slov
ak, Upper Sorbian, any Polish authors who dealt heavily with West Slavic length.
His reply to Kortlandt (Kapovi 2005b) is no better.
335
the first syllable, e.g. *lhca >lce, *pbsti >psti (ibid p.77). To solve this caveat, K
apovi simply postulates that yer in this position was dropped very early. This is
an ad hoc and complicated solution, of course. There is no reason not to believ
e in Kortlandt's lengthening rule according to which the former acute disyllabic
forms are lengthened in the first open syllable provided that the second one is
short. This explains the length in vrna but not in Ipl vranami. Also the brevity
in Isg vranou is clear because contraction must have been later that the rise o
f phonemic length. As for lce and psti, the easiest explanation is again the one by
Kortlandt (also in 2005) that the yer was simply dropped and the forms became d
isyllabic and underwendt the Kortlandt's lengthening. Should Kapovi be familiar w
ith Bethin (1998, 2003) he would be struck by the similarity of Kortlandt's leng
thening rule and her interpretation of West Slavic rhythmicity.
Kapovi, in accordance with the classical accentology thinks that in Czech the cir
cumflex is shortened (2005a:78), e.g. hlas, hrad but he completely omits length
in bh, dm, hnj, vz as a possible example of compensatory lengthening. His interpreta
tion of length in APb feminine of chvla type is that Czech length is actually neo
acute (2005a:82, Note 28) which is nonsense because the length is pretonic and a
ppeared as a result of Dybo's law.
Kapovi's explanation of preservation or elimination of length is only descriptive
. He thinks that pretonic length of APc was preserved in Croatian only (2005a: 8
7), e.g. *rgk > Croat, ruka, Cz. ruka etc. Kapovi is therefore forced to assume ma
ssive analogical shortening in West Slavic for which he has absolutely no motiva
tion. This explanation was criticised by Kortlandt (2005:15) because in his conc
eption the pretonic long vowels were shortened with the rise of new timbre disti
nction. New pretonic lengths arose with the Dybo's law. I think that this is cor
rect. Kapovi's reaction to Kortlandt's objection is curious, for him the West Sla
vic developed the short root vowel as a salient mark of APc and in opposition to
it, APb generalized length as its salient mark (2005b: 36). But it is unclear w
hy, at least for Kapovi. As Kortlandt remarks, it is also unclear why APb and APc
must be kept separate when they merged phonetically in the majority of case for
ms (2005:15). Sure, krva, trva and strana merged quantitatively in all forms apart
from Nsg. But Kapovi in his Croatian-solves-everything approach completely ignor
es the fact that Czech "salient length" in APb is
835 "the old acute and circumflex were either both shortened in Slavic languages
or, depending on language, only one of them yielded length. This length (acute
in Czech, circumflex in Slovene and Croatian) is preserved in some position only
- depending on the number of syllables (the length is shortened in polysyllabic
words as a general rule" (2005a:82). This is the only information we have, noth
ing new since the prehistory of accentology. Kapovi's solution is "surprising", a
ll pretonic long syllables got shortened in front of two moras in post-Common Sl
avic period. Be that as it may, but this formulation is only a more scientific f
ormulation of what we have already known. But being marked a law - Kapovi's Zweim
origen Gesetz (Holzer 2005) it obtained a hallmark of explanation.
336
visible only in the former pretonic length, as in touha, mouka but not in preton
ic short, e.g. kosa, koza, duha etc., that there are different quantitative doub
lets and variants of former APc in Old Czech, e.g. zima, strana, voda etc. and t
hat former APa has also brevity in standard language pna, pleva, slina. It is mys
terious how Kapovi would explain such data if not by various analogical processes
whose motivation is unknown.
Some other Kapovi's explanation only support his free and ad hoc handling of the
data, he considers the length in Czech jeb "partridge" as analogical because it is
former APc and
Q O jC
according to Kapovi's theory the posttonic length was shortened in West Slavic. B
ut the problem is that there is length in jeb, so Kapovi's solution is that the len
gth is analogical according to jebek or jestb (which is another analogical adventure
) or that it was lengthened before voiced plosive (Kapovi thinks that the script
really reflects phonetic value as in Croatian) comparing the lengthening with th
e one in bh or snh (2005a: 104-105, 2005b:41). Of course we could suppose that jeb w
ould be lengthened in a sort of CL process but it would mean that the original f
orm *jrqbh should first had lose yer. The form should have been resyllabified wit
h -b being the final coda. Now the posttonic length should have been shortened a
nd again lengthened before still voiced -b which would finally become voiceless
(as it is in Czech Nsg). This scenario is improbable.
A final word about the -a/- derivatives. Kortlandt thinks that pretonic long vowels
were shortened while posttonic long vowels were preserved in Proto-Slavic (2005
:17). This should be supported by Czech peka versus ryb. Kapovi (2005b:42) does not
take peka archaic because one would not expect mobile accentuation it the *-an> d
erivatives. Kapovi's background is Dybo 1981:176-178 (already in Dybo 1968:197-20
0) who, however, did his analysis for Serbian-Croatian and Slovene only. Neverth
eless, while peka would agree with the theory (we have masa, voda), the situation w
ith former APa is different because ryb is
Again, Kapovi's rule is quite simple: "the last syllable of the word is shortened
, if long, in West Slavic in a.p.c." (2005a: 105). But why? Kapovi's analogical p
rocesses come from word to word. Let's see how it works in APb trisyllabics (200
5a:98-99): length in Czech nrod should analogically spread other cases, length in
soused is analogical after nrod because one expects brevity here, koukol probabl
y has the original length but ivot is short due to the analogial infuence of obli
que cases, troba must be secondary because Croatian troba has brevity and must be
primary (2005a:96). I doubt if it would work.
837 Some Kapovi's phonological interpretation are dubious, he interprets yer as a
half mora vowel. It is true that at the end of Proto-Slavic yer started to be w
eakened, or at least it is said so. The problem is that should yers be weakened,
we cannot explain why just weak yer diminished (Havlik's rule operates precisel
y only in Czech territory) and why the strong yers were lowered and developed in
to the full vowel. The solution must lie elsewhere, probably in the development
of rhythmicity due to the change of syllable structures. I am not competent to g
ive any serious explanation of that process. Kapovi, of course, does not bother w
ith it and postulates year as half-mora vowel (is it still phonological?) to exp
lain the preservation of length in nrod type, because the length *nrdb is, accordin
g to him, preserved before 1,5 mora. (2005a:98). This primitive phonetics cannot
work, no one would posit a metrical foot with half moraic parts.The nrod has len
gth due to the Dybo's law, of course.
337
absolutely anomalous with its long suffix because ryba is short in Czech (but ac
cording to Kapovic's theory of acute length preservation it should be long), we
have krava, Min but also sta (where neuter is long sto) and mydl (where mdlo is also
). I therefore neither agree with Kapovi nor with Kortlandt and my interpretation
of the length in those derivates is different.
11.1.4. Disyllabic maximally 3(0. domain
Having dealt with extensive prosodic analysis of the whole Slavic territory (Bet
hin 1998), Bethin also described specific examples of Czech length. Bethin (2003
a) dealt with certain examples of quantity alternation in Czech derivative morph
olonology (-a/ substantives, prefixed deverbal nouns and hypocoristics. The analysi
s is purely synchronic but in my opinion it can be projected further to the past
in internal development of Czech language.
As for- a/ suffix, Bethin adduces facts known from other publications (TSC 2, Smila
uer 1971, Huser 1981, MC 1 ). After a long stem the affix is short - lka, houba. Whe
n the stem is short, there is a variant -a, . Polysyllables have only one quantitat
ive variant - . It is obvious that the quantitative distribution is restricted to
disyllabic forms because the two syllables are connected with metrical foot, apa
rt from the mono- and polysyllables (Bethin 2003:11).
Prefixed deverbal nouns ending in - ek, -k, -ka and prefixed with na-, pH-, u-,
vy-, za-show also length alternation. We can observe lengthening of the prefix i
n masculines- piplatit - pplatek, ulomit - lomek., vyesat - vesek. Length alternation c
an also be seen feminines ending with -ka suffix - nalvat - nlevka, nalepit - nlepk
a but not in nadilet -nadlka, nadvat - nadvka, ukzat - ukzka
The general principle of length distribution is as follows:long root remains > s
hort prefix, long prefix > short root but one cannot account for where the distr
ibution occurs. Prefix is also prolonged in deverbal feminine nouns ending in -a
formant - nahodit -nhoda, uklonit - klona, vyplatit - vplata. The same princi
ple occurs in prefixed maculines with zero suffix : nacviit - ncvik, naskoit - ns
kok, vyklonit-vklon, vyjevit - vjev,
Be that as it may - Kapovi is at home in Croatian and its dialects. The criticism
is a normal way of scientific progress. But Kapovic's reaction is opposite, ins
tead of accepting criticism by Kortlandt (2005), he accuses Kortlandt of failing
to explain the material in the satisfactory manner and that it had to be modifi
ed or simply abandoned (2005b:43). Well, no better alternative has been proposed
to us that Morengesetze and analogical hip-hops, the processes that had been us
ed by the pre-Stang generations...
839 TSC 2: 619- 622, Bethin 2003:21
840 TSC 2: 602-606.
338
zasypat- zsyp, zastihnout - zstih. Prefix is not prolonged from deverbal nouns - ()n,
-(e)n type - vychovat - vychovn (but vchova), napadat - napadn (but npad).
In prefixes with ending in coda we observe closed syllable effect: Closed syllab
les can be interpreted as long. There is no lenghtening of nucleus in prefixes t
hat contain coda: nad-, ob-, pod-, ped-, roz-. While no lengthening in those pref
ixes is observable, there can be a long root vowel in combination with those pre
fixes - nadszka, odhlka, or there can be a short root vowel - odezek, rozbuka.
The closed syllable effect was already formally described by Hayes (1989:258-260
) as a Weight by position rule. Such rule renders closed syllables heavy and all
ows coda consonants to be moraic. The result of WBP rule is the bimoraic syllabl
e or, to be precise, a syllable with maximum of two moras. Therefore, the syllab
le nucleus must be short to meet such constraint. We observe that situation in t
he above-mentioned prefixes as in nadszka, odhlka as well as in other groups of der
ivates like hypocoristics (see below).
WBP can be applied as a constraint in Optimality Theory system: Weight by positi
on (WBP): coda consonants are moraic.
If the WBP is undominated, the final syllable codas are moraic and the whole syl
lable is bimoraic. Should the codas be prohibited from bearing mora, the constra
int *\i/cons prohibits any consonant to be moraic: *\i/cons: consonants do not h
ave a mora
The application of both constraints can be illustrated in the following tableau:
I suppose that it is more natural for languages not to have moraic coda, so the
input starts with non-moraic coda consonant
/CV^C/ WBP *\i/cons DEP
^cv,c. * *
cv,c *
If the language does not permit the moraic coda, the *^/cons is undominated:
/CV^C/ *\i/cons WBP DEP
^cv,c. * *
cv,c *
Bethin 2003: 21 Bethin 2003: 12
339
Nevertheless, closed syllables in Czech are not always interpreted as heavy, so
Bethin argues that what is important for syllable prosody is not its weight but
its duration (Bethin 2003:17). This is because Czech has initial stress and the
stress attraction of heavy syllables as in quantity- sensitive languages cannot
be applied here.
As for dephrasal nouns being created from prepositional phrases, prefix is lengt
hened here: nhubek, psteek, skal. When prefix lengthens, the root vowel shortens - ska
ntrubek - prefix lengthens when syllable is open, does not lengthen when syllable
is closed -podmsl, nadhavnk, nadvlda. Although closed syllables normally behave as
long, they do not do it in Czech derivation morphology. Nevertheless, the heavin
ess of those syllables is lexicalised because it functions only with certain der
ivational processes and I argue that the moraic codas can be observed only in ce
rtain derivates.
Bethin observes that in prefixed deverbal nouns, older deverbatives from prefixe
d verbs reflect old length as well as qualitative alternation. By the derivation
process the mid vowels e, o are lengthened and in later unconditioned changes r
aised - dovodit - dvod, pohnat-phon, petrhat- ptr, pevzt - pvoz. Alternation cannot
n in - ek, -ka substantives, otet - otoka, prochzet - prochzka, pestelit - pestelka b
ontrary to Bethin's claim we have prosekat - prsek.
The distribution of length in mid-vowels is not productive now, so the forms wit
h alternation reflect old length that accompanied derivation. Unsufixed deverbat
ives from prefixed verbs - distribution of quantity in adjacent syllables - nalza
t - nlez, prikzat-pkaz.
Another example of vowel alternation in derivation can already be observed in Ol
d Czech neuters with - dlo suffix: brusiti - brusidlo, krit- kruidlo but hati - hadlo,
dvati s -divadlo.
Czech hypocoristics were extensively analysed by Bethin 2003. According to Bethi
n, Czech derivates Czech maximises the contrast in two syllables that emerge aft
er truncation and suffixation. Hypocoristics ending in - a suffixation show root
vowel lengthening: Ji-Jra, Vladimr-Vla, Kateina-Ka, Frantiek-Fra, Miloslav-Mla,
-Bla. No lengthening of root vowel is seen in Dorota-Dora, Helena-Hela (mid vowels
), otherwise mid vowels are prolonged and raised: Prokop - Pra, Tom-Tma, Reho-Rha
No lengthening of root vowel is also in Frantiek - Franta, Jindich - Jindra, Ludvk
- Ludva, Vojtch - Vojta but the brevity is due to the closed syllable effect.
NED: 64.
340
Hypocoristics with da suffixation: Stanislav-Standa, Benedikt - Benda, Jaroslav-
Jarda have also short root vowel due to closed syllable effect. The same princip
le functions with -a suffixation: Anna - Ana, Barbora - Bara, Irena - Ira, with - ka
suffixation - Boena -Boka, Jarmila-Jarka, Zuzana - Zuzka.
As we can see, Czech has moraic consonants here and that phenomenon is limited t
o certain derivative categories only.
Bethin uses OT to solve the quantitative patterns in derivation morphology of
hypocoristics. The constraints responsible are:
COINCIDE (Ft=PrWd): The right/left edge of a metrical foot coincides with the re
spective right/left edge of a prosodic word; Ft-BIN (o): Feet are binary under a
syllabic analysis (these constraint are responsible for metrical foot). FAITH V
\i: The number of moras associated with a vowel in the input/output correspond t
o the number of moras associated to he corresponding vowel in the output/input.
(Do no insert or delete moras on vowels; no vowel shortening or lengthening.); T
hose constraints are responsible for the quantitative pattern in disyllabic form
s. MORPH REAL-IO: The segments of a morpheme in the input correspond to the segm
ents of the morpheme in the output. This constraint is responsible for the fact
that suffix is always present in hypocoristics.; *\i/cons: Consonants do not hav
e a mora.; Hd-BIN (\i): Heads are binary under a moraic analysis. These constrai
nts adds coda to syllable weight and also contributes to lengthening of root vow
el in disyllabic foot; BT-FAITH Vjj, - output forms are as similar as possible (
it is 0-0 faithfulnes).
Should two forms of hypocoristics be analysed , we will have the following resul
ts. From the Base form Kateina we have truncated form Kat-. Adding a-suffix, we h
ave four candidates - k, kata, kaa, ka. Candidate kata does not match BT-FAITH V const
raint (the root vowel is lengthened) and IO-Faith V (suffix vowel is lengthened)
. BT-FAITH V is also violated in ka form and kata does not match IO-Faith V. No ro
ot lengthening in kaa violates Hd-Bin. Because ka is the optimal candidate, the onl
y lengthening must be observed in root and so the ranking of constraints must be
IO-Faith V Hd-BIN BT-FAITH V. Of course, *\i/cons is dominated by other constrain
ts and is satisfied by all candidates because there is no coda consonant in trun
cated form.
Modified by me after Bethin 2003.
341
Ka^te^na^ Input: /Trunc+a^/ IO-Faith V Hd-BIN BT-FAITH V *[i/cons
(ka^t +aWi) !* *
(ka^.+a^) !*
(ka^.+a^) *
-(ka^.+a^) *
Adding suffix -ka to the base form, we obtain four candidates: ktk, katka, ktka and
katka with moraic "t". BT-FAITH V is not satisfied in ktk and ktka, long suffixed
form ktk also does not match IO-Faith V. The optimal winning candidate is katka wi
th moraic "t", thus satisfying Hd-BIN even if breaking *\i/cons constraint.
Ka^te^na^ Input: /Trunc+ka^/ IO-Faith V Hd-BIN BT-FAITH V *[i/cons
(ka^t.ka^) !* *
(ka^t.ka^) *
(ka^t.ka^) !*
-(ka^kan) *
The quantitative patterns that we observe can be explained by disyllabic metrica
l foot, which is a domain of prosodic constraints in certain denvaties. Disyllab
ic metrical foot can be (c^a^), (o^) but as Bethin observes, innovation in Czech
does not favour (c^a^) . The distribution of quantity in disyllabic group is as
symetrical (Bethin 2003:19), althought a preference for strong-weak metrical foo
t is required. Length is preferred in first syllables. But as we will see, such
preference counts for certain derivates only and in some derivates, as in -a/ ones,
it can be predicted only in certain probability. In those derivates, the length
does not need to coincide with initial stress.
Bethin: 2003: 14, 17 and 19 Bethin: 2003: 17
342
Summary
I claim that the quantity of Czech derivates can be with a sort certainty be cal
led a derivative length. The the length here is distributed in two syllable doma
in - a disyllabic domain. The domain can exist either in disyllabic word forms (
so the grammatical word merges with the domain) or the domain can can be inside
a polysyllabic word and can change its direction. Here the existence of the doma
in can be triggered by a suffix that itself does not contribute to the quantitat
ive distribution inside the domain.
I argue that the former example can be supported by the -nie deverbatives in Old
Czech, while the latter one counts for the -a/ Old Czech deverbatives and denomina
tives. While Standard Czech lost the domain in -nie >-n deverbatives (there is no
domain observable in dvn, dln) , the domain is still visible in -a/ substantives.
11.1.5.Towards the rise of Rhythmic law in Czech
As I said above and recapitulate here, the rhythmicity in Czech is observed in d
erivates, e.g.: nomina agentis -a/ (mlko - mlka, mln - mlyn), prefixed deverbal nouns
latit - pplatek, nadlet-nadlka x nahodit - nhoda) and hypocoristics (Kateina-Ka-Katka)
As hinted by Bethin, the constraint on quantity in disyllabic metrical foot is t
hat it must be maximally threemoraic ip^y) or (o^). My analysis of OCz material s
eems to support it.
11.1.5.1. Old Czech- a/- nouns
Three and polysyllabic nouns have always - suffix and show no alternation of quant
iy in the -/a suffix. The same principle is observable in in Modern Czech. This mea
ns that disyllabic domain is still alive.
Below I adduce Old Czech data. The sources of the data are standard OCz dictiona
ries and I consider the the quantity there as being reconstructed. The only reli
able positive presence or absence of quantity in the data are those adduced by N
edvdov.
This is the fact that contributes to the Scheer's misunderstanding of the quanti
ty distribution in Czech. 848 See Bethin 2003 and 2003a for details. The root br
evity in Katka in contrast to length in Ka is due to the "closed syllable effect"
when the coda consonant in a root contributes to the syllable weight and the who
le syllable is considered long.
84901d Czech manuscripts and printings normally do not mark length. If so, it is
done with doubling the vowels (Gpl nooh) or diacritic marks, e.g. bh. The detail
ed analysis of data from OCz materials showing length was done by Nedvdov in her u
npublished and undated study (see references). Because of the irregularity and s
carcity of length marking, the OCz length must be reconstructed. The methodology
of reconstruction was also described by Nedvdov (p.l 1-12). Therefore, the quanti
ty of lemmas in OCz dictionaries must be considered as reconstructed, mainly, in
cluding modernised script.
850 Classical approach with lots of data ilustrated is TSC 78-83,128-140; modern
phonology analysis in Bethin 2003a.
343
Disyllabic nouns CVC.C + - (0^0^,), no closed syllable effect
Desubstantives
bev GbSlov, bedn GbSlov, budn GbSlov, cest GbSlov, cihl GbSlov, hvzd GbSlov, hym
lov, kamn GbSlov, koltr GbSlov, konv GbSlov, kosn GbSlov, kostk GbSlov, krm GbSlo
essel), kivd GbSlov, metl GbSlov, mezd GbSlov, modl GbSlov, mon GbSlov, mydl GbS
, nunv GbSlov, pecn StS, plotn StS (var.plota), plstn StS, pov StS, prkn St
1468) , ryb/a ESSC, rykm ESSC, sektr ESSC, sedl ESSC, sudn/-a ESSC, studn/-a ESS
stStS (dSprv.), sudn /a ESSC, tak/taka HestStS (dSprv.), trepk HestStS (Kor
, vk, vb (var) MSS. uzd MSS Vodn Hvzd. Exceptions: putna HestStS, ArchPr 992,
S (vrobce okrouhlch tt) TrojOJ, puka HestStS, ArchPra 1387, ty Karlt. 1428; I consi
the starting preference for short suffix.
-n - deadjectives - chlebn GbSlov, lodn GbSlov, mocn GbSlov, mluvn GbSlov, mezdn G
tn GbSlov, Rybn MSS, pern StS senn ESSC, srpn ESSC, stklen ESSC, Exception - so
erbatives: n ESSC, sbn ESSC;
Diysllabic nouns - (o^o^i) -
far GbSlov, kol GbSlov, kov GbSlov, kram GbSlov, mlyn GbSlov, ryb/ryba ESSC, af
konie GbSlov, NED, koie GbSlov, koie GbSlov (C'> C'ie);
Disyllabic nouns - (ojiOj,) - a
Desubstantives:
blana GbSlov, bula GbSlov, bana GbSlov, hlina GbSlov, husa GbSlov, chmela GbSlov, kajda
GbSlov, kbela GbSlov, kluka GbSlov, kniha GbSlov, keka GbSlov,
344
krava GbSlov, kura GbSlov, luka GbSlov, masa GbSlov, meda GbSlov, mna GbSlov,
muka (Peiniger) GbSlov, perla StS, pila StS, plota StS, pluha StS, Raka Hvzd,
sna HesStS (ArchPr 1391), skota ESSC, sola ESSC, smola ESSC, smrada ESSC, stola
MSS, struna ESSC, sudna /a ESSC, epa/ep?? HestSt, (MusIV D68), vesla
HestStS (Kruml.vkl.), Teb.B./vesl Mam V9d. vina HestSt (BezSvt), vrka HestStS
(ZdSprv), zvona HestStS (PrvoSasM), zma HestSt (SlovKlem);
Deverbatives
bha GbSlov, buja GbSlov, hleda GbSlov, klama GbSlov, klepa GbSlov, kucha GbSlov,
luda GbSlov, meta GbSlov, peka StS, shleda ESSC, struha ESSC, tesa MSS, ta MSS,
tha MSS,tka MSS, vsda MSS;
Deadjective slana ESSC;
Disyllabic nouns, (a^^) - a
Denominatives
bsna GbSlov, cna GbSlov, cda GbSlov, hva GbSlov, krsna GbSlov, msa GbSlov,
a StS, rma ESSC, sta ESSC, slpna HestSt (Silvius Kronika), ta MSS, Spa He
prv), ka ESSC,vlda MSS; Deverbatives hvzda GbSlov, psa MSS, tla MSS;
OC1
Quantity of -a/- suffix in borrowings
- from OHG - ri, -are > OCz - ( rycht < OHG rihtri, cf. OSlk richtr, bedn < OHG bud
cf. Slk. dial.bedn, hota (Wchter)< OHG huotare/ huotre, cf. Slk.dial. hotr);
- from MHG - OCz far < MHG pharrer, cf. Slk farr, fragn (Hker) < MHG phragener, af
G schrfere, cf. OSlk afr;
- from ENHG - OCz luda (Betrger) < ENHG luder, OCz tumfa/ (Gerber) < ENHG stumper;
Data from Newerkla 2004.
345
11.1.5.2. Modern Standard Czech -a/ derivates
As for disyllabics, Modern Czech shows rhythmic asymetricity - the generalisatio
n of-a in disyllabics regardless of the stem length: vka-vka, Microsoft DOS - dosa. The
original conditions "long root syllable + short suffix -a" or "short root syllab
le + long suffix -" changed to the structure "short suffix + long/short root sylla
ble", so -a is preferred now. However, the disyllabic domain still remains but th
e syllabic structure (o^a^) is not prefered DOS >**dos852 The data confirm it.853
Derivates with -a/ suffixes whose stems end in final consonant cluster may have lon
g suffix -: deverbativa: packat - pack; denominativa: kotel - kotl, bedna - bedn, also
hort suffix as in hudlat - hudla, filtrovat - filtra; stavba - stavba, brzda - brzd
a, pumpa -pumpa, spolek - spolka, vzorek - vzorka or can even have long root vowel i
f the original form was also long: et - ta, vrtek - vrtka.
Stems ending in single consonant have both variants -a/ : lya, piva, sklepa, stoka, vl
a;frza, pska, pra, sra; ten, srak, ryb
Neologisms prefer short suffix -a :auta, bka, boula, data, daa, droga, dpa, kina
rafta, sa, skejta, spreja, surfa, tempa, treka, vka, zprva. The most complete co
abic -a/ derivates in TSC reflects the following distribution of quantity:
Deverbatives (some derivates can paralelly be derived from nouns):
(P\fi\i) - a- Here the first syllable is open and short (monomoraic). The suffix
is monomoraic too, thereforhe the total weight of the bisyllabic domain is two m
oras:
peka, meta, pleta, vlada, ta, iha, kucha, tesa,susa, sida, sua, ina, iha, h
ova, tka, skraba, seda, lepa, cvika, stpa (< tp, tpovat), fusa, bloka, snova,
klamat), smyka (< smyk, smykat), bluda ("<blud, bloudit), lisa (< lis, lisovat), l
ya (< lye, lyovat), nuza (< nouze, nuzovat se), presa (< pres, presovat), stepa (< step
, stepovat), stopa (< stopa, stopovat), stpa (< tp, tpit/tpovat),
First syllable coda + -a (0^0^), no closed syllable effect. The first syllable is
closed by a consonant but even if the nucleus vowel is short, the coda does not
bear mora. Should it bear mora, the data like "sprvka" would mean that the total
weight of the first syllable would be
Bethin 2003.
Data from TSC 80-81, 128-138.
Data from Martincov (1998).
346
three moras which is unacceptable in Czech -.tiska (<tisk, tisknout, tiskat), rac
hta, fixla, bifla, filtra, lichta (< lichta, lichtovat), smalta (< smalt, smaltovat),
da (< kejdy, kejdovat), forma (< forma, formovat), koksa (< koks, koksovat), brzda (
< brzda, brzdit), vtra ( < vtry, vtrat), lepta (< lept, leptat)
First syllable coda + - (o^a^), no closed syllable effect
pack, ezb, lichv, pot, zmatk, vochl, mik (< mek, mikovat), klack, pletk
kovat), valch (< valcha, valchovat), vtipk (< vtpek, vtipkovat), vochl (< vochle, vochl
ovat), znak (< znaka, znakovat), sklen (< sklenit, sklen)
(giiGhii) -. The first syllabe is open and short, the derivative suffix - is long:
kov, ten,
sklen
(o^On) - a. The first syllable is open and long, the derivative suffix - a is shor
t:
pra, slva, souka/suka, psa, drta (<drt, drtovat), rma (< rm, rmovat), sa (<
s, sovat), frza (< frza, frzovat), chlra (< chlr, chlrovat), louha/luha (<louh,
louhovat), lka ( < lk, lit)
First syllable coda + - (o^), no closed syllable effect
sprvka (<sprvka, sprvkovat), stvka (<stvka, stvkovat), ska (< sn, skovat),
ta (< et, tovat)
Deverbatives which are also derived also from substantives, like: tiska < tisk, t
isknout, tiskat, klama < klam, klamat, but I do not consider the motivation impor
tant for the quantitative distribution.
Denominatives
First syllable coda + - (o^a^), no closed syllable effect
bedn, calt, cest, cihl, cukr, ib, im, hvzd, lichv, kotl, mydl, oct
v, bev, neck, metl, sedl, uzd, vochl, jalk, vidl, hrak, truhl, jehl,
t, tok, bajk, frak, jirch, perl, mn, hadr, harf, loutn/loutna, drok
klenka, bitl, krajk, ipk, vosk, lamp, atn, rycht, templ, stromk, kok,
3A1
osl/osla, sluk, kurv, kart, maxl, kostk, vtipk, ak, lelk, hrak, modl
inkl, nunv, fant, peck, ceck, srak, tand, zmatk
First syllable coda + -a (0^), no closed syllable effect.
stavba, brusla, hradla, spolka, stavba, vzorka, pumpa, puka, vesla, vzorka, zbytka
perka, roksa, vdolka, suka, spodka, farma, mosta, borka, dehta, trka, malta, pu
freska, filma, texta, smalta, perka, pstruha, vydra, lisa, oka, smeka, muka, av
zda, vesla, padla/pdla, pukla, sirka, kychta, vleka/vlek, svtla, chodba, konka
zk, holka/holk, dvka, kefta, truka, buchta, bulka/bulk, filka, spolka, bibla
lka, trojka/trojk, troka, tyka, ptka/ptk, troucha, mocn, sekt, sosn, hald
radla, stovka, sjezda,
(P\fi\i) - a- Here the first syllable is open and short (monomoraic). The suffix
is monomoraic too, thereforhe the total weight of the bisyllabic domain is two m
oras:
vacha, vda, eta, hroba, kniha, lya, sada, spoja, stroja, vora, spoja, stroja, h
sola, vata, kliha, kroba, stana, saka, hola, cvoka, noa, pana, koa, kosa, pluh
stola, tya, stroja, loa, svaha, peca, schoda, kopa, deva, lama, smola, leda,
broja, luka, struna, zvona, basa, socha, koa, vata, steva, hnoja, skala, tta,
ka, aba, raka, hiba, trava, brusa, oka, pracha, praka, tya, voza, vlaka, luna
a, lena, sena, krupa, leda, husa, koa, chmela, masa, vlasa, prota, nia, losa,
a, pola, stroma, vina, vela, svia, krava, vola, soba, koza, husa, ena, chleba,
tuka, kroba, lesa, ua, zuba, nosa, koa, fleka, kasa, byta, chata, fraka, copa
loma, sklada, trocha, svala, vacha, mecha, doka, sklepa, stopa, stava, sraba, svrab
ha,
First syllable coda + -r (o^), no closed syllable effect
szka, pla, blza, pska, svka, houva, jdra, pouzdra, sta, dla, rouba, c
brouka, hbka, pka, koula, hka, proutka, housla, vergla, mandla, msla, stvk
348
sdka, lvka, znmka, frka, stnka, lvka, rejda, bouda, rka, troucha, ptka,
aula,
(P\i\iG\i) - a- The first syllable is open and long, the derivative suffix - a is
short: sa, sra, sta, roura, ma, hlna/hlina, tta, pa, toula, rma, ka
mouka, kmna, mlka, sra, mta, dna, mda, plca, fra, pda, poua, jma, mla
(P\fi\ni) -. The first syllabe is open and short, the derivative suffix - is long:
mlyn, ryb, far
The quantitative differences of-a/ suffix in the same words can sometimes accompany
a difference in meaning: domk "village house owner" x domka "town - house owner";
kol "wheel maker" x kol "wheel thief; placht "canvas maker" xplachta "sailplane pilot";
The counterexamples from the disyllabic maximally threemoraic domain are denomin
atives lnk, prmk, svk (newly codified to lnka, prmka, svka) and loutk, de
ka, brk, sklnk/sklnka, stk/stka, tk, stk/stka.
The broad distribution of length in derivates has already been hinted in TSC (12
8). Derivates with long root and coda in the first syllable, the suffix is short
. If the first syllable is short and with coda, the suffix is usually long. If t
he first syllable is open and long, the suffix is short, after the short syllabl
e the suffix is either long on short but the distribution depends on the age of
the derivte and productivity of derivation. The obvious caveat is the codificatio
n of some forms in Pravidla: lnk, prmk but codified lnka, prmka. Nevertheless, the
in Standard and colloquial Czech is not so misleading as in Slovak (see below)
because the codification more or less reflects the usus.
Anyway, what we observe here is the regular distribution of quantity in the disy
llabic domain. Apart from the unimportant number of examples, the most of deriva
tes have maximally three moras within the o syllables. We observe the tendency t
o keep the root syllable constant: bedna > bedn, housle > housla, szka > szka, .and al
so the partial loss of the domain in lnk, prmk, svk. I consider it quite a normal p
ecause the whole distribution of length in -a/ derivates shows the tendency to assy
metry. Therefore, it is quite natural if the maximally three-moraic domain would
be broken. As I will show later, the same situation is observed in Slovak.
349
11.1.5.3. OT solution
From OT point of view, we are faced with a following problem. The -a/ substantives
are derivates so they must be derived from an original word by truncation and ad
dition of a suffix. Taking ryba as and example, the truncated form is ryb- and n
ow we are not sure if the form -a or - should be in the input
The constraints which are active here are the same as used in the previous chapt
ers, only BT-IDENT Vn requires that there is no deletion nor addition of mora to
the nucleus between base and truncation forms. Using the Bethin's (2003) analys
is of the rhythmicity in hypocoristics (which operates on the same principle as
-a/ derivates, we will obtain the following results:
1)
/ryb+a^/ i-ov. HD-BIN BT-IDENT V^
a^ry^b-a^) *! *
b^ry^b-a^) !*
c^ry^b-a^e* *
d^ry^b-a^) *! *
2)
/ryb+a^/ HD-BIN i-ov. BT-IDENT V^
a^ry^b-a^) *! *
b^ry^b-a^) *!
c^ry^b-a^)^ *
d^ry^b-a^) *! *
3)
/ryb+a^/ BT-IDENT V^ i-ov. HD-BIN
a^ry^b-a^) *! *
b^ry^b-a^) * *
c^ry^b-a^) *
d^ry^b-a^) *! *
350
4)
/ryb+a^/ BT-IDENT V^ HD-BIN i-ov.
a.Cry^b-a^) * *
b^ry^b-a^) * *
c-Cry^b-a^) *
d^ry^b-a^) *! *
If the input is /ryb +a^/, from the possible rankings the tableaux 1), 2), 3) and
4) produce the wrong winner ryba or ryba. We should therefore suppose that the in
put suffix must be always long /- a^/:
5)
/ryb+a^/ i-ov. HD-BIN BT-IDENT V^
a.Cry^b-a^)^ !*
b^ry^b-a^) *! *
c-Cry^b-a^) *! *
d^ry^b-a^) *
6)
/ryb+a^/ HD-BIN i-ov. BT-IDENT V^
a^ry^b-a^)** *
b^ry^b-a^) *! *
c-Cry^b-a^) *! *
d^ry^b-a^) *!
V)
/ryb+a^/ BT-IDENT V^ i-ov. HD-BIN
a.Cry^b-a^) *
b^ry^b-a^) *! *
c-Cry^b-a^) * *
^.(ry^b-a^) !*
351
8)
/ryb+a^/ BT-IDENT V^ HD-BIN i-ov.
a.Cry^b-a^) !*
b^ry^b-a^) !* *
c-Cry^b-a^) !* *
^.(ry^b-a^) *
Rankings in tableaux 5) and 6) produce wrong winners but the rankings in 7) and
8) give the winner ryb. The ranking in both tableaux is the same because HD-BIN an
d 1-0 V^ are unranked with respect of each other, so BT-IDENT V^ HD-BIN, 1-0 V^.
The ranking for Min which is a derivte from hlna is as follows:
/hli^n+a^/ BT-IDENT V^ HD-BIN i-ov.
a^hli^n+a^) *
b^hli^n+a^) ^ * * *
c.(hli^n+aw)#4
d^hli^n+a^) * *
As we can see, the candidate b. which would win fails because candidate c wins.
However, as it has 4 moras in the syllable, another constraint must be in the in
teraction. It is moraic quantitative sensitive trochee LL because Czech is a
trochee system (as shown by Bethin 1998). So the final tableau will be:
/hli^n+a^/ LL BT-IDENT v. HD-BIN i-ov.
a^hli^n+a^) * *
^.(hli^n+a^) * * *
c.(hliwn+aw) *
d^hli^n+a^) * * *
Kager 1998:147. "L" means light syllable, bold L is the light stressed syllable.
352
One would wonder why there are derivates like msa < msa. Another trochee constraint
plays the role: HL and eliminates all the unfaithful candidates:
/mi^s+a^/ HL LL BT-IDENT V^ HD-BIN i-ov.
^a.rini^s+a^) * *
b.rinii^s+a^) * * * *
c.(miws+aw) * *
d.rini^s+a^) * * * *
Should be postulate that ryb has a metrical structure LH, we now see that we can e
asily explain why there are different quantitative patterns of derivates - becau
se of the different ranking of metrical structures (different trochees): msa : HL L
L, LH ryb: LH LL, HL hlina: LL HL, LH.
11.1.5.4. Further evidence of rhythmicity in such derivates
The rests of the disyllabic maximally threemoraic domain can be traced to Old Po
lish: lekarz, piekarz, lichviarz, where we are also faced with its loss, v lkrze,
piekrze. Upper Sorbian kruwa proofs that the rhythmic law or at least the tendency
to rhythmicity should be broadened not only to Slovak but also to the rest of W
est Slavic territory. It would be absurd if only Slovak should have the Rhythmic
Law no matter how strongly it is advocated in the literature.
Moreover, Sekli's analysis of Slovene derivates shows that the same rhythmicity
in disyllabic domain is present in South Slavic, e.g. krva > [krvar], jma > [fmar],
brzda > [brzdar], konj-knja >[konjr], sdlo-sdla >[sedlr], p-pe > [per], Serbian-C
RS7
[krvar], [knjar], [par]. Just to remember that Slovene still accentually distinguish
es the derivates from original accentual paradigms: krvar x konjr, vodr while Czech
shows the more irregular distribution: krava but ryb, koa, voda, sedl but peca.
DUNAJ, B. Wzdluzenie zastqpcze v jqzyku polskim. Krakw 1966, str.22. SEKLI 2004.
353
11.1.5.5. Further support of the domain: Old Czech -(n)ie deverbatives
Old Czech shows an interesting quantitative alterantion in -nie deverbatives. Th
e length alternates between the root vowel and the subsequent - a- stem vowel: dv
anie x dlnie. Such alternation would also point to Old Czech rhythmicity.
The difference is partially historical. As for dvanie, the original verb is dvati
< *dvti with pretonic length due to the Dybo's law. The length is preserved in Cze
ch. As for dlnie, the original accentuation is APa *dlati, therefore the derivte kee
ps the acute intonation with the long stem -a- dlnie. Now it is seems that if the
original root is short, the derivte ends in -nie and if the root reflects pretonic
length, the thematic vowel shortens resulting in -anie. There is no quantitativ
e difference between the verbs of the original APa dlnie, original APc kovnie < *ko
vti. The only difference is in the pretonic long root APb dvanie.
As for verbal nouns with -nie/nie suffix, Modern Czech data show variants in der
ivates from long monosyllabic infinitives brt> bran, pst - psan (1st verbal class),
ht - hn (3rd verbal class), tkt (5th verbal class)> tkan. When prefixed, those deverbat
ives have always --, nabrn, sebrn, protkn. Three- and polysyllabic deverbatives have al
ways --:
oco
hrabat - hrabn, dlat - dln, dvat - dvn, kupovat - kupovn. We do not observe that d
domain would operate. The OCz situation, however, shows different situation. Bel
ow I adduce the data from standard OCz dictionaries and NED. Remember that the d
ictionary data show the reconstructed quantity.
Disyllabic deverbatives - root syllable is always long:
bti s GbSlov - bnie GbSlov, NED, brti GbSlov - branie GbSlov, NED, ckti GbSlov -ckani
e GbSlov, cpti GbSlov - cpnie GbSlov, NED, kti GbSlov - knie GbSlov, dti GbSlov - danie
GbSlov, NED, drti GbSlov - dranie GbSlov, NED, hnti GbSlov - hnanie GbSlov, NED,
hrti GbSlov - hranie GbSlov, kti s GbSlov - knie GbSlov, NED, klti MSS - klnie, GbSlov
, NED, lti GbSlov - lanie GbSlov, NED, lhti GbSlov - lhanie GbSlov, NED/lhanie GbS
lov, lkti GbSlov -lknie GbSlov, NED, lzti GbSlov - lzanie GbSlov, rvti s MSS, ESSC -
rvanie ESSC, vti - vnie ESSC, NED, psti MSS - psnie NEDscti ESSC- scanie ESSC, skti ES
- sknie ESSC, spti MSS - spanie MSS, NED/spanie MSS, srti ESS- srnie ESS, ssti MSS - s
snie MSS, ESS, stti MSS - stnie MSS, NED, stlti MSS - stlnie ESS, vti MSS - vnie
- tbnie MSS, tkti MSS - tknie
TS 584-585.
354
MSS, vti MSS - vanie MSS, vstti MSS vstnie MSS, zvti MSS - zvnie MSS, NED, rti
MSS - rnie NED, zvti MSS - vnie MSS;
Exception - ptanie MSS -ptti sMSS;
Since 16 century we observe the tendency to use short -a- as in ModCz - hnan, l
han, psan,
rvan, span, tkan, van (NED).
Three- and polysyllabic deverbatives -ati and -ovati verbs (frequentatives). Her
e we observe the disyllabic maximally threemoraic domain alive.
When the original verb has short root syllable or short stem syllable, the dever
bative has -nie suffix (o^o^Xnie) :
bhnie GbSlov - bhati GbSlov, beknie GbSlov - bekati GbSlov, blahnie GbSlov - blahati
GbSlov, blektnie GbSlov - blektati GbSlov, blvnie GbSlov - blvati GbSlov, bublanie
GbSlov - bublati, bubnovanie GbSlov - bubnovati GbSlov, cektovnie GbSlov - cekto
vati GbSlov, clovnie GbSlov - clovati GbSlov, akanie GbSlov - akati GbSlov, NED, arova
nie GbSlov - arovati GbSlov, dokonanie GbSlov - dokonati GbSlov, doliovnie GbSlov -
doliovati GbSlov, dostnie GbSlov - dostati GbSlov, doufnie GbSlov - doufati GbSlov
, harcovanie GbSlov - harcovati GbSlov, hemznie GbSlov - hemzati GbSlov, hltanie
GbSlov - hltati GbSlov, hnvnie GbSlov - hnvati GbSlov, hodovanie GbSlov - hodovati
GbSlov, holdovnie GbSlov - holdovati GbSlov, huhlnie GbSlov - huhlati GbSlov, chov
ati GbSlov - chovati GbSlov, NED, chechtme GbSlov - chechtati s GbSlov, chrknie GbS
lov -chrkati GbSlov, jadnie GbSlov - jadati GbSlov, jasovnie GbSlov - jasovati GbS
lov, jmenovnie GbSlov - jmenovati GbSlov, kalcinovnie GbSlov - kalcinovati GbSlov,
kameovanie GbSlov - kamenovati GbSlov, kalnie GbSlov - kalati GbSlov, klamanie GbSl
ov - klamati GbSlov, kleknie GbSlov - klekati GbSlov, klevetme GbSlov - klevetati
GbSlov, klinknie GbSlov - klinkati GbSlov, kochanie GbSlov, NED - kochati GbSlov,
konanie GbSlov - konati GbSlov, kovanie - GbSlov - kovati GbSlov, MSS; kralovnie
GbSlov - kralovati GbSlov, krknie GbSlov - krkati GbSlov, kriovanie GbSlov - kiovat
i GbSlov, kukanie GbSlov - kukati GbSlov, kvapnie GbSlov - kvapati GbSlov, kyjovni
e GbSlov - kyjovati GbSlov, ladovnie GbSlov - ldovati GbSlov, leknie GbSlov - lekat
i GbSlov, lekovnie GbSlov - lekovati GbSlov, lektnie GbSlov - lektati GbSlov, lept
anie GbSlov - leptati GbSlov, mazanie GbSlov, NED - mazati GbSlov, malovnie GbSlo
v -malovati GbSlov, metnie GbSlov - metati GbSlov, mekanie GbSlov - mekati GbSlov,
milovanie GbSlov - milovati GbSlov, mistrovnie GbSlov - mistrovati GbSlov, mordovn
ie
355
GbSlov - mordovati GbSlov, mrdnie GbSlov - mrdati GbSlov, movnie GbSlov -movati GbSlov
mrknie GbSlov - mrkati GbSlov, mrsknie GbSlov, NED - mrsknie GbSlov, mykanie GbSlov
- mykati GbSlov, nutkanie StS - nutkati StS, nynknie StS -nynkati StS, obcovanie StS
- obcovati StS, oranie StS - orati StS, pamatovnie StS -pamatovati StS, panovanie StS -
panovati StS, peovnie StS, pestovanie StS - pstovati StS, pilovanie StS - pilovati St
plakovnie StS - plakovati StS, plvanie StS -plavati StS, plesanie StS - plesati StS,
tS - pvati StS, pracovanie StS -pracovati StS, prchnie StS - prchati StS, prsknie St
skati StS, rovnanie MS S, NED - rovnati MSS, sknie ESS, NED - sekati MSS, volanie MS
S, NED - volati MSS;
Prefixes have no influence on the domain:
nabranie StS - nabrati StS, nadanie StS- nadati StS,nadlnie GbSlov, StS - nadlati GbSl
, StS, nahnnie StS - nahnati StS, nahrabme StS - nahrabati StS, nahrazovnie StS - nah
vati StS, nachovme GbSlov, StS - nachovati GbSlov, StS, nakloovnie StS - nakloovati St
nalezovnie GbSlov, StS - nalezovati GbSlov, StS, napadanie StS - napadati StS, naplovni
e StS - naplovati StS, napojovnie StS - napojovati StS, napravovnie StS - napravovati
,napsnie GbSlov, StS - napsati GbSlov, StS ,narovnnie StS - narovnati StS, naznie St
zati StS,nasazovnie GbSlov, StS -nasazovati GbSlov,StS , nasledovanie GbSlov, StS - ns
ledovati GbSlov, StS , nastnie GbSlov, StS - nastati GbSlov, StS , nastavovanie StS -
nastavovati StS, natahovnie GbSlov, StS - natahovati GbSlov, StS, navevovnie StS - na
vati StS, navracovnie GbSlov - navracovati GbSlov, navzovanie StS - navazovati StS, n
avozovnie GbSlov - navozovati GbSlov, nazvnie StS - nazvati StS, obdarovanie StS -obd
arovati StS, obkladanie StS - obkldati StS, obklamnie StS - klamati, oblehovnie StS -
ehovati StS, oblvanie StS - oblvati StS, oblomovnie StS - oblomovati s StS, oblovni
blovati StS, obluzovnie StS - obluzovati StS, obmaznie StS -obmazati StS, obmazovnie S
- obmazovati StS, obmkovnie StS - obmkovati StS, obmeknie StS - obmekati s StS,
obmylovati StS, obnovovanie StS - obnovovati StS, obradovnie StS - obradovati s StS, o
aovnie StS - obrazovati StS, obrtnie StS - obrtati StS, obznie StS - obezati StS,
obzovati StS, obtzovnie StS - obtovati StS, obvnovnie StS -obvnovati StS, obvla
ati StS, obvolnie StS - obvolati StS, obyknie StS - obykati StS, obykovnie StS - obyk
i StS, obvanie StS - obvati
356
StS, obalovnie StS - obalovati StS, oberovnie StS (analogically?) - obierati s StS
StS - oekvati StS, oiovnie StS - oiovati StS, ohledovnie StS -ohledovati StS,
azovati StS, okazovnie StS - okazovati StS, oklamanie StS - oklamati StS, oklamvme St
oklamvati StS, okovnie StS -okovati StS, okraovnie StS - okraovati s StS, okuovni
vati StS, olysovnie StS - olysovati StS, omaknie StS - omakati StS, omekanie StS - om
StS, opakovanie StS - opakovati StS, opatrovanie StS - opatrovati StS, oplacovnie StS
- oplacovati StS, oplaknie StS - oplakati StS, oplznie StS - oplzati s StS, oprnie St
- oprati StS, opravovanie StS - opravovati StS, optnie StS - optati StS, orudovnie StS
- orudovati StS, ortelovnie StS - ortelovati StS, osazovnie StS - osazovati StS, osed
lnie StS - osedlati StS, osknie StS - osekati StS, oskvanie StS - oskvati StS, os
sidlati StS, oslavovanie StS - oslavovati StS, osnovnie StS - osnovati StS, osoovanie S
tS - osoovati StS, ospnie StS - ospati StS, ostnie StS - ostati StS, ostarnie StS -
i StS, ostrahovnie StS - ostrahovati StS, ostraovnie StS -ostraovati StS, osuovnie
vati StS, osvcovnie StS - osvcovati StS, osvedovanie StS - osvdovati StS, osypnie
ti StS, otazovnie StS -otazovati StS, otbojovnie StS - otbojovati StS, otcuzovnie StS
tcuzovati StS, otdalovnie StS - otdalovati StS, otdnie StS - otdati s StS, otdychnie
otdychati/otdchati StS, otehnnie StS - otehnnie StS, otepsnie StS - otepsati StS, ote
StS - oteslati StS, otevzdnie StS - otevzdati StS, otchovnie StS - otchovati StS, otk
ovnie StS - otkazovati StS, otkysnie StS - otkysati StS, otmilovnie StS -otmilovati St
otpisovnie StS - otpisovati StS, otproovnie StS - otproovati StS, otpuovnie StS -
, otrucovnie StS - otrucovati StS, otznie StS -otzati StS, otzovnie StS - otzo
StS - otsazovati StS, otsthovnie StS - otsthovati StS, otsuzovnie StS - otsuzovati S
tstupovnie StS -otstupovati StS, ottahovnie StS - ottahovati StS, otvazovnie StS - otv
ovati StS, otvlaovnie StS - otvlaovati StS, otvolnie StS - otvolati StS, otvozovnie
vozovati StS, oznamovanie StS - oznamovati StS, , pobrnie StS - pobrati StS, poesnie S
- poesati StS, podanie StS - podati StS, poddanie StS - poddati (s) StS, podko vnie S
podkovati StS, podlo vnie StS - podlovati StS, podkopanie StS -podkopati StS, pohnni
pohnati StS, pohdanie StS - pohrdati StS, pochlebo vnie StS - pochlebovati StS, pochod
ovanie StS - pochoditi StS, pochybovanie StS -pochybovati StS, pojhrnie StS - pojhrati
StS, poknie StS - pokti s StS, poklamnie StS - poklamati StS, pokochme StS - pokoc
, pokojovnie StS - pokojiti StS,
357
pokopnie StS - pokopati StS, pokonnie StS - pokonati StS, pokikovnie StS -pokiknti
vnie StS - pokiti StS, pomazanie StS - pomazati StS, poniovanie StS - poniovati s S
vovnie StS - popravovati StS, posuzovnie StS - posuzovati StS, pokovnie StS - poci
avovnie StS - posdravovati StS, posilovanie StS - posilovati StS, posilovanie StS - po
lovati StS, poslanie StS -poslati StS, posluhovanie - posluhovati StS, popilovnie StS -
pospilovati StS, postlnie StS - postlati StS, posuzovnie StS - posuzovati StS, posvco
e StS - posvcovati StS , posypanie StS - posypati, potknie StS - potkati StS, potbov
-potebovati StS, potupovnie StS - potupovati StS, potvorovnie StS - potvoiti s StS,
zovnie StS - potvrzovati StS, povolanie StS - povolati StS, povstanie StS -povstati StS
, povyovanie StS - povyovati s StS, poznanie StS - poznati StS, pozorovanie StS - pozo
vati StS, pozvanie StS - pozvati StS, poehnanie StS -poehnati StS, poehrovnie StS -
i StS, poehovnie StS - poci StS, prodnie StS - prodati StS, promovnie StS - prom
ovnie StS - protahovati StS, provolme StS - provolati StS, provrtme StS - provrtati St
prozpvovnie StS -prozpvovati StS, , pebito vnie StS - bitovati StS, prebranie StS -
s StS, prebvanie StS - pebvati StS, pednie StS - pedati StS, pklopotnie StS -
e StS - pkupovati StS, pluzovnie StS - peluzovati StS , pmylovnie StS - pmyl
- nalezovnie StS, pptnie StS - peptati s StS;
When the original verb has long root syllable or long stem syllable, the deverba
tive has -anie suffix (o^o^Xnie):
blskanie GbSlov - blskanie GbSlov, hanie GbSlov - hati GbSlov, dvanie GbSlov -dvati Gb
ov, dvenie GbSlov - dviti GbSlov, divanie GbSlov - dvati s GbSlov, driemanie GbSlov
- driemati GbSlov, dchanie/dychnie GbSlov - dchati/dchati GbSlov, fkanie GbSlov - fuk
ati GbSlov, dmanie GbSlov - dmati GbSlov, hdanie GbSlov - hdati GbSlov, hldanie/hledni
e GbSlov - hledati/hledati GbSlov, hmanie GbSlov - hmati GbSlov, hkanie GbSlov - huka
ti GbSlov, hbanie GbSlov - hbati GbSlov, hkanie GbSlov - hkati GbSlov, chrpanie GbSlo
v - chrpati GbSlov, chkanie GbSlov - chukati GbSlov, jasanie GbSlov - jsati GbSlov,
kranie GbSlov - krati GbSlov, kzanie GbSlov - kzati GbSlov, kolbanie GbSlov - kolbati
GbSlov, kvikanie GbSlov - kvkati GbSlov, kchanie GbSlov - kchati GbSlov, kvanie GbS
lov - kvati GbSlov, lkanie GbSlov - lkati GbSlov,
358
lmanie GbSlov - lmati GbSlov, lhanie GbSlov - lhati GbSlov, lsanie GbSlov - lsati GbSl
ov, mhranie GbSlov - mhrati GbSlov, mhanie GbSlov - mhati GbSlov, planie StS -plati St
plpolanie StS - plpolati, plytvanie StS - pltvati StS; Again, prefixes show no influe
nce on the domain:
dobvanie GbSlov - dobvati GbSlov, dokzanie GbSlov - dokzati GbSlov, dokldanie GbSlov
- dokldati s GbSlov, dokonanie GbSlov - dokonati GbSlov, doliovnie GbSlov -doliovati
GbSlov, domnievame GbSlov - domnievati s GbSlov, dotkanie GbSlov -dotkati GbSlov, E
xception: dozrnie GbSlov - dozrti GbSlov; nadvanie StS - nadvati StS, nabdanie StS - n
ati StS, nadanie StS - nadati StS, nadvanie StS - nadvati StS, nadievanie StS - nadiev
i StS, najmanie StS - najmati, nalzanie StS - nalzati StS, nakzanie StS - nakzati S
danie StS - nakldati StS, nalvanie StS -nalvati StS, namlvanie StS - namlvati, napn
- napnati StS, napomnanie StS - napomnati StS, nariekanie StS - naiekati StS, objieda
StS - objiedati s StS, objmanie StS - objmati StS, obkladanie StS - obkldati StS, ob
StS - oblvati StS, obmvanie StS - obmvati StS, obvanie StS - obvati StS, obvzanie
StS, obvanie StS - obvati StS, obieranie StS - obierati s StS, odievanie StS - odi
, odmanie StS - odmati StS, ohldanie StS - ohledati StS, ohledvme StS - ohledvati S
e StS - ohbati s StS, okzanie StS - okzati s StS, okldanie StS - okldati StS, okl
amvati StS, okopvanie StS - okopvati StS, okkanie StS - okkati StS, omdlvanie St
, omvanie StS - omvati StS, oplanie StS - oplati StS, opsanie StS - opsati StS, op
opchati StS, oplvanie StS - oplvati StS, opomietanie StS - opomietati StS, opoviedani
StS - opoviedati StS, ostrhanie StS - ostruhat StS, ostiehanie StS -ostiehati StS, o
StS - otzati StS, otbieranie StS - otbierati StS, otbvanie StS -otbvati StS, otdvani
otdvati StS, otdchanie/otdychnie StS -otdchati/otdychati StS, otevzdvanie StS - otev
i StS, otevzkzanie StS -otevzkzati StS, othdanie StS - othdati StS, otjmanie StS -
tS, otkzanie StS - otkzati StS, otkldanie StS - otkldati StS, otmlvanie StS - otml
otpsanie StS - otpsati s StS, otpoviedanie StS - otpoviedanie StS, otpishanie StS -o
s StS, otsanie StS - otsati StS, otiekanie StS - otiekati StS, otthanie StS - o
anie StS - ottrhati StS, otvzanie StS - otvzati StS, otvolvanie StS - otvolvati StS,
StS - odati StS, oieranie StS - oierati StS, pobdanie StS - pohdati StS, pobiehani
iehati StS, potanie StS - potati StS, podvanie StS - podvati StS, podkladanie StS
StS, pohdanie StS -
359
pohdati s StS, pojhrvanie StS - pojhrvati StS, pokldanie StS - pokldati StS, pokln
poklnati StS, pokvanie StS - pokvati StS, polvanie StS - polvati StS, ponkanie StS
StS, porhanie StS - porhati s StS, poslchame StS -poslchati StS, posmievame StS - p
i s StS, postkanie StS - postrkati StS, postpanie StS - postpati StS, posthanie St
StS, povanie StS - povati StS, potzanie StS - potzati s StS, potkanie StS - pot
anie StS -povolvati StS, podanie StS - podati StS, poehnvame StS - poehnvati St
ti StS, prodvme StS - prodvati StS, prodlvme StS -prodlvati StS, prokzanie StS -
proklnme StS - proklnati StS, promlvanie StS - promlvati StS, pronajmme StS - pron
prospievame StS
- prospievati StS, prostnie StS - prostti s StS, provanie StS - provati StS, pre
tS - pekldati StS, pklamvanie StS - pklamvati StS, pmhanie StS
- pemhati StS, pmlvanie StS - pmlvati StS, ppsanie StS - pepsati StS;
11.1.5.5.1. OT solution
The solution of the rhythmicity in the above-mentioned derivates is similar to t
he one in -a/ derivates.
In dlati > dlnie form, the suffix -(n)ie triggers the rise of domain but itself rem
ains unparsed, has any influence on the quantitative patterns inside the domain.
The quantity of the parsed foot (da^va^)- is the result of trochee variants, he
re the highly ranked HL overrides candidates b., c, d.:
/da^va^+nie^/ HL LL LH BT-IDENT HD-BIN PARSE i-ov.
^.(da^va^nie^ * * *
b^da^va^nie^ * * * * *
c.(dawvaw)niew * * * * *
d^da^va^nie^ * * * * *
360
In the derivte dlati-dlnie, the LH eliminates candidates a-c and makes the d. candid
ate winner:
/d^la^+nie^/ LH HL LL BT-IDENT v. HD-BIN PARSE i-ov.
a.Cd^la^nie^ * * * *
b^d^la^nie^ * * * * *
c.(dwlaw)niew * * * ** *
^.(d^va^nie^ * * * * *
Summary
All derivates fall into that pattern. I argue that the domain exists independent
ly and what can only be changed is its position, not "the inside". The position
of the domain can be changed by prefixation or suffixation. This explains why th
e prefixes do not influence the quantity of the domain - because it is independe
nt already. So in dvanie the domain is [dvajnie and after the prefixation nothing
happens: pro[dva]nie. In OT we would say that prefixation would operate on anothe
r level but I would refrain from the analysis here.
Shift of the domain happens due to the suffixation. In ryb the domain is created b
y the intreaction of trochee variants, as we saw, therefore the domain is create
d [ryb]. Ifanother suffix is added, the domain simply shifts to the right: ry[bari
k]. The fact that the domain existed in Old Czech and still exists in some deriv
ates now is supported by the observation that the domain is being lost: all the
-(n)ie deverbatives show no observation of quantitative rhythmicity: dvn and dln, and
in rybak type we observe doublets which are proofs that the language system is bei
ng losing the domain: kov-kovak/kovk. Further research is to be done her to describe wh
y and how such pattern moves and is being lost.
11.1.5.6. Further evidence of rhythmicity in such derivates
According to Nedvdov, Old Czech excludes three long syllables in a row, which mean
s that we cannot observe structures as in Modern Czech - dvn. However, this rule do
es not explain why final -nie in polysyllabic nouns does not shorten. I would su
ggest that -nie does not shorten because it is excluded from the domain, althoug
h it triggers it. So in disyllabic verbal nouns we observe always always - nie,
(ow)<nie>, in three- and polysyllabic verbal
361
nouns either <o>(oWioJi)<nie> /dvanie/, <o>(oioWi)<nie> /dlnie/. I consider that the
underlying form is -nie.
Moravian dialects show the rests of rhythmicity (Slovcko area, Zln area): short an
tepenultima + long penultima - milovn, malovn (as in standard Czech), also -eni chon, d
ovolen. When antepenultima is long, penultima is short - kzan, plen, trpen (Barto 1886
:8), also Valach area - kzan, klekan, kalan (Ronov area), see Barto 1886 I: 61. The res
ts of rhythmicity were also recorded by lemma "kzan/kzn" in CJA 5 2005:260, which sho
ws "kzan" in whole Morava and SWCz area (Strakonice, Prachatice), also Silesian "k
ozani".
One could wonder whether it is possible to compare Old Czech Rhythmic Law to Slo
vak Rhythmic Law.
362
11.1.6. Excursus: Rhythmic law in Slovak
One of the long-known quantitative phenomenon in West Slavic is Rhythmic Law in
Slovak. Rhythmic law was first defined by udovt tr in Nauka rei slovenskej. tr saw RL a
s a phenomenon without exceptions because he codified standard language on the b
asis of Central Slovak dialects. Further authors observed that regularity of RL
is broken by various exceptions. Czambel in his Rukov stated that RL is valid only
for Central Slovak and does not operate in West Slovak dialects. When the stand
ard Slovak was codified in Pravidla in 1931, the Pravidla text contained lot of
exceptions but nowhere was explained why those exceptions are. Since 1940s the S
lovak scholars have been tried to explain not only the origin of RL but mainly t
he process of codification ofthat phenomenon.
11.1.6.1. RL as the rise of mora system
Thus e.g. Peciar 1946 criticised Pravidla for not reflecting the language of rea
l people. The exceptions from RL are due to infusing of material from non-Centra
l Slovak territory. Peciar thought that RL appeared in Central Slovak after cont
raction and before Central Slovak diphtongisations. According to Peciar, the syl
labic system of Slovak was transformed to mora system with maximally three mora
limitation in successive syllables. The system - syllable with more intensity +
syllable with normal intensity was trensformed to mora system - this is RL. Howe
ver, the system reversed back to syllabe-intensity interpretation and that is wh
y the RL is not regular now. Peciar also argues that the codification in Pravidl
a 1931 is wrong, because the codification goes against the actual usage. This ca
n be seen in -r derivates, the codified form was bjkr but actual usage is bajkr/bjkar
, so the RL is regular there. In -r derivates the suffix is long, therefore the p
receding syllable must shorten - drt-drotr, stl-stolr but krok-krkar, prky-prkar, l
As for the form mliekr and sviekr where RL is apparently broken, Peciar argues that
it is because diphtongs are not marked in
+T, + 862
the system.
For the historical development to Slovak Rhythmic Law see Pauliny 1963:98-99, Kr
ajovi 1988:80-81, Feldstein 1990; for general principles and problem of codificati
on see Dvon 1955, for modern phonology approach see Rubach 1993:165 ff. and Bethi
n 1998:151.
860 Dvon 1956.
861 Quoted from Dvon 1956.
363
11.1.6.2. Rhythmic Law contra quantitative changes in derivation
Ladislav Dvon has been dealing with the RL since 1950s. Dvon observes that example
s like bieda-bedr, hviezda-hvezdr support the fact that diphtongs are long. Howeve
r, Dvon sees RL only in succession long syllable-short syllable (lka-lkar) where su
ffix is shortened after long root. Forms like bieda-bedr are not examples of RL b
ut according to Dvon these are quantitative changes connected with derivation. Bu
t this explanation does not solve the problem of RL especially when Dvon agrees t
hat RL is a threemoraic constraint in successive syllables. It seems to me quite
irrelevant whether this constraint is fulfilled in lkar or bedr - in both example
s the total syllable weight in two syllables does not exceed three moras.
Dvon returned to RL in his book Rytmick zkon v spisovnej slovenine. This lengthy boo
k is on one side a criticism of Pravidla 1953 that codified wrong interpretation
(for Dvon) of Peciar's claim that RL must be preserved, like prkar. Dvon claims th
at it is important to know if the -r substantive is deverbative or denominative b
ecause it would explain the original shortening of the root syllable - blud > bl
udr? or bldit > bludr? Dvon's intepretation of RL is a bit problematic. First, he cl
aims that if the root syllable shortens in -r derivates, other derivates follow t
he RL. So vno-vinr does not seem to be RL for Dvon because root syllable shortens.
According to Dvon this would be the quantitative change accompanyig the derivatio
n. Should it be RL, we would have obtained *vinar. However, the derivte vinrnik pe
rfectly obeys RL because -nik suffix shortens after long -r-. Second problem whic
h can be seen is that Dvon explains data according to formulation of RL in Pravid
la 1953 i.e. that what is written in Pravidla is taken as a fact for interpretat
ion. Analysing printed documents in 19th century Dvon observes that RL was active
but that it starts not to be obeyed. Excerpted data show that written materials
from the 2nd half of the 19th century still reflect RL - strhar, vladrov,...RL di
sintegrates when root contained -ie-diphtong - mliekr, poviedkr. But all analysis
is done with the background of Pravidla formulation, Dvon tries to explain neithe
r the origin nor the breaking of the RL. For example the only explanation is tha
t root syllable does not shorten in productive forms like bko-bkr (but Cz bka), frza-
but Cz frza). Dvon rightly notes that Pravidla codified -r as a standart even if tha
t codification is still broken - frza, hlskar, vskar,
Dvon 1954:239.
Dvon 1956.
see Dvon 1956:13-14.
364
hrbar. Also, he does not notice the obvious RL mechanism in examplex like ryb
a-rybr-rybrsky-rybnk-rybnikr etc.
To sum up Dvon's analysis of RL we should say that according to him the shortenin
g of root vowel before -r is unproductive, RL is regular predomimantly in the old
layer of vocabulary, on the other hand, Dvon sees the productivity of shortening
in -ik derivates: pernk-pernikr. Dvon also tried to find the distribution of -r/-ia
r at deverbatives - when a 3pl verbal form ends in -ia > deverbative ends in -ia
r, so vozia, farbiar. Deverbatives from verbs ending in 3pl in - have -r suffix -
pisr, tesr , even if -iar does not obey RL (miar, vtiar, sietiari).
11.1.6.3.Making of a puzzle
Peciar 1968 observed similar tendencies as Dvon, that RL used to be regular befor
e -r but contemporary Slovak breaks the regularity and follows the tendency not t
o change the root quantity in the process of derivation. Peciar divided derivate
s with shortened root syllable before -r. First - there are forms belonging to ol
der vocabulary layer - bedr, hvezdr, lekr. Second, root syllable is shortened in fo
rms with morphological alternation of quantity in paradigms - k - koniar, n-noiar. Th
ird - there are deverbatives from short-root-syllable verbs - pekr. Suffix -ik al
so shortens before -r - cukrikr, gombikr, koikr, medovnikr, pernikr, pilnikr, praclik
ybnikr, slovnikr, uflikr, pendlikr, taxikr, vodnikr, verklikr, verikr, zlnikr, c
punktikr, slovikr, cirkevnikr, ddnikr, fzikr, chrnikr, mnikr, prmikr, bsni
, mamikr, mastikr, pesnikr, sedmikr. According to Peciar, what we observe here is a de
vative model -ikr which obeys RL and is analogically extended as a model of deriv
ation. However, even if this Peciar's model could function, it does not explain
that we observe RL in other forms, e.g. in adjectives ending in -sky - rybnikrsky
.
11.1.6.4. Unexplained quantity neutralisation
Sabol 1977 considered Rhythmic law as a neutralisation of quantity. An "older" s
yllable ("asovo staria dlh slabikotvorn hlska") influences the following syllable whi
ch is shortened. Although Sabol takes the phenomenon of Rhythmic law as systemic
, it is not quite
Dvon 1955: 18-29.
Dvon 1954.
Dvon 1955:35-36.
Peciar 1968:299-300.
Peciar 1968:301, also SSJ 1959-1965.
365
clear what the real motivation of the law is. The puzzling observation is that i
n the flective-derivative border ("rozhranie tvarotvornho a slovotvornho procesu")
the Rhythmic Law is not regular. Sabol also cannot explain why the "neutralisat
ion of quantity" is regular in the formation of deminutives " hlas-hlsok, hviezda
-hvezdr" and he mixes paradigmatic forms like Nsg-Gpl of a-stem feminines hlava-h
lv, ena-ien. Sabols explanation that "v spisovnej slovenine je shra v zmere kvantity s
ignalizova morfologick proces a slovotnovrn proces" did not contribute anything new
to the knowledge of principles of Rhythmic Law.
11.1.6.5. Rhythmic law - a national pride
The great discussion about problematicity of RL in standard Slovak started to ap
pear in 1990s. The new Pravidla in 1991 were published and that provoked reactio
ns from Slovak linguists. Alas - all those discussions were aimed at the problem
of codification of RL, not at the explanation of it.
Slovak linguists have not bothered about the origin and mechanism of Rhythmic La
w. The current trends are not aimed to explain it but to discuss the codificatio
n of RL. Paradoxically, the RL is not being explained from its natural base but
from how it is codified in Pravidla. E.g. Pravidla 1931 (48-49) stated that in d
erivates the suffix is long iff the root is short {chlapk, konk, kok) but after a lo
ng root the long suffix must be shortened {bsnik, hrienik). Also the -ar/r derivate
s behave so (although -r never shortens) - mlynr, rybr, tesr, velr, knihr and also svie
. The rhythmicity operates in koikr, pilnikr, pernikr, pendlikr and slovnikr. The same
principle was advocated in Pravidla 1940 (p.65), suffix -r had to be never shorte
ned - so bedr, debnr, bludr, drevr but also mliekr and krkr. Such situation remained mo
re or less the same till the revolution 1989.
A new debate on RL arised in 1990s with the connection of new Pravidla 1991. The
1st edition of Pravidla 1991 codified RL (in order to support using it). As for
-ar/-r derivates, Pravidla stated that also those derivates undergo RL and so lo
ng -r shortens after the preceding long syllable {bbkar, drhar).
Anyway, Horeky 1993 pointed that -iar suffix does not shorten but is involved in
RL -kupliar-kupliarsky. Dvon 1997 discussed the new codification system of Pravid
la 1991 and Krtky slovnk slovenskho jazyka which both codified rhythmicity of-r afte
r long syllable -so bbkar, frzar, snkar but in KS S J also mlekr instead of mliekar.
Dvon still claims that examples like rba - rubr are not RL but alternation of lon
g/short vowels in derivation.
Sabol 1977:196.
366
However, it is quite unclear what the difference between derivations are even if
in rubr we observe the changing of length and in frzar the shortening of suffix.
Probably this quantitative alternation means that it concerns only derivative su
ffix. But it does not explain why in further derivation the new derivates show r
hythmicity, e.g. when we derive from -ik nouns - cukrk-cukrikr, gombk-gombikr, kok - k
oikr, medovnk-medovnikr, pernk-pernikr, praclk-praclikr, pytlk-pytlikr, rybnk-rybni
-slovnikr, iflk-iflikr, pendlk-pendlikr, uflk-uflikr, taxk-taxikr, vodnk-vod
rk-verikr, lnk-lnikr. Similar rhythmicity can be observed in derivates from -n - be
kesn-kesonr, krupn-kruponr, milin-milionr, papln-paplonr, vagn-vagonr. The general
cy of Pravidla but especially of KSSJ seems to firm and codify RL, even after di
phtong, so mliekar, sviekar, d'ialkar, klkar, cievkar etc. with the claim that the
actual pronunciation is unstable (Povaaj 1997:233-234).
Second edition of Pravidla (1997) codified RL for -ar/r derivates also if the pre
ceding vowel contained diphtong, so mlieko-mliekar, lahdkar, klkar. Third edition f
rom 2000 continued in that codification. So when one wants to obtain Slovak lexi
cal data, he is puzzled about the relevancy, because e.g. SSJ adduces bbkr, bjkr, brkr
, mliekr but KSSJ only bbkar, bjkar, mliekar.
The discussion about RL in late 1990s was marked by Dvon-Kaala polemics, which did
not bring anything new to the explanation of how and why RL operates but turned
into personal attacks and demeaning of each other scientific competency. The ma
in point of polemics was the clash about codification of RL in KSSJ contra Pravi
dla 1991 but the whole discussion turned into a farcical quarrel.
The "nationalistic" character of Slovak linguistics concerning Rhythmic Law was
reflected at the conference Kvantita v spisovnej slovenine a v slovenskch nreiach. T
here were 23 Slovak linguists and only one foreign scholar (S.Habijanec). The ai
m of the conference was to discuss the problem of quantity and RL with the refle
ction of codification. The papers did not bring anything new to the explanation
of RL and still deal with RL as an only Slovak
872 Povaaj 1997:231.
873 Povaaj 1997:232, also SSJ
874 ibid.
875 Especially Kaala's papers carry the tone of ridiculing his oponent..
876 Dvon 1997, Kaala 1998, Dvon 1998, Dvon 1999, Kaala 1999, Dvon 2000, 2000a; Kaala's
antagonising approach to other linguistst had to be cut off by editors of Sloven
sk re (see Slovensk re 66/6, 2001:85)
877 2n-3rd April 2001 in Budmerice., papers published in Kvantita v spisovnej sl
ovenine a slovenskch nreiach, (ed. Povaaj, M.)., Bratislava:Veda 2005.
367
phenomenon. Synchronic papers deal with codification (Dvon, Kaala, Ondrejovi ...) o
r try to explain it in hardly understandable way (Sabol ). Historical commentary
is done without any references to accentological literature (Krlik ). The intere
sting paper is the one by Ferenkov who described irregularity of RL in Central Slov
ak dialects. As for -r nouns, there are two types of rhythmical structures descri
bed: the first one aMr (in Orava area), second type amar in souther part of Centr
al slovak. Structures amr are recorded from Ipe area (marginal part of RZ territor
y). It is quite clear that RL has two different forms and it is quite absurd to
talk about RL only in cases where suffix is shortened after long root syllable.
11.1.6.6. Historical explanation of RL
11.1.6.6.1. Pretonic length influences the quantity of the following syllable
While most of the Slovak authors have dealt with RL from synchronical and codifi
cation point of view, not many of them tried to explain it historically. One of
the author who tried to explained the origin of RL was Eugen Pauliny. Pauliny th
ought that RL originated after the
RR?
loss of yers and due to specifical Central Slovak conditions. Pauliny thinks tha
t pretonic lengths were preserved, circumflex length were shortened both in Czec
h and in Slovak. On the other hand, acute length were shortened in Slovak and Mo
ravia, but preserved in Czech dialects. So old circumflex and acute lengths were
shortened in Slovak area. After fixing the stress on the first syllable all str
essed syllables become short. Stress stopped to be phonologically relevant. Beca
use stress was fixed on the first syllable and first syllables were long if form
erly pretonic, it was thought that after long syllable a short syllable must fol
low (because of the structure - former pretonic length+stressed short syllable).
According to Pauliny, that model of shortening was operating in the dialects wh
ere first yers were lost, then stress was fixed and contraction followed. Loss o
f yers causes fixing the stress, as Pauliny thinks. So after shortening of all l
engths there were only pretonic lengths left and and after those pretonic length
s only short syllables could follow. New contraction lengths were shortened due
to the model, e.g. *mgdrhjb > *mgdry > *mgdry > mdry, but *pqknhjb
878 Dvon, L.: Dynamika kvantity v sasnej spisovnej slovenine., p.33-44.; Kaala, J.: R
egulcia kvantity v rmci slova a tvaru, p. 45-51., Ondrejovi, S.: Sociolingvistick po
znmky k rytmickmu krteniu., p. 107-115.
879 Sabol, J.: Historicko-synchronick morfologick a derivan signly kvantity v slovenin
e., p. 9-32.
880 Krlik, .: Historicko-etymologick poznmky k ditinktivnej funkcii kvantity v sasnej s
pisovnej slovenine., p. 63-68.
881 Ferenkov, A.: Vskumy kvantity v slovenskch nreiach., 130-144.
882 Pauliny 1957; Pauliny 1963:98-99.
883 Pauliny 1957:319.
884 ibid.
368
> *pqkn > pekn. Should contraction operate before fixing the stress and loss of ye
rs, it would result into scheme in which long syllables need not be only formerl
y pretonic but also posttonic. So no Rhythmic Law is to be observed, like in Wes
t Slovak dialects and Czech language. Krajovi (1988) also noticed that some other
Slavic languages have similar phenomenon as RL, e.g. Polabian, Kaubian or Serbocr
oatinan dialects in Donau area. Krajovi criticised Pauliny's conception of RL orig
in and tried to explain RL as a phenomenon that was created after loss of yers a
nd after fixing the stress. Stress was fixed on the first syllable and the follo
wing syllable was shortened. Actually, RL was created due to the cumulation of d
istinctive prosodic features on the first syllable (stress+quantity).
So while the Slovak historical linguists observed the rhythmicity elsewhere in W
est Slavic, the synchronic linguistis ignored the fact and tried to posit RL onl
y as a separate Slovak phenomenon.
11.1.6.6. 2. Rhythmic Law as an accompaniment to the stress retraction
Diachronie conditions of Slovak RL were also explained by Feldstein 1990a. Felds
tein's conception o RL is a part of his general theory about the origin of neoac
ute and different areal developments of quantity opositon. Feldstein backs heavi
ly on Jakobsonian approach to the development of PS1 accentuation.
When contraction operated, length and stress had culminative role. If stress and
quantity are culminative, the rhytmicity prevents the emergence of the potentia
l ictus syllable (Feldstein 1990a:4) It means that stress itself was not indepen
dent from quantity - otherwise there would be no reason to shorten the following
syllable. Now there is a clear connection between the origin of neoacute and co
ntraction. The question is why neoacute happened. Feldsteins answer, who sticks
to Jakobson's ideas is that yers were not able to bear phonological stress in wo
rd-final position (Jakobson 1963). According to Feldstein, neoacute is a stress
retraction. Prosodically, PS1 APa and APc o-stems merged and all stressed root v
owels (acute or circumflex) were shortened in Slovak area > dym (APa) and syn (A
Pc). So Slovak merged APa + APc (which resulted in shortening) in contrast to AP
b tt where rising
885 Adapted from Pauliny 1963:140-143.
886 For the chronology of changes also with incorporation of denasalisation see
Pauliny 1963:98-101, also 140-143. Pauliny's theory was recently commented by H
abijanec 2008. Habijanec criticises Pauliny that in his conception the RL is iso
lated Central Slovak Phenomenon because it presuposes different chronology of co
ntraction and loss of yers without specification why such changes should be diff
erent just for Central Slovak. However, the article by Habijanec does not bring
anything new apart from a cohesive report and commentary to Pauliny's conception
of RL.
887 Krajovi 1988:80-81.
888 See Feldstein 1975, 1978 and 2005.
369
pitch was lengthened. In Feldstein's conception, Slovak lost pitch distinction b
efore quantitative redistribution, otherwise APa and APc would not have merged i
n contrast to Czech where merged APa + APb and retained length (dm, tt) as opposed
to short APc (syn). Feldstein refers to an old article by Jakobson who posited a
theory that distinctive stress and distinctive quantity are unstable. Quantitat
ive opposition means the difference \i x \i\i while distinctive feature means st
ressabiliy of a mora. But if in the language system has both free stress and lon
g vowels, it also means that the system must have a tonal opposition (Feldstein
1990:7). However, such combination is rare, so stress is going to be fixed. So o
nly one feature is distinctive - stress or quantity. West Slavic has opted for q
uantitative distinction and therefore has fixed stress, which means the eliminat
ion of word final stress (esp. in Gpl).
Therefore, Feldstein sees West Slavic neoacute as a retraction of stress not onl
y from final yers but from any final vowel. This would lead to loss of mobility.
Another way is to fix stress with a long syllable, as in Slovene, but it also l
imits one long syllable in a word. Feldstein 1990a: 8 sees the early West Slavic
development similar to the one observed in Slovene, as a first solution to the
Jakobsonian distinctive stress-distinctive quantity clash.
The distinctive quantity had the redundant word stress , so Nsg b >b, Gsg st > t
990a:8) also supported by shortening of final syllables. The previous situation
- one long vowel per word - remained until contraction. Contraction produced lon
g vowels which meant that in one word two long vowels could appeared. Central Sl
ovak had long quantity in pretonic syllable which attracted final stress (Tt-Tta), th
ese two processes are common to the whole of West Slavic (Feldstein 1990a:9), bu
t Central Slovak had also instances of Compensatory Lengthening in originally sh
ort vowel before final stressed yer), i.e. types bobi>, koH, stoH, koni, koi, noi
> bb, kl, stl, k, k, n. This CL is the regular development, because in WS we observe
onditioned by a quality of consonants.
According to Feldstein, Central Slovak still differed between bobi> (stressed wo
rd, bound to length because after retraction the newly stressed vowel was length
ened; so there was a distinctive quantity and culminative stress - both concentr
ated on one syllable (Feldstein 1990:10) and dmy (stressless and recessive word).
After that retraction the culminative stress and length was eliminated in whole
West Slavic and we only observe the result of it - long vowel. This explain the
difference between tt and bb - tt resulted from retraction to preceding long vowel >
stress+length in WS, bb resulted from retraction of stress to preceding short vo
wel > stress+length in Central Slovak, stress + brevity in the rest of West Slav
ic. However, Polish bob is interpreted by Feldstein due to yer-fall, so probably
the true CL (Feldstein 1990a: 11). Feldstein also separates retraction from a s
tressed yer bob >bbb
370
(resulting in lengthening under stress) and the retraction from other final vowe
ls bob > bba which resulted in brevity.
As seen, the system of retractions is quite complicated since Feldstein's origin
a ideas in 1975 and 1978. It is quite improbable that speakers should be careful
about the two different retractions to short and long vowels.
Feldstein's interpretation of RL is that Central Slovak eliminated the second lo
ng vowel which came to origin after contraction. The reason for it was to exclud
e the second ictus syllable. Feldstein claims that in other Slovak dialects and
the rest of West Slavic the stress and length were not mutually depended, becaus
e former APc substantives with default initial stress served as a model for inde
pendent stress and quantity pattern - the stress was automatically assigned on t
he initial syllable, quantity could be distinctive and present in any syllable.
When contraction operated, the length was distinctive and culminative in Central
Slovak but only distinctive in the rest of West Slavic (Feldstein 1990a: 12). F
eldstein does not agree with Paulinys conception of relative chronology of chang
es leading to the RL. Pauliny thought that differences in intonation were transf
ormed to differences of quantity after the fall of yers. Feldstein agrees with J
akobson 1963 that the reevaluation of intonation to quantity differences was tri
ggered by loss of final yers, not loss of all yers.
11.1.6.7. Generative phonology and RL 11.1.6.7.1. Rule insertion
Rhythmic Law as an example of rule insertion was also solved in the heyday of th
is approach. Kenstowicz (1972) tried to explain the mechanism of Rhythmic Law as
a rule that is inserted into the sequence of other rules. Interestingly, Kensto
wicz observed the mutual influence of the length of Gpl in a-stem feminines and
o-stems neuters (vlda-vld, blato-blt), diphtongization of long vowels in zero forms
(mies, hoviad) and Rhythmic Law proper. As seen, genitive plural is a zero case
form where the loss of yer (?cause) lengthening of the root vowel. The rule des
cribing the process is:
OQQ
[+syll.] > [+long] /__Ci# (restriction: in fern, and neut. pi. only)
Rhythmic law can formally be written as a rule:
[+syll.] > [-long] /___[+syll., +long] C0___89
Both rules seem to be ordered in the feeding succession - vowel lengthening rule
precedes Rhythmic Law rule and feeds it:
Kenstowicz 1972:555. Kenstowicz 1972:557.
371
/#psmen#/ Length, psmen RL psmen
OQ1
but actually it does not matter what order they are in. Both rules are opaque
but only in forms with long root vowel. When put into the ordering of other rul
es, they are stable, e.g. Nsg vojna "war", Gpl vojen
#vojn#/
vowel insertion rule vojen
vowel lengthening rule vojen
Rhythmic Law
diphtongization vojien
j-shortening892 893 vojen
As seen, the vowel insertion rule epenthesizes a mid vowel into a consonantic cl
uster:
0 > e / C__[-syllabic, +sonorant]
However, the following vowel lengthening rule is not clear because the motivatio
n for lengthening is due to the loss of yer which is not present synchronically.
Why a vowel lenghtnening should be present when there is no motivation for it t
o lengthen? Although j-shortening rule exist in Slovak (zmija-zmiji-zmijam) , he
re both that rule as well as preceding diphtongisation rule are superfluous. The
speaker does not neet to compute vojen > vojen > vojien to get back to vojen, a
lthough Kenstowicz claims that each rule appears before subsequent order so all
of them are in the feeding order.
11.1.6.7.2. Lexical phonology explanation
Kenstowicz came to the problem or Slovak Rhythmic Law from the point of Lexical
phonology. Lexical phonology (in Kenstowicz-Rubach's conception) considers the p
honological part of the grammar to be organised into the lexical system and post
lexical system. Lexical system places the phonological rules inside the lexi
con where they interact
Vi Kenstowicz 1972:558.
892
Shortening of a non-high vowel after "j"
893 Kenstowicz 1972:562.
894 Kenstowicz 1972:563.
895 The vowel zero alternation can be solved by Government/Lateral phonology, se
e Scheer 2004.
896 First described by Isaenko 1966.
897 Although Kenstowicz admits that he fails to establish if Rhythmic Law preced
es j-shortening (Kenstowicz 1972:563). The problem lies with 3pl verbs with long
root vowel which break Rhythmic Law - kpia, hlsia, as well as present participle
form derived from such verbs - kpiaci, hlsiaci. The standart explanation in Slovak
linguistics is that diphtong "ia" is not influenced by Rhythmic Law but it is n
ot quite clear why.
898 Lexical pohonology operates with "derived environment" which is the one wher
e the structural description is met with material that comes from individual mor
phemes or where part of the material has resulted from the application of previo
us rules. Derived environment is actually property of cyclic rules, although som
e rules (especially those that build prosodic structures) may apply cyclically i
n non-derived context.
372
with the word-formation component. Postlexical system operates on the surface sy
ntax level. Lexical rules are therefore cyclic while postlexical rules are do no
t bother with morphological and lexical structure. Rhythmic Law is the lexical r
ule. So for example krdlo-krdel, krdelce-krdeliec would be composed into three cycle
s:
First cycle krdlu yer loss
krdel yer vocalization
krdl yer lengthening
krdel Rhythmic Law
[krdel]ec Second cycle
krdlec yer vocalization kridelec yer lengthening -----------
Rhythmic Law
Third cycle kridelecu yer vocalization
krdelcu yer lengthening
----------- Rhythmic Law
krideliecu diphtongization
However, as both authors observe, there are several affixes that fail to undergo
derived context. One of them is -r suffix which break the application of Rhythmi
c Law - hrbr, not hribar. No explanation is given to that anomaly.
11.1.6.7.3. Rubach's canon
Rubach 1993 dealt with RL from the point of Lexical Phonology. However, in
hist
conception there are just rules, not explanations. Rubach distinguishes sever
al lengthenings
concenrning RL. Morpholological lengthening is e.g. the lengthening b
efore -ik (in
successive ordered rules):
V > V/_ik vlak+ik
Modified after Kenstowicz & Rubach 1987:495. Almost the same principle is applie
d in Rubach & Booij (1992:704).
900 Theoretical considerations of Rubach's Lexical phonology modification are in
Booij & Rubach 1987. Lexical pohonology theory (Kiparsky 1982) operates with cy
clic rules (which interplay with morphological rules on lexicon leve), and postl
exical rules (which operate in the phonological component after syntactic level.
Rubach modified the original idea by broadening lexical rules into two types -
cyclic rules interacting with morphology rules and postcyclic rules applying aft
er morphological rules. The difference between word phonology and sentence phono
logy is therefore transformed into lexical and postlexical phonological rules wh
ich operate on different levels (or cycles). Rhythmic law in Rubach's conception
is a part of cyclic rules.
373
vlak'+k 1st palatalisation
vla+k affrication
vl+k k-lengthening
vl+ik RL
As for Rubach's morphonological lengthening, an example of prefix lengthening in
open
syllables can be illustrated: V > V/-[ (nouns). Prefix lengthening in open sylla
ble should
function in deverbatives like zabavit-zbava, vyplatit-vplata. Prefix lengthening p
recedes RL
- zabrnit-zbrana. Phonological lengthening happens, according to Rubach, in Gp
l former
feminine a-stems and neuter o-stems. Lengthening is triggered by inflectional su
ffixes - so
ryba-rb, blato-blt. The same lengthening before yer should be observable in Nsg of
former
masculine o-stems - mrz-mrazu, n-noa, stl-stola, k-koa, although it is not clear
why the lengthening should not operate in dym, hrad, hrach etc. Structures with
yer are also
responsible for lengthening in deminutives - hlas-hlsok, sud-sdok, hlava-hlvka: V
>
V/Cyer . However, the lengthening in deminutives is not universal and Rubac
h himself
admits that there are examples where suffix -hk- does not cause lengthening - ry
ba-rybka.
Another type of lengthening is the one in closed syllable V > V/_C)a. This lengt
hening can be observed in class 1 verbs - nesen - nies, premoen-mc. On the other hand,
morphological shortening can be observed before -k, -r suffixes - vno-vinr, mr-murr,
although it is dubious to say what the morphological shortening is and what func
tion it has.
To put RL into the Lexical phonology frame, Rubach introduces skeletal tier as a
n representation of a syllable structure. Skeletal tier was formed by Halle and
Vergnaud 1980 who proposed that phonological representations are on separate tie
rs.:
>, >, \ \ >> syllabic tier (s
yllables)
A A i i
X XX XX x X
skeletal tier
a a i a i ^ melodic tier
(segments)
Posing phonological representation in that way means that tiers are independent
and need not correspond to linear sequences at other tiers. That kind of phonolo
gy is therefore non-linear.
901 Rubach 1993:165.
902 Rubach 1993 166-167.
903 Rubach 1993 167-168.
904 Rubach 1993 167-169.
905 Rubach 1993 169.
906 modified according to Rubach 1993:21.
374
When Rubach expresses RL at skeletal tier, he can explain RL as an phenomenon oc
curing only at the interface of the skeletal and syllabic tiers
X X X
A 1 /I
X X - -^ X X X
Melody level is not important. On the other hand, Rubach is able to explain why
vocalised
yers block RL, like vpno-vpenn, psmo-psomn in contrast to stdo-stdny, mka-mny.
According to Rubach, unvocalised yers have no X slot, therefore are invisible to
RL. It
means that RL is cyclic because it applies in the presence of unvocalised yers.
Lengthening
or shortening means addition or deletion of a satelite slot.
Rhythmic Law is incorporated into system of ordered rules that operate one after
another in
cycles:
Yer vocalisation Vowel lenghtening Prefix lengthening Rhythmic Law
[[[V]iV]2V]3 1st cycle - long vowel
2nd cycle - shortened vowel because long vowel from 1st cycle precedes 3rd cycle
- no shortening because short vowel from 2nd cycle precedes
So RL in Rubach's conception is a phenomenon independent on lexical information
and does not have any derivative limitation.
11.1.6.8. Bisyllabic maximally threemoraic domain
Rhythmic Law in the conception of Bethin 1998 is a trochaic structure. Bethin do
es not see RL as quantity based but intensity based. However, the intensity is r
eached by syllable weigth:
907 Rubach 1993:182-183.
908 Rubach 1993:180.
909 Rubach 1993:203.1 omit other rules after RL.
375
(a a) > (a a)
/\ /\ /\ I
(.1 |.i (.1 (.i
(.1 (.i (.i
strong weak
Bethin thinks that should quantity be basis for metrical rhythm in Slovak, we wo
uld expect
iambic rhythm. Because it is not, it confirms Bethin's theory that North Central
Slavic developed trochaic metrical foot.
11.1.6.9. Data analysis
Comparing the Slovak -a/ derivates with those ones in Czech, the situation seems to
be much more simplified. Data from SSJS show that most of disyllabic derivates
have long -r suffix, especially if the original substantive has a short root vowe
l: bitkr < bitka, blanr < blana, bludr < blud, cepr < cep, cestr < cesta, achrr < achr
atr < ata, drevr < drevo, duchr < duch, hrobr < hrob, kotlr < kotol, kusr < kus, lamp
ampa, mlynr < mlyn, mostr < most, mydlr < mydlo etc. It is obvious that the underly
ing form of suffix is -r and the total weight of the disyllabic domain is three m
oras.
Much more interensting are examples with original long root syllable which is pr
eserved in the derivte: bbkr < bbka, bjkr < bjka, brkr < brka, prkr < prok, psm
iapkr < iapka, cievkr < cievka, mliekr < mlieko, klkr < klka, snkr < snky, frz
ta are from SSJS and show the tendency to preserve the root quantity at the expe
nse of the maximally threemoraic domain preservation. Although SSJS might reflec
t the current state, the new Pravidla (1990, 1993) and KSSJ codified the shorten
ing of-r and artificially corrected the irregularity of domain in that form. Thus
, as adduced above, the "standard" data now are bbkar, bjkar, prkar, mliekr , frzar,
snkar, diakar, klkar...
This artifical purism does not explain the derivates bedr < bieda, drotr < drt, kon
iar < k, koiar < k, noiar < n, lekr < liek, cinr < cn, , brankr < brnka where the
a shortened root obviously due to the fact that the long suffix -r follows. Recal
l that this process is against the conception of Slovak RL because RL is conside
red a shortening after a long derivative base. No wonder that the such process w
ould be explained as a
910 Bethin 1998:151.
911 Dialects show only mliekar or mekr (SSN II). While the first form would be Rhy
tmic Law, the second should be taken as the shortening accompanying derivation (
in the sense of Dvon). It is obvious that such classification is nonsense.
376
derivative shortening (as Dvon), although there is no difference between frza > frz
ar, drevo > drevr, and cn > cinr because at all examples a disyllabic maximally thr
eemoraic domain appears and is living.
Rhythmic Law has been intensively studied for half a century but it is quite cle
ar that what we observe here is again disyllabic, maximally threemoraic domain.
As for -ar/r disyllabics, we the principle of rhythmicity is the same as in Old C
zech - drt-drotr, stl-stolr but krok-krkar, prky-prkar, lka-lkar. Concerning dever
-anie, suffix -nie is interpreted as long and contributes to the rhythmicity in
the whole word: ta - tanie, kona - konanie. Slovak also shows the shift of the domain
to the right when adding another suffix -cukrk - cukrikr, gombk - gombikr, kok - koik
pernk - pernikr or rybr-rybrik, kolr-kolrik, kuchr-kuchrik. The difference between Ol
Czech and Slovak Rhythmic Laws is that the former is derivative and paradigmatic
(rhythmicity can be observable in flexion), while the latter is only derivative
.
OT solution is pretty the same as in Czech. As the Slovak stress is on the first
syllable, the trochee types undergo different ranking.
377
11.2. The case offish" - paradigmatic length
Introduction
Several papers have recently more or less dealt with Czech quantity as a reflect
ion of older accentual state (Verweij 1994, Kapovi 2005a, 2005b, Kortlandt 2005,
2009, Feldstein 2007 . I want to show the Czech quantity in a broader context of
Czech and Moravian dialects and Old Czech. Scholars dealing with the Czech data
often take standard modern Czech as a representative of quantitative patterns i
n words and Old Czech as an evidence of older state. However, very few data are
being used from Moravian and Silesian dialects. The problem is that the aim of t
he dialectal study has not been targeted especially on quantity as a reflection
of older accentuation. The esk jazykov atlas as a modern representative dialectal w
ork records only a handful of data in their quantitative distribution as a refle
ction of original accentual pattern and they are explained in the view of classi
cal accentology and in case of anomaly it posits either the unmotivated metatoni
cal processes or a series of highly improbable analogical processes. I consider
useless to comment the data interpretation of C JA because the authors work with
pre-Stang modus operandi.
Anyway, the primary aim of the atlas was to provide a guidance to dialectal mate
rial in our republic and a databasis for future work, not to deal with accentual
problems only.
I limit my analysis only to disyllabic a-stems and ja-stems feminina and former
disyllabic o-stems and jo-stems masculina. I will try show how the words of Prot
o-Slavic accentual paradigms a,b,c are reflected quantitatively in Standard mode
rn Czech and the difference in dialects and Old Czech, if there is any.
11.2.1. Feminine a-stems/j a-stems 11.2.1.1. Data of APa
baba, britva, berza, blna, burja, cesta, aa, dva, drga, dnja, glna, glva, gnda, grva
, grqda/gruda, jama, jbskra, jbva, zva, kaa, klda, krsta, kljuka, krva, kla, kta, lap,
ka, lpa, luza, mra, meta, mucha, niva, pra, pna, pelva, rana, ryba, rpa, sla, skala, s
lva, slina, slva, sloka, slma, srka, struna, strecha, stqpa, struna, va, uka, vra, v
a, vydra, vblna "wool", aba, qtva, la, blna Standard Czech reflexes
baba, bitva, bza, blna, boue, cesta, e, dva, drha, dn, hlna, hlva, hnida, hva,
da, jma, jiskra, jva, jizva, kae, klda, chrsta, klika, krva, kla, kta, tlapa, lska, l
oue, mra, mta, moucha, niva, pra, pna, pleva, rna, ryba, epa, sla,
378
skla, slva, slina, slva, sluka, slma, straka, struna, stecha, stoupa, struna, va, tik
ira, vlha, vrna, vydra, vlna, ba, atva, ila, luna
Acute is reflected as a root length due to the Kortlandt's lenghtening rule, but
some words are short: pna, pleva, slina, hnida, jiskra, jikra. The expected leng
th is preserved in SW Czech dialects pina, pliva, slina, hnida, jiskra, jikra, sz
e, kae, rejba, houba, douha (Vor 1955); also in transitional territory of Cz-Moravi
an dialects pina, pliva, slina, kpa (Ut) and in East Czech dialects kniha, slina (B
achmann 2001) and also pina/pjyna in the north of Hlun and Frdek-Mstek territory (CJ
A 5:196) As for epa, most Czech dialect have pa (JA 5:195). Moravian brevity reflexe
s
In contrast with Czech territory (western part of the republic), Moravian dialec
ts mostly show brevity as reflection of old acute: baba (Mistr., Ur., Dol., Vala.,
Nechv., SlavBu.) baa (Mistr., Ur., Vala.), blana (Kele., Dol., Vala.), beza (Mistr., K
arl., Dol., Vala., Ut., StOp), dia (Dol., SlavBu.) Idya (Spl.), drah (Vala., Nechv.)
a (Kele., Vala.), hlina (Dol., Nechv.) / hlna (Ur.), hruda (Mistr., Karl., Dol., Val
a., Ut.) Ihrda (Ur.), jama (Karl., Nechv., Ut.), hyva (Kele.) / hva (Ur.) huba (Ke
(Karl., Dol., Nechv., Ut.) /klada (Vala.), kta (Ur.) Ikyta (Vala.), koa (Dol.), krava
(Ut.), lpa (Ur.), lipa (Karl., Dol.), mama (Mistr.), misa (Dol), para (Mistr., Dol.,
Vala.), rana (Ur., Karl., Dol., Vala., SlavBu., Ut.), siua (Mistr.) / syla (Kele.) /si
la (Karl., Dol., Vala., SlavBu., Ut.), sliva (Bart.Slov.383) Islivy (Vala) Isliva (Ur.
), smola (Karl., Dol., Ut.), vrana (Mistr., Ur., Karl., Dol., Vala., Nechv., SlavBu.,
Ut.), aba (Kele., Mistr., Karl., Dol., Vala., Nechv., SlavBu., Ut.), ila (Dol., Ut
Mistr), yla (Kele) Ila (Ur.), lza (Karl.)
Old Czech: If we compare the data with Old Czech, we see dublets in the followin
g examples: cstalciesta (NED: 39), pna/piena (NED:40), pleva/plva (NED:40), ryba/rba
(NED: 39), slina/slina (NED:40), kniha, mka, vieka, niva, ika (Klaret)
11.2.1.2. Data from APb
1. bda, borzd, born, bhch, erd, brt, dqg, chval, kor, kos "scythe", koza, kuna, o
d, sova, stop, zen, elz,
2. kzja, vlja, vnja,
3. cv, dr, d, glist, gvzd, jch, krsa, kup, lok, lch, lsk, mzg, mqk, r
379
Standard Czech reflexes:
1. bda, brzda, brna, blecha, tda, rta, duha, chvla, kra, kosa, koza, kuna. vosa, pila
ruda, sova stopa, ena, lza
2. ke, vle, vn
3. cva, dra, de, hlsta, hvzda, jcha, krsa, kroupa, louka, lcha, lska, mza, mouka,
a, trva, uzda
Data included in (2) reflect the length due to the van Wijk's law (the simplific
ation of a
01 ?
consonant cluster lenghthens the following vowel *wolja? "will" > *wol'a. Dybo's
law moved stress from the rising vowel to the following syllable which received
a falling tone *wol'a. The stress was subsequently retracted due to the Stang's
law, stress was then retracted from long falling vowels in final syllables, so
*wol" > *w. The newly stressed vowel received a rising tone but the posttonic long v
owel was shortened (apart from Old Polish wola). Later, the short rising vowel i
n the first syllable was lengthened by the
01 ^
Kortlandt's lengthening rule (see below for definition) *wol'a > volja > Cz. vle.
Data included in (3) reflect pretonic length preserved due to the Dybo's law. Th
is length is generally preserved in Czech.
Brevity is observed in blecha, duha, hvzda, kosa, plena, eka, rota, sestra, sova,
srna, vina, vosa, ena. As for eka - C JA 5: 195-196 records k, ika (East Moravian and
Silesian dialects), OCz data shows the form eka (Card database of the Institute o
f the Czech language) the form ieka in Lamprecht-Slosar-Bauer 1986:80 cannot be t
aken as a strong evidence fo OCz root length, even NED:40 considers it doubtful,
because it is hapax legomen.Quantity depended on root vocalism - *e, *o and jer
s resulted in short vowel in all paradigm {kosa), other words developed pattern
with long vowel in whole paradigm (krsa), see Verweij 1994:502. As for kosa, vosa
, vina SWCz dialects have ksa, vsa, vna, also in East Bohemian kusa (Bachmannov 1998
) which can be considered secondary but on the other hand these dialects are per
ipheral and preserve original state of quantity. Anomalous brevity is in hvzda (S
lovak hviezda), the length is expected in duha (Slovak dha). OCz shows dublets in
duha/dha (NED:39), kura/kra (NED:39), plena/'plna (NED:40), smola/smla (NED:40), so
va/sva (NED:40).
Kortlandt 1975:30.
See Kortlandt 1983 for detailed chronology of those changes.
380
11.2.1.2. Data from APc
bord, cn, edl, dus, golv, gor, grqd, groz, jbkr, kos "hair" (Only OCz), nora, nog,
roka, serd, smola, soch, snhch, storn, vag, voda, vbln "wave", zima, Standard Czech r
eflexes
brada, cena, jedle, due, hlava, hora, hada, hrza, jikra, kosa, nora, noha, pata, ro
sa, ruka steda, smla, socha, snacha, strana, voda, vha, vlna, zima
The most examples show the brevity which is caused by the rise of new timbre dis
tinction where the quantitative opposition in pretonic syllables were interprete
d as timbre differences (Kortlandt 1983). All pretonic vowels are reflected as s
hort vowels here.
The situation in dialects and Old Czech sometimes shows different reflection. In
SW Cz dialects have strana, hora/hra (Holub 2004), zima (Vor 1955), transitional C
z-Moravian territory zejma (Ut.), East Bohemian rsa (Bachmannov 1998)
OCZ show dublets: strana/strana (NED:40), stna/stiena (NED:40), vina/vna (NED:40),
zima/zima (NED:40), ena/na (NED:40), hora/hra (NED:40), kopa/kpa/kp (NED:40); voda/vd
(NED:40). As for zima: CJA 5:202-203 shows the long variant zima with the furthe
r development zejma (North East Bohemia), also in transitional territory of Cz-M
oravian dialects (Ut.), zma (Central Moravia:Zbeh territory).
11.2.2. Quantitative paradigms
Because Slavic languages generally show brevity in root, some scholars suppose t
hat Czech length can be secondary. According to Kortlandt (1975:19) "a short ris
ing vowel in an open first syllable of disyllabic words is lengthened unless the
second syllable contains a long vowel". Actually, it was Stang (1952/1965 :25,
35) who first thought about the secondary lengthening of a rising vowel but sinc
e it is fully applied and used by Kortlandt, I call this lengthening Kortlandt's
lengthening rule.
Stang's observations (although known long before him) that in Czech disyllabic w
ords acute is reflected as long (krva), circumlex as short (strana), and there is
a quantitative contrast between Nsg a Gpl (krva-krav) must lead to the explanati
on that Czech developed quantity paradigms (Verweij 1994; the term "quantitative
paradigm" should be connected with Feldstein 2007). The fact that Standard Czec
h does not always show the contrast (strana-stran) is explained by analogical le
velling after the full quantitative contrast stopped to be phonologically rellev
ant. The rests of original contrast should be found in Old Czech (strana-
914 "In Czechoslovak, in the first syllable of an old disyllabic word, acute app
ears as long and circumflex as short. But it is possible that this may be due to
a secondary lengthening of a rising vowel".
381
strn) and in peripheral Czech dialects, although what dialects often show is the
supposed original quantity (plouh).
The Kortlandt's lengthening rule is accepted by Verweij (1994) who distinguishes
Czech material according to their declination paradigms, he is able to see how
the quantity alternates in all cases among disyllabic and trisyllabic forms. The
"Czech lengthening" sound law, and further analogical levelling leads Verweij t
o operate with quantitative patterns of modern Standard Czech. However, Verweij
considers it impossible to predict why some words generalised long or short vowe
ls and behave out of the rules. The many exceptions is explained due to the vari
ous ad hoc rules, e.g. the brevity of uzda due to the frequent usage of that wor
d with preposition na and za and the subsequent spreading of the short u to the
rest of the paradigmatic cases. On the other hand, the long root vowel in kra, sva
is interpreted as being taken from derivates with -bka suffix: krka, svka, althou
gh Verweij accepts other explanations too.
11.2.3. Masculine o-stems/jo-stems 11.2.3.1. Data from APa
blb, buky, asy, db, dmy, chleby, chlpy, gdy, gnvy, grchy, jugy, klny, krajb, kury,
maky, mrzy, rky, plb, plugy, prgy, prmy, pry, rysy, sry, strjb, elmy, tisy, tly,
tny, vtry,
Standard Czech reflexes
bi, buk, as, dd, dm, chlb, chlap, had, hnv, hrch, jih, kln, kraj, kur, mk, mrz, rak,
pl, pluh, prh, prm, pr, rys, sr, strc, lem, tis, tl, tn, vtr
From those, SW Czech dialects record the original length : kraj, plouh, s, hd, rk (V
or 1955). Moravian dialects show expected brevity reflexes hrach (Ur., Dol.,Vala., ,
Ut.), klen (Ur.), mak (Ur., Kar., Dol., Ut.), pla (Ur., Karl., Dol., Ut.)/pa (Kel
istr.) prah (Ur., Karl., Dol.), sir (Nechv.), vjetr (Ur., Karl., Mistr.) Some repr
esentative data are also shown in CJA 5. On one hand, they show isoglosal divisi
on of long acute reflexes in SW Czech dialects - pna-pna;, as-s, slina-slna, kniha-knha
, ko-k, pluh-pluh, kraj-krj (CJA 5, 2005:190-208). Also, concerning the quantitative
reflexes of acute, the data clearly show the contrast between length in Czech a
nd brevity in Moravian and Silesian dialects, or west-east division: mk-mak, hrch-
hrach, pl-pla skla-skala,
Verweij 1994:506-507.
382
ba-aba, jma-jama, klda-klada, vrna-vrana, slma-slama (brevity only in Silesian dialects
), krva-krava (brevity in SW Moravia and Silesian dialects), vtr-vtr, snh-snih, bza-bez
a, sla-sila, lpa-lipa, hva-hiva, hrouda-hruda (CJA 5, 2005: 218-245)
Kortlands lengthening rule can be observable in Gsg, Dsg, Lsg, Isg, Npl, Apl but
as Verweij himself admits, the quantitative pattern of those case forms are not
attested.Verweij sees the lengthening in other cases as a complicated process (V
erweij 1994:526). Anyway, it seems impossible for Verweij to determine "why a wo
rd acquired a particular quantity pattern" and he tries to explain it on the fre
quency of certain case forms and derivation where his "Czech lengthening" rule d
id not operate (Verweij 1994:527). I consider the root-vowel lengthening due to
the "frequent cases" only an ad hoc explanation. As for derivative processes, th
ey do have influence on the quantity of the root vowel, but Czech and especially
Old Czech show tendency to rhytmicity not just generalised lengthening/shorteni
ng (Suka 2008 tpb.)
11.2.3.2. Data from APb
1. boby, bojb, dvory, glogy, konjb, koly, kob, krovy, nob, posty, rojb, skoty, sn
opy, stogy, stoly
2. bky, dli), drn, gajb, glist, grch, chlvy, chvorst, chylm, kljub, korlj, kqt, l
n, mb, molb, mhchh, qs, plasty, pla, prqd, smch, sqd, stylp, svary, Shnh, ib, i
Standard Czech reflexes
1. bob, boj, dvr, hloh, k, kl, ko, krov, n, pst, roj, skot, snop, stoh, stl
2. bk, dl, dn, hj, hlst, hch, chlv, chrst, chlum, kl, krl, kout, lk, lou (/), l
t, mech, vous, plst, pl, proud, smch, soud, sloup, svr, sen, tt, p, d, um
Quantitative doublets are recorded from Old Czech manuscripts by Nedvdov (p. 17) -
skot/skt,
11.2.4.3. Data from APc
1. bergh, bersb, bsy, blob, borvb, erpy, iny, dary, drozdy, drugy, duchy, dylgy, dy, g
oldy, golsy, gordy, gnusy, choldy, kaly, kolsy, kqsy, kriky, krqgy, kvasy, kvty,
ledy, lepy, lesy, listy, Iqgy, Iqky, medy, mchy, migy, miry, molty, morky, olsy,
porchy, polzy, rqdy, rqby, sady, sluchy, smordy, sngy, soky "juice", solpy, sqky,
spchy, stany, strupy, study, svorby, svty, strupy, trupy, tuky, tury, vary, vidy,
vorgy, volsy, volky, zorky, zqby, znaky, zary, elby
383
2. bogy, boky, domy, gnoj, loj, doly, nosy, boly, bory, brody, goj, gromy,
groby, chody, kosy, lovy, mosty, nosy, poty, rody, rogy, toky, tvory, poty, vos
ky, vozy, zoby, zvony Standard Czech reflexes
1. beh, best, bs, bloud, brav step, in, dar, drozd, druh, duch, dluh, jd, hlad, hlas,
hrad, hnus, chlad, kal, klas, kus, kik, kruh, kvas, kvt, led, lep, les, list, luh
, luk, med, mch, mih, mr, mlat, mrak, los, prach, plaz, rub, d, sad, sluch, smrad, s
nh, sok, sloup, suk, spch, stan, strup, stud, svrab, svt, strup, trup, tuk, tur, va
r, vid, vrah, vlas, vlak, zrak, zub, znak, r, lab
2. bh, bok, dm, hnj, lj, dl, nos, bol, bor, brod, hoj, hrom, hrob, chod, kos, lov, m
ost, nos, pot, rod, roh, tok, tvor, pot, vosk, zob, zvon
Quantitative doublets are recorded from Old Czech manuscripts by Nedvdov (p. 17) -
bh/bieh, bs/bies, blesk/blsk, dar/dr, hlas/hls, kyj/kj, mu/m, roh/rh, tuk/tuk. East
an dialects have probably secondary length m-me (Bachmann 2001). In APc we also obse
rve lengthening before sonorants and voiced fricatives bh, dl, hnj, dm, vz, but not b
efore voiced plosives and voiceless obstruents (Timberlake 1983) \drob, brod, ho
d, plod, plot, rod, med, led, brod, most, nos, rok, bok, sok, tok, vosk, excepti
ons are : kov, lov, boj, bor,hrom, mor, roh, strom, zvon, but OCz records rh and
Silesian dialects, ruh, zvun (StOp: ruh, zvun, ri//;VLa: zmb, gld). SlavBu.: buh
Kortlands lengthening rule is considered to apper former APa forms but the puzzli
ng development does not operate in some cases, like Gsg. Thus Verweij tries to e
xplain the alternation mrz-mrazu from some intermediate stage *mraz-mrzu and posit
s a complicated analogy operation that should completely reform the quantitative
paradigm. The caveat is, of course, the constant quantity in dm, kln and also ano
malous Old Czech development of hrch-hrchu. Verweij also thinks that the short vow
el in urn is due to the high-vowel sensitivity to shortening in monosyllables bu
t does not explain the long vowel in d. He also cannot explain the lack of length
ening rule in lpi stoly and again, posits complicated analogy development to exp
lain stl-stolu, kl-klu but bob-bobu, skot-skotu where "o" and "" should behave in a
complete unpredictable way to reach the result (p. 527). He also thinks that bh a
nd vz reflects original oxytonesis to explain their length although it is clear t
hat both of them belong to APc: S-Cr. bg, vz - boga, voza, Sin. bog, voz - boga, v
oza, and he he also explains the quantity pattern of snh-snhu as a contamination o
f two accentual patterns of the
Verweij 1994:526.
384
same words: * sngy-snga (APc) and sngh-sng (p. 528). I consider such explanations qui
te improbable and unnecesarily complicated.
Kortlandt (2009) proposed a comprehensive account of West Slavic accentuation. N
ow the
01 7
situation with Czech length seems to be quite clear. The APa disyllabic form of
krva type have their root length due to the Kortlandt's lengthening rule which op
erated both in Czech and in Upper Sorbian. In both languages we have the length
or length reflection krva, kruwa. The lenghtening was blocked by a long vowel in
the following syllable, therefore we have Lpl kravch. The same lengthening operat
es in APb forms like ke, blockage in koich. The brevity in ruka (APc) is due to the
pre-Dybo pretonic long vowel shortening, Asg ruku is the post-Stang's law short
ening of long falling vowels (Asg had root circumflex), while long root vowel in
trva (APb) originated due to the Dybo's law which restored distinctive vowel len
gth in pretonic syllables. Monosyllables of the bh and k type originated after the
loss of final yers. Kortlandt does not admit that lenghtening in k, stl is due to t
he phonetic conditioning and adopts the explanation of analogical generalisation
of long "o" from the case forms where the accent had been retracted due to the
Stang's law, e.g. Lsg. *kni, Isg. *kni, Gpl. *k thus giving the alternation of stres
sed *o and unstressed "o" in a paradigm, thus k, kon. When the stress was retracted
from e.g. Gsg kna and other case forms, the short root vowel was generalized in
the paradigm and this can be observed in OCz skot, Modern Czech skot (already le
velled).
I cannot accept this explanation because it does not seem to be too much persuas
ive. As I showed in my previous chapter, I distinguish lengthening in APb and AP
c forms.
Long vowels in Nsg should spread to other paradigms, therefore we have mrz, snh an
d dm, where no other motivation for lengthening occurs. I think that this Kortlan
dt's claim can support my idea of QPs (see below).
As adduced above, Verweij divides all substantives to quantitative paradigm
s. Standard Czech quantity patterns are distributed as follows: A: a short root
vowel in all case forms (dub) B: a long root vowel in all case forms (k)
C: a long root vowel in the N(A)sg, a short root vowel in the remaining case for
ms (dm) D: a short root vowel in the Gpl, a long root vowel in the remaining case
forms (chvla)
Also Kortlandt 1975, 1983. Kortlandt 2009:10. Verweij 1994:494.
385
E: a short root vowel in the Gpl, Dpi, Lpl, Ipl, a long root vowel in the remain
ing case forms
(krva)
F: a short root vowel in the Isg, Gpl, Dpi, Lpl, a long root vowel in the remain
ig case forms
(rna)
Moreover, there he distinguishes words that vaccilate between paradigms: msa B/D,
ke B/F, skla D/E and lpa D/F.
It is obvious that such distribution is very complicated and it is almost imposs
ible to posit a general tendency for the quantitative behaviour of substantives.
One is either pressed to explain the quantity of individual paradigmatic cases
or to posit deus-ex-machina analogical processes which actually explain nothing.
11.2.4. Back to Feldstein
I am inclined to stick to Feldstein's conception of quantitative paradigms which
I modified and tried to explain the quantitative patterns of substantives in an
OT way.
Concerning the paradigmatic length, Feldstein (1975, 1978) developed the origina
l Jakobson's hypothesis that the distribution of quantity in West Slavic is cond
itioned by the alternation of vowel/zero forms in paradigms (after loss of yers)
. Zero forms (Nsg, Asg of o-stems and Gpl of a-stems) are often considered as fo
rms undergoing compensatory lengthening. Having e.g. the forms of APa *dnn> - *dma
, APb *stolh - stol and APc *bgh - *bga, the APb zero forms underwent leftward stre
ss shift *stlh, stol. This leftward stress shift lead to the cummulation of distin
ctive features. Such situation was untenable because the first syllable overflow
ed with distinctive prosodic features and all of them could not be simultaneousl
y phonological. So the prosodic system had to change. For example in Czech, the
APa and APb o-stems were interpreted as long, e.g. kln, bk but APc o-stems as shor
t, e.g. bok or were prolonged before certain consonants, e.g. vz. Quantitatively,
APa and APb merged and were in opposition to short APc. In Slovak, APa merged q
uantitatively with APc (both interpreted as short), e.g. klin, bok and contraste
d with former APb which was interpreted as long, e.g. bk. Having criticised Halle
's article on West Slavic accentuation (Halle 2001), Feldstein (2007) refuted Ha
lle's claim that the length in brzda (former APb) is due to pretonic length of po
st-stressing root while brevity in strana
920 The problem with the reflection of Slovak kn-koa was also hinted by Babik (200
6/2007) who, apart from Kapovi, made an attack on Kortlandt and the whole Dutch a
ccentological school (The same article, partial response by Kortlandt 2010) as w
ell as wrote a devastating review on Greenberg 2000 probably because Greenberg p
artially accepted Kortlandt's results (Babik 2005). It is curious that Babik did
not participate at any IWoBA (even being personally invited to my IWoBA 5) to m
eet and confront both protagonists personally, claiming that he has nothing impo
rtant to say from the accentological point of view...
386
(former APc) is due to the unaccented root. Feldstein thinks that it is just arb
itrary explanation and quite irrelevant because of the above-mentioned retractio
n. When the first syllable starts to overflow with distinctive features, it is p
roblematic to postulate poststressing and unaccented characteristics. Moreover,
Halle does not consider the fact that words from the same accentual paradigms sh
ow different quantitative distribution.
Feldstein proposes the conception of quantitative paradigms (QP) where the key c
ases are Nsg - Gpl for disyllabic a-stems and Nsg - Gsg for formerly disyllabic
o-stems. Those cases are important for every inherited or non - inherited noun t
o be categorized into a quantitative paradigm. Cases like Lpl or lpi {krvch/krvch, k
ravami/krvami) are irrelevant for the paradigmatic distribution.
There are two basic Feldstein's quantitative paradigms - the alternating one and
the constant one. The alternating paradigm has two variants: length can alterna
te between zero and vowel forms {krva - krav, mrz - mrazu). The constant paradigms
are either constant long or constant short {brzda - brzd, strana - stran).
Reminding the Verweij's quantitative paradigm, we now see the radical simplifica
tion of his proposal. The paradigms dub, k, dm, chvla, krva, rna, msa, ke, skla and
be described using two key cases. Dub-dubu is a constant paradigm with short ro
ot vowel, k-ka is also a constant paradigm with the long root vowel, dm-domu is an al
ternating paradigm with long vowel in zero form (Nsg). As for chvla, krva, rna, skla
and lpa, it is obvious that for any disyllabic a-stem feminine to be put into a
QP the vowel-zero forms are important - Nsg and Gpl. So, chvla, krva, rna, skla and
lpa are the representatives of not three but actually only one QP - the alternati
ng QP with short zero form, because there is chvla-chval, krva-krav, rna-ran, skla-s
kal, lpa-lip. All other cases are not quantitatively not important. It is not imp
ortant if we have chvla-chvlou or krva-krvou/kravou but whether we have chvla-chval,
krva-krav, rna-ran, skla-skal and lpa-lip or hlna-hln and slina-slin. The contrast bet
ween Gpl and other cases in Old Czech was already described by Gebauer (Historic
k mluvnice III-I: 179): strana-strn, hlava-hlv, noha-nh, voda-vd, ruka-rk, ryba-rb. Geb
auer is much more reliable source of data because he quotes their sources, apart
from Trvnek)
11.2.5. QPs modified
I hereby propose the modification of Feldstein's paradigms and try to show the q
uantitative distribution of Czech and Slovak (j)a - stems in a more coherent way
.
387
I argue that Czech has the following quantitative paradigms. QPAlzero short is a
n alternating quantitative paradigm with zero short form. Nominative singular ha
s a long root syllable, genitive singular as a zero form is short: jma -jam, bba -
bab. QPClzero iong is a constant quantitative paradigm where nominative singula
r and genitive plural are long: bza - bz, hlna - hln. QPC2zero short is a constant qua
ntitative paradigm where both nominative singular and genitive plural are short:
cesta - cest, hnida - hnid. Distributionally unimportant are constant subtypes
QPClno zero {boue - bou, bn - bni) and QPC2 disyllabic zero {bitva -bitev, jiskra - ji
er) containing former ja-stems and various substantives secondarily transformed
to a-stem declination. Long Gpl in bou is secondarily taken from i-stems, the zero
form in bitev is due the development of yer sequences. Both those final Gpl syll
ables have no effect on the root quantity.
Concerning the quantitative distribution of Czech a-stems from former APa paradi
gm, the situation is as follows: according to Kortlandt's rule the length develo
ps in the root open syllable so the primary QP is QPAlzero short (krva - krav) ty
pe. Nouns belonging to this
0? 1
paradigm are: jma -jam, bba - bab, blna - blan, houba - hub, hrouda - hrud, krva -kr
av, lpa - lip, mra - mr, moucha - much, pra -par, vra - vr, vrna - vran, rna - ran, s
sil, skla - skal, slma - slam, ba - ab, la-il.
There are two secondary QPs where the quantity is paradigmaticaly levelled: QPCl
zeroiong: bza - bz, hlna - hln, hliva - hlv, hva - hv, jva - jv, klda - kld, ch
- slv, slva - slv, vlha - vlh, kta - kt, kvra - kvr, va - v; and QPC2zero sho
ida - hnid, klika - klik, tlapa - tlap, niva - niv, pleva - plev, pna - pn, piha -
pih, slina - slin, straka - strak, sluka - sluk, vlna - vln, epa - ep, ryba - ryb
, stecha - stech, tika - tik, luna - lun. Subtypes QPC1 no zero:boue - bou, loue - l
, dn - dn and QPC2 disyllabic zero: bitva - bitev, jiskra -jisker, jizva -jizev, vy
vyder, atva - atev contain just a few substantives from the total amount. As seen,
most substantives are distributed in constant paradigms but the alternating par
adigm contains a considerable amount of data.
As for former APb, substantives are distributed as follows: the alternating para
digm QPAlzeroshort contains bda - bd, dra - dr, kroupa - krup, louka - luk, trva - tr
av, brna -bran. Most nouns are originally long in root so the length is pretonic.
Those forms quantitatively merged with former APa substantives of krva - krav ty
pe and belong to the same alternating paradigm now. Constant paradigms QPClzero
iong contain both former APb
Only Proto-Slavic inherited nouns are adduced.
388
forms with pretonic length brzda brd, krsa krs, cva cv, mouka mouk as well as ot
rms secondarily transformed into that paradigm: hlsta - hlst, jcha -jch, kr - kr, sva -
sv, touha - touh, lza - lz. QPC2 zero sn0rt is typical for blecha - blech, hvzda -hvzd
, koza - koz, eka - ek, vosa - vos, sova - sov, uzda - uzd (pretonic long), ena - en
, pila - pil, asa - as, vina - vin, duha - duh, ruda - rud. Numerically unimportan
t are constant paradigms QPClno zero ke - k, vle - vl, vn - vn, QPC1 disyllabic ze
k and QPC2disyiiabic zero sestra - sester. I consider the constant paradigms QPC
lzero iong and QPC2 zero short as primary for the above - mentioned group of sub
stantives. Alternating QPAlzero short is secondary due to the merging with forme
r APa substantives of krva - krav
type-Substantives from former APc are quite homogeneously distributed in the con
stant paradigm QPC2zero short: brada - brad, cena - cen, hlava - hlav, hada - hra
d, nora - nor, noha - noh(ou), pata - pat, rosa - ros, steda - sted, socha - soch,
strana - stran, voda -vod, vlna - vln, zima - zim, kuna - kun, stela - stel, kosa
- kos. There are no examples of QPClzero long and of QPAlzero short apart from
smla - sml/smol. Constant quantitative
paradigm QPC2
zero shor) is the primary QP because former APc quantitatively opposed to APa
and APb.
Although there is a tendency for quantitative merging of former APa and APb cont
ra APc, the real distribution of substantives is hardly straightforward. Conside
ring e.g. QPAlzero short from former APa as a primary quantitative paradigm, we
are puzzled why the quantitative distribution is different in krva - krav, hlna -
hln, slina - slin. So even if we posit quantitative paradigms, the trigger causin
g the quantitative differences seems to be unclear.
Comparing the situation with Slovak, we obtain the following results: former APa
are distributed mainly in QPA2zero long which is a paradigm containing short Ns
g and long Gsg forms: baba - bb, breza - briez, blana - bln, aa - ias, cesta - ciest,
dya - d, hruda -hrd, iva - v, kuka - kluk, klada - kld, chrasta - chrst, krava - krv
pa - lp, mucha -mch, niva - nv, para - pr, pleva - pliev, rana - rn, repa - riep, pen
a - pien, peha - pieh, ryba - rb, sila - sl, skala - skl, kvara - kvr, sliva - slv, slu
ka - slk, slama - slm, straka - strk, strecha - striech, ava - v, viera - vier, vlaha
vlh, vrana - vrn, vlna -vln, aba - iab, ila - l. Quite unimportant are constant QPClzer
o long bra - br, drha -drh, miera - mier, slva -slv. A handful of substantives are dis
tributed in QPCldisyiiabiczero, QPC2disyiiabic zero and QPC2no zero^ lska - lsok;
britva - britiev, jazva - jaziev, iskra - iskier, vydra - vydier, atva - atiev; baa
- ban, aa - ai, kaa - ka, mrea - mre.
389
Former APb are distributed mainly in constant paradigms: QPClzero long: bieda -
bied, brzda - brzd, cieva - ciev, diera - dier, hlsta - hlst, hviezda - hviezd, kra -
kr, krsa -krs, krpa - krp, lka - lk, mka - mk, rieka - riek, tuha - th, trva - tr
a -pl, riasa - rias, dha - dh. QPA2zerolong contains a few words: blcha - bch, rta -t,
kosa - ks, koza - kz, osa - s, vina - vn, ena - ien, laza - liaz. Unimportant are cons
nt no zero, zero short and disyllabic zero paradigms: va - vn, koa - ko, sova -sov, ses
tra - sestier.
Former APc substantives are dispersed in QPA2zero long brada - brd, cena - cien,
hora -hr, hrada - hrd, kuna - kn, noha - nh, pta -piat, rosa - rs, ruka - rk, ruda - r
socha - sch, strana - strn, strela - striel, voda - vd, zima - zm. There are no con
stant paradigms APart from ikra - ikier, dua - du and jeda - jedl which belong to dis
yllabic zero and no zero subtypes. As seen from the data, former APa merged with
APc and opposed to long pretonic APb which is fully in accord with Feldstein's
claim. Former APa and APc are therefore mainly distributed in the common paradig
m QPA2zero iong while most former APb substantives are now mainly distributed in
constant paradigms.
It is quite clear that nouns can change their quantitative paradigms geographica
lly and in the course of time. For example, Czech ryba - ryb is supposed to be i
n the original alternating paradigm QPAlzero sn0rt *ryba - ryb (which we probabl
y find in South - Western Czech dialects having Nsg rejba - Iryb) but the word b
elongs to constant quantitative paradigm. The same tendency to develop constant
paradigms have also Moravian dialects where we observe brevity in former APa sub
stantives - krava - krav, hruda - hrud etc.
11.2.6. QPs in OT
I think that the mechanism of quantitative paradigms can be described by OT. Sho
uld we adduce the commonly used constraints Parse - parse all syllables by feet;
NonFinality -leave the final syllable unrooted; GrWd=PrWd - every word contains
a foot, Ft - Bin - feet are binary under moraic or syllable analysis; I - O Vjj
, - no change of mora from input to output; we can explain quantitative differen
ces of Nsg between krva and ryba, both belonging to former APa:
The input is short because the nouns are former APa forms undergoing Kortlandt's
lengthening rule.
390
/krava/ GrWd=PrWd Non - Fin Ft - Bin Parse I-OVu
(kra).va !* *
^(kr).va * *
(kr.va) * *
(kra.va) *
kra.va * **
GrWd, Non - Fin Ft - BinParseI - O Vn
/ryba/ GrWd=PrWd Non - Fin I-OVu Ft-Bin Parse
^(ry).ba !* *
(r).ba * *
(r.ba) * *
(ry .ba) *
ry .ba !* * **
GrWd, Non - Fin I - O VjjFt - BinParse
As for QPs, I think that the distribution of words in them can be also described
using OT. Three sources of solution are used here. First, Alderete's (2001a, 20
01b) concept of antifaithfulness where a constraint is satisfied by an output wh
ich violates a corresponding faithfulness constraint, only in 0-0 relation, e.g.
DEP - do not insert an segment, -DEP -insert an segment. Second, McCarthy's opti
mal paradigms (OP) trying to explain similarities among members of an inflection
al paradigm. Candidates consist of entire inflectional paradigm where an inflect
ional paradigm contains all and only words based on a single lexeme. The input c
onsists of a stem or shared lexeme plus an affix combination (McCarthy 2005). Th
ird source is Frazier (2006) who developed the conception of anti - optimal para
digmatic model (~OP) to explain otherwise explainable alternations between membe
rs of an inflectional paradigm.
I propose that members of Optimal Paradimgs are those members belonging to const
ant quantitative paradigms. OPzeroshort and OPzero long The corresponding anti-o
ptimal paradigms are _,OPZer0siiort and "'OPzero long having short and long zero
forms but being anti - optimal because the other forms (here Nsg) have opposite
quantity. I also argue that the input forms are short because according to the
above-mentioned arguments I take Czech quantity as a new and secondary developme
nt although in inherited lexicon it often reflects Proto-Slavic accentual state.
Quantitative paradigm QPAl(zero sn0rt) which is the Czech type krva - krav can be
described as an interaction of the above mentioned constraits:
391
/krava-krav/ ^OP v^-r zeroshort ^OP v^-r zerolong OP v^-r zeroshor
t OP v^-r zerolong Ft -Bin I - O Parse Non-Fin
a.(kra).va-(krav) !* * * ** *
*
b. (kr).va-(krv) !* * * ** *
*
^c.(kr).va-(krav) * * * * * *
*
d. (kra).va-(krv) !* * * * * *
*
Candidates a, b and d are eliminated by undominated _,OPzerosiiort constraint as
a and b have the same quantity in a paradigm forms and d has long Gpl. The rank
ing for krva - krav QPAl(zero short) paradigm is therefore:
^OPzeroshort ^OPzeroiong, OPzer0short, OPzeroiong Ft-Biii I - O V[i Parse, Non-Fin
.
The constant paradigm QPCl(zero iong) of hlna - hln type is produced by undominate
d OPZero long constraint which swipes all alternating paradigms as well as the c
onstant short one.
/hlina-hlin/ OP ^^ zerolong DP v^-r zeroshort ^OP v^-r zerolong
^OP v^-r zeroshort Ft -Bin I - O Parse Non -Fin
a.(hli).na-(hlin) !* * * ** *
*
^b(hli).na-(hlin) * * * ** *
*
c.(hli).na-(hlin) !* * * * * *
*
d.(hli).na-(hlin) !* * * * * *
*
Ranking for hlna - hln QPClzeroiong paradigm:
OPzeroiong OPZeroshort, ^OPzeroiong, ^OPzerosiiort Ft - Bin I - O Vu. Parse, Non-F
in
The constant paradigm QPC2zero short of ryba - ryb type is produced by undominat
ed OP; short constraint which eliminates all alternating paradigms as well as th
e constant long one.
392
/ryba-ryb/ ^-tzeroshort ^-tzeroshort ^-tzerolong ^-tzerolong
I - O Ft -Bin Parse Non-Fin
**a.(ry).ba-(ryb) * * * ** *
*
b.(r).ba-(rb) !* * * * ** * *
c.(r).ba-(ryb) !* * * * * *
d.(ry).ba-(rb) !* * * * * * *
Ranking for ryba - ryb QPC2zero short paradigm:
OPzeroshort ^OPzeroshort,^OPzeroiong,OPzeroiong I - O Vji Ft - Bin Parse, Non-Fin
Czech does not posses the alternating QPA2(zero iong) paradigm of krava - krv typ
e. This paradigm can be found in Slovak and is the result of "OP^oiong undominat
ed constraint:
/krava -krav/ ^OP v^-r zerolong ^OP v^-r zerosshort OP v^-r
zeroshort OP v^-r zerolong I - O Ft -Bin Parse Non-Fin
a.(kra).va-(krav) * * * ** *
*
b.(kr).va-(krv) * * * ** * *
c.(kr).va-(krav) * * * * * * *
^d.(kra).va-(krv) * * * * * *
*
Ranking for this paradigm is:
"''-'"zerolong ^^ ~''-'"zeroshort^'-'"zeroshort 5 '-'"zerolong ^^ Li V (X ^
^ t oUl
11.2.7. Back to "CL"
In the previous chapter I tried to solve the problem of "CL". The term CL is con
sidered dubious after the analysis in Chapter 10. Nouns from the former APa, APb
and APc develop quantitatively differently even if their quantitative pattern l
ater merge.
Now, we must answer one more question. Proponents of analogical development coul
d argue that quantitaive patterns would be influenced by analogy - which is ofte
n a cover term for the process by which we choose a pattern and suppose that suc
h pattern should influence other forms.
393
Irregular developments of Nsg o-stems are often explained by analogy. South West
ern Czech kraj might be influenced by rj, short doublet of lj/loj might be accordi
ng to voj etc. Of course, this is not any explanation.
The matter becomes clear if we look at the Nsg o-stems in the context of quantit
ative paradigms. Advocates of analogy can hardly explain why there is kl-klu not
Mil-kola should it be analogicaly influenced by stul-stolu and vice versa. Just
to note that both words not have not only the same syllabic structure but they
also belonged to the same original paradigm APb. So they should behave in the sa
me way but did not.
My explanation is simple. After the Cycle 5 in former APb, Cycle 4 in APc, Kortl
andt's lengthening rule in APa and subsequent yer loss, the nouns are dispersed
into quantitative paradigms. Four quantitative paradigms with key paradigmatic z
ero-vowel forms (in o-stems they are Nsg-Gsg) limit the quantitative pattern of
nouns. So kl-klu is my constant paradigm with long zero form - in OT solution it c
orresponds to the Optimal paradigm zero
/kolkola/ ^-tzerolong ^-tzeroshort ^-tzerolong ^-tzeroshort
HD-BIM DEP MAX Ft Bin I-O Parse ALIGN
(kol)-(ko).la !* * * ** * **
* *
^(kl)-(k).la * * * *
* * *
(kl)-(ko).la !* * * * *
* * *
Why there is stl-stolu, not stl-stlul Because the noun is in an alternating quantit
ative paradigm: in OT it is the anti-optimal paradigm zero long.
/stl-stola/ ^-tzerolong ^-tzerosshort ^-tzeroshort ^-tzerolong
HD-BIM DEP MAX I-O Ft Bin Parse ALIGN
(stol)-(sto).la * * * ** *
** * *
(stl)-(st).la * * * * **
* *
c*-(stl)-(sto).la * * * *
* * * *
>uo> Old Czech development, Gsg-u secondary.
The forms are in Old Czech. The further changes do not have any influence on the
original QP.
394
11.2.8. A note on Moravian QPs
Concerning the Moravian QPs, the so called Moravian brevity means short Nsg of a
-stems and o-stems of former APa {hlina, lipa, sila, hrach cpea\ mak cpoppy' pra
h ctreshold\ jama cpit\ klada, para Vapour', rana 'stroke', skala crock\ sava cju
ice\ misa cdish', sila). There are no strict isoglosses for all examples:
Nsg: hrch-hrach Sumperk-Boskovice-Brno-Mikulov (North-South); QPCl(zeroiong); hrch
-hrchu (Western part of Czech territory), QPCl(zeroiong)/ QPAl(zeroiong) hrch-hrchu
/hrachu (Louny-Roudnice-Plze), QPC2 (z^o^o^hrach-hrachu Morava (CJA 5:219);
Nsg: krva Czech dialects, Moravian dialects; krava - Southwestern Moravia-Southwe
stern Czech dialects, Silesia krava, Czech-Polish dialects krova);
QPCl(zeroiong) krva-krv Boskovice area (Han), Moravian-Slovak area (Barto), otherwis
e QPAl(zero short) krva-krav or QPC2 (zero short) krava-krav
- slama Czech, Moravian, Silesian territory.
General characteristics of Moravian QPs:
1. there is and old layer of substantives - the same QPs as in Czech dialects:
n-noa, rba-rb
2. secondary QP: - rising+shortening: dys-dysa (Perov), chlib-chliba (Blansko)
- neoalternation - dm-duma (Blansko), k-ku (Tinov)
- neoconstant QPs - n-na (Drahany)
3. fluctuation of words between paradigms on the dialect area, e.g. Han: Ivanice
k-koa, Tinov k-kun, Blansko ku-kun, Slavkov-Buovice ku-koa.
Transitional Czech-Moravian dialects which has the Western Border - Hlinsko-H.Br
od-Pelhimov-J. Hradec show isogloses of Kortlandt's lengthening rule: biza-beza sil
a-sila, lipa-lipa, hiva-hiva, vrna-vrana hlina-hlina...
There are different isogloses for TORT forms and i-forms:
- klda-klada, vrna-vrana - along old Czech-Moravian provincial boundary
- krva-krava - only in SW part of Moravia + SE part of Czech
- hlina-hlina type - broader isogloses in the Czech-Moravian border
Long Gpl of a-stems (QPCl(zeroiong)) can be observed in kroup, houb, louk, boud,
dir, brn in Central Czech-Moravian Highland and southern borderline part of SE C
z dialects.
I presented the idea at IWoBA 5 in Opava 2009.
395
1. Kortlandt's rules trigger quantitative changes in paradigms and derivatives;
rise of QPs already in Old Czech - slina/slna-sln, strana/str na-strn, kniha/knha-kni
h
'book but Moravian quantity developed partially separately separately:
Proofs: a). Strict Czech - Moravian isogloses of lengthening;
b) Probably separate development of the whole South-Western Czech area:
- Maximal concentration of lengths in SW Czech dialects e.g. rj, Mis, ruh, slina
, plouh
- Maximal concentration of long Gpl a-stems in SE Czech dialects CJA 4)
c) Large amount of quantitative variations;
d) No obvious influence from the East (i.e.Slovak), e.g. no QPAl(zero iong); pa
radigm for a-stems (krava-krv), lack of paradigmatic rhythmicity for derivates (a
s in Slovak);
396
11.2.9. Czech and Slovak quantitative paradigms
Standard Czech
From PSL APa - Nsg *dnrb-Gsg*dma to:
1. QPA2 zero long:chlb-chleba, mrz-mrazu, hrch-hrachu, prh-prahu
2. QPC2 zero short: as-asu, dd-dda, had-hada, jih-jihu, kraj-kraje, bi-bie, rak-raka,
pluh-pluhu, roj-roje, buk-buku, hnv-hnvu, rys-rysa, tis-tisu
3. QPC1 zero long: dm-dmu, mk-mku, pr-pru, sr-sra, tl-tlu, kln-klnu, mln-mlna,
-prmu
From PSL APb - Nsg *dvorb-Gsg*dvor-Gpl to:
1. QPA2 zero long: dvr-dvora, k-kon, n-noe, stl-stolu
2. QPC2 zero short:boj-boje, hloh-hlohu, hib-hiba, chvost-chvostu, ko-koe, krov-kro
vu, len-lnu, luk-luku, me-mee, mech-mechu, mlat-mlatu, prst-prstu, roj-roje, skot-
skotu, snop-snopu, stoh-stohu, um-umu
3. QPC1 zero long:bk-bka, cr-cru, -e, dl-dlu, din-dinu, dl-dlu, hj-hje, hl
st-chrousta, kl-kle, kloub-kloubu, krl-krle, k-kie, kl-klu, kout-koutu, lk-lku,
plstu, pl-plt, proud-proudu, smch-smchu, soud-soudu, tt-ttu, svr-svru, p-pu
From PSL APc - Nsg *vozfe-Gsg *voza-Gpl *vozi> to:
1. QPA2 zero long:snh-snhu, vz-vozu, bh-boha, dm-domu, hnj-hnoje, lj-loje, n-noe
2. QPC2 zero short:beh-behu, jas-jasu, bs-bsa, jed-jedu, blesk-blesku, klas-klasu,
blud-bludu, kruh-kruhu, bok-boku, kvas-kvasu, bol-bolu, kyj-kyje, bor-boru, lep-
lepu, brod-brodu, list-listu, cep-cepu, luk-luku, in-inu, mlat-mlatu, dar-daru, mo
r-moru, dub-dubu, nos-nosu, drozd-drozda, plaz-plaza, druh-druha, plen-plenu, du
ch-ducha, pruh-pruhu, dluh-dluhu, prut-prutu, hlad-hladu, puch-puchu, hlas-hlasu
, pysk-pysku, hrad-hradu, rod-rodu, hrob-hrobu, roh-rohuh, hrom-hromu, rov-rovu,
chlad-chladu, rub-rubu, chod-chodu, ruch-ruchu
397
Former APa - Nsg long, therefore alternating and constant QP paradigms with long
zero form. Where we have short zero form, dialects usually show length.
Former APb - Nsg long, the same quantity with Nsg of former APa, therefore the s
ame QPs as in former APa, where we have constant QP, dialects can show length
Former APc - "o"- long before sonorants and voiced fricatives - bh, dl, hnj, dm, vz;
anomalously lov, boj, bor, strom, zvon but length in Old Czech and dialects - sh
ort before voiced stops and voiceless obstruents - rod, med, led, brod, most, no
s, rok, bok;CL not recorded for "e", QP is therefore mostly constant with short
zero form
Slovak (Standard)
Former APa
QPA2 zero long: chlieb-chleba,mrz-mrazu,vietor-vetra
QPC1 zero long: pr-pru
QPC2 zero short: bi-bia,buk-buka, as-asu, ded-deda, dym-dymu, had-hada, hnev-hnevu,
hrach-hrachu, juh-juhu, klin-klina, kraj-kraja, mak-maku, mlyn-mlyna, pla-plau,
pluh-
pluhu, raj-raja, rak-raka,rys-rysa, prah-prahu, syr-syra
Former APb
QPA2 zero long: hlh-hlohu, kl-kola, k-koa, k-koa, n-noa, stl-stola
QPC1 zero long: bk-bka, drie-driea, diel-dielu, -a, hj-hja, hriech-hriechu, hrb-
hrba, chliev-chlieva, klb-klba, kr-kra, liek-lieku, kt-kta, l-la, plst-plstu, pl
pla, prt-prta, smiech-smechu, sd-sdu, svr-svru, p-pu, tt-ttu, trd-trda, d-
du, l-la, vr-vru, iar-iaru
QPC2 zero short:dvor-dvora, hloh-hlohu, boj-boja, krov-krovu, an-anu, luk-luku, me-
meu, mlat-mlatu, mach-machu, prst-prsta, roj-roja, stoh-stohu
Former APb
QPC1 zero long: bl-blu, mier-mieru
398
QPC2 zero short: breh-brehu, bes-besa, blud-bludu, bok-boka, bor-boru, brod-brod
u, cep-cepa, in-inu, rep-repa, dar-daru, dom-domu, dub-duba, drozd-drozda, druh-druh
a, dlh-dlhu, hlad-hladu, hlas-hlasu, hnoj-hnoja, hnus-hnusu, hrad-hradu, hrom-hr
omu, hlas-hlasu, chod-chodu, jas-jasu, jed-jedu, kal-kalu, krik-kriku, kruh-kruh
u, kus-kusa, kvas-kvasu, kvet-kvetu, kyj-kyja, ad-1'adu, les-lesa, loj-loja, lep-
lepu, lesk-lesku, ud-udu, luh-luhu, med-medu, mach-machu, mlat-mlatu, mrak-mraku,
most-mosta, mu-mua, plaz-plaza, plen-plenu, ples-plesu, pot-potu, prach-prachu, pu
ch-puchu, rod-rodu, roh-rohu, rast-rastu, rub-rubu, sad-sadu, slez-slezu, sled-s
ledu, sneh-snehu, spech-spechu, stav-stavu, stred-stredu, stud-studu, struk-stru
ku, stud-studu, suk-suka, stan-stanu, svet-sveta, svit-svitu, svrab-svrabu, syn-
syna, um-umu, ah-ahu, tok-toku, tresk-tresku, trup-trupu, trus-trusu, tuk-tuku, tur-
tura, tvar-tvaru, var-varu, vek-veku, vid-vidu, vlak-vlaku, vosk-vosku, voz-voza
, vrah-vraha, vred-vredu, znak-znaku, zob-zobu, zub-zuba, zvon-zvona, ab-abu
Former APa - mainly QPC2 short zero - as usual with former acute stems, moreover
, APa+Apc x APb
Former APb - QPC1 long zero (opposition to former APa, APc), QPA2 long zero (CL)
Former APc - QPC2 short zero, same as for former APa
Conclusion
In the previous pages I dealt with the phenomenon of Czech length and proposed t
hat Czech length might be classified as a paradigmatic length and derivative len
gth.
Paradigmatic length means the quantitative pattern of substantives in paradigms.
Following the ideas of Feldstein, I showed that the disyllabic feminine a-stems
and former disyllabic masculine o-stems are distributed in the quantitative par
adigms which developed from the Proto-Slavic accentual paradigms. The distributi
on of the nouns in quantitative paradigms is controled by vowel-zero forms (or k
ey cases): Nsg-Gpl in a-stems and Nsg-Gsg in o-stems. The transfer from accentua
l paradigms to quantitative paradigms was done due to the Kortlands lengthening r
ule, stress retraction from Gpl and processes which I described in Chapter 10 as
compensatory lenghtening. Nouns were then distributed among quantitative paradi
gms which partially reflect the original accentual paradigm. Doublets (as in Old
Czech) and territorial differences are explained as travelling of nouns among q
uantitative paradigms. Quantitative paradigms are argued to exist not only in Cz
ech, but in Slovak and also in the rest of West Slavic (where the quantity is re
flected as the change of timbre. OT solution
399
shows that quantitative paradigms can easily be described as optimal and a
ntioptimal paradigms.
Derivative length is connected with the rise of rhythmicity in Late Proto-Slavic
. Following the basic results of Bethin I proposed that the rhythmicity of rhyth
mic law was active in certain derivates in Old Czech (-a/ denominatives and deverba
tives and also in - (a)nie deverbatives), the former is also still visible in St
andard Czech. Bethin's observation that Czech derivates have bisyllabic and maxi
mally threemoraic domain can thus be traced back to Czech. As I showed in the la
rger Excursus, it also counts for Slovak (although the data must be handled care
fully due to the purism). Data also show that the domain might be active in Slov
ene and probably was in Old Polish. Derivative length is also a system of old re
flexes as well as innovative processes due to the existing frames. The proposed
OT solution tries to explain the quantitative distribution in the domain as an i
nteraction of various trochee systems, thus explaining the "deviant" length in r
yb, msa, Min. A suggestion has also been done that in the repeated derivation the doma
in is not destroyed but shifts to the end of the word, thus ryb-rybak, Slovak rybr-ry
brik.
400
12. Final conclusion and direction of future research
12.1. Introduction
In this final chapter I will first present a summary of the conclusions which I
have reached in the previous chapter. Subsequently, I will propose the themes fo
r further research which should follow from my results.
12. 2. Summary of the conclusions
12.2.1. Accent and ablaut
- the original ablaut grade is e-grade, o-grade is its allophone. The original
and simplest distribution can be observed in aerostatic paradigms where the occu
rence of o-grade in strong cases is controled by the ranking of the constraint R
OOT-STRONG o. Dehnstufe in aerostatics is secondary, it is connected with the ri
se of metrical foot and undominated FT-BIN. The reconstructed forms Nsg:Gsg *nkwt
-s: *nkwts, *ukw-s: *ukw-s*, ikwr: *ikwns with different ablaut grades might thus not
belong to the same synchronic level.
12.2.2. Hirt's law
- Hirt's law in Balto-Slavic is caused by the stress retraction to the root cont
aining a laryngeal
in the syllable coda. The retraction is caused by the highly ranked *9root and A
LIGN-LEFT constraint. The different ranking of ALIGN constraints is responsible
for the Old Indie i- and u-stems oxytona which are derived from roots ending in
a laryngeal. Non-strict-oxytonesis hypothesis presupposes that some nouns enteri
ng the Hirt's law did not have to undergo oxytonesis but could keep their origin
al accentual pattern.
12.2.3. Winter's law
- loss of glottal stop in Balto-Slavics is controled by constraints describing l
aryngeal features of obstruents: AGREE, *LAR, IDENT-LAR. Glottalization of the v
owel nucleus (acute) is caused by the lowerly ranked *V constraint which prohibi
ts vowel glotalization.
Blocking clusters preventing Winter's law are also described by interaction of t
he above-mentioned constraints as well as the HG constraint which is responsible
for the position of sonorous segments in the neighbourhood of the vowel nucleus
.
401
12.2.4. Lachmann's law
- Lachmann's law in Latin which has its origin in the same structures as Winter
's law can means lenghtening due to the highly ranked *V constraint which prohib
its vowel glotalization. Further development of forms leads to the parsing and t
he lowerly or highly ranked *u/cons in some forms which leads either to sessus o
r sus forms with the same syllable weight.
12.2.5. CL in West Slavic
- compensatory lengthening is only a cover term for different processes. Former
APb forms of *stolh type undergo pretonic lengthening, resyllabification and yer
loss in several cycles. Former APc forms *bgh type are resyllabified, may obtain
moraic coda and after the loss of yer and the transfer of mora they become leng
htnened. Former APa of the *klim> type undergo Kortlandt's lengthening rule, are
resyllabified and the yer is lost. All processes are connected with the rise of
rhythmicity and bisyllabic maximally bimoraic domain.
12.2.6. Czech length
- Czech quantity is distributed in paradigms (paradigmatic quantity) or in deriv
ates (derivative quantity). Quantitative paradigms developed from accentual para
digms and are characterised by the quantity distribution in vowel-zero case form
s. Derivative quantity can be observed in certain derivation categories only and
its distribution is controled by the bisyllabic maximally threemoraic domain. T
he distribution of both quantities can be described by OT.
12.3. Directions of future research
12.3.1. PIE, Balto-Slavic and Proto-Slavic prosodic patterns - we need the compr
ehensive and handy oveview of the accentology subject. Recent knowledge is refle
cted only selectively in the compendia, accentology is generally considered a di
fficult and enclosed country for a non-specialist
12.3.2. Accent and ablaut
- Concerning internal derivation, can we apply the same principle of the dominan
t and recessive morphemes as has been done by Dybo for Balto-Slavic?
- What are the common principles of stress stabilization and substantive themati
zation?
402
12.3.3. Accent and paradigms
- What is the relationship of paradigmatic levelling and prosodic curve? Is ther
e any co-evolution of declination and accetuation?
- Van Coetsem 1999 (referring to Lehmann) proposed a typological relationship be
tween stress systems and umlaut and pitch-accent systems and vowel harmony. More
over, stress system languages have often a reduction of unstressed syllables, th
e fact which has long been known. Here is another area for OT research and solut
ion of Indo-European languages.
- Salmons (1992) pointed out to the tone-to-stress shift movement. The change fr
om tonal or pitch accent languages to stressed ones is not fully understood. The
questions matter both synchronic contact language areas as well as diachronic d
evelopments.
12.3.4. Phonological domains, distribution of quantity
- The existence of Derksens oxytona influenced by the absence of stress retracti
on due to the blocking clusters. Their further quantitative development suggests
rhythmicity.
- Further study of the quantitative patterns of derivates in West Slavic is need
ed. Why is the bisyllabic threemoraic domain being lost?
12.3.5. Non-OT description of accentual and quantitative paradigms
- although OT is a mainstream now, paradigmatic systems and their development m
ight be described alternatively: Minimalist morphology (Wunderlich & Fabril996),
Distributed morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993, Halle 1994, Halle 1997) and other
s, see Bachrach & Nevins 2008 for the collection of various approaches.
926 Hinted to me by Pohl 1985 who distinguishes phonological and morphological p
rinciples to describe the functional change of PIE declination to the Proto-Slav
ic one. The complete one-way description of declination and accentual paradigms
from PIE to Baltic and Slavic is still far from being complete.
403
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