This paper attempts to understand contemporary use of Spondylus in coastal Ecuador. It focuses on issues of craft production and identity formation. Ethnographic and archaeological data are used in the study.
This paper attempts to understand contemporary use of Spondylus in coastal Ecuador. It focuses on issues of craft production and identity formation. Ethnographic and archaeological data are used in the study.
This paper attempts to understand contemporary use of Spondylus in coastal Ecuador. It focuses on issues of craft production and identity formation. Ethnographic and archaeological data are used in the study.
Journal of Anthropological Research, vol. 63, 2007
Copyright by The University of New Mexico 33 THE REINVENTION OF TRADITION An Ethnographic Study of Spondylus Use in Coastal Ecuador Daniel Eric Bauer Department of Anthropology, Southern Illinois UniversityCarbondale, Carbondale, IL 62901. Email: debauer@siu.edu KEY WORDS: Craft production; Culture change; Ecuador; History; Identity; Spondylus Archaeologists have long noted the importance of Spondylus in the archaeological record of Ecuador. However, no one has attempted to understand contemporary Spondylus use and its relation to the precolumbian past. This research attempts to understand contemporary Spondylus use in coastal Ecuador by focusing on issues of craft production and identity formation. Using an approach that combines both archaeological and ethnographic information, this paper attempts to understand the role of Spondylus craft production in the formation of a localized identity. NUMEROUS SCHOLARS HAVE NOTED THE USE OF THE WARM-WATER MOLLUSK Spondylus for ceremonial and ritual purposes in precolumbian contexts (e.g., Blower 1995; Currie 1995; Marcos 1986; Masucci 1995; Norton 1986; Paulsen 1974; Sandweiss 1999; Shimada 1999). The presence of worked Spondylus shell at archaeological sites throughout coastal Ecuador has been of central importance to archaeologists and ethnohistorians studying the complex history of trade networks that were present in precolumbian times. In coastal Ecuador, archaeological investigations into the precolumbian use of Spondylus indicate that worked Spondylus was an important trade item for precolumbian populations (e.g., Harris et al. 2004; Marcos 1986; Marcos and Norton 1981; Masucci 1995; Norton 1986). Research conducted since the 1970s suggests that coastal sites throughout southern Manab province contained workshops for the production of worked Spondylus (Harris et al. 2004; Norton et al. 1983; Paulsen 1974). Despite a dynamic focus on the archaeological signicance of Spondylus use, there is a noticeable absence of ethnographic research pertaining to the contemporary use of Spondylus in coastal Ecuador. Recent research into the contemporary use of Spondylus by coastal Ecuadorian inhabitants provides important insights into the relationship between the archaeological past and the ethnographic present. Based on research conducted at the village of Salango in Ecuadors south-central Manab province, this article examines the Spondylus folk art industry in coastal Ecuador. By analyzing current processes of Spondylus use and manufacture, I argue that the artistic production of Spondylus acts as a mechanism for anchoring contemporary identities to the precolumbian past despite signicant changes in modes of production. This research illustrates the complexity of craft production in coastal Ecuador. 34 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH One of the unique features of artisanal Spondylus procurement and craft production is that it has resulted in a cultural renewal for the artisans and divers of Salango. These specialists have renewed a cultural tradition that was prevalent throughout the prehistory of coastal Ecuador. In doing so, they have taken a recognizable symbol of Ecuadors prehistoric past and made it an indelible symbol of coastal Ecuadors cultural present. SPONDYLUS The genus Spondylus is a warm-water mollusk that is a member of the family Spondylidae. Members of the family exist in such diverse ocean waters as those bordering Central and South America, Indonesia, Australia, Hawaii, and Japan, as well as throughout the Mediterranean. Two species of Spondylus, S. princeps and S. calcifer, have a combined natural range extending from the Pacic Coast of southern California to southern Ecuador. The two species vary in form but are found in similar habitats. They occur in areas with rocky outcrops, often in conjunction with tropical reef settings exhibiting a large amount of biodiversity. Spondylus can be found at depths of 6 to 60 m (Keen 1971; Norton 1986; Olsson 1961). However, along the Ecuadorian coast specimens occasionally occur in waters as shallow as 4 m. Spondylus princeps is characterized by a number of large, spine-like protuberances on the outer shell. For this reason it also known locally by the common Spanish name ostra espinosa (spiny oyster). Spondylus princeps varies in size and can reach up to 130150 mm across (Keen 1971), although larger specimens do occasionally appear. The outer shell varies from pink to red to orange. The inside of the shell also contains a thin rim of coloration around the lip (Figure 1). Figure 1. Spondylus princeps 35 SPONDYLUS USE IN ECUADOR Spondylus calcifer can exceed 250 mm across (Keen 1971). It lacks the spiny projections characteristic of S. princeps. Instead, S. calcifer tends to have a high, crowned top valve that is relatively smooth. The outer shell is generally lacking the distinct coloration associated with S. princeps. The inside of the shell contains a thin rim of coloration around the lip. This rim is most commonly purple with an occasional irregular distribution of orange (Figure 2). ETHNOGRAPHIC CONTEXT Methodology This article is based on ethnographic research conducted in the village of Salango (pop. 1,400). Salango is located in southernmost Manab province (Figure 3). The village of Salango is especially well known within Ecuador for its prehistory, as well as its contemporary tradition of producing skilled divers who work the waters off the Pacic Coast. Spondylus procurement in Salango dates back to the Valdivia phase (3500 BC) and is still an important economic and cultural activity. Initial eldwork for this project was conducted between June and August 2002. My initial eldwork focused largely on documenting natural resource utilization in the community of Salango. During this time, my research focused specically on understanding the local shing and diving economy. The information gathered at the time of initial eldwork provided a basis for the present study. Fieldwork for this project was conducted from June through September 2005 and fron January through March 2006. Research was aimed at understanding the contemporary use and cultural signicance of Spondylus. Using information from my preliminary research, I developed a set of primary questions that I wanted to Figure 2. Spondylus calcifer. 36 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH ask during informal, open-ended interviews with local divers and artisans. There are currently approximately 40 divers within the community, most of whom belong to the recently organized Organizacin de Busos en la Pesca Artesanal del Puerto Salango. Some of the divers also double as Spondylus artisans. Extensive interviews were conducted with the artisans and Spondylus divers of Salango. Interviews with both divers and artisans focused on understanding processes of Spondylus procurement and craft production. Questions pertaining to the contemporary use of Spondylus by the inhabitants of southern Manab were aimed at gaining insight into the perceived cultural value of Spondylus. Both divers and artisans were asked to share their knowledge of the precolumbian past and their understanding of the precolonial use of Spondylus. 1 Community and Identity The roots of the village of Salango extend back approximately 5,000 years. At the time of the Spanish arrival on the Ecuadorian coast in 1525, Francisco Pizzaros pilot, Bartolomeo Ruiz, made contact with an indigenous vessel of balsa Figure 3. Map of southwest Coastal Ecuador. 37 SPONDYLUS USE IN ECUADOR carrying trade goods of silver, gold, textiles, and seashells, including Spondylus (Currie 1995). According to Pizzaros written account, the vessel and its crew were from a place known as Calangane (Currie 1995), a region believed to have included the towns of Calangome (also spelled Salangome), Tusco, Seracapez, and Calango (alternate spellings: Zalango and Salango). Of the four communities that were once part of the region of Calangane, Salango is the only community to have retained its precontact name. During the 1980s the village of Salango was the site of Ecuadors largest archaeological investigation. The excavation, which took place at the southern edge of the village, revealed important insights into the complex prehistory of the region (Norton 1986; Norton et al. 1983). In 1987 the Museo Salango was established. The museum currently houses the majority of the artifacts associated with the rst excavations conducted in Salango, as well as artifacts recovered from subsequent archaeological investigations undertaken throughout the region. Museo Salango houses some of the earliest Spondylus artifacts from the Ecuadorian coast and is an important center of investigations for both foreign and national scholars. Spondylus is such an important symbol of the precolumbian past of Salango that, for example, in the year 2000 the Ecuadorian government issued a commemorative postage stamp containing the image of an S. princeps shell accompanied by the words Salango Manab. Despite the substantial evidence that indicates a continuous occupation of the Salango region for more than 5,000 years, the contemporary population is largely considered mestizo. The mestizo designation refers to mixed-blood individuals of Spanish and indigenous descent (Whitten 2003). The people of Salango do not speak an indigenous language, and they have lost most of their ties to the indigenous past. For these reasons they are largely considered to be mestizo rather than Indian. The dramatic changes that took place with the arrival of the Spaniards and the subsequent formation of encomiendas and haciendas irrevocably altered the population of coastal Ecuador. Although the population of Salango has only recently gained formal recognition as an indigenous community, the precolumbian past clearly impacts local understandings of community identity. 2 All denitions of identity, whether ethnic, community, or national, include a reference to common culture as one of the fundamental characteristics of collective identity (Bonl Batalla 1989). In most cases, a common history or common cultural origin is also an important dening attribute of populations with a collective identity. Throughout this paper, I refer frequently to the population of Salango as having a unique community identity that is rooted in the history of the community and its inhabitants. Within the context of this paper, community identity refers to a collective understanding of the past and ones relationship to it. My research indicates that local conceptions of community identity in Salango are largely informed by knowledge of the indigenous past. One such example of this is the celebration of the unique community identity of Salango on the Da de la Raza (October 12: Figure 4). In Salango, the Da de la Raza is celebrated by acknowledging the indigenous past and its relationship to the ethnographic present through the construction of balsa rafts that replicate the raft Bartolomeo Ruiz encountered off the Ecuadorian coast. The festival not only 38 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH signies the importance of the indigenous past to the contemporary population of Salango, it also serves as a public expression of a unique community identity that is categorically linked to the prehistory of Salango. SPONDYLUS IN THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONTEXT OF COASTAL ECUADOR Archaeological investigations throughout coastal Ecuador indicate that Spondylus was of signicant ritual and ceremonial importance to the precolumbian inhabitants of the region (e.g., Blower 1995; Currie 1995; Harris et al. 2004; Marcos 1986; Marcos and Norton 1981; Masucci 1995; Norton 1986; Paulsen 1974). In this section I provide a brief discussion pertaining to the precolumbian use of Spondylus in Ecuador. The goal is not to present an in-depth analysis but instead to provide a basic foundation that can be used to understand the contemporary use of Spondylus in south-central coastal Ecuador. Archaeological evidence from coastal Ecuador indicates that worked Spondylus was used continuously by the precolumbian inhabitants of the region from the Valdivia phase of occupation (35001500 BC) until the Manteo phase (AD 8001532) (see Marcos 1986; Marcos and Norton 1981; Norton 1986; Norton et al. 1983). During the Valdivia phase, worked Spondylus primarily took the form of beads and worked pendants (Figure 5). Figure 4. Balsa raft constructed for Da de la Raza 2006 in Salango. 39 In succeeding cultural stages, the Guangala phase (100 BC AD 800) and the later Manteo phase (AD 8001500), archaeological evidence points to an increased complexity in the types of goods being manufactured using Spondylus (Masucci 1995; Norton 1986; Norton et al. 1983). During the Engoroy and Guangala phases and later, into the Manteo phase, gurines made of Spondylus comprise an important component of archaeological collections (Figure 6). The importance of Spondylus in precolumbian Ecuador extends beyond the mere manufacture of Spondylus adornments. In concordance with Norton (1986) and based on excavations conducted in the southern Manab village of Ro Chico, Martnez maintains that the Spondylus fragments with color rims carved out and the obsidian and chert akes suggest the possible use of a large trade and workshop center connected to a coastal shell trade network (1997:45). Correspondingly, numerous scholars (e.g., Blower 1995; Cordy-Collins 1990; Marcos 1986; Marcos and Norton 1981; Masucci 1995; Norton 1986; Norton et al. 1983; Paulsen 1974; Rieff Anawalt 1992; Rostworowski and Morris 1999; Sandweiss 1999; Shimada 1999; Villamarn and Villamarn 1999) point to long-distance trade as one of the primary activities associated with precolumbian Spondylus production. Figure 5. Valdivia pendant. Figure 6. Late Engoroy gurine (photo courtesy Richard Lunniss). SPONDYLUS USE IN ECUADOR 40 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH The discovery of worked Spondylus outside of its natural range, including coastal Peru and highland Ecuador, signies the existence of long- distance trade networks. In fact, Paulsen argues that every one of the many specimens of these shells discovered archaeologically in the Andean highlands and the Peruvian coast must have been carried there from its original home in coastal Ecuador (1974:597). Such long-distance trade indicates that economic and ritual value was ascribed to Spondylus. Marcos (1977) suggests that the value of Spondylus corresponds directly to its ritual use by precolumbian Andean populations. Rostworowski and Morris (1999) argue that Spondylus or mullu, as it is known in Quechua, was used in precolumbian Peru as an offering for the gods. Correspondingly, Marcos (1977) suggests that the ritual use of Spondylus created a demand and also increased its value. Apart from their role in ritual exchange, Spondylus beads were also used as a form of currency throughout much of coastal Ecuador. Red and white Spondylus beads that were produced along the coast were traded to the highlands for copper and cotton (Blower 1995). To this end, Spondylus was important both ritually and secularly. Although there is no clear way of knowing the process by which Spondylus was collected during the precolumbian period, archaeological evidence from coastal Ecuador provides us with valuable insight. Research conducted by Marcos and Norton (1981), as well as by Cordy-Collins (1990), and revisited by Blower (1995), indicates that divers utilized worked stone anchors, weights, and hammerstones in order to pry shells from the rocks below the surface of the ocean (Figure 7). These same tools are commonly found by contemporary Spondylus divers off the coast of southern Manab province. Clearly, the extensive archaeological research conducted throughout the southern Manab region provides us with substantial evidence attesting to the Figure 7. Precolumbian stone weight with Spondylus shells. 41 importance of Spondylus to the precolumbian inhabitants of the region. We can reasonably conclude that the village of Salango was one of the most important centers of Spondylus procurement and craft production prior to Spanish contact (see Currie 1995; Villamarn and Villamarn 1999). Although a great deal is known or can reasonably be inferred about the precolumbian use of Spondylus, relatively little is known about the contemporary use and cultural signicance of Spondylus in southern Manab province. CONTEMPORARY SPONDYLUS PROCUREMENT AND CRAFT PRODUCTION Recent anthropological enquiries into craft production have focused heavily on the relationship between craft production and identity. These discussions focus not only on crafts as markers of ethnic identity (Carruthers 2001; Collorado- Mansfeld 1999; Garca Canclini 1993), but also on the connection between craft production and the state (Stephen 1991). Within this context, craft production is often viewed as a material representation of cultural identity because what is involved are objects, methods of production, and designs rooted in the communitys history (Garca Canclini 1993:71). Anthropologists can examine changes in cultural identity by analyzing inuences of external agents on craft production (Garca Canclini 1993). These agents include craft brokers, museums, popular media, and the state. In this section I examine the relationship between artisanal craft production and community identity while analyzing the process of identity formation through craft production. At the beginning of the twenty-rst century, Spondylus procurement and artisanal production remain important activities along the southern Manab coast. The long history of Spondylus use by the earliest inhabitants of coastal Ecuador has not gone unnoticed by contemporary inhabitants of the region. Today, more than 5,000 years removed from the Valdivia culture that once inhabited the region extending from Manab province south to Guayas province, Spondylus procurement, craft production, and trade are still important to the divers and artisans of the south-central Ecuadorian coast. Contemporary Spondylus use in the context of southern Manab province is centered on its procurement for artisan production and for consumption. 3 The local harvest of Spondylus takes place throughout the year in the relatively warm waters off the coast of southern Manab. A unique feature of the Manab coast is that, unlike the coastal zones to the south, including Ecuadors Guayas province and coastal Peru, the waters off coastal Manab are warm enough to support the growth of Spondylus. The water temperature is due to the movement of the cold Humbolt Current away from the coast and toward the west. Thus the waters off of the southern Manab coast provide an ideal environment for Spondylus. In Salango, the community most renowned for the harvest of Spondylus in all of coastal Ecuador, the valuable bivalve is harvested via the long-standing tradition of diving. Experienced family members, often fathers and uncles, train divers in their early teens. Divers gain knowledge through experience, and most become adept at their craft by the time they reach their late teens. Don Felix, a 57- SPONDYLUS USE IN ECUADOR 42 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH year-old retired diver, recounted his years as a diver and how he trained his sons and nephews to become divers. 4 I have been a sherman and diver all of my life. I began diving when I was 10 years old. I wasnt trained . . . I just learned. This is the place to dive . . . . Salango is known as the place where divers learn. When I started I just jumped in the water and dove. Since then I have trained these guys when they were thirteen or fourteen years old [pointing to one of his sons and two of his nephews]. They are good divers . . . they learned from experience . . . that is the only way to learn to be a good diver, you just have to get in the water and dive. Unlike commercial divers in the United States, the divers of Salango do not use tanks of compressed oxygen. One method they use is free diving. Free diving requires a diver to hold his breath for as long as two and a half minutes as he dives to depths reaching 20 m. A second means of diving uses compressed oxygen. A gasoline-powered air-compressor is kept on the deck of the boat, and oxygen is passed from the compressor through a half-inch-diameter hose that is attached to a regulator. Both types of diving are extremely dangerous and physically demanding. Spondylus is usually collected within a few miles of the coast of southern Manab. It can generally be found along reefs and rocky outcrops where depths range from 4 m to 20 m. The majority of the Spondylus harvested in the southern Manab region is collected in the waters around the numerous small islands and islets that dot the landscape of the coast. Isla Salango, located approximately 2 km offshore from the village of Salango, is one such island. For centuries divers have worked the waters surrounding the island in search of Spondylus. Large numbers of stone artifacts found in contemporary Spondylus beds attest to the long history of Spondylus extraction from the waters surrounding the island (Figure 7). Marcos Ayola is one of approximately 40 divers who dive commercially for Spondylus. In his home he proudly displays a large collection of Spondylus shells, as well as numerous stone artifacts that he has collected while diving. The artifacts collected by Marcos and other local divers include stone net weights, anchors, and hammerstones similar to those recovered during archaeological investigations in and around the village of Salango. During an interview with Marcos in his home in the summer of 2005, he discussed the artifacts and their signicance. He pointed to the artifacts as a symbol of the continuity between the past and the present. We do what our ancestors did. . . . Diving is something that was done in the past, and we continue that tradition in the present. . . . When I dive, I am able to see what my ancestors saw. We dive in the same locations as our ancestors. In understanding identity with relation to Spondylus use and history, it is important to note that the growth of artisanal craft production occurred after the archaeological history of the region was formally revealed through extensive 43 excavations and the opening of Museo Salango. The archaeological investigations that took place in the village of Salango during the 1980s have undoubtedly contributed to the present practices of Spondylus procurement and artisanal production. In fact, it can reasonably be argued that the archaeologists are in large part responsible for the contemporary cultural value of Spondylus. When referring to cultural value, I am speaking specically here of the importance of Spondylus as a tangible connection to the past. In the village of Salango, the past is known and understood primarily as a consequence of the archaeological investigations conducted in the region and the presence of the archaeological museum. Many of Salangos divers and artisans have family members who worked with archaeologist Pressley Norton during the excavations at Salango. Although Spondylus was utilized prior to the excavations at Salango, its use and value have changed as a result of the archaeological excavations. Before the excavations at the factory site, we had a different name for Spondylus. We called it Catarro. We used to eat Spondylus, like we do today, but we didnt understand the signicance of it. Everyone knew what Catarro was, and then the archaeologist Pressley Norton came and told people that it was Spondylus. Now everyone uses the scientic name. My grandfather used to dive for Catarro. . . . It was much more common back then. Spondylus was always valuable. . . . We have always used Spondylus, but now it is well known (Carlos Mendez, diver and artisan). The signicance of the ways in which the past and present are linked by Spondylus diving should not be overlooked. In many ways, the physical activity of Spondylus diving allows divers to reconnect with the past and better understand their relationship to the early indigenous populations of the region. When asked about this relationship, most divers presented me with a similar response to that given by Marcos. This region is known for its ancient cultures. Our ancestors were Spondylus divers and traders. We continue that tradition (Alfredo Macas, diver). For many of my informants, the practice of diving for Spondylus is more than a mere economic activity; it is a way to literally come face-to-face with the past in a unique environment that is only accessible to a select few individuals. As suggested by local divers, Spondylus diving and the prehistory of Spondylus diving provide a means of understanding their identity. For the people of Salango, Spondylus diving and craft production serve to reenforce notions of cultural identity. As one diver stated, We are not indigenous, but our ancestors were indigenous. . . . We do not speak an indigenous language, but we live the same way that our ancestors lived. We make our living from the ocean. We have done this for thousands of years. We still dive for Spondylus like our ancestors. The statement speaks to the discontinuity as well as the continuity that exists between the contemporary population of Salango and their precolumbian ancestors. What is perhaps most important is the recognition that the contemporary population is related to the precolumbian population of the region. Where the past and present are disjointed through processes of assimilation, as is the case in coastal Ecuador, and indeed all of Latin America, modern artisanal SPONDYLUS USE IN ECUADOR 44 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH practices not only represent a vestige of the past but also function to link the past to the present. Arts and crafts . . . endure and grow because they fulll certain functions within social reproduction (Garca Canclini 1993:37). In the case of southern Manab province, the artisanal practices of Spondylus procurement and craft production function not only economically, but also culturally. The above- mentioned practices reenforce notions of indigenous ancestry in a community that is largely regarded as mestizo or montuvio. Ultimately, the economic history of Spondylus use in coastal Ecuador and the contemporary practices associated with Spondylus use create a distinctive sense of community identity. The identity embodied at a general level by the people of Salango, and specically by the divers and artisans of Salango, is partially linked to the practices of Spondylus procurement and artistic production. Ethnographic data support the contention that Spondylus diving is not solely an economic practice. Spondylus diving is as much symbolic as it is economic. For the divers and artisans of Salango, Spondylus represents one of the few tangible connections to the past. Despite the archaeological evidence of the precolumbian use of Spondylus, and its use by contemporary divers and artisans, there is little evidence to support the contention that Spondylus diving has occurred continuously since rst contact in 1525. Interviews conducted with contemporary as well as retired divers indicate that Spondylus diving has occurred continuously since the middle part of the twentieth century, with demonstrable growth in artisanal diving occurring in the past 20 years. This growth is due in part to the utilization of compressed air (as opposed to free-diving) and the associated ease of diving owing to improved technology. Moreover, the growth of artisanal diving can be attributed in part to the artisanal production of Spondylus jewelry and the associated demand for Spondylus shells. Artisan production of Spondylus in southern Manab is limited to a handful of individuals in and around the community of Salango. The majority of the Spondylus artisans in the southern Manab region are young men, most of whom also work in the local diving industry. There are only four Spondylus artisans in the village of Salango, three of whom are divers as well as artisans. These individuals hold a unique knowledge of craft production that links them as individuals, and the community as a whole, to the precolumbian past. During an interview held in his workshop, Luis, one of the contemporary artisans, recounted the work of his late maternal grandfather. According to Luis, his grandfather worked primarily with mother-of-pearl, which is also found throughout coastal Ecuadorian waters but has a thinner shell than Spondylus, making it easier to work. Luis maintained that his grandfather rarely worked with Spondylus because of the difculty in cutting and shaping it with hand tools. However, Luis attributed his own desire to work with Spondylus as the result of hours spent watching his grandfather work. He was a very creative man. . . . He used to make all sorts of things out of mother-of-pearl. I remember that he once made a belt-buckle out of mother-of-pearl. Although no formal training occurred, Luis maintains that the creativity needed to work with Spondylus is the same as that needed to work with mother-of-pearl and that creativity is in the blood. Luiss workshop is a small cluttered area located in the back of his parents 45 home. A rusted panel of corrugated aluminum covers a small wooden table littered with fragments of shell. His tools are limited. Luis relies primarily on a grinding wheel for cutting and polishing the shells. The outside of the Spondylus shell is rst ground down to remove the thick outer layer, exposing the fully colored shell. Once the shell is cleaned and polished, it is carefully marked using a paper pattern. The shell is then painstakingly cut to match the pattern. After the pattern is cut, a bufng wheel is placed on the grinder and rubbed with resin in order to polish the shell. The artisanal production of Spondylus jewelry is highly dependent on the burgeoning tourist market. Supporting Garca Canclinis contention that declining artisanal production is revived thanks to a growing demand for exotic objects (1993:41), the growth of Spondylus craft production in southern Manab province corresponds directly to the recent growth in tourism throughout the region. As such, Spondylus craft production straddles the line between the traditional and the modern. As I have suggested, Spondylus craft production is inherently linked to the precolumbian past of southern Manab while also being an important commodity for contemporary artisans. The form of the nished product depends on multiple factors. Since Spondylus jewelry is primarily marketed to tourists, artisans produce a variety of products varying in price from U.S. $5 to more than $60. Shells are fabricated into beads and pendants of various sizes for use in necklaces, bracelets, and earrings (Figure 8). Figure 8. Spondylus necklace. SPONDYLUS USE IN ECUADOR 46 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH Surprisingly, most of the items crafted by artisans do not attempt to replicate precolumbian designs. Instead, artisans create designs with which the casual tourist can readily identify. Most tourists who visit southern Manab province do so during the months of June through August. The greatest tourist attraction during this time is the migration of the Pacic humpback whale and the associated whale-watching tours. In recognition of this, Spondylus shell pendants in the form of whale tails are some of the most common products produced by the artisans of Salango. Although they are some of the least expensive items sold by local artisans, the design as well as the price is attractive to tourists, and they are some of the easiest items to fabricate. Skilled artisans can produce a whale tail pendant in less than 30 minutes. While the majority of the jewelry produced by local artisans is sold to tourists who visit the coast, some artisans have made connections that enable them to ship their goods abroad. Luiss cousin Rolando was the rst to start selling his crafts outside the Salango region. For the past ve years he has supplemented his income by shipping whale tail pendants and other contemporary designs to the United States. While he has been able to get higher prices for his goods by selling them in the United States, he is selling to customers that have little or no understanding of the history of Spondylus. Also, unlike tourists who buy Spondylus jewelry while vacationing along the Ecuadorian coast, buyers in the U.S. do not necessarily equate the purchased jewelry with a particular experience or place. Ultimately, the jewelry sold abroad is purchased for different reasons than the jewelry that is purchased by tourists visiting coastal Ecuador. The change in meaning that takes place from artisanal good to tourist commodity speaks to the hybrid (Chibnik 2003; Garca Canclini 1995) nature of Spondylus and the corresponding shift from traditional to modern. As is the case with worked Spondylus, a dramatic shift in meaning and value takes place as a result of commodication. Whereas Spondylus represents a connection to the past for the divers and artisans of Salango, it takes on a very different meaning for tourists. For tourists, the history of Spondylus use in coastal Ecuador is often of far less importance than the aesthetic of contemporary Spondylus jewelry. For this reason, artisans rarely replicate precolumbian designs, but instead create jewelry with modern designs, which are often symbolically attached to tourists experiences in the region. ANALYSIS: THE PAST IN THE PRESENT Artisanal craft production straddles the ancient commodity economy and the postmodern capitalist economy (Carruthers 2001; Garca Canclini 1993). Perhaps no other artisanal practice illustrates this more than artisanal Spondylus use in Salango. Garca Canclini (1995) examines hybrid cultures and the blurred lines that exist between traditional and modern. Contemporary Spondylus use in coastal Ecuador represents the cultural hybridity (Garca Canclini 1995) that is prevalent throughout much of Latin America, in that the crafts serve an economic function while strengthening local cultural institutions (Stephen 1991). Contemporary Spondylus use represents a clear connection to the past while the 47 economic strategies used to market Spondylus are clearly linked to the present. In order to understand the contemporary cultural signicance of Spondylus it is important to ask why the present inhabitants of southern Manab province use this relatively obscure shell. I suggest that we can gain insight into the present cultural value of Spondylus by examining its use from a functional perspective. Here I draw heavily on the work of Garca Canclini (1993) and his discussion of craft value. Garca Canclini (1993) argues that the transition of crafts from artisanal good to capitalist commodity consists of changes in the types of value attributed to the craft. First, crafts have a value within the community. In the transition from traditional craft to capitalist commodity, crafts become imbued with a commercial exchange value. In the third stage, there is a prevalence of the cultural (aesthetic) value of tourists, who inscribe it within their own symbolic system, which is different fromand at times opposed tothe Indian system (Garca Canclini 1993:6162). Among the divers and artisans of southern Manab, Spondylus is a commodity. However, although Spondylus jewelry is now primarily manufactured for, and marketed to, tourists, Spondylus retains an important cultural value. As I have illustrated, Spondylus diving and craft production reenforce inhabitants connection to the past. Despite the fact that Spondylus has become highly commercialized through the sale of shells and jewelry, it remains one of the few tangible connections to the precolumbian past for the divers and artisans of Salango. Roberto Ascencio, a 25-year-old diver, spoke of the symbolism of Spondylus in the following way. Spondylus is a symbol of this place. . . . it represents something that is more than important for the people who live here in Salango. It represents our ancestors, our past, the history of this community. Spondylus has remained an indelible symbol of Ecuadors past and present. My research suggests that despite the dramatic changes that have occurred throughout coastal Ecuador over the past 5,000 years, Spondylus retains important symbolic and economic functions. Spondylus is an important symbol of Salangos precolumbian past and ethnographic present. Spondylus is a symbol, a symbol of our community. Salango is full of culture. The people who lived here thousands of years ago lived for Spondylus. It was very important. It was a symbol of the Inca Empire during that time and it is still an important symbol for the people of Salango. In actuality, Salango is one of the best known places for Spondylus in all of Ecuador if not all of the world (Mario Valdez, diver). My interviews with the divers and artisans of Salango illustrate the relevance of the past in the present. As I have illustrated throughout this paper, Spondylus was not only important for the precolumbian inhabitants of Salango, it is also important for the contemporary inhabitants. Just as Spondylus served signicant economic and symbolic functions for the precolumbian inhabitants of coastal Ecuador, it continues to be a prominent symbol of the region and its people. SPONDYLUS USE IN ECUADOR 48 JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH CONCLUDING REMARKS The use of Spondylus by the precolumbian inhabitants of coastal Ecuador has been thoroughly documented by archaeologists working throughout the region since the 1970s. However, ethnographic data pertaining to the contemporary use of Spondylus in coastal Ecuador is severely limited. My research in the coastal Ecuadorian community of Salango suggests that research into Spondylus should not be relegated to the examination of archaeological collections. Although far removed from its earliest uses by the precolumbian populations of coastal Ecuador, Spondylus retains a vital position within the current cultural landscape of coastal Ecuador. Corresponding to its precolumbian function in coastal Ecuador, Spondylus is economically important to the contemporary population of Salango. More signicantly, Spondylus is an essential symbol of community identity. As a material object Spondylus is one of the few tangible connections between coastal Ecuadors precolumbian past and its ethnographic present. In Ecuador, as in most Latin American countries, identity is highly contested. While questions pertaining to contemporary identities are generally the domain of cultural anthropologists, archaeologists have a great deal of evidence to add to this discussion. In many cases, the work of archaeologists does more than illuminate questions about the past. In the case study presented in this paper, archaeologists have done much to provide the contemporary population of Salango with a means of understanding their own identity. While the focus of this article is not the inuence of archaeologists in the construction of contemporary identities, it is important to note the way in which the archaeological record is used by the contemporary population of Salango to ground their cultural self- identity. As Smith (1991) suggests, contemporary identities that may appear to be newly formed cannot be separated from preexisting or rediscovered elements. In coastal Ecuador, the reinvention of tradition has helped to form a basis for grounding local identity in the past. Future research into the construction of localized identities should consider the relationships among history, economic practice, and identity. Whereas archaeology and ethnography are all too often viewed as separate elds of enquiry, this article illustrates the potential for ethnographers to use archaeological data in order to answer questions about the present. NOTES 1. All interviews were conducted in Spanish. All translations are my own. This revised version benetted from the comments of three anonymous JAR reviewers. I would like to thank Dr. Michael Harris, Dr. Patrick Gay, Dr. Richard Lunniss, and Valentina Martnez for their ongoing assistance in the eld. 2. In 2004 the comuna of Salango gained ofcial status as an indigenous community. Salango joined more than 300 other communities in Manab and Guayas provinces as Un Pueblo Manta-Huancavilca. In July 2006, the comunas of Salango, Agua Blanca, Las Tunas, and Ayampe separated from the Manta-Huancavilca and formed their own indigenous organization, known as the Pueblo Manta. 49 3. Spondylus meat is a highly valued local delicacy that is served at regional restaurants. It is marketed to clients as the food of the gods because of its precolumbian ceremonial function. 4. In total, Don Felix has trained both of his sons and ve of his nephews. Don Felixs sons and nephews are well-respected divers who have worked as professional divers in Salango as well the Galapagos. REFERENCES CITED Blower, David. 1995. The quest for mullu: Concepts, trade, and the archaeological distribution of Spondylus in the Andes. M.A. Thesis. Peterborough, Ontario: Trent University. Bonl Batalla, Guillermo. 1989. 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