2002 Kluwer Law International. Printed in the Netherlands.
61 A STRUGGLE TO INQUIRE WITHOUT BECOMING AN UN-CRITICAL NON-CRIMINOLOGIST HAL PEPINSKY Indiana University Abstract. This article explores effects that getting to know those involved in child custody struggles over allegations of sexual abuse, and survivors of ritual abuse and mind control (RA/MC), have had on the development of my own theory of how to make peace in the face of violence on the one hand and on how I am received professionally on the other. The discussion provides background of how I came to be involved with these survivors and why I infer that I am considered deviant for listening to them while other criminologists focus on generating knowledge based on people they hardly know. I conclude by reecting on some insights for peacemaking criminology gained from RA/MC survivors who have built trusting, trustworthy lives with partners and friends, and who offer lessons on what it takes to move away from sadism and toward compassion to transform a culture into greater community and less violence. Many critical criminologists have suffered professional dismissal because much of what they learned about criminal justice came from prisoners and ex-prisoners. From tenure decisions to what gets accepted for publication, the lower the status of the informants, the lower the signicance of the work in many collegial and professional eyes. People are evaluated by those with whom they stand. The low status of criminal law in the legal profession and the low status of criminology in status-conscious sociology departments are products of associating researchers and practitioners with the status of their primary informants and of their clients. Currently, the informants with whom I work have marginalized me even among critical criminologists, yet the serious victimization they suffered makes me hard pressed to remain silent. My recent work, which some see as non-criminological, involves survivors like Jeanette Westbrook (read her narrative at www.mindcontrolforums.com/radio/ckln12.htm). Shortly after she was married, she was sitting in the bedroom with her husband, and he simply placed his hand on my leg, and on my knee and I had a ashback, and I started breaking things. I was full of rage (Pepinsky 1998b). She realized not just that she needed help, but that parts of me through the years had gone to other therapists trying to get help without my knowledge and that they were going to a therapist and talking about incest (Pepinsky 1998b). 62 HAL PEPINSKY Jeanette got a state attorney general (in Kentucky) to prosecute her father on three counts of rape decades after the events (a precursor to cases now as against Catholic priests). That prosecution depended on nding three police investigators who believed her, including what her alter personalities told police, when Jeanettes core self as yet had no conscious memory of what the alters had experienced. Jeanette herself did much of the investigative legwork, such as getting school records showing that when parts of her recalled having been nearly killed by torture, she was indeed absent. Her police friends got her sister to tape a phone call to their father in which he acknowledged having raped the sister too. As authorities sought to have him extradited from his new home in Ohio, her father suddenly died. His personal physician certied that the death was of natural causes, but there was no autopsy for a sudden death of someone under felony extradition. I have talked with police ofcers who believed Jeanettes story. Like me, they believe that she was raped thousands of times, was tortured in other ways like being buried, hung upside down, and caged to watch human sacrice. She wrote on a tee shirt displayed in the Kentucky statehouse rotunda, that she was, forced to kill and even eat human victims. As she tells it, her father led a cult that involved other prominent members of their community she recog- nized. For all this, her accomplishment was to obtain prosecution of her father for three counts of rape. She agreed with ofcials that mentioning anything about ritual abuse would sound so bizarre as to defeat the prosecution. Keep it simple stick to one or two or three mundane felonies. I have known and befriended Jeanette since the spring of 1994, when she rst came to a class of mine. We were thereafter on the program of a pair of survivor conferences together. She has presented workshops at the Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences and Association for Humanist Sociology meet- ings. I believe far more of her story than that she was merely raped several times by her father. I have seen physical scars on her ankles and abdomen. As one child advocate has told me and my students, if you believe any of these ritual abuse stories, it will change your life. Violence that includes organized serial murder is impossible for me, as a criminologist, to walk away from. Moreover, I have learned a tremendous amount about violence and healing from the survivors who have come to me (see also http://members.aol.com/smartnews/hp99.html). In a world of much violence we cannot stop, survivors like Jeanette teach me how we nonetheless may manage to gain community, trust and safety in the face of that violence. When Nils Christie was among professional friends warning me against making too much out of unsubstantiated stories of childhood violence, I was bewildered. I could not understand what was wrong with me or why I believed things some of my best professional friends told me AN UN-CRITICAL NON-CRIMINOLOGIST 63 were dangerous. Over time, I have reached the conclusion that I am no more gullible than criminologists who believe they know when crime is increasing or decreasing (see Living Criminologically With Naked Emperors, www.critcrim.org/critpapers/pepinsky-book1.htm); but my own efforts to build a theory of how peace gets made in the face of personal and structural violence are largely professionally overshadowed by the conclu- sion in the criminological mainstream that ritual abuse and mind control are practically non-existent. This article explores the issues raised by my involvement with people I now regard as my primary research informants: those I believe to be survivors of so-called intergenerational ritual abuse, and among them, those who were adopted out into government-sponsored programming and experimentation in mind control. When I became involved in friendship with those I believe to have survived ritual abuse, and then mind control, I sensed I had crossed a line even among critical criminologists. Prisoners were acceptable friends and informants, but purported survivors of forced cannibalism were not. I had already been fully predisposed to accept ndings of researchers on white- collar crime and state crime, that rich and powerful people kill and steal more than all our prisoners put together. The rst part of this discussion provides some background on how I became involved with survivors of ritual abuse and what types of experiences they relate. In the next section, I weigh the validity of data from informants researchers never meet against the validity of data I gather from victims and survivors of what I believe to be genuine, routine sexual assault and worse. The third section sketches out some of the important points for critical crim- inology and peacemaking in the face of extreme, even unthinkable, violence. This discussion will probably raise more questions than it answers. When I refer to ritual abuse and mind control survivors here, I will not describe their stories at length. Instead, I refer the reader to web-sites where he or she can evaluate the testimony, such as http://www.aches-mc.org and on http://members.aol.com/SMARTNEWS/index2.html. This is in keeping with what feminists refer to as the narrative method. Many of the points raised here are discussed in more length in Pepinsky (2001) freely available on the internet which continues my work of bringing the least heard, most violated voices into the social conversation to promote making peace rather than spreading violence and fear. As always, I welcome comments and feedback. 64 HAL PEPINSKY Background and History During a controversy about whether Criminology was fairly representing radical criminology, I contributed a chapter, A Radical Alternative to Radical Criminology (Pepinsky 1980a) to a special issue of the journal. The Latin meaning of radical is root, meaning to me as a scholar that I am committed to getting to the root of whatever social problem I am trying to understand. The test of whether I was truly radical would be whether my work was radically different from that of every other criminologist unique because the personal social data I brought to bear were also unique. Maybe it is karmic. I sought recognition as a radical and hence unique criminologist. At the time, I took for granted that I was an accepted member of the community of criminologists who were radical, later critical. Then I crossed the line. Looking back, it is almost as though some spirit with a sense of irony kept sending me people who in the criminological and sociological mainstream were deemed farther and farther out. If I am ready to listen to voices of people from supposedly disreputable groups, people will come into my life who will tell me things I need to know. One of my academic heroes, the late Leslie Wilkins, used to send his research methods doctoral students out to nd serendipity. This is of course like a Zen koan or riddle. The way out of the paradox is to recognize that it is ones receptivity to hearing discredited stories that creates a reputation or aura in which people come forward to volunteer their experience. Many people have grievances that they are ashamed or afraid to share for fear that they will be dismissed or punished for doing so. As word gets out, person to person, that a certain person will listen and entertain a grievance people are drawn to them. People come to me and I am invited to conferences to meet and hear other survivors. This process has been enhanced in my case once people learn that I have legal training and have been involved in advocacy. A fundamental proposition of my theory of how to make peace is seeking to bring unheard, silenced, oppressed, and discredited voices into ones own discourse; the complaints of those who have been most discredited and silenced are those one most needs to elicit, hear, and respond to rst (Pepinsky 1998b, 2000a). As a student public defender in law school and then as a graduate student in sociology, I did not have this theory. I did have an acute sense of personal ignorance. I was a relatively sheltered and privileged white man, and I felt a need to know the offenders and victims who played such a prominent role in criminological literature. As a career, and now as a theoretically grounded choice, I choose to live with and learn from offenders and victims who are more talked about than heard themselves. AN UN-CRITICAL NON-CRIMINOLOGIST 65 For nearly a decade, I have been involved in what feminists call narrative accounts of adult caretakers violence against children. In the fall of 1992 protective parents (those asking in custody cases that their children be protected from abuse) introduced me and my students to incest, up to and including ritual abuse and mind control programming and experimentation. Roughly speaking, ritual abuse refers to overtly religious or anti-religious rites that are carried out in private gatherings, including by people who might feel that killing and eating human esh is a holier form of communion than drinking wine and eating a our wafer. Mind control refers to building on many of the same techniques, including the pretense of religious ritual, by government agents in hopes of training so-called Manchurian candidates, for covert work in sex traps, for carrying secret information, for carrying contraband, or for political murder. What ritual abuse and mind control survivors have in common is that they all grew up being routinely raped, tortured, and occasionally were forced to kill and eat people in organized in groups often led by their own parents. They survived in key part because of what survivor Jeanette Westbrook calls multiple personality defense systems, known in the last two Diagnostic and Statistical Manuals of the American Psychiatric Association respectively as Multiple Personality Disorder (MPD) and Dissociative Identity Disorder (DID). Those with DID tell me that, unlike schizophrenics, the voices that they hear are inside themselves rather than outside as in the recent book and movie, A Beautiful Mind. In many cases, because of their ability to split and compartmentalize aspects of their lives (so that Jeanette still cannot consciously remember entire years of her childhood), ritual abuse survivors report having been in effect adopted over to government-centered experiments in training spies and covert agents. A settlement by the CIA for $750,000 to nine survivors of experiments they funded in Canada (see www.aches-mc.org) and surviving U.S. government documents indicate such experimentation under U.S. government auspices goes back at least to World War II. In one way or another, I have known scores of survivors of prolonged, extreme emotional and physical torture, apparently aimed toward raising children to become adult servants of someone elses political, economic, or social agenda in adulthood. From my theoretical point of view, this buried betrayal trauma (Freyd 1996, whose parents founded the False Memory Syndrome Foundation) is that which makes people feel most unsafe and isolated at a personal level, and which leads to projection and displacement of the personal violence experience onto the publicly identied criminal element, such as young men of color wearing colors on inner city street corners (Pepinsky 2000a, 2000c). That is, the violence that most directly 66 HAL PEPINSKY underlies public support for wars on crime is the violence least likely to appear in ofcial or criminological statistics and cases. Methodological Issues: Data and Reliability In 1986, criminologists at the University of Oslo, Norway, critiqued an article in a U.S. research journal, reporting results of a survey of intro- ductory psychology students. The criminologists echoed how unscientic (uvitenskapelig) the study was because the researchers knew none of their informants, and hence had no idea what they meant by their responses. The Norwegian word for science connotes witness, and the Greek empirical means born of experience. Criminologists in the U.S. mainstream stay focused on talking about people they scarcely know, and make me deviant for learning from my informants. As a criminologist, the only primary data collection opportunities I have to trace the dynamics of violence and of peacemaking transcendence of violence is from people with whom I establish personal trust, developing friendships which at least in some respects are deeply intimate. Ironically, the stories from which I learn in this work are dismissed as anecdotal evidence in work I attempt to publish. Perhaps it is a liability in the United States today to accept personal responsibility for bearing witness to testimonies of grievance. To me, in the journey of life (Quinney 1991, 1998), there is no greater responsibility than to make what one will of evidence of suffering one hears and feels in everyday life (Quinney 1991), and to account for the conclusions one draws therefrom. Criminologists in highly regarded studies routinely accept research ndings enumerating offenses, offenders, and victims at face value, despite the fact that the ndings are derived from data provided by people the researchers never know, whose documentation they have not seen. I want to get acquainted with storytellers and see and hear corroboration before I decide to code their stories as essentially real. When I contrast the care I take to evaluate whether to use or cite or believe any single informants story to the ease with which crime and criminality counters draw inferences from informants whom they have never met, I feel as though I am in closer touch with human reality by far than they. It takes personal trust and time for people to reveal this kind of victimization, often because they tried as children to ask for help and were ignored, dismissed or disbelieved, and even punished for trying to tell what happened. Chances are slim, when a stranger shows up asking about personal victimization that the most profound personal victimization especially will be reported. Crimes that are named or confessed on self-reports are those which are most publicly acceptable to name. AN UN-CRITICAL NON-CRIMINOLOGIST 67 In my classes, I bring those I believe to be survivors and supporters of genuine victims of ritual abuse and mind control. I tell class members that, as a professor, I am bringing them people whose stories I believe. I tell class members that I am in a minority for listening to and believing the stories. The weight of academic and legal opinion is that none of these stories in particular is to be believed. In one class, an associate instructor has done the class a great favor by lecturing on why he disbelieves the storytellers. I cannot and indeed do not want to tell class members what to believe. I want them and the readers of this article to decide why you believe and disbelieve what you do. My faith is that your ndings are worthier of trust when you hear evidence as close to rsthand as you can for yourself, and do not let experts, including me, tell you what is happening, as you hear people who are spoken about speak for themselves. My method is inductive. Survivors had come to me. In virtually all cases, I believe from the stories I hear that the tellers had been severely violated in childhood. In some cases, including people eager to volunteer to appear in my classes, I have also inferred that the storytellers are confused or delusional about what has been done to them. When asked in class, I try to explain why I accept certain evidence of validity of stories. For instance, I trust stories that change with retelling and discovery, without changing or contradicting earlier stories. I look for and am offered corroboration, photographs, school records, physical scars, or descriptions of places survivors otherwise could not have described. My experience is that there is a lot of lies and denial in all manner of stories people tell one another. It is vital to the safety and peace that people learn to discern what to believe and what to reject. I believe that I have been deceived and lied to by many people in all walks of life, and that I have been amply insensitive and (self-)deceiving in return. The problem is that separating fact from ction is no more acute among self-reported child abuse victims and survivors than elsewhere in daily life. I think I am becoming less gullible as time passes, not more. I am also moved to caution by recognition that I love my work and I do not want to lose my job or get sued. I recognize that the people I invite into class are profoundly, even person- ally, disquieting to many in the student audience. As my peacemaking theory prescribes, I feel safer having angry dissenters protest against the class material I offer than at commanding obedience to mastering my own social truths for a grade (Pepinsky 2000b, 1998a). I gure that I owe my students and my colleagues a chance to second-guess my judgment. That is why I continue to bring the most controversial survivors, whose stories I do believe, to my classes and to conferences. 68 HAL PEPINSKY Survivors Contributions to a Theory of Peacemaking A more fundamental challenge I have received throughout my academic career is that perhaps, interesting as I might be, I dont know what theory means to most people who use the term. I will settle for dening theory as nothing other than social signicance. I do not feel I should control what peacemaking criminology means to others; but in my own case, peacemaking is an evolving theory of how to make peace in the face of violence and denial. Thanks primarily to survivors of child custody struggles and of ritual abuse and mind control whom I have met over the past few years, I have elaborated that theory. I am encouraged to go on primarily by the validation survivors and activists give me, that what I propose makes sense to them. They raise my awareness of my own dissociation and of what it means to become conscious of the trauma left by ones past. The survivors who build trusting, trustworthy lives with partners and friends, offer lessons on what it takes for any of us to move away from sadism toward compassion to transform a culture into more community and less violence. Those multiples who have broken free of violence and established safe, fullling, enduring partnerships show me how to make peace without despairing over a belief that the depth and breadth of personal violence runs beyond what most people acknowledge. The courage and support the most tortured survivors are able to achieve in their own daily relations are a phenomenal transformation of intergenerational cycles of violence. If this theory holds, this is how political cultures are changed over time. I further propose that as peace gets made globally, if humanity survives long enough, the last underclass to gain emancipation will be children. I have seen colleagues tune out when I begin to describe survivors as primary sources for understanding what makes people violent, what traps people in recurrent victimization (as in why women leave womens shelters so often to return to their batterers), and of transcendence from violence into communities of safe, trustworthy relations. Survivors of ritual abuse and mind control, as of custody disputes, teach me much about the nature of violence and the making of peace. I could perhaps pretend that whatever insight I have came from a safer source, but I will not. This section summarizes some of the insights I have had for peacemaking criminology while being in this community of survivors, a longer version of which is (Pepinsky 2001). With time, the central propositions of my theory of peacemaking become simpler. Peace is made as people become safer and more able to let down their guard with one another. Peacemaking is a process of mediating violence rather than ghting people who are violent. Mediation entails embracing conict recognizing the voices of victims of the most deeply hidden violence among us and offering empathic support rather than command- AN UN-CRITICAL NON-CRIMINOLOGIST 69 and-obedience when the most vulnerable victims tell their stories. In place of law and order, I propose that what truly distinguishes whether people, born into a violent world, become safer through one friendship in daily life or globally in political and economic life, is whether at any social level power over others gets transformed into participatory democracy. A good paradigm for criminology would be that this democratization against the exercise of power over others replaces crime and criminality as our dependent vari- able (see the conclusion of www.critcrim.org/critpapers/pepinsky-book1.htm, Living Criminologically With Naked Emperors). The theoretical bottom line to me is that commanding obedience may temporarily stop violence but cannot leave parties safer together without attendant exchange of empathy. At the micro-level, people only become safer through giving and receiving empathy, especially when they are desperate to keep children from being hurt, or desperate as children trying to complain about what hurts and terries them who get legally discredited. When people instead command obedience, even when we get compliance, master and servant are left warier of one another (Pepinsky 2001). In a warmaking perspective, one commonly begins by specifying what others must do to make things right. When peace is being made, as I see the contrast, the rst question becomes: What shall I myself do next? In my experience in the face of personal and structural violence, the best defense is to identify those you most want to support, and to nd one other person at a time who believes you have legitimate concerns. As the community of personal support grows, people at least gain conviction that they are not crazy, that something crazy is happening to them. As rape crisis counselors have come to label it, people become survivors and cease being victims once they determine that they do not deserve the violence they have suffered, nor guilt for failing to stop continuing violence on those they know. Among survivors around me, I nd that transformation to survivorship rests on nding safe, open, honest relations with family memberships of choice, including freedom of association and privacy among members of families of origin. I am actually fairly optimistic at the global proliferation of communities of shelter and support particularly for battered women and children, in an era I label one of ultimate nomadry (in www.critcrim.org/critpapers/pepinsky-book6.htm, a chapter on Educating For Peace). In the classroom and in my research, I now attach considerable signi- cance to shifting criminology from being offender centered and toward a balance of attention to being victim/survivor centered. I envision that had I happened on a hit-and-run accident before I met survivors of childhood violence, I might have once sought to chase the driver, but would not pause to see how I could help and support the victim. Now I would stop and check 70 HAL PEPINSKY on the victim, and ignore the driver unless and until the victim asked for help in giving chase. All those who have told me and others about childhood victimization have helped me dene my methods of inquiry and teaching. The problem is one of literatyranny (Pepinsky 1998b; http://www.critcrim.org/critpapers/ pepinsky-book5.htm) literally the tyranny of written over oral words. As I got into criminology and came to believe that the main criminological phenomenon was the criminal, I spontaneously began to ask prisoners to tell me what prison was like to them. On the whole, I have found what they report to be more credible and meaningful than what I read in books by people who show no sign of ever having met a prisoner. Here, as with survivors talking about childhood violence, I learn much more from people who are written about than from the people who are doing the writing. My students feel the same. Time and again in my classes, I hear, roughly, I have learned more in this than any other class because I got to talk with real people. Just before I began meeting survivors and their advocates, I concluded that children are the ultimate underclass (Pepinsky 1994). Their victimization is compounded by violence of race, class, and gender. Theoretically, nothing is more vital to progress away from personal and structural violence, including wars on crime, than to recognize the fact that the ultimate underclass childhood is the one to which everyone has belonged. Adulthood is an opportunity for political revolution against being oppressed, toward becoming the oppressor. The opportunity is to empathize with the history of oppression, and so extend compassion and validation to children, so our children do not have to grow up as repressed and oppressed as we did. Trust comes hard even in families and with intimates. In a violent world, everyone grows up small, vulnerable, victimized, and wary in everyday life. Another word for wary, to be plain, is fear. A part of each of us lives in fear. When a demagogue tells us that we have reason to be fearful and angry, that what goes wrong is not our fault, and that they we belong to an important surrogate family when we go after this or that enemy, we are vulnerable and susceptible to calls for national security and attendant idolatry. Surviving the considerable emotional and physical sadism of childhood predisposes us to follow father-gures to war in hopes of protection. Those who have survived by creating multiple personalities have taught me a lot about dissociation that we all share. Their reports have shown me that in all of us, dissociation on our insides amounts on our outsides to denial among those who abuse us or who refuse to believe that we have issues worth hearing. Multiple friends have helped me recognize how much trauma we onesies have also buriedtried to get out and get past and forget. I have come to recognize in myself, and I propose it to be for all of us in a violent AN UN-CRITICAL NON-CRIMINOLOGIST 71 world, that dissociation is what scares us into denial of how we ourselves affect others, and also scares us out of weighing evidence we are offered from powerful sources as independently and critically as we weigh evidence from political underdogs, notably from children and from our enemies. Conclusion Is there a satanic panic (Richardson et al. 1991)? Toward the end of the review of evidence for and against ritual abuse and mind control claims I have described in my class, I have asked how many in the class had heard any story like the ones survivors and advocates had presented in class. Rarely does a hand go up. There is no satanic panic. Moreover, the stories of extreme violence I hear and share are not necessarily satanic: they can have virtually any religious or pagan liturgy you can imagine. There is no panic about an erroneously identied enemy. I accept that as a criminologist, I am most deeply touched by the most grotesque crimes. When I speak of peacemaking, I am used to hearing some- thing like, But what do we do with serial killers? I believe the answer is that for the most part, we do nothing, and ostracize survivors, especially when serial killing is organized and intergenerational. That is a conclusion that this privileged and sheltered white man has reached after listening to stories of victimization. In one sense, I feel tremendously professionally isolated out there by myself. In another, I have come to share deep trust and friendship with informants who have more reason to distrust and to remain isolated than I had ever imagined possible, not only because of the pain and fear they have endured, but because their violators were originally their nearest and socially dearest human relations. Among the kinds of shame they work to resolve is that of having loved ones primary torturer. Among prisoners, too, there is a way I can open up, be more honest and direct, and receive genuine validation and support, that is so much easier than in circles in pretending normalcy and success. In my peacemaking terms, making peace means being able to let down ones guard in social relations. Among survivors, I tend to be relaxed and open. Survivors teach me more than anyone else what cultivating community takes. When my students acknowledge feeling that the risk of radical social change is too hard to embrace, I acknowledge feeling that in my life I would rather not risk forsaking genuine community and friendship when I nd it, regardless of what it does to some other reputation of mine. I have survived academically on my own radical path. I nally struggled through and got tenure at my third university job, even before I started listening to children 72 HAL PEPINSKY and adults reporting about their childhood. It was a struggle to get my nal promotion at that university the second time around. In any case in which I become involved, let alone in reporting a research datum, I feel at once most enlightened by marginal voices and cautious about weighing evidence in support of and in rejection of their stories. I do not regret having listened and learned where fresh experience and knowledge has come to me. Do I have a theory worth examining, or am I myself a victim of a mass social delusion? I was well advised some years back that I cannot, and should not try, to prove what I believe to anyone else. But in fairness, I must ask my colleagues how they know whether their informants are reporting reality when they report crime, criminality or violence. I trust my informants image of violence and healing more than I trust scholarly consensus on the shape and progress of wars on crime. Acknowledgements My thanks go to Paul Leighton especially for his willingness to engage this work, and for making cogent editorial suggestions and adjustments. References Daly, B. (1998). Authoring a Life: A Womans Survival In and Through Literary Studies. Albany: State University of New York Press. Freyd, J. (1996). Betrayal Trauma: The Logic of Forgetting Childhood Abuse. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Pepinsky, H. (1980a). A radical alternative to radical criminology. In J.A. Inciardi (ed.), Radical Criminology: The Coming Crises. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications, pp. 299 315. Pepinsky, H. (1980b). Crime Control Strategies: An Introduction to the Study of Crime. New York: Oxford University Press. Pepinsky, H. (1987). Explaining police-recorded trends in crime in Shefeld. Contemporary Crises 11(1), 5973. Pepinsky, H. (1991). The Geometry of Violence and Democracy. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Pepinsky, H. (1994). Penal abolition as a human birthright. Humanity and Society 18(4), 19 34. Pepinsky, H. (1998a). Empathy works, obedience doesnt. Criminal Justice Policy Review 9(2), 141167. Pepinsky, H. (1998b). Transcending literatyranny. Contemporary Justice Review 1(2), 189 212. Pepinsky, H. (2000a). Cultivating community in conversational circles. Contemporary Justice Review 3(2), 175186. Pepinsky, H. (2000b). Educating for peace. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 567, 158170. AN UN-CRITICAL NON-CRIMINOLOGIST 73 Pepinsky, H. (2000c). Living criminologically with naked emperors. Criminal Justice Policy Review 11(1), 614. Pepinsky H. (2001). A Criminologists Quest For Peace. http://www.critcrim.org/critpapers/ pepinsky-book.htm Pepinsky, H. and Jesilow, P. (1992). Myths That Cause Crime, 3rd edn. Santa Ana, CA: Seven Locks Press. Pepinsky, H. and Quinney, R. (eds.) (1991). Criminology as Peacemaking. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Quinney, R. (1991). The way of peace: On crime, suffering, and service. In H. Pepinsky and R. Quinney (eds.), Criminology as Peacemaking. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, pp. 313. Quinney, R. (1998). For the Time Being. Albany: State University of New York Press. Richardson, J.T., Best, J., and Bromley, D.G. (eds.) (1991). The Satanism Scare. New York: A. de Gruyter. Rosen, L. and Etlin, M. (1996). The Hostage Child: Sex Abuse Allegations in Custody Disputes. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Elizabeth Morgan, M.D. v. Eric A. Foretich Vincent Foretich Doris Foretich, Hilary Foretich, an Infant Who Sues Through Her Mother and Next Friend, Elizabeth Morgan, M.D. v. Eric A. Foretich Vincent Foretich Doris Foretich, Elizabeth Morgan, M.D. v. Eric A. Foretich Vincent Foretich Doris Foretich, Hilary Foretich, an Infant Who Sues Through Her Mother and Next Friend, Elizabeth Morgan, M.D. v. Eric A. Foretich Vincent Foretich Doris Foretich, 846 F.2d 941, 4th Cir. (1988)