Myanmar media: Coming home from exile

Social media and e-engagement:

The Singapore case
Covering racial political issues in
Malaysia: The effect of news frames
on readers thoughts
When news becomes entertainment:
Representations of corruption in Indonesias
media and the implication of scandal
Job satisfaction of journalists:
Professional aspirations, newsroom
culture and social context
2013 ~ VOLUME 40 NUMBER 1
Asian Media Information
and Communication Centre
MEDIA
ASIA
10 YEARS AFTER SARS
Have health communicators
learnt the lessons?
Asian Media Information and
Communication Centre (AMIC)
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VOLUME 40 NUMBER 1 2013
MIC (P) No: 158/03/2013
ISSN 01296612
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1 10 YEARS AFTER SARS
MEDIA
ASIA
CONTENTS
REPORTAGE
4 10 years after SARS: Have health communicators learnt the
lessons?
INSIGHTS
11 Myanmar media: Coming home from exile
14 Journalism education: In defence of tradition
16 Open government data should increase accountability
NOTEWORTHY
19 Books reviews
CASEFILE
21 Social media and e-engagement: Te Singapore case
27 From fashion to the hereafter: Indonesias Republika, a
modern Islamic newspaper
RESEARCH
34 Covering racial political issues in Malaysia:
Te eect of news frames on readers thoughts
47 Online SNS usage patterns of undergraduate students in
private universities of Dhaka, Bangladesh
60 When news becomes entertainment: Representations of
corruption in Indonesias media and the implication of
scandal
73 Job satisfaction of journalists: Professional aspirations,
newsroom culture and social context
85 Environmental communication in India: Lessons from Orissa
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
Cherian George
EDITOR FOR RESEARCH
Sundeep R. Muppidi
ASSOCIATE EDITOR
Rachel E. Khan
COPY EDITOR
Suruchi Mazumdar
On the cover: Indonesian villagers
receiving information about avian
infuenza, as part of a World Health
Organization campaign in 2007.
Photo by Jonathan Perugia, WHO.
2 EDITORIAL
MEDIA
ASIA
EDITORIAL
S
ince 1974, Media Asia has helped to fulfil AMICs mission of
nurturing and promoting research and dialogue on media and
communication in the region. Entering our fortieth year, Me-
dia Asia remains focussed on this role. But, starting with this issue, we
will be approaching it in a whole new way.
The most obvious change is in our physical format. Weve aban-
doned our old A4 size for this new compact package. Our new dimen-
sions mirror AMICs other journal, the Asian Journal of Communica-
tion, to emphasise the complementary roles that we play.
It is between the covers that youll find the most significant
changes. The core of this journal will remain: In each issue, we will
still publish several original scholarly research articles blind-refereed
by experts in the field. Media Asias Research section leans towards
empirical studies with a fairly direct impact on practical challenges in
Asian media and communication. In line with this continuity, Sundeep
Muppidi remains in charge of our research section.
In addition, the new Media Asia contains substantial new sec-
tions highlighting current ideas, trends and concerns. Each issue
starts with in-depth, journalistic reportage, a feature article analysing
a major topic of contemporary interest. In our insights pages, authori-
tative thinkers and leading practitioners share their opinions on key
issues. There is also a section highlighting noteworthy works. Here,
well review not only books but also relevant online reports, documen-
tary films and other resources that merit your attention.
We are also excited about our new casefile section. Despite the
huge growth of Asian media and communication activities and edu-
cation, there is a crying need for well-written, easily accessible Asian
case studies to use in teaching and research. Media Asia will do its
part to help fill the gap.
Welcome to the new
Media Asia
3 EDITORIAL
All these changes are guided by our assessment of the strengths
and limitations of conventional academic journals. Most journals are
dedicated to showcasing the fruits of scholarly work, in the form of
peer-reviewed research articles. But, this is only one part of the life cy-
cle of scholarly inquiry. Before new findings are ready for harvesting,
the soil has to be tilled and seeded with the right questions. And, after
research is published, we need to take stock of how new knowledge is
being used on the ground.
Wed like to think of the new Media Asia as contributing to this
wider ecosystem. We aim to serve readers who want to harness reli-
able research and credible, critical insights in order to address con-
temporary media and communication challenges in Asia. We want
to connect researchers, educators, students, practitioners and policy-
makers, by publishing not only the new findings contained in research
articles, but also signposting new directions for research and flagging
pertinent questions.
Of course, we will be only as good as the contributions we receive.
Please consider Media Asia as an outlet for your research, following
the submission guidelines on page 96. If you are interested in con-
tributing to our other sectionsInsights, Casefile and Noteworthy
please refer to www.mediaasia.info for more details.
Thank you.
Cherian George
Chief Editor, Media Asia
4 REPORTAGE
MEDIA
ASIA
REPORTAGE
10 years after SARS:
Have health communicators
learnt the lessons?
Margaret Chan, Director-General of the World Health Organization, addresses the media with United Nations Secretary-
General Ban Ki-Moon. Chan identifed information and knowledge as one of her priority areas when she took the post in
2007. As Director of Health in Hong Kong, she had been at the forefront of the battle against SARS. United Nations photo
Governments are still
trying to strike the
right balance between
overcommunicating and
undercommunicating.
RACHEL E. KHAN
reports.
MEDIA ASIA
Vol. 40 No. 1, March 2013, pp. 410
T
HE SARS pandemic of 2003 left an indelible mark on the
field of health communication. As the mystery scourge
swept the world with frightening speed, it became painfully
obvious that the old approaches to health education were not ad-
equate for a threat as complex and free-flowing as globalisation itself.
There was a lot of confusion in many countries, recalls Thomas
Abraham of the University of Hong Kong. Abraham serves as direc-
tor of the Journalism and Media Studies Centres Public Health Me-
dia Programmeitself a post-SARS initiative. Pre-SARS, there were
no guidelines about what to tell the public and what not to.
5 10 YEARS AFTER SARS
One can only speculate how many lives might have been saved
if the risk had been communicated the public more swiftly and ef-
fectively. Between November 2002 and July 2003, the World Health
Organization estimate of the global death toll was 775. SARS cases
were around 8,000, with most casualties in China, Hong Kong, Viet-
nam, Singapore and Canada. China, accustomed to concealing mass
deaths, instinctively went into denial mode before it finally acknowl-
edged the problem.
But it was not only the secretive regimes that found it tough to
cope with this new kind of enemy. Health communication as a field
was unprepared. Until then, it had focused primarily on long-term
campaigns aimed at promoting healthy living and educating the
public about such dangers as alcohol and tobacco, notes health com-
munication researcher May O. Lwin of Nanyang Technological Uni-
versitys Wee Kim Wee School of Communication and Information.
As for communicable diseases, health communication took the
form of standard warnings. If you go to such and such country, you
are warned to get inoculated against cholera, Lwin notes by way of
example. In this era, health communication theories were geared
mainly towards the challenge of fostering attitudinal changes over
time rather than prompting immediate action. With SARS, the tim-
ing for public reaction was immediate and not long-term. We havent
had that kind of epidemic in at least 30 to 40 years so public health
authorities did not have a ready health communication model to deal
with it, she says.
To fill this need, health communication professionals and theo-
rists eventually reached out to risk communication, a field concerned
with how authorities transmit correct information to the public in a
timely, clear, transparent and coordinated way in order to instil and
maintain public trust and cooperation. Because SARS had the im-
mediacy of an earthquake or a disaster, it became almost natural that
they turned to risk communication models for the answer, notes
Lwin in an interview with Media Asia.
On a smaller scale, Hong Kong SAR established a Centre for
Health Protection in 2004 as a response to the SARS epidemic, which
had hit the region hard. The centres mission is to achieve effective
prevention and control of diseases in Hong Kong in collaboration
with major local and international stakeholders. Apart from the
medical and scientific research programmes, the centre also has a
Risk Communication Advisory Group tasked to formulate risk com-
munication strategies and strengthen the communication networks
between government and the public should the threat of new ill-
nesses arise.
6 REPORTAGE
SARS and Health Communication
Lee Wilkins of the University of Missouri refers to a signal event
as one that sends a signal through a culture, producing change in
institutions as well as public perception.
1
The 1986 Chernobyl nu-
clear power plant accident served as a signal event for nuclear power
policy and the need for transparency in reporting. SARS was health
communications Chernobyl. David Dickson of SciDev.Net noted,
Like Chernobyl, it has become increasingly clear that efforts [of the
Chinese government] to calm public fears by understating the mag-
nitude of a potential health crisis have backfired. This tactic has also
undermined the credibility of the government.
2
University of London professor Sanjay Sharma was in Beijing
at the height of the pandemic and witnessed the government finally
come clean. On 20 April 2003, Vice Minister Gao Qiang admitted
that there were more SARS cases and SARS-related deaths than
previously acknowledged by government. Declaring SARS to be an
enemy of the people, a press statement by the ruling party said, To
the broad masses of people, accurate and timely information is also a
good way to mobilise them to be more conscious of the disease. Panic
stops when the public is fully informed.
3
Health ofcers in Timor-Leste responding to the H1N1 infuenza virus in 2009. United Nations photo
7 10 YEARS AFTER SARS
As a result of that unprecedented press conference, Chinese
media were given greater liberty in reporting about SARS. Sun Yu,
a 1999 Nieman Fellow and currently Fortune China editor, said that
SARS had also given a unique opportunity to Chinas emerging in-
dependent media to gain popularity and peoples trust. At the same
time, the local English-language media became the window for the
outside world to understand China.
4
For its part, the World Health Organization (WHO) bolstered
efforts of private and public monitoring bodies in 2007, when it re-
leased a new set of International Health Regulations (IHR) that re-
quired countries to be transparent about outbreaks and to report dis-
eases immediately to the agency. Isabelle Nuttall, director of WHOs
IHR department, said that better communication and coordination
had made the organisation better equipped to handle new diseases.
We are much better organized
and weve learnt over the years,
she told New York-based Na-
tional Public Radio (NPR) in a
recent interview.
Some countries, such as
Singapore, chose to be transpar-
ent and cautious from the onset
of the SARS. Thus, Singapore
became a model for risk or out-
break communication because
of it. Singapore was praised by
the World Health Organization,
the American Chamber of Commerce, and even habitual critics like
theWall Street Journalfor coping well with SARS, noted US risk
communication expert Peter Sandman.
5
Prof. Leo Yee Sin, Director
of Tan Tock Seng Hospitals Communicable Disease Centre Clinical,
was not surprised. She told Media Asia that the open, accurate and
real-time communication and information helped their medical team
address the SARS crisis even as her hospital was the designated SARS
centre.
K. U. Menon of Singapores information ministry said that Sin-
gapores compact size gave it an advantage. Being a city-state, it did
not have to contend with federal-state relations and rural-urban
divides, or watch over numerous ports of entry. Perhaps more than
many other countries, every conceivable communication tool was
employed and finely calibrated to reach out to the maximum number
of people and this was achieved by a blitzkrieg of efforts by a host of
agencies working together, and at times separately, he added. In fact,
the Singapore government went to the extent of establishing a SARS-
FURTHER READING
Abraham, Thomas (2005). Twenty-first century plague: The story of
SARS. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press.
Durodie, Bill (2011). H1N1: The social costs of cultural confusion.
Global Health Governance, 4(2). New Jersey: Seton Hall University
Press.
Ma, Ringo (Ed.) November 2005. Asian Journal of Communication,
15(3). Special Issue: Media, crisis and SARS. Singapore: Asian Media
Information and Communication Centre.
WHO Western Pacific Region 2006. SARS: How a global epidemic was
stopped. Geneva: World Health Organization.
8 REPORTAGE
dedicated TV channel. But this was seen by many as a case of over-
kill, observes Menon. Not surprisingly, it had very low viewer ratings.
The role of news media during the SARS crisis has also been
investigated. A study by Media Tenor, a Bonn-based institute that
specialises in the study of media content, showed that media cover-
age on SARS on a global scale in 20032004 exceeded that of other
global diseases such as HIV/AIDS. The study also noted that Western
news agencies, specifically in the United States, Britain and Germany,
framed SARS-related news in such as a way that it spread panic
among the audiences instead of disseminating useful information
such as symptoms and methods of treatment. Chinese restaurants
were avoided and anyone travelling in the general vicinity of China
was viewed as a potential carrier, the study said.
The consensus is that the antidote to miscommunication by
media is better communication by health authorities. Bryan Walsh of
Time magazine notes, Leaving interpretation of the data to the me-
dia, whose coverage tends to swing between extremes, is not a good
idea. In an age of Twitter and transparency, theres no substitute for
official honesty.
David Heymann, WHOs Assistant Director-General for Health
Security and Environment, lists seven lessons that can be learnt from
SARS, several of which are communication-related:
1. The need to report promptly and openly cases of any disease
with the potential for international spread
2. The need for timely global alerts, supported by a responsible
press and amplified by electronic communication
3. The usefulness of travel recommendations and screening meas-
ures in airports
4. The importance of international collaboration of scientists, clini-
cians and public health experts
5. That weaknesses in local health systems can permit emerging
infections to amplify and spread
6. That political commitment and public concern can effectively be
used to contain an outbreak in the event of an absence of a cura-
tive drug, preventive vaccine and interventions
7. The importance and challenge of risk communication strategies
concerning new and emerging infectious diseases
SARS and A(H1N1)
If SARS was the signal event that set in motion risk communica-
tion strategies for pandemics, the 2009 A(H1N1),
6
also known as the
swine flu pandemic, was its first test. In 2007, WHO committed to
build and maintain core capacities in eight critical areas, including
risk communication strategies, coordination mechanisms and train-
9 10 YEARS AFTER SARS
ing tools, said Judith Graeff, a
Communication Development
Specialist for UNICEF. She
noted that the 2009 H1N1 influ-
enza was the first global event
that tested the planning and
implementation of critical areas
of communication.
Unfortunately, despite
WHO guidelines on health com-
munication, governments fell
into two extremes under the
threat of A(H1N1). On the one
hand, there was a lot of media
hype, especially in the Western
nations. On the other hand,
many Asian governments re-
tained their default reaction of
saying nothing, notes Abraham.
At the height of A(H1N1) in 2009, Robert Mackey of the New
York Times said that public health officials were giving mixed signals
by warning the public that a global pandemic of A(H1N1) was im-
minent and, at the same time, clarifying that the word pandemic
will be used even if the new virus turns out to be mild. He observed,
The situation presented the news media with a conundrum: How
loudly should a responsible person shout Possible Fire in a crowded
theatre?
Now, of course, people can not only shout but also post, tweet
and like. Social media are the new frontier in health communication.
But specialists see these platforms as a two-edged sword. If health
officials can learn to use social media to be part of the public conver-
sation, then it is a help. If they cannot, then they will be overtaken
by social media, says Thomas Abraham. On the bright side, it can
be used as a strategic tool to alert the public against communicable
diseases, notes Mamoud Eid of the University of Ottawa. Eid told
Media Asia that he and his colleagues are working on a communica-
tion model for the use of Twitter among government strategies for
outbreak communication.
Whether help or hindrance, social media must be factored
in health communication. I think its very difficult to imagine an
important public health event where that information isnt getting
out in some form, via text messaging, tweets, blogs or chatrooms,
said Dr. John Brownstein, an associate professor at Harvard Medical
School, in a recent interview with NPR.
This Vietnamese poultry farmer is one of the many who have had to be trained to
detect signs of avian infuenza. World Bank photo.
10 REPORTAGE
One of these social media tools is the interactive HealthMap
http://healthmap.org/, which tells you where the most recent out-
breaks of communicable diseases are, anywhere in the world. Created
by Brownstein and New Media Medicine specialist Clark Freifeld in
2006, the HealthMap is one of the many communication innovations
that emerged in the post-SARS era. It utilises online informal sources
for disease outbreak monitoring and real-time surveillance of emerg-
ing public health threats around the world.
But these technologies are no magic bullet for the fundamental
problem faced by communicators. WHO Director-General Margaret
Chan noted in a recent speech that the challenge of outbreak health
communication is the difficulty of conveying risk in a rapidly evolv-
ing situation marked by considerable scientific uncertainty. Thomas
Abraham notes that the general hype over the Avian Flu (H5N1) and
A(H1N1) left a gap between what the public had been led to expect
and what actually occurred. In the event of another pandemic, he
notes, the challenge is dealing with a desensitized public. But at least,
he notes, We will no longer be as unprepared as we were during
SARS.
Notes
1. Wilkins, L. (2005). Plagues, pestilence and pathogens: The ethi-
cal implications of news reporting of a world health crisis. Asian
Journal of Communication, 15(3), Special Issue:Media, crisis
and SARS. Hong Kong: Taylor and Francis, pp. 247254.
2. Dickson, D. (April 2003). The lesson of SARS in health
communication. SciDev.Net 2003. Retrieved from http://
www.scidev.net/en/editorials/the-lesson-of-sars-for-
health-communication.html.
3. Quoted in Sharma, S. (2004). Remembering SARS in Beijing:
The nationalist appropriation of an epidemic. Sarai Reader, 4.
Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, New Delhi, pp.
332339.
4. Quoted in Sun Yu (2003). Lessons from SARS coverage.
Nieman Reports, 57(4). Boston: Harvard University Press,
pp. 9193.
5. Sandman, P. (2003). Paper presented to the World Health Organ-
ization SARS Scientific Research Advisory Committee Geneva,
Switzerland, 2021 October 2003. Retrieved from http://www.
psandman.com/articles/who-srac.htm.
6. Official nomenclature A(H1N1): http://www.who.int/influenza/
gisrs_laboratory/ terminology_ah1n1pdm09/en./
11 INSIGHTS
MEDIA
ASIA
INSIGHTS
Myanmar media:
Coming home from exile
KYAW ZWA MOE oers an inside view of media liberalisation in Myanmar.
KYAW ZWA MOE is Editor of
The Irrawaddy magazine. An earlier
version of this article was published in
irrawady.org.
MEDIA ASIA
Vol. 40 No. 1, March 2013, pp. 1113
Burmas lack of press freedom
meant that media groups
mushroomed in exile. But most
of these organisations have now
started opening newsrooms
inside the country to continue
their good work.
D
ont read The Irrawaddy. Thats what former Prime Min-
ister Khin Nyunt of Burmas notorious military regime
advised late Karen leader Gen Bo Mya during peace talks
in Rangoon in 2004. The powerful then-spy chief, dubbed the Prince
of Evil, added, Because it only reports untruths and rumours.
His words showed how the former junta, known as one of the
worlds most repressive dictatorships, hated The Irrawaddy. Freedom
of the press and independent media were the enemy of the generals.
In return, Burma has long been named as an enemy of the press by
international media advocacy
groups.
Eight years after Khin
Nyunt made these remarks,
The Irrawaddy magazine was
distributed inside Burma for the
first time last December. It was
a historic moment for a publica-
tion that has survived in exile for
almost two decades. Of course,
most people view this as a step
forward after the administration
of reformist President Thein
Sein relaxed media restrictions since assuming office in 2011.
Burmas lack of press freedom meant that media groups mush-
roomed in exile, especially after the 1988 popular nationwide upris-
ing. But most of these organisations, including The Irrawaddy, have
now started opening newsrooms inside the country to continue their
good work. This has been a breakthrough for the exiled media and
democracy movement generally.
Burmese military leaders rarely met the press in the past. In-
stead, they used the media as a propaganda tool to prop up the
regime. Former ex-junta supremo Snr-Gen Than Shwe had never
12 INSIGHTS
spoken to a journalist for the entirety of his 18-year reign. Few of his
subordinates had either.
Instead, they deliberately muzzled the media. In Burma, there
was no such thing as a press conference. No journalists were recog-
nised and no foreign reporters were allowed to work in the country.
It was a dark age during which the majority of the population of the
country had to rely on media groups in exile and short-wave radio
broadcasts from foreign countries. We can now say that this era has
finally passed.
Thein Sein began meeting the press after taking office. The
67-year-old has given interviews to international media such as BBC
Hard Talk, The New York Times, Channel News Asia, Voice of Amer-
ica and so on. Whether or not the president gave straight answers to
journalists questions is another matter. After his trip to the United
States in September, Thein Sein said that he was not afraid of the
press anymore and also encouraged his ministers to speak to journal-
ists. Indeed, there are a few ministers attached to the Presidents Of-
fice who are certainly not shy when approached by reporters.
But many cabinet ministers remain reluctant to speak to the
media, and not many high-ranking officials are familiar with how the
industry works. A constant refrain around Burmese newsrooms is
that Naypyidaw ministries cannot be reached for comment.
After his American sojourn, Thein Sein also met a scoop of lo-
cal journalists in response to complaints that he was only speaking
with foreign media. The move was a positive reaction to legitimate
requests for access from domestic journalists.
For the whole government, learning how to handle the press in a
positive manner is an integral facet of the wider reform processone
that would aid that lofty goal of transparency. But media reform, mir-
roring Burmas overall political reform process, has not really gotten
off the ground yet. Nevertheless, compared with other ministries,
there seems to have been some progress, as officials have been in-
structed to behave with more openness.
But many journalists on the ground, including reporters for The
Irrawaddy, still feel intimidated as they do not know how far they
can go when covering sensitive issues, despite pre-censorship having
been abolished in August.
The road ahead seems to be bumpy.
Recently, the countrys state-run newspaper, New Light of Myan-
mar, published the printing and publishing bill drafted by the Minis-
try of Information and listed some restrictions. On 1 March, the New
York-based Committee to Protect Journalists, or CPJ, said, Draft leg-
islation designed to govern the media in Burma threatens to reverse
13 INSIGHTS
fragile press freedom gains recently achieved under President Thein
Seins democratic reform programme.
The CPJ went to say that the draft bill bans reporting on several
vague topics, including any news or commentary critical of the mili-
tary-drafted 2008 constitution, and allows for six-month prison sen-
tences for failing to register news publication with the government.
The draft bill is to be deliberated by the countrys military-influenced
parliament.
Over the past two decades, just possessing a copy of The Ir-
rawaddy magazine could put a person in jail for many years. Most
people only heard of The Irrawaddy second-hand through broadcast
media groups. But now people are free to grab one of more than
5,000 copies of the December edition distributed inside Burma for
the first time. The upcoming issue will be available in March.
They can read the once-banned publication in public. It is an
exciting moment, especially for The Irrawaddy staff. Unlike Khin
Nyunt, I do not think many current government and military officials
will be advising, Dont read The Irrawaddy. Instead, I am sure they
will devour a copy with relish in their Naypyidaw offices.
I hope that President Thein Sein, who is known to enjoy reading,
finds some time to pick up The Irrawaddy magazine, too. Hopefully,
he has the strength of character to read stories that are critical of his
government and move to address the issues concerned. I expect this
will help him put 2012 in perspective and think ahead to 2013.
14 INSIGHTS
MEDIA
ASIA
INSIGHTS
Journalism education:
In defence of tradition
Dont abandon the basics, warn RICHARD SHAFER & RICHARD AREGOOD.
RICHARD SHAFER and
RICHARD AREGOOD are
journalism professors at the University
of North Dakota, USA. E-mail:
undprof1@gmail.com, raregood@
yahoo.com.
MEDIA ASIA
Vol. 40 No. 1, March 2013, pp. 1415
T
here has been a revolution in commercial journalism world-
wide. Distribution patterns for news have been upended
and broadened. The business model is in chaos. The one
thing that has not changed is the basic practice of trying to be as fair,
as thorough, as comprehensible and as well presented as possible. It
is a hard jobone that requires skill, training and experience.
This is not to say that citizen journalists cannot contribute
to our knowledge. They can. Important things go out every day on
Twitter, Facebook and blogs. But the most credible of these come
from professionals such as the great American movie critic Roger
Ebert, who has become a master of these relatively new channels.
Nowhere is the pressure to change felt more strongly in the
United States, where each month delivers the obituary of yet another
newspaper title. We know that media educators in Asia are following
developments in America with great interest and some anxiety. Yet,
as journalism professors in the United States, we believe that the es-
sence of our job and the focus of our journalism courses should re-
main the training of neophyte reporters and editors with traditional
journalism skills and a commitment to fair and accurate presentation.
If our students can produce good news content, the task of up-
loading it for dissemination on the Web or social media is a compara-
tively easy one that requires little but the ability to acquire the proper
technology and press the right button.
The kind of online and mostly partisan journalism extolled by
citizen journalists/bloggers adds to the quantity and volume of the
discourse. But unfortunately the majority do not seem to want to do
the hard work of intensive research, verification and utilisation of
credible and informed sources.
Although opinion writing is a category of journalism, it is by no
means the dominant category. It is at its best when the skill and hard
work required to thoroughly report an issue are brought to bear.
The requirements are the same as those for reporting of major
15 INSIGHTS
Those who primarily depend on
their news and information from
unreliable and biased blogs tend
to shut themselves in an echo
chamber of predictable opinion
from the ideologically driven or
ill-informed.
stories, which demand report-
ing beyond the reach of one
person with a computer and an
attitude. The winners of the Pu-
litzer Prize in the United States
earn the award by long hours,
weeks and even years of digging
through vast piles of documents,
interviewing sources and knock-
ing on doors.
Those who primarily de-
pend on their news and infor-
mation from unreliable and bi-
ased blogs tend to shut themselves in an echo chamber of predictable
opinion from the ideologically driven or ill-informed. In the United
States, polling results that show the most loyal viewers of politically
slanted cable news are the least well-informed.
It might sound like we are taking an ethical stance with regard
to advocating for objective journalism in journalism classrooms, but
the imperative primarily is an economic one. If our graduates want to
work as journalism professionals for the best media worldwide, they
need to be solid on journalistic skills and conventions.
Accuracy, accuracy, accuracy was scrawled on the wall of the
St. Louis Post-Dispatch when Joseph Pulitzer was the publisher.
When it is possible, journalism students should be taught that striv-
ing to achieve accuracy, along with social responsibility, is not only a
higher calling but also remains the chief qualification for becoming a
truly professional journalist and not just a pretend one.
16 INSIGHTS
MEDIA
ASIA
INSIGHTS
Open government data
should boost accountability
ANUPAMA DOKENIYA argues for mandatory, demand-led transparency systems.
ANUPAMA DOKENIYA is a
Governance Specialist in the Public
Sector Governance Group at the
World Bank. She works on the banks
Governance and Anti-Corruption
Strategy and leads analytical work
on implementation of access to
information reforms. This article
was originally published on the
World Banks blog, People, Spaces,
Deliberation, http://blogs.worldbank.
org/publicsphere/ on 19 July 2012.
MEDIA ASIA
Vol. 40 No. 1, March 2013, pp. 1618
E
ven as the language of Open Government has picked up
steam over the past couple of years, driven initially by the
and further boosted by the multi-lateralOpen Government
Partnership, the use of the term has tended to be fairly broad and
mostly imprecise, lacking a shared, consistent definition. As Nathan-
iel Heller of Global Integrity, a key player in the OGP, cautioned in a
blog, The longer we allow open government to mean any and eve-
rything to anyone, the risk increases that the term melts into a hollow
nothingness of rhetoric.
In a recent usefulpiece, Harlan Yu and David Robinson draw a
distinction between the technologies of open data and the politics
of open government, suggesting that open government data can be
understood through two lenses: open government data oropen gov-
ernment data. The first approach reflects an emphasis on deploying
the functionality of new information technologies to put government
datasets in the public space in a way that is amenable to re-use and
can be tied to a range of outcomesamong other things, improved
delivery of services, innovation or efficiency. The second approach
prioritises a mode of governance characterised by transparent deci-
sion-makingparticularly on issues of public interest and critical for
public welfareand the release of government data (and information
in other formats as well) as furthering this goal of transparency.
The vision of the Obama Directive was broader than just a focus
on transparency and extended to transparency, participation, and
collaboration. Beth Noveck, former Head of theWhite House Open
Government Initiative, underscored this point when sheemphasised
that open government was never exclusively about making transpar-
ent information about the workings of government, but rather an in-
novative strategy focusing on using network technology to connect
the public to government and to one another informed by open data.
Attempting to provide a concrete and potentially shared defini-
tion of open government, Heller highlights three dimensions: in-
17 INSIGHTS
Making information publicly
available through openness
initiatives is the beginning,
not the end, of a results chain
that links openness to better
governance and development
outcomes, and requires looking
at a number of issues.
formation transparency, public
engagement and accountability.
Both Heller and Yu and Robin-
son recognise that while current
technology trends have reincar-
nated the idea of open govern-
ment, and that technology can
be a powerful enabler, the idea
itself, and the principles it em-
bodies, is technology-neutral.
To those working on gov-
ernance issues at the bank,
these concepts will, of course,
resonate immediately. The triad
of transparency, accountability,
and participation has been central to the banks work on Demand
for Good Governance and a key dimension of building states that
were capable and accountable, as outlined in the2007 Governance
and Anti-corruption (GAC) Strategyand the2012 Updateto the
Strategy. Following the framework provided by these key strategic
documents, and more recently precipitated by the events of the Arab
Spring, the bank has expanded its work on supporting transpar-
ency, and fostering participation by a range of stakeholdersboth as
means of boosting more accountable governance.
The discussion on what open government means, what the driv-
ing principles behind it, and how it is distinct from related concepts,
is not merely of academic or theoretical interest. As ambitious data
and information disclosure initiatives are launched with aspirations
of creating transparency, participation, collaboration and account-
ability, understanding the meaning, objectives and rationale for these
policies is critical to assessing if investments are made in the right set
of tools to achieve the intended set of outcomes.
Making information publicly available through openness initia-
tives is the beginning, not the end, of a results chain that links open-
ness to better governance and development outcomes, and requires
looking at a number of issues. First, whether openness leads to ac-
countable governance depends on the kind of information that is
released. As Yu and Robinson point out, a government can provide
open data on politically neutral topics but still remain deeply opaque
and unaccountable. Transpar-
ency initiatives could release a
goldmine of information in vari-
ous formats, and of tremendous
interest to academics, businesses
References
Yu, H., & Robinson, D. (2012). The New Ambiguity of Open
Government. UCLA Law Review Vol. 178, pp. 178208. California: UCLA
School of Law.
18 INSIGHTS
and other communities, but if this is not information that enables
scrutiny of the decision-making, budget allocation, expenditures,
performance, contracting or other such functions of government, it
will have little bearing on improving accountability.
Yet, the information that extracts accountability for expenditures
and performancethat enables corruption to be exposedis pre-
cisely the information that is particularly prone to being kept hidden,
or released in un-usable and incomplete formats. So, second, the
kind of transparency regime matters. Transparency systems that are
mandatory and demand-drivensuch as those relying on Right to
Information lawsrather than voluntary and supply-driven, might
be stronger because they create a legal obligation to both proactively,
and on request, release the information necessary to monitor public
finances and performance.
Third, the larger governance ecosystem matters. Transparency
policies will achieve little if the political system does not create the
incentives for officials to be sanctioned when corruption is exposed,
for service providers to be penalised when poor performance or ab-
senteeism is revealed, or for safeguards or structural reforms to be
adopted when evidence of systemic governance problems emerge.
While more recently, much attention has been placed on the capacity
of citizens to use information, and on the role of media and civil so-
ciety groups as intermediaries to make information more accessible,
the extent to which the political space exists for them to exert influ-
ence and effect change will determine the efficacy of their role.
19 NOTEWORTHY
MEDIA
ASIA
NOTEWORTHY
The Telecom revolution in
India: Technology, policy
and regulation
By Varadharajan Sridhar, India,
Oxford University Press, 2012,
342 pp., US$ 64.75 (hardcover),
ISBN 9780198075530
Review by MADANMOHAN
RAO
Asian Media Information
and Communication Centre
(AMIC), Singapore
India now has the worlds sec-
ond largest mobile user base,
and telecom contributes to over
two per cent of Indias GDP.
However, the scenario could be
even better in terms of broad-
band and rich-media penetra-
tion, Internet telephony or tele-
com manufacturingand this is
due to shortcomings in telecom
policy-making, as argued in this
insightful book by Varadharajan
Sridhar (www.vsridhar.info).
The number of mobile sub-
scribers will cross one billion in
2014. Unfortunately, the avail-
ability, allocation and manage-
ment of mobile spectrum have
had a chequered and contro-
versial path in India. It has been
tough for new players to get a
level playing field in a domain
dominated by large incumbents;
principles like Net Neutrality
could become a challenge in
India in the coming years. There
have been restrictions on the
interconnections between public
voice and data networks, which
hamper the growth of the VSAT
industry.
The delay in the launch
of 3G services has hurt the
industry and the economy, as
well as potential innovators and
start-ups in mobile rich-media.
Time lost is a drain on growth,
a blow to economic develop-
ment, and a hurdle for the dif-
fusion of basic voice service in
the country, argues Sridhar. On
the Internet front, broadband
penetration is disappointing in
terms of numbers and diffusion
patterns. Though the Common
Services Centres scheme had
aimed at the launch of 100,000
centres across India, there are
still problems with connectivity,
services and human skills. The
concluding chapter argues that
the scale and speed of growth
of Indias telecom sector call
for a range of alliance models,
such as outright acquisitions or
stake acquisitions for market
access, technology hedging and
technology control. The need of
the hour is greater stability and
vision in Indias telecom policies,
Sridhar summarises. In sum,
this is a very useful one-volume
compendium of resources and
analysis of the telecom sector
in India, and should be relevant
for all those interested in the
larger long-term dimensions of
the telecom sector in emerging
economies.

Freedom on the Net, 2012

Edited by Sanja Kelly, Sarah
Cook and Mai Truong
Washington D.C.: Freedom
House, September 2012, 662pp.
Retrieved on January 15, 2013
from: <http://www.freedom-
house.org/report/freedom-net/
freedom-net-2012>
Review by CHUA PUAY HOE,
Royal Holloway, University of
London
Freedom on the Net 2012 pre-
sents the findings of a review on
Internet freedom conducted by
Freedom House. The authors
have undertaken a challenging
task, given that information of
this nature is hard to come by
and governments do not read-
ily furnish information on the
restrictive actions taken. Moreo-
20 NOTEWORTHY
ver, as mentioned in the report,
the methods of control are
slowly evolving and becoming
less visible (p. 1), which further
complicates the task.
Commendably, the authors
have put together a trove of
information for the countries
reviewed. Each country profile
paints a comprehensive picture
of the local Internet landscape
in terms of obstacles to access,
limits on content and viola-
tions of user rights. As part of
an annual series, this report is
an invaluable resource for re-
searchers examining Internet
freedom development over time.
Particularly beneficial is that
the authors flag key trends that
people need to be aware of. As
highlighted in this report, more
governments are utilising less
visible controls, such as transfer-
ring the role of censorship to
Internet intermediaries through
vague liabilities laws and hiring
paid commentators to influence
opinions or spread misinforma-
tion. The section on countries
at risk also reminds readers that
countries with rapid deteriora-
tion of freedom require as much
attention as those with high lev-
els of control.
Readers, however, need to
be mindful when interpreting
the numerical values assigned to
each country. The point system
depends considerably on the due
diligence and subjectivities of the
country reporters from various
backgrounds, such as civil soci-
ety organisations, bloggers and
academics. Although moderated
by staff and local experts, there
are still limitations in the scoring
process. Hence, one can reason-
ably compare countries with
large disparity in points. How-
ever, a difference of a few points
may not be meaningful to draw
conclusions due to the subjective
nature. On the whole, this report
provides a good starting point for
researchers. It also highlights the
areas where more research could
be carried out.

Access contested, Open Net

Initiatives
Edited By Ronald Deibert et al.
Boston, MA: MIT Press, 2011
432 pp., US$26 (paperback),
ISBN: 9780262516808
http://oni-access.net/contested/
Review by CHUA PUAY HOE
Royal Holloway, University of
London
Reporting on the research done
by OpenNet Initiative, Access
Contested is a well-edited vol-
ume that scholars researching
on Internet freedom in Asia will
find valuable. Part One consists
of theoretical analyses using
various Asian countries as case
studies. Using both primary and
secondary research data, Part
Two consists of country profiles
of selected Asian countries.
Packaged in an easy-to-access
format, it allows one to locate
the problematic areas of each
country, as well as compare
across the countries.
The authors analyse issues
from multiple dimensions, such
as legal framework, social norms
and technical control, allowing
readers to grasp the issue com-
prehensively. Many of the au-
thors in Part One view the issue
from a subaltern counter-public
position, showing how the sub-
ordinated contest for space and
access to expression online.
A key strength of this book
is its nifty balance between tech-
nical details and socio-political
analysis, particularly shown in
the chapter by Nart Villeneuve
and Masashi Crete-Nishihata.
They structure the narrative
with the technical process they
utilised, but at the same time
support it with the descrip-
tion of relationships behind the
Burmese hacker scene, making
it an interesting read. While the
investigation was not conclusive,
the political analysis is helpful in
showing that the usual pro- or
anti-government conclusion is
no longer adequate, as interests
and allegiances do not fall neatly
along such clear cleavages.
Peculiarly, Malaysia features
strongly in this volume with
two chapters devoted to it in
Part One while Indonesia and
India are only accorded pages
for country profiles in Part Two.
Additional analysis on these
much more populous countries
with rapidly growing numbers
of Internet users would have
strengthened the books rel-
evance to more researchers.
On the whole, the themes
highlighted in this book are
widely applicable and the com-
prehensive coverage provides a
good starting point for any re-
searcher in Internet freedom.
21 CASEFILE
MEDIA
ASIA
CASEFILE
A
s social media becomes ubiquitous in
urban life, governments around the
world are attempting to use these tech-
nologies for service delivery and policy engage-
ment. The United Nations E-government Report
2012 revealed that 40 percent of 78 UN member
countries had a statement saying Follow us on
Facebook and Twitter on their websites. The Sin-
gapore government is no exception in its hopes to
reach out to digital citizens on their own turf.
E-engagement, in its most basic form, is en-
gaging the public in policy processes through an
electronic network (Saxena, 2005). This could
include anything from providing transactional
servicessuch as online income tax paymentto
empowering citizen participation in the policy-
making process. Scholars note that different types
of e-engagement are associated with different lev-
els of citizen participation. Governments may use
e-tools for three purposes:
Informing: a one-way relationship in which
government produces and delivers informa-
tion for use by citizens.
Social media and e-engagement
Te Singapore case
CHEONG KAH SHIN
Consulting: a two-way relationship in which
citizens provide feedback to government
based on prior definition of information.
However, governments define the issues for
consultation and set and manage the process,
while citizens are invited to contribute their
views and opinions.
Empowering active participation: a two-way
relationship based on a partnership with gov-
ernment in which citizens engage in defining
the process and content of policy making. It
acknowledges equal standing for citizens in
setting the agenda, although the responsibil-
ity for the final decision rests with the gov-
ernment (Macintosh, 2003).
As we shall see, Singapores emphasis is main-
ly on the first and, to a lesser extent, the second
goals.
Evolution of e-Engagement in
Singapore
Singapore currently uses a plethora of e-tools such
as an online feedback website, REACH (http://
CHEONG KAH SHIN is Research Assistant at the Institute of Policy Studies, Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National
University of Singapore.
MEDIA ASIA 40(1), pp. 2126
The case: Opponents of the state in Singapore were quick to harness the Internet and social
media. State actors are now embracing the same tools to reach out to citizens.
Its value: This case adds to the body of evidence that social media are not inherently
democratising or destabilising, since they can be used by incumbents as well as by their
opponents. It is also relevant to new media research within the fields of organisational and
promotional communication.
22 CASEFILE
www.reach.gov.sg/) and, more recently, social
media to engage its citizens. The government is
no stranger to e-engagement. As early as 1994,
it launched the Singapore InfoMAP, one of the
worlds first government portals. The informa-
tion minister at the time, George Yeo, said that the
government knew it needed to stake out a pres-
ence and build a Singapore neighbourhood on
the Internet, which he likened to a virtual city. It
was also aware that e-engagement would be tough
but necessary. Demonstrating the governments
foresight, Yeo said that the challenge to create
interest in the Singapore neighbourhood in cyber-
space would not only involve being informative,
but entertaining in order to draw eyeballs in an era
of information overload (Yeo, 1995).
Despite the early start, e-engagement was al-
ways an uphill struggle for the government. The
Internet was, after all, a very different environ-
ment from what it was used to. With multiple and
fragmented voices, the online environment was
chaotic compared to the gatekept safehoods of the
mainstream media. Critics were empowered with
their own media to put forth contentious points of
views. This was certainly not the norm in Singa-
pores pre-Internet era, when the media environ-
ment was considerably more manicured.
Entering the Web 2.0 era, the government
convened an Advisory Council on the Impact of
New Media on Society (AIMS) to study the impli-
cations the fast-developing new media would have
on our society and suggest ways to manage them.
The 229-page AIMS report of 2008 included a full
chapter on e-engagement, which it described as
a sustained form of interaction between Govern-
ment and citizens on issues of public policy. Over
and above providing feedback on pre-defined gov-
ernment consultation agendas, AIMS envisioned
e-engagement as a bottom-up process where citi-
zens are given greater autonomy in framing policy
agendas and shaping policy discussions.
The panel also noted that a lack of success in
e-engagement would run the risk of online citizen-
to-citizen dialogue spreading without input from
the state. This could lead to a public with its own
agenda and an understandable hostility to deci-
sion making processes that seem to ignore them,
the committee said, quoting e-governance scholar
Stephen Coleman. The governments response
was lukewarm, neither accepting nor rejecting
every suggestion from AIMS. It did not accept,
for example, a recommendation to engage with
independent blogs, saying that this would require
a huge amount of resources to e-engage on a mul-
titude of online platforms and this would not be
realistic or efficient. Instead, the government
would use its own platform REACH to engage
citizens, though the currency of this avenue was
found to be low in focus groups.
This is not to say that e-engagement was
absent in these early 2000s. It was present but in
limited ways. E-engagement fulfilled transactional
purposes such as providing policy information
through websites and online payment facilities for
income taxes. More adventurous politicians such
as ex-foreign Minister George Yeo started using
social media to communicate personal thoughts
as early as 2008. The Health Minister then, Khaw
Boon Wan, also started a blog to communicate
health policy in a personable manner. Such social
media efforts, while present, were few and ad-hoc
then.
However, the general election of 2011 ushered
in a palpable shift in the governments communi-
cation strategy. The election saw a six-point de-
cline in the share of the popular vote for the ruling
Peoples Action Party (PAP), which also lost one
group constituency to the opposition. Although
the precise role of the Internet in this swing re-
mains debated (IPS Impact of Internet on General
Election Survey 2011), it was clear that citizens
were frenetically using Facebook, Twitter, You-
Tube and other online platforms to share messages
about the campaign. Anti-PAP chatter was rife.
After the election, government leaders started
openly recognising the influence of cyberspace on
public opinion and acknowledging the need to en-
gage with Singaporeans online, especially to reach
23 SOCIAL MEDIA AND E-ENGAGEMENT
the young. In his National Day Rally 2011, Prime
Minister Lee Hsien Loong said: We have got to
get there, be in cyberspace and use it construc-
tively to explain issues, to shape opinions, to rally
support and to make Singapore work better.
There is currently no single e-engagement
strategy. Instead, a range of strategies is being tried
out, depending on the actors involved and their
goals. Aside from old platforms like REACH, it is
possible to identify at least three newer aspects of
e-engagement that deserve separate analysis: the
platforms of individual politicians; the platforms
of ministries and other state agencies; and engage-
ment through third-party platforms.
Individual Politicians Platforms
Since 2008 at least, Singapore ministers and other
politicians have started blogs and Facebook pages
to manage their reputations and engage citizens
in policy matters. Some politicians like Housing
Minister Khaw Boon Wan, Acting Manpower
Minister Tan Chuan Jin and Opposition Member
of Parliament Chen Show Mao have said that they
manage their Facebook accounts personally, while
others like Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong use
aides to do so.
On Facebook, politicians usually try to soften
and humanise their image by posting inspiring
quotes, endearing family anecdotes and photo-
graphs of house visits or constituency events. As
for engaging citizens on more substantive issues,
they post personal thoughts on policy or share ar-
ticles from local and foreign news media.
Khaws Housing Matters blog (http://mn-
dsingapore.wordpress.com/tag/housing-matters/)
communicates complex housing policy with a per-
sonal touch. His posts try to appear sincere and
well thought out, explaining policy thinking while
simultaneously demonstrating empathy for Singa-
poreans anxious about the affordability of public
housing, which had been one of the major election
issues in 2011.
Some politicians have tried to use social me-
dia more systematically as a consultation tool. PAP
backbencher Baey Yam Keng, for example, has been
conducting live chats via Facebook every first Sun-
day of the month. Each live chat session is similar
to an online town-hall meeting where Baey solicits
feedback on policy matters and allows citizens to
raise their own issues. Baey says he has tapped on
concerns raised through social media when fram-
ing his Parliamentary questions. Cabinet minister
Chan Chun Sing has also been using Facebook to
consult citizens on policy. A thread soliciting opin-
ions on a proposed Internet code of conduct, for
example, drew over a thousand comments.
While online feedback is good for crowd-
sourcing and sounding out weak signals to policy
problems, it has its own limitations. Social me-
dia does not reach out to all: a recent IPS survey
found that only 30 percent of Singaporeans used
Facebook and blogs to consume information on
politics during the 2011 election (IPS Internet and
General Elections Survey 2011). Scholars have also
pointed to online anonymity, which could lead to
astro-turfing. Taking those two factors into ac-
count, social media can only be used as a dipstick
for public opinion, and it should be triangulated
with offline engagement for a more accurate as-
sessment of the situation, Chan noted (interview
with Chan Chun Sing, 16 May 2012).
Besides consultation, politicians have also
been using social media to respond to news events
more freely than before. Facebook provides a plat-
form that is less serious and formal than a state-
ment issued through ones press secretary. Instead
of waiting to be asked by a reporter who is subject
to the news cycle and editors news judgments, the
politician can now communicate personally and
instantaneously on various controversies. Further-
more, while the PAP is a party that imposes tight
discipline, social media has allowed its politicians
to reveal personal opinions before waiting for the
official party line.
Ministries Platforms
Today, government agencies use a broad spectrum
of online channels from websites to social media
24 CASEFILE
platforms (such as Facebook, Twitter and You-
Tube) and mobile apps for a range of communica-
tions purposes, including explaining government
policies, providing public education, marketing
official events and public or stakeholder engage-
ment.
Many of these initiatives can also be found at
the Singapore Government Social Media Directo-
ry (www.socialmedia.gov.sg), a platform managed
by the Ministry of Communication and Informa-
tion (MCI). An online portal for news, speeches
and press releases, gov.sg, also has mobile apps for
iPhones and android phones. It provides the pub-
lic quick access to key government-related news
and information on the go.
Studies like IPS media use survey in 2010
have shown that while online media have risen in
reach and influence, offline media (print, TV) re-
main the leading sources of news and views on lo-
cal issues. Thus, the actual mix of channels used in
each case of policy communication also depends
on a basket of considerations, such as the content,
messages and audience demographics.
Just as with traditional offline communica-
tions, each government agency decides when and
how to use online channels for its own official
communications. It then takes steps to strengthen
internal capabilities where needed. MCI provides
overall support, advice and guidelines to agencies.
MCI officers are also posted to ministries to sup-
port these ministries communication efforts, in-
cluding online media communications. MCI has
also been working with the Civil Service College
to enhance new media training programmes in a
number of competency areas for public servants
(interview with MICA, April 2012).
Third-party Platforms
Government officials are increasingly engaging
with the owners of third-party platforms, be it to
outsource functions to those with more online
clout or to forge new ties with those it has previ-
ously dismissed.
Some ministers, such as K. Shanmugam and
Tan Chuan Jin, also invite online opinion-mak-
ers to offline tea sessions and personal chats, as
a means of soft engagement. These sessions are
off-the-record and the public does not know what
goes on behind closed doors. Though many blog-
gers welcome this detente, several are wary of this
sudden change in policy. They suspect it to be a
form of co-option or a charm offensive to get
bloggers to pull their punches.
While informal engagements exist, ministers
are also beginning to engage formally by granting
alternative media exclusive interviews. Yahoo!, for
example, had an exclusive interview with Law Min-
ister K. Shanmugam in which he covered an array
of controversial topics, including laws like the Inter-
nal Security Act and the mandatory death penalty.
More recently, the government has considered ac-
crediting alternative media with press passes, giving
its reporters more access to official events.
Today, the government is certainly observing
alternative media, and using professional software
and horizon-scanning tools to monitor a frag-
mented online media sphere. But it still prefers to
engage on its own platforms such as Facebook and
REACH. In the words of one established blogger,
Siew Kum Hong: Instead of going to where the
conversation is taking place to engage people, the
government seems to be content with just waiting
for the conversation to come to itbut that will
not happen, and instead the only people who will
go to the governments platforms will be people
with an agenda.
Indeed, the quality of commentary on gov-
ernment channels and in the general blogosphere
differs, with prominent online opinion leaders of-
ten existing outside government channels instead
of within them. The divide is palpable, although
netizens are increasingly re-posting critical com-
mentary in government forums like REACH.
Though there are signs that they want to
reach out to bloggers, PAP politicians still do not
tolerate attacks that they see as defamatory. Blog-
gers have received defamation threats from law-
yers representing ministers.
25 SOCIAL MEDIA AND E-ENGAGEMENT
Evaluating e-Engagement
Given how new Singapore politicians are to social
media, it is not surprising that things have not
always gone smoothly. For example, the National
Development Ministers frequent posts on his
blog initially confused property developers, who
did not know whether to regard some of his posts
as official policy announcements or his personal
thoughts. Furthermore, the spontaneity of Face-
book sometimes results in a lack of coordination.
For instance, responding to a public controversy
over a racist comment by a union executive, the
Prime Minister said in a Facebook post that this
was an isolated case that does not reflect the
strength of race relations in Singapore while the
law minister posted on his Facebook that the inci-
dent confirms what I had long suspected and said:
there are deep fault lines in our society, based on
race/religion. The social media responses of two
heavyweight ministers appeared uncoordinated,
unlike previous ruling party responses that exuded
a uniform and officious stance.
More fundamentally, it is not always clear
what criteria are to be used when one evaluates
the governments e-engagement practices. In-
ternationally, one set of criteria has been devel-
oped by the digital community-engagement firm
CivicPlus. Measuring factors such as the crowd-
sourcing of ideas or how much e-engagement
aids government transparency, the emphasis is
on e-democracy, that is, enhancing citizen repre-
sentation through electronic means. Similarly, the
United Nations e-participation index is based on
how much citizen participation websites enable,
through e-information, e-consultation and e-de-
cision making.
It is not clear whether such considerations
are paramount in the Singapore governments
e-engagement strategies, although Singapore is
frequently a topper on the UNs e-participation
rankings. This metric is, however, not without its
own limitations. It mainly assesses the supply side
of e-government services, rather than citizen atti-
tudes and demands towards these services (United
Nations E-government Survey 2010). A detailed
evaluation of the latter is much needed.
Currently, rather than the e-democracy frame
favoured by e-governance scholars, the Singapore
government may be implicitly applying an organi-
sational communications frame to e-engagement,
which is less civic-centric. While urging citizens to
come forth and air constructive opinions through
online and offline means to do good and do right
for Singapore, PM Lee also stated the aims of e-
engagement in his National Day Rally 2011: We
have got to get there, be in cyberspace and use it
constructively to explain issues, to shape opinions,
to rally support and to make Singapore work bet-
ter. Seen in that light, the most important bench-
mark may be viewership, whether counted by page
hits for websites or likes for Facebook. More
sophisticated measures would include sentiment
analysis by social media evaluation companies.
These try to determine the extent to which posi-
tive or negative sentiment has been generated for
a particular subject.
From a more political point of view, the PAP,
which now occupies 80 out of the 87 elected seats
in Parliament, needs to keep pace with the oppo-
sition popularity online. In this respect, there is
mixed evidence. Opposition figures like ex-lawyer
Chen Show Mao and young politician Nicole Seah
enjoy huge popularity on Facebook, the former
having over 30,000 likes and the latter with over
100,000 likes on Facebook. So far, the only PAP
politician with larger numbers is the Prime Min-
ister himself.
Then again, online popularity does not mean
Parliamentary power. Nicole Seah, who was wildly
popular online, lost the 2011 election to a heavy-
weight senior minister with barely any online pres-
ence. The number of comments on social media
also means little when trolling is a norm: Quantity
engagement does not mean quality engagement. It
is also relevant to consider e-engagement within
the larger media ecosystem, including mainstream
media and offline engagement. Since mainstream
media consumption is high (IPS Media Use and
26 CASEFILE
Political Traits Survey 2010) and government mes-
sages pervasive there, one could to consider if citi-
zens are incentivised to stay tuned to the govern-
ments online channels, especially when its online
messages are similar to offline ones.
Yet, increased e-engagement post-GE2011
could mean that PAP politiciansthe majority
in governmentare trying in earnest to catch up
with political opponents in the online field. In-
creased e-engagement via social media may be the
new normal in a consultative government that a
new generation of PAP leaders promise. But what
all this will mean at the ballot box is yet another
question with no clear answers at present.
Questions for discussion
1. Do social media suit opponents of a regime
more than the regime in power?
2. What are the relevant e-engagement bench-
marks for public sector organisations and
commercial organisations?
Further Reading
Advisory of Impact of New Media on Society
(2008). Engaging new media: Challenging old
assumptions. Retrieved 6 February 2013 from
http://app.mica.gov.sg/Data/0/AIMS%20Re-
port%20%28Dec%2008%29%20-%20Engag-
ing%20New%20Media,%20Challenging%20
Old%20Assumptions.pdf
Clarke, A. (2010) Social media: Political uses
and implications for representative de-
mocracy. Retrieved 19 May 2012 from
ht t p: / / www. parl . gc. ca/ Cont ent / LOP/
ResearchPublications/2010-10-e.htm
Macintosh, A. (2003). Using information and com-
munication technologies to enhance citizen
engagement in the policy process. In J. Caddy
& C. Vergez (Eds.), Promises and problems of
e-democracy: Challenges of online citizen en-
gagement. Paris, France: OECD.
Mahizhnan, A. (2012). New media: Can old rules
apply?. Global-is-Asian, Issue 13, JanMar
2012. Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy,
Singapore.
George, C. (2013). For whom the libel tolls: Gov-
ernment loses even as it wins. Retrieved
1 February 2013 from http://journalism.
sg/2013/01/04/for-whom-the-libel-tolls-gov-
ernment-loses-even-as-it-wins/.
References
Advisory of Impact of New Media on Society
(2008) Engaging New Media: Challenging
Old Assumptions. Retrieved 6 Nov 2012 from
http://app.mica.gov.sg/Data/0/AIMS%20Re-
port%20%28Dec%2008%29%20-%20Engag-
ing%20New%20Media,%20Challenging%20
Old%20Assumptions.pdf
CivicPlus. CivicPlus website. Retrieved 3 Decem-
ber 2012 from www.civicplus.com
Lee, H. L. (2011). National day rally speech 2011.
Speech delivered 14 August 2011. Retrieved 19
November 2012 from http://www.pmo.gov.sg/
content/pmosite/mediacentre/speechesnin-
terviews/primeminister/2011/August/Prime_
Minister_Lee_Hsien_Loongs_National_Day_
Rally_2011_Speech_in_English.html
Macintosh, A. (2003) Using information and com-
munication technologies to enhance citizen
engagement in the policy process. In J. Caddy
& C. Vergez (Eds.), Promises and problems of
e-democracy: Challenges of online citizen en-
gagement. Paris, France: OECD.
Saxena, K. B. C. (2005). Towards excellence in e-
governance. International Journal of Public
Sector Management, 18(6), pp. 498513
Tan, T. H., Chung, S., & Zhang, W. Survey on me-
dia traits and political use. Retrieved 19 Febru-
ary 2012 from http://www.spp.nus.edu.sg/ips/
ACM_Survey_on_Political_Traits_and_Me-
dia_Use_2011.aspx
Tan, T. H., Mahizhnan, A., & Ang, P. H. Media
myths and realities: Findings of national sur-
vey of media use in the general elections. Re-
trieved 19 February 2012 from http://www.
spp.nus.edu.sg/ips/docs/events/Impact%20
on%20new%20media_041011/S1_1_Tan%20
Tarn%20How_0410.pdf
UN E-government Survey: Leveraging e-govern-
ment at a time of financial and economic crisis
2010, http://www2.unpan.org/egovkb/global_
reports/10report.htm
Yeo, G. Speech by George Yeo at the launch of Sin-
gapore Infomap. Retrieved 19 February 2013
from http://a2o.nas.sg/stars/public/index.html.
27 CASEFILE
MEDIA
ASIA
CASEFILE
From fashion to the hereafter:
Indonesias Republika, a modern
Islamic newspaper
JANET STEELE
JANET STEELE is Associate Professor at the School of Media and Public Affairs, George Washington University, USA.
MEDIA ASIA 40(1), pp. 2733
I
s there such a thing as Islamic journalism?
And if so, what does it look like?
The claim that in Islam religion cannot
be divorced from secular life is a familiar one, and
the Islamic revivalism of the late twentieth century
has prompted some scholars to argue for an Is-
lamic theory of communication (Mowlana, 2003,
p. 309). Others disagree with this view, warning
against reductionism and observing that many dif-
ferent kinds of media are consumed by a variety of
Muslims in a wide range of countries that may or
may not be majority Muslim (Khibany, 2006, pp.
57).
Although journalists at Indonesias Republika
newspaper may not be aware of the academic ar-
guments that inform this debate, they nevertheless
wrestle with these concerns every day. Founded in
1993, Republika has an explicit mission: to serve
the Muslim community. With an estimated circu-
lation of 70,000 and a readership of perhaps two to
four times that number, it reaches a largely mid-
dle-class audience of readers between the ages of
20 and 40.
2
Indonesia is the worlds most populous Mus-
lim country, but there has long been a feeling that
Muslims have been marginalised despite being
the numerical majority. Although there is a long
tradition of an Islamic press in Indonesia, these
papers have generally had small circulations and
been short-lived. Republika, a large, mass-market-
ed daily that has now thrived for 20 years, is an
exception. According to the fourth quarter 2012
Nielson report, Republika is the third most-read
newspaper in Indonesia.
3
Founded in 1993 with the blessing of then-
president Suharto and the financial support of
Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia (ICMI),
the Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectu-
The case: Republika is Indonesias largest Islamic newspaper. Founded in 1993 with the blessing
of President Suharto and the financial support of the Association of Indonesian Muslim
Intellectuals (ICMI), Republika is now published by a media holding company.
Its value: This case illustrates a number of important themes in Asian media studies, including
the relationship between journalism and Islam, the difficulties of maintaining independence
under an authoritarian regime, and the advantages and disadvantages of commercialisation.
We cover everything from fashion to the hereafter. Subroto
1
28 CASEFILE
als, Republika is now published by Mahaka Media,
a business venture with many media holdings. Its
history illustrates a number of important themes
in Asian media studies, including the relationship
between journalism and Islam, the difficulties of
maintaining independence under an authoritar-
ian regime, and the advantages and disadvantages
of commercialisation. The case of Republika also
suggests what the Islamic press in Indonesia might
have to offer other developing democracies in the
Muslim world.
Journalism and Islam
When you first visit the office of Republika at No.
37 Jl. Warung Buncit, it does not look very differ-
ent from any other Indonesian newspaper. Oddly
shaped, with a large spiral staircase, the building
was originally intended to be an entertainment
venue, complete with a sauna on the fourth floor.
There is nothing about it to suggest that it houses
Indonesias largest and most influential Islamic
newspaper.
At Republika, there is no Islamic attire, no
white robes or long beards. Although many of the
female reporters and editors wear headscarves,
there are also some who do not. Like attending
Friday prayers, it is a private, individual matter,
says Nasihin Masha, the current chief editor.
Despite the lack of Islamic symbols, there is
no question that Republika is a newspaper with
the explicit goal of serving the Muslim commu-
nity. Nasihin likes to say that Republika has five
basic principles: It is modern, moderate, Muslim,
nationalist and populist.
4
Republikas previous chief editor, Ikhwanul
Kiram Mashuri, a graduate of both the modern
pesantren Gontor and al-Azhar University in Cai-
ro, is even more explicit about Republikas mission
as a Muslim community newspaper. In an in-house
history of the paper, he wrote, From the first page
to the last there is nothing outside of the frame-
work of amar makruf nahi munkar [inviting good
and forbidding wrong] (Utomo, 2010, p. 1).
Scholars have argued that in Islam, forbid-
ding wrong is paramount, and that Muslims have
an obligation to stop evil when they see it (Cook,
2003). This doctrine is essential not only to Islam
but also to the practice of journalism in both Indo-
nesia and Malaysia, even among journalists who
work for the so-called secular media. When asked
to explain the meaning of their work, Muslim jour-
nalists express the universal values of journalism,
but do so within an Islamic idiom. These universal
values include truthfulness, balance, verification
and independence from power, but the paraideol-
ogy is justice (Steele, 2011).
The struggle for economic justice and pro-
tection of the weak that are fundamental to Islam
(Lewis, 1988; Aslan, 2005) are also enduring values
in the practice of Indonesian journalism. As for-
mer Tempo magazine editor Goenawan Mohamad
once said, It is very difficult in Indonesia if you
dont speak about justice. Indonesian history is the
history of searching for justice, more than search-
ing for freedom (quoted in Steele, 2005, p. 23).
But how are such abstract principles imple-
mented in practical journalism? Journalists at Re-
publika often speak of the need to be inspiratif,
or inspiring. As managing editor Elba Damhuri
explains, in practice, this means not only report-
ing on conditions as they are but also giving inspi-
ration as to how they should be, and this is what
makes Republika different from other media.
This is what I mean by substantial Islam, he
said. We cannot stand by and watch our neigh-
bours, who are poor, this is wrong. We cannot see
churches burned. This is not permitted. We can-
not allow Ahmadiyah communities to be burned.
We work because we have something to say: toler-
ance. This is substantial Islam.
5
When Syahrudin El Fikri, a senior editor at
Republika, compares his paper with other Indone-
sian newspapers like Tempo, a majority of whose
journalists are also Muslim, he agrees that the
religious creed of the journalists is the same. But
what will be different, he suggests, is Republikas
focus on solutions. When there is violence against
Ahmadiyah, Tempo will cover it by focusing on
29 FROM FASHION TO THE HEREAFTER
the lack of tolerance. We see it from a different
perspective, Syahrudin said. We look to create a
solution, not to add to the anxiety [kegelisahan].
Tempo will likewise focus on the problem of cor-
ruption. Yes, we have to shine a light on corrup-
tion, but how do we find a solution? How can it
be solved in a positive way? In this manner, we are
very different.
6
ICMI, Republika and the Press in the
New Order
The history of Republika is profoundly connected
with the history of the press in modern Indonesia,
and with the end of authoritarianism. Like a set of
Russian dolls within dolls, the story of Republika
founded in 1993 by ICMIcan actually be traced
all the way back to 1945.
Under President Suhartos New Order gov-
ernment, Indonesias press was tightly controlled
through a series of regulations enacted and en-
forced by the Ministry of Information. Although
the Basic Press Act of 1966 explicitly guaranteed
freedom of the press in accordance with the fun-
damental rights of citizens, would-be press en-
trepreneurs were required to obtain a press pub-
lication enterprise permit, or SIUPP (Surat Izin
Usaha Penerbitan Pers), before they could publish
a newspaper or magazine. As David Hill has writ-
ten, during the Suharto years, a news organisation
had to produce a raft of more than a dozen letters
and preliminary permits, including letters of sup-
port from all relevant professional organizations
(the Indonesian Journalists Association and the
[Newspaper] Publishers Association) at both the
regional and national level, several permits from
civilian and military authorities, [and] supporting
letters from the financing bank and the printing
company (1994, p. 48).
When ICMI sought permission to publish
a newspaper, it was fortunate to be able to draw
upon the staff of Berita Buana, a paper that had
been shut down one year earlier by an owner who
feared that his permit would be withdrawn. That
paper had, in turn, existed since 1945, and gone
through a number of incarnations, most recently
being revitalised by a group of journalists who left
Tempo magazine in the early 1990s. ICMI could
thus rely upon a highly professional stable of jour-
nalists trained in the style of Tempo and known for
their integrity and hard-hitting journalism.
ICMI also had a complex history. Founded in
1990 and under the chairmanship of Minister of
Research and Technology B. J. Habibie, ICMI was
an incongruous mix of independent intellectuals,
activists and government bureaucrats who hoped
to curry favour with the regime. It was considered
by many to be little more than a vehicle for Su-
hartos own re-election (Hefner, 1993).
Yet when the more progressive wing of ICMI
combined with the former Berita Buana journal-
ists, together they created a newspaper that was
remarkable in its early days for a kind of cosmo-
politan Islam that indirectly challenged the au-
thoritarianism of the very regime that had spon-
sored it.
7
Despite the obvious political pressures,
Republika journalists were committed to creating
a newspaper that was tolerant, plural, and mod-
ern, as well as pious and critical (Hefner, 1997, p.
97).
During its first few years, Republika was the
vessel for a remarkable range of Islamic discourse,
especially in the pages of the weekly Dialog Ju-
mat or Friday Dialogue. With an editorial board
and council made up of some of Indonesias most
respected Muslim scholars, including Nurcholis
Madjid, Haider Bagir and Amien Rais, the stable
of editors and writers was a whos who of Muslim
intellectuals. Former Berita Buana journalist Daru
Priyambodo explained:
The kind of Islam we tried to serve with
this newspaper was cosmopolitan Islam,
urban Islam. We wanted an Islam that was
educated, open-minded, and that under-
stood Islamic values. And that wasnt too
quick to say that the other person is kafir
[unbeliever/infidel]! But we werent able
to succeed, because there was too much
pressure from other Islamic groups.
8
The problem with being ICMIs newspa-
30 CASEFILE
per was that everyone thought they owned a piece
of it, and it was impossible not to become politi-
cised. According to journalists who were working
for Republika at the time, the biggest change in the
newspaper did not occur when Suharto resigned,
but rather before. On 29 May 1997, the exact date
of the Indonesian election, Muhammadiyah head
Amien Rais wrote a column entitled Kejujuran
[Honesty], in which he called upon all of us, the
people, the government, and those running the
election to uphold honesty and justice (quoted in
Utomo, 2010, p. 31). Again, according to Daru,
Suharto was very angry, and he demand-
ed that the chief editor be changed. And
Parni Hadi [the chief editor] stepped
down, and was exchanged with a Habibie
man who had no background in journal-
ism. He was a good person, but he was
asked to keep an eye on things so that
nothing was published that was would
make Habibie angry, Suharto angry, or
the military angry. When this happened,
for those of us inside, it was hopeless.
9
Commercial Media and the
Indonesian Middle Class
In 2010, Republika celebrated its seventeenth
birthday with the publication of an in-house his-
tory (Utomo, 2010). In that book, the newspapers
history is divided into two periods: the political
period under ICMI and the business period un-
der Mahaka.
In 1999, after B. J. Habibie was defeated in
the presidential election, Republika foundered.
Despite its progressive elements, ICMI had been
a creature of the Suharto regime. Times had
changed, and Republika needed a new investor.
In 2000, Mahaka Media bought Republika and
changed its economic basis, if not its Islamic ori-
entation.
Pointing out that one reason for the frequent
failures of Islamic media in Indonesia was that
they were not on a sound financial footing, Ma-
haka CEO Erick Thorir promised that Republika
would continue to serve the Muslim community
but on a commercial basis. With a new emphasis
on advertising and marketing, the paper would
thrive.
To a very large extent, this has happened. The
newspaper is now a successful business venture.
As the in-house history notes, Republika has dis-
pelled the myth that Islamic media is a poor place
in which to advertise. Todays readers are from
Indonesias urban middle class, comfortable with
both their religious values and a more consumer-
oriented lifestyle. In this way. Republika also re-
flects what Ariel Heryanto (2011, pp. 6082) has
described, as the new Muslim middle-class values
apparent in the beautiful clothes and exotic lo-
cations of the pious tearjerker Ayat Ayat Cinta
[Verses of Love]. Perhaps not coincidentally, Ayat
Ayat Cinta was first published in Republika as a
serial story and later as a novel (El Shirazy, 2004).
Every Tuesday, Republika publishes a special
supplement called Leisure. The section contains
interesting and readable articles on fashion, food,
travel and beauty tips. Although the supplement
has a section called Hijabbers Corner, not all of
the models in Leisure are shown wearing hijab or
head scarves.
Each Monday afternoon there is a weekly
meeting that includes editors not only from Lei-
sure but also from the other supplements, includ-
ing Gen-I (aimed mainly at the 20-somethings),
Islam Digest (Islam and the history of worship),
and Dialog Jumat or Friday Dialogue. Assistant
managing editor Subroto, who presides over the
meeting, explains that the Leisure section is
something that can be enjoyed by all. We wanted
something that can serve all our readers, he said.
We were too masculine. Our readers are educat-
ed; Islam doesnt have to be stiffit can be mod-
ern. The image of Islam doesnt have to be harsh.
We want to build a house for all groups.
10
What differentiates Leisure from womens
sections in other newspapers is the context of Re-
publika itself. As Leisure editor Indira Rezkisari
noted, Im sure our readers read the other sec-
tions, including Islam Digest and Dialogue Ju-
31 FROM FASHION TO THE HEREAFTER
mat. Of course, she joked, Our readers dont pray
all the time!
11
Is Republika a better, more independent
newspaper now that it is run on a commercial ba-
sis than it was under the controlled press of the
Suharto years? This question is difficult to answer.
On the surface, it is obvious that, as with the
rest of the Indonesian press, the news that is pub-
lished in Republika is much more comprehensive
and hard-hitting now that it was before. The kinds
of issues that the paper reports oncorruption,
poverty, politics and economicsare done with an
openness and vigour that was simply not possible
during the Suharto years (Romano, 2003).
Clearly, Republikas market segment has become
more important, and drives story selection. As chief
editor Nasihin Masha explained, like toothpaste,
each media has its own segment, and Republika is
a Muslim community newspaper. As a result, the
paper focuses more on Islamic political parties and
matters of interest to the Muslim community than
one would find in other Indonesian newspapers. An-
ything deemed pornographic , including photos of
women in skimpy clothing, is completely off limits.
12

One frequently hears the statement that Republika is
a family newspaper, and something that everyone in
the house should be comfortable reading.
It is instructive to compare the post-ICMI
Republika with Tempo newspaper, which was es-
tablished in 2000 and employs a number of ex-
Republika journalists who left the paper during
the upheaval that occurred around the time of the
change in ownership. Both papers have attractive,
modern designs and use clear, straightforward lan-
guage. The most readily apparent difference is Re-
publikas position on issues touching on freedom
of expression. Whereas a number of Republika
journalists may not personally object to Indone-
sian Playboy magazine, Lady Gaga or discussions
of the biography of Canadian lesbian-Muslim
writer Irshad Manji, the newspaper as an institu-
tion opposes them. The reverse is true at Tempo.
Why? For Republikas journalists the explanation
is clear: Because of our readers.
In Dialog Jumat and the other supplements
that focus on religion, Republika also appears to
be less willing to take on controversial positions
that run the risk of offending the readers. Whereas
in the early 1990s, the Friday Dialogue section
incorporated a wide range of opinion, including
those of feminists, religious liberals, experts on
human rights and even non-Muslims, todays sec-
tions on religion cater to the majority view. For
example, during a recent controversy over a fatwa
by the Indonesian Council of Ulama (MUI) against
the banning of female circumcision, Republika
stayed out of the debate. Although the controversy
was widely reported in other Indonesian media,
Republika published only a page-12 news story on
the fatwa, and editors said they were unlikely to
follow up with additional coverage on their Pro/
Kontra page.
13
In a small discussion with its editors, the con-
sensus was that reporting on the pros and cons of
female circumcision was too much bother, and
that the issue had already been covered. We can
debate about this endlessly, or we can just agree to
stop debating, said one. Its counterproductive,
said another. Its just wasting time.
14
As the lack of debate on the topic of female
circumcision within the pages of Republika sug-
gests, it is possible that when the paper was sub-
sidised by ICMI, it may have actually been freer to
lead the Muslim community by providing a wide
range of viewpoints. Although todays Republika
journalists point proudly to how Erick Thorir and
Mahaka have taken Republika out of politics and
placed it on a sound business footing, it is hard not
to conclude that the newspaper has paid a price for
this shift towards commercialisation, now repeat-
ing the conventional wisdom rather than challeng-
ing the perceived interests of either the readers or
the advertisers.
Journalism, Islam, Democracy
In the words of managing editor Elba Damhuri, it
is a dilemma to run an Islamic newspaper in Indo-
nesia because nobody agrees on what Islam should
32 CASEFILE
be.
15
Even a simple question such as when the fast-
ing month of Ramadan begins can be problematic,
as Indonesias two largest religious organisations,
Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), fre-
quently celebrate it at different times.
16
As news-
room editor Asep K. Nurzaman explained, one
definition of tolerance is how to live peacefully,
not only between religions but also between NU
and Muhammadiyah.
17
Assistant managing editor Heri Ruslan, who
is also the editor of Republika Online (ROL),
likewise explains that there are many different
mazhab or schools in Indonesian Islam, and that
each one thinks it is right. So no matter what ROL
includes, someone is angry, he said. They com-
plain via Twitter and Facebook, and urge others to
stop subscribing.
18
Since its founding, Republika has had to han-
dle pressure from both inside Islam and out. With
a mixture of pride and ruefulness, Republika jour-
nalists can recite a list of the occasions in which
the newspaper has been demonstrated against by
Islamic organisations that have objected to some-
thing they published.
Yet this critical give and take, be it in the pages
of the newspaper or on Twitter or Facebook, is the
essence of freedom of expression in a democracy.
If no one has access to the absolute truth, then all
citizens should be sceptical of the truth of their
own opinions. This Lockean understanding of re-
ligious freedom stands in marked contrast to the
situation in neighbouring Malaysia, where state
authorities have the right to determine what is and
is not Islamic (Steele, forthcoming).
As the 2010 Arab Spring witnessed numerous
Muslim nations struggling to throw off the chains
of authoritarianism, many commentators noted
that Indonesia has much to teach the world about
Islam and democracy (Pintak & Setiyono, 2011).
Although the advantages and disadvantages of Re-
pulikas commercial model can be debated, its suc-
cess nevertheless suggests that as a large, modern
Islamic newspaper, Republika has much to offer.
Despite the trade-offs in the transition from po-
litical to commercial, Republika continues to serve
up a style of professional journalism that manages
to speak for democracy and economic justice,
while at the same time serving the interests of its
Muslim readers.
Questions for discussion
1. Are the values of journalism universal?
2. Can there be such a thing as Islamic journal-
ism?
3. Is it possible to conduct independent jour-
nalism under an authoritarian regime?
4. What are the advantages and disadvantages
to a commercial model in journalism?
Notes
1. Interview with Subroto, 8 June 2012. The
author is grateful to Jerry Macdonald for his
critical reading of this study, and to both Jerry
Macdonald and Elizabeth Bowen for their on-
going support and encouragement.
2. Interview, Nasihin Masha, 4 June 2012. Field-
work for this study was conducted between
1 May 2012 and 31 January 2013. All transla-
tions from Indonesian are the authors.
3. Interview with Irfan Junaedi, 25 January 2013.
4. Interview with Nasihin Masha, 4 June 2010.
5. Interview with Elba Damhuri, 4 June 2012.
6. Interview with Syahrudin El Fikri, 15 October
2012.
7. Islam kosmopolitan dalam berita [Cosmopoli-
tan Islam in news], Tempo, 9 January 1993.
8. Interview with Daru Priyambodo, 2 January
2013.
9. Ibid.
10. Interview with Subroto, 8 June 2012.
11. Interview with Indira Rezkisari, 8 June 2012.
12. Exceptions to this rule are photographs in the
sports section.
13. MUI tolak larangan khitan perempuan [MUI
refuses the ban on female circumcision],
Republika, 22 January 2013.
14. Meeting with Republika editors Ferry Kisihan-
di, E. H. Ismail and Yogi Ardi, 22 January 2013.
15. Interview with Elba Damhuri, 6 June 2012.
16. During 2011, for example, Muhammadiyah
celebrated Eid on 30 August whereas NU
decided on 31 August. Republika ultimately
decided to go with what the government had
decided (NUs way) even though the general
perception is that about 30% of papers readers
are Muhammadiyah and only 10% NU.
33 FROM FASHION TO THE HEREAFTER
17. Interview with Asep K. Nurzaman, 6 June 2012.
18. Interview with Heri Ruslan, 28 December
2012.
References
Cook, M. (2003). Forbidding wrong in Islam.
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34 RESEARCH
MEDIA
ASIA
RESEARCH
Covering racial political issues in
Malaysia: Te eect of news frames
on readers thoughts
HASRINA MUSTAFA, WAN NORSHIRA WAN MOHD GHAZALI & RAMLI MOHAMED
Hasrina Mustafa is Senior Lecturer at the School of Communication, Universiti Sains Malaysia. Wan Norshira Binti Wan Mohd
Ghazali is an academic trainee at the Department of Communication in International Islamic University Malaysia. Ramli
Mohamed is Professor at the School of Communication, Universiti Sains Malaysia.
MEDIA ASIA 40(1), pp. 3446
This paper seeks to investigate the prevalence of four media frames as identified in an earlier
study of Malaysian newspapers with regard to a racial-political issue. This study likewise surveys
the audience frames to explore the extent to which media frames influence readers perception
on the issue. A comparative content analysis of news articles on Teoh Beng Hocks death was
conducted on the New Straits Times, Sin Chew Daily, Utusan Malaysia and Malaysia Kini from
17 July 2009 to end of July 2010. Meanwhile, a survey on 400 readers of the four newspapers
was carried out. The result showed that all newspapers favoured the policy/action frame in
reporting the issue, followed by the conflict, human interest and attribution of responsibility/
blame frames. Meanwhile, the audience frames echoed that of the media frames but differed in
terms of sequence.
I
t is a known fact that racial-political issues
dominate Malaysian media today. Many
controversial issues relating to ethnicity and
politics enjoy extensive coverage and detailed
analyses in the local media, especially in newspa-
pers. Daily, Malaysians are bombarded with news
on racial-political issues such as the political cri-
sis in the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA),
an ethnic-based political party, internal conflicts
within Pakatan Rakyat (the opposition parties)
and the racial-religious conflict in the use of the
term Allah.
Ethnicity and politics are the two main fac-
tors that influence and shape the Malaysian media
landscape today. According to Halimaton (2006),
the media industries in Malaysia publish newspa-
pers with different languages to serve the coun-
trys multiracial society. These ethnic-language
newspapers are the means for each racial group to
voice their aspirations, hopes and fears. Similarly,
controversial political issues prevail in the Ma-
laysian media reports even as most mainstream
newspapers are owned and controlled by the gov-
ernment or its allies. At the same time, many alter-
35 COVERING RACIAL POLITICAL ISSUES IN MALAYSIA
native newspapers are known to be closely aligned
with certain opposition parties.
Researches on news framing are often con-
ducted to study various racial-political issues. Me-
dia or news-framing analysis suggests a close cor-
relation between news framing and public agenda.
In other words, media are influential not just in
determining what issues to think about but also
how to think about those issues.
This study aims to investigate the relation-
ships between news framing and audience fram-
ing on the mysterious death of Teoh Beng Hock
(TBH). He was a political secretary to the Selangor
executive councillor of the opposition party. TBH
was found dead on 16 July 2009, shortly after being
interrogated by the Malaysian Anti-Corruption
Commission (MACC) (Bernama, 2009). He was a
key witness in a high-profile case investigated by
MACC. Thus, his death became a contentious is-
sue, as it involves political and racial matters and
the coverage of this case was deemed a high prior-
ity in print, broadcast and new media.
There are several reasons this issue is worth
studying. First, from the public perspective, the
case has become a controversial political-racial
issue. Second, various newspapers portray and
frame the same issue differently, based on agenda
and target readership. And third, such research
is yet to be conducted within a Malaysian con-
text, particularly in examining the types of frame
in media and the types of frame from audience
perspective. Therefore, this study aims to exam-
ine whether the frame set by the media serve as a
frame of reference to readers. The research ques-
tions of this study are as follows.
RQ1 How did the media report TBHs death is-
sue in terms of framing portrayal (number,
size and types of photographs) in the New
Straits Times, Sin Chew Daily, Utusan Ma-
laysia and Malaysia Kini?
RQ2 How was TBHs mysterious death framed
and what was the dominant frame that
emerged in the New Straits Times, Sin
Chew Daily, Utusan Malaysia and Malay-
sia Kini?
RQ3 Did the audience frames from the survey
study replicate the media frames observed
in the content analyses?
Literature Review
An impressive literature contributes to an under-
standing of the concept of framing or news frames
in this study (e.g. Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000;
Husselbee & Elliott, 2002; Scheufele, 1999; Weaver,
2007; Entman, 2007; McLeod & Detenber, 1999;
Valkenburg, Semetko & Vreese, 1999; Pan & Ko-
sicki, 1993). Entman (1993) projects a detailed ex-
plication of how the media provides the audience
with schemas for interpreting events. By this, he
expounds that to frame is to select some aspects
of perceived reality and make them more salient in
a communicating text, in such a way as to promote
a particular problem definition, causal interpreta-
tion, and moral evaluation, and/or treatment rec-
ommendation for the item described (p. 52). From
the definition, there are four functions of framing:
to define problems, to diagnose causes, to make
moral judgments, and to suggest remedies.
In the process of selection and salience, newspa-
pers attribute importance to certain parts of a story
through framing. Scheufele (1999) identifies two
types of frame: media frame and audience frame.
The media frame involves the process of news pres-
entation while the audience frame refers to the news
comprehension activity. Adams and Schreibman
(1978) define the media frames research into the
production and content of news, while the research
into audience frames is a type of effects research.
Media Frame: Framing Portrayal
Fortunato (2005) suggests two methods of framing
in the media: exposure and portrayal. The framing
exposure is significant to recognise the pattern of
coverage employed by newspapers while the fram-
ing portrayal (the main concepts of this study)
focuses on the presentation of content in news-
papers. It involves the decision-making process in
36 RESEARCH
which facts or sides of an event are included and
emphasised in a story. The portrayal is character-
ised as the use of photographs, the types of news
sources, the aspects of issue and the content being
covered, by which Taylor and Sorenson (2002) de-
scribe as elements of a story frame which involved
language, sources and opinions quoted, and back-
ground information.
The use of photographs in news stories is part
of the framing portrayal because a photograph
can suggest what issue is being reported and what
frames are being employed. Yang (2008) suggests
that photographs and captions are among the sev-
eral framing tools to facilitate salience in an issue.
The presence of a photograph with caption gives
more importance to the news event. Jones and
Wardle (2008) believe that images are secondary
to the texts and can emphasise the innate meaning
in the texts. Wardle (2007) has classified visual im-
ages into three categories: personal (photographs
of family, fiance and friends of TBH), institution-
al (photographs of the unfolding issue of police in-
vestigation, court proceedings and post-mortem)
and societal (photographs that reflect how the
local communities are affected by TBHs death).
Christina Chin (2009) used the same classification
in discovering the photograph display of a child
murder case. Following Wardles categorisation,
this research employed the same category in pho-
tograph classification.
Framing has always been attached to agenda
setting theory. Agenda setting propounds that
the greater the media coverage given an issue, the
more salient it will become to the public (Edy &
Meirick, 2007; Price, Tewksbury & Powers, 1997;
Entman, 2007). According to Entman (1993), sa-
lience is to make a piece of information more
noticeable, meaningful, or memorable to the audi-
ence (p. 53). McCombs (2005) relates the concept
of framing with media agenda and explains that
media select and control the coverage of a given
issue and set agenda for discussion. On the whole,
agenda setting can be seen as another term for
successfully performing the first function of fram-
ing, that is, defining problems worthy of public
and government attention (Entman, 2007).
Audience Frame
According to Pan and Kosicki (1993), the audience
frame is a schema of interpretations that enables
individuals to perceive, organise, and make sense
of incoming information (p. 551). They further
add that many researches on audience frames
have tried to examine how and to what extent
the specific media frames could influence read-
ers awareness on certain subjects. Meanwhile,
Scheufele (1999) posits that the audience frame as
an attempt to reveal the extent to which certain
audience frames are replications of media frames.
Framing consists of several elements to allow for
audience interpretation of certain issues. Pan et al.
(1993) propose that the framing approach views
news text as a system that is composed of ordered
representative elements to endorse certain ideas
and to provide a mechanism for audience text pro-
cessing. It is claimed that the audience frame is
thus a replication of the media frame.
Types of Frames
Journalists can frame stories in multiple ways. A re-
search conducted by Semetko et al. (2000) studied
the occurrences of several types of media frames,
i.e. attribution of responsibility/blame, human in-
terest, conflict, morality and economic frames,
while Gan, Teo and Detenber (2005) explored the
conflict, human interest, issue/policy, regional
perspective, horse race and constitutional crises
frames. Another study measuring the effects of
news frames conducted by Valkenburg et al. (1999)
point out that there are at least four ways in which
news is commonly framed: conflict, human inter-
est, responsibility/blame and policy/action frames.
Neuman, Just and Crigler (cited by Valken-
burg et al., 1999) project that the conflict frame en-
tails conflict between individuals, parties, groups
or institutions, which can also revolve around
conflict in politics such as conflict among groups,
among different views of the society, among dif-
37 COVERING RACIAL POLITICAL ISSUES IN MALAYSIA
ferent economical and social interests, and among
the different ways to solve the problems of soci-
ety. The human-interest frame is another means
to depict an event. This frame presents news sto-
ries by focusing on individuals or emphasising on
the emotional angle. According to Zillmann et al.
(2004), some journalists highlight the misfortunes
that befall others while others focus on the human
impact, such as despair, agony and grief, to make
their stories emotionally convincing.
The attribution of the responsibility/blame
frame presents an issue by attributing responsibil-
ity, crediting or blaming certain political institu-
tions, government, groups or individuals (Valken-
burg et al., 1999; Semetko et al., 2000; Gan et al.,
2005; Cho & Gower, 2006). The policy/action frame
is another technique used by journalists to frame
their stories that weigh public concern on the solu-
tions to certain issues. Shrestha (2009) recognises
that this frame centres on policy measures taken by
the government to handle certain issues or crises.
An Overview of the Malaysian Media
Media organisations in Malaysia operate along
certain rules and regulations and play a pivotal
role in cultural, political and societal development,
in which they shape attitudes and opinions, and
influence political behaviour. The print media cir-
culates newspapers in different languages to serve
the multiracial society of Malaysia.
The New Straits Times (NST) is one of the
leading newspapers in Malaysia. It serves as a ve-
hicle for discussions and promotes thinking on
current issues among the Malaysian elite read-
ers whose readership transcends racial groupings
(Halimahton Shaari, Teck Hua & Raman, 2006).
Nonetheless, NST is bound by certain regulations
in editorial space. Lent (1984) explains that free-
dom of the press in Malaysia has been tightened
through ownership, management and control.
This was done by replacing long-established,
family-operated newspapers with a new set of
government dailies, by putting corporate control
of newspaper groups in the hands of those close
to government and by instituting legislative and
other controls over the distribution of foreign
news (Lent, 1984, p. 2). The ownership and con-
trol of the newspaper influence the news direction
in NST. In addition, Hoffman (cited in Khatirasen,
2006) asserts that the Malaysian press is different
from foreign newspapers because they look for so-
lutions for issues or problems in which NST pub-
lishes solution-oriented articles to help restore
order in the country (Khatirasen, 2006).
Alternatively, Sin Chew Daily (SCD) is pub-
lished in the Chinese language. Targeting the Chi-
nese community, it is a market leader among Chi-
nese newspapers and has the highest circulation.
The Chinese media reported the issue in greater
depth since TBHs death was close to the heart of
the Malaysian Chinese community. It is argued that
a dominant characteristic of vernacular newspa-
pers in Malaysia is the tendency to concentrate on
events important to their respective communities
(Halimahton Shaari et al., 2006; Halimahton Shaari,
2006). A study on the placement of religion-racial
related issues in newspapers conducted by Hali-
mahton Shaari and her colleagues (2006) find that
stories about Moorthy, an Indian Muslim convert,
was been covered extensively in both Utusan Me-
layu (UM) and Malaysia Nanban, as the issue en-
gaged Malay Muslim and Indian readers. The same
study also reveals that Nyonya Tahirs story ap-
peared more frequently in SCD, as she had lived the
lifestyle of Buddhism-practising Chinese, though
she was born as a Muslim. In addition, Hock (1967)
argues that the role of the press is to promote the
political, social and intellectual development of the
Chinese community internally, while fostering una-
nimity among the Chinese externally to safeguard
their interests. In this assertion, the Chinese print
media become the means to help its own commu-
nity and protect their rights.
Similarly, UM, which targets the Malay com-
munity, serves its own purposes in news report-
ing. As a Malay newspaper, UM is used to cultivate
the spirit of nationalism among the people and op-
erates as a channel to protect people from negative
38 RESEARCH
attitudes that can bring down Malays (Halimahton
Shaari et al., 2006). Akin to SCD, UM is eager to
concentrate on events perceived important to the
Malay community. This newspaper also serves as
a vehicle for the government to spread its vision
to the society.
The last news medium sampled in this re-
search is Malaysia Kini (MK). Well known as a
controversial online newspaper, this medium fo-
cuses more on the political and controversial is-
sues. Issues related to government actions, espe-
cially those with a political flavour, are highlighted
and raised as the main topic. MK has always been
the main target of the political actors for its open-
ness and blatant criticism of those who fail in their
responsibility to the society, such as bribery cases.
With the aim of serving readers with transparent
information, MK tries to continuously serve as a
watchdog of the community on the actions of peo-
ple in power. As an online newspaper, the young
and educated are the main target audience.
Methods
The research used the quantitative method via
content analysis on media texts and survey re-
search on respondents. There are two possible
measures to analysing content frames in the news:
inductive and deductive (Semetko et al., 2000).
This study applied the deductive approach to
identify the types of frames used in the coverage
of TBHs mysterious death. A deductive approach
involves the process of predefining certain frames
as content analytical variables to verify the extent
to which these frames occur in the news. This ap-
proach can be used on large samples and can de-
tect the differing frames employed between the
media and within the media (Semetko et al., 2000).
A purposive sampling was used. The popula-
tion of this study was news articles from 17 July
2009 to 31 June 2010. The chosen time period is
appropriate, as it was the day when TBH was found
dead until mid-2010, as the case was still in court.
The unit of analysis is the whole article. The re-
searchers examined articles in NST and UM from
the front page to the nation section. Sections such
as sport, education, economy and feature were not
included. Similarly, the news selection was done
from the front page up to the international section,
since the complex section sometimes appears in
between the international section in SCD. As for
MK, the researcher subscribed to the online news-
paper and gained full access to all TBHs stories
located in a specific link in the web page.
A pilot test was carried out to check the cod-
ing schedule and inter-coder reliability as well as
to avoid either the lack of categories or too many
categories being offered. This research used Holstis
inter-coder reliability statistic, which involved two
independent different coders analysing four types
of frames on 50 randomly selected sample articles
from each newspaper. The inter-coder reliability of
the pilot test was achieved in which each frame was
reported as fulfilling the minimum acceptable alpha
value, which should be greater than 0.7 ( > 0.7).
The study hired three coders to code a total of
1,017 articles (N = 1,017) from NST, SCD, UM and
MK in order to avoid bias in coding. The coders
were fluent in Chinese in order to code SCD. Sepa-
rate coding sheets were used for each newspaper.
Two categories of analysis have been developed:
identifier categories, to categorise the media and
pattern of coverage that coded items like coder,
case, date and page (section); and value dimen-
sions, to classify the coverage based on four types
of frame in which the presence or absence of ana-
lytical indicators/variables in each frame would be
coded.
In the operationalisation of the value dimen-
sions, at least five questions were created in each
frame to help coders measure the extent to which
certain frames appeared in an article. The domi-
nance of each frame was determined based on
Gans et al. (2005) claim that when more of the
criteria listed under each frame are met, the more
facets of that particular frame are used and hence
the more dominant the frame is in the article
(Gan et al., 2005, p. 451). The operationalisation of
frames is shown in Table 1.
39 COVERING RACIAL POLITICAL ISSUES IN MALAYSIA
Table 1
The operationalisation of framing types
Types of frame Framing items
Conflict frame (a) Does the story reflect disagreement or split between parties, individuals,
groups, countries?
(b) Does one party, individuals, group, country, reproach (accuse, criticise,
reprimand, condemn) another?
(c) Does the story refer to winner or losers?
(d) Does the story compare specific actions between parties, individuals, groups,
and countries?
(e) Does the story reflect on the differing views towards the issue or policies
certain parties embrace?
Human interest
frame
(a) Does the story employ adjectives or personal descriptions that generate
feelings of outrage, empathy-caring, sympathy, or compassion?
(b) Does the story emphasise how individuals and groups are affected by the
issue/problem?
(c) Does the story go into the private and personal lives of the actors?
(d) Does the story contain visual information that might generate feelings of
outrage, empathy-caring, sympathy, compassion?
(e) Does the story use words that could stimulate emotional responses of outrage,
empathy-caring, sympathy, compassion?
(f ) Record the types of feeling that have been observed in the news (choose only
ONE that appears most or first):
Sad; Outrage/ anger; Panic/ alarm Sympathy/compassion; Disappoint/
dissatisfy/disagree; Happy; Concern/considerate/ thoughtful; Others
Attribution of
responsibility /
blame frame
(a) Does the story suggest that some level of government, parties, organisation or
individuals has the ability to alleviate the problem?
(b) Does the story suggest that some level of government, parties, organisation,
or individuals is responsible for the issue?
(c) Does the story suggest the issue requires urgent action?
(d) Does the story suggest solutions to the issue?
(e) Which party should be blamed for the issue that the story suggests? (Choose
ONE only)
MACC; Government agencies (Judiciary system, Police, court proceeding);
Pakatan Rakyat; PKR; DAP; Lawyer presenting other parties/individuals
(Presenting Teohs family, witnesses etc); Others (please specify)
Policy/Action
frame
(a) Does the story describe on the policy measures and/or action will be taken or
taken to control the situation/ to solve the issue?
(b) Does the story provide information in the implementation and undertaking
on the issue?
(c) Does the story feature investigation taken to solve the issue?
(d) Does the story mention the consequences of specific policy measures and/or
actions on the issue?
(e) Are there reasons stated for undertaking certain policies and/or action on the
issue?
Neutral frame
(a) The story describes on witnesses testimonies in neutral manner.
(b) The news articles provide the summary information on Teoh Beng Hock
latest update.
40 RESEARCH
On the other hand, four enumerators were
hired for the survey tasked with collecting data
from the northern part of Peninsular Malaysia
(Perlis, Kedah, Penang and Perak). Four hundred
respondents were selected for this survey on the
condition that they were readers of one of the
newspapers in the study. The survey research de-
liberately explored the presence of the four frames
from the readers perspective in order to deter-
mine whether there was any interaction between
the media agenda and the public.
The survey was operationalised into two cat-
egories: demographic information (gender, race,
age, monthly income and educational level, types
of newspaper read) and audience frame section.
Taken up almost the same method of data collec-
tion from Valkenburgs et al. (1999) study, which
used an open-ended type of questions, the audi-
ence frame was analysed as follows.
1) The questions below were asked to deter-
mine the types of frames developed by the
respondents when it comes to Teoh Beng
Hocks issue:
What is the picture you remember most
pertaining to the issue of Teoh Beng Hock?
State the three most important issues
that first come to your mind pertaining
to this topic.
The following questions were asked
based on each frame:
Human interest
How do you feel about the issue? (Sad, angry,
dissatisfy, sympathy, considerate)
Responsibility
Who do you think should be blamed for the
issue? (MACC, Pakatan Rakyat, Malaysian
government, PKR, DAP, lawyer presenting
Teohs family)
Conflict
State two parties that were involved in the
conflict/quarrel/disagreement/problem.
(MACC, Pakatan Rakyat, Malaysian govern-
ment, PKR, DAP, lawyer presenting Teohs
family)
Policy/action
Which party has consistently taken neces-
sary legal measure/action to solve the issue?
(MACC, Pakatan Rakyat, Malaysian govern-
ment, PKR, DAP, lawyer presenting Teohs
family)
Results
The first research question aims to investigate
the framing portrayal, which can be explained in
terms of photograph display (size and types). In a
sequence order, SCD displayed the most number
of photographs, followed by MK, NST and UM
(see Table 2).
Table 2
Number of photographs displayed in the New
Straits Times, Sin Chew Daily, Utusan Malaysia
and Malaysia Kini
Newspaper Photograph display
New Straits Times 130
Sin Chew Daily 592
Utusan Malaysia 66
Malaysia Kini 242
Total 1,030
Although the number of articles featured in
NST is fewer than those in SCD, a total of 130
photographs accompanied 231 articles, which is
almost every article reported in NST. Similarly,
MK displayed a total of 242 photographs from
294 articles, followed by UM, which displayed the
smallest number with only 66 photographs for the
170 articles. In the meantime, the size of the big-
gest photograph measured in the four newspapers
is shown in Table 3.
Another important finding is the use of a
small photograph or icon to signify TBHs stories
in all newspapers. The icon served as a signal to
readers and was accompanied by a general sum-
mary of the issue in NST, SCD and UM.
Following Wardle (2007), this study has clas-
sified the photographs into personal, societal and
institutional types. The category of Others was
created to code photographs that did not suit the
41 COVERING RACIAL POLITICAL ISSUES IN MALAYSIA
criteria of the three categories, such as a pho-
tograph of the window of Plaza Massalam, the
building where TBH was found dead. Although
the numbers of photographs in all newspapers
greatly differed, there was a similarity in terms of
the types of photograph employed. Table 4 sum-
marises the types of photographs that appeared in
the four newspapers.
The most important part of this study, as
stated in the second research question, is to in-
vestigate how TBHs death was framed in the four
newspapers. Content analysis was conducted on
1,017 articles to explore the prominence of the
four frames: human interest, policy/action, re-
sponsibility/blame and conflict.
A simple descriptive statistic test was run
to compare the dominance of each frame used
in each newspaper. It was revealed that different
number of cases did not justify the distinction
in terms of the trend of news framing. From the
comparison made in Table 5, all four media were
overwhelmed by the policy/action frame, followed
by the conflict, human interest and responsibility/
blame frames.
The third research question explores the
likelihood that the audience frames replicate the
media frames observed from the content analy-
sis. The first part of the survey shows the demo-
Table 3
Size of photographs for the New Straits Times, Sin Chew Daily, Utusan Malaysia and Malaysia Kini
Photograph size New Straits Times Sin Chew Daily Utusan Malaysia Malaysia Kini
Biggest 240.25 sq cm 650.1 sq cm 274.4 sq cm 205.7 sq cm
Smallest 4.4 sq cm 3.74 sq cm 8.68 sq cm 2.6 sq cm
**Mean 30.33 sq cm 74.98 sq cm 32.44 sq cm 48.01 sq cm
**Standard
deviation
53.264 sq cm 69.217 sq cm 61.666 sq cm 28.297 sq cm
Table 4
Types of photographs in the New Straits Times, Sin Chew Daily, Utusan Malaysia and Malaysia Kini
Types of
photographs
New Straits Times
Percentage (%)
Sin Chew Daily
Percentage (%)
Utusan Malaysia
Percentage (%)
Malaysia Kini
Percentage (%)
Personal 6.9 16.5 8.8 14.1
Societal 2.6 4.7 2.4 8.8
Institutional 88.7 74.6 85.3 57.8
Others 1.8 4.2 3.5 19.3
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Table 5
Types of frames in the New Straits Times, Sin Chew Daily, Utusan Malaysia and Malaysia Kini
Frame New Straits
Times
Sin Chew Daily Utusan
Malaysia
Malaysia Kini
Frequency Frequency Frequency Frequency
Human interest 29 75 36 28
Policy/action 72 317 62 70
Responsibility/blame 16 107 23 10
Conflict 39 151 30 52
Total 156 650 151 160
42 RESEARCH
graphic information of the respondents. The cross
tabulation between the newspapers and the racial
category of respondents is presented in Table 6.
Meanwhile, Table 7 displays the cross tabulation
between the newspapers and the respondents age.
The second part of survey researched the au-
dience frame, which was started with the result
of the types of photograph remembered most by
respondents. Following the same category in the
content analysis, Table 8 listed the frequency of
the types of photograph according to respondents.
Using an open-ended question, which allowed
respondents to list their answers according to their
knowledge and interpretation, Table 9 shows the
result of the frame prominent in all newspapers
according to respondents.
Table 6
Cross tabulation between newspapers and racial category
Newspaper Malay Chinese Indian Total
New Straits Times 37 42 22 101 (25.3%)
Sin Chew Daily 0 121 0 121 (30.3%)
Utusan Malaysia 115 1 0 116 (29.0%)
Malaysia Kini 34 17 11 62 (15.5%)
Total 186 (46.5%) 181 (45.3%) 33 (8.3%) 400 (100.00%)
Table 7
Cross tabulation between newspapers and age category
Newspaper Age category Total
2029 3039 4049 5059 60 and above
New Straits Times 51 32 11 7 0 101
Sin Chew Daily 57 34 20 10 0 121
Utusan Malaysia 53 39 17 6 1 116
Malaysia Kini 37 19 6 0 0 62
Total 198 124 54 23 1 400
Table 8
Frequency of photograph types remembered by the respondents
Types of photograph Frequency Percentage (%)
Personal 299 74.8
Societal 25 6.2
Institutional 70 17.5
Others 6 1.5
Total 400 100.0
Table 9
Frame prominent in newspapers according to the respondents
Newspaper Human interest Public policy Responsibility Conflict Total
New Straits Times 19 39 27 16 101
Sin Chew Daily 28 61 24 8 121
Utusan Malaysia 16 55 15 30 116
Malaysia Kini 8 36 10 8 62
Total prominent frame 71 191 76 62 400
43 COVERING RACIAL POLITICAL ISSUES IN MALAYSIA
Discussion
In order to understand the framing portrayal of
this issue, the numbers, sizes and types of photo-
graphs were analysed in RQ1. The content analyses
revealed that the institutional image was the most
preferred type of photograph in the four newspa-
pers, since more stories pertaining to court pro-
ceedings, police investigation and the post-mortem
were published. While personal and societal pho-
tographs were not highly used due to the fact that
there were fewer stories reported on these aspects.
The use of photographs was important to suggest
the frame of a story. These findings affirm the re-
search conducted by Mustoffa (1992), that photo-
graphs are important features to depict current is-
sues of a case. Since the policy/action was the most
prominent frame in all four newspapers, it is unde-
niable that the institutional type of photograph was
employed the most. It can be noted that the per-
sonal photograph was less utilised, since it is closely
related to the human-interest frame, which was not
a prominent frame in this case.
However, the survey showed that despite
its rare use, the personal photograph was most
remembered by readers, followed by the institu-
tional and the societal photograph. The societal
photograph is sometimes appealing because it
describes how people react to the issue. Although
the news reports focused heavily on the court pro-
ceedings, TBHs family and fiance grievances in
the newspapers helped readers to recall the issue.
The accompanying personal photographs, such
as the sobbing parents and fiance of TBH, had
greater impact on readers. There were not many
photographs of this type shown in the newspa-
pers but the impact they had on the readers was
pronounced. This is in line with Heaths (1968)
assertion that a good photograph of a dramatic
occurrence permits readers to establish their own
perspective of it and allow for their recall. Bear-
ing the fact that SCDs readers were the highest
respondents, it is indisputable that the personal
photograph was remembered most since the case
was close to the hearts of the Chinese readers.
The second research question, which asked
about the dominant frames in each of the four
newspapers through content analysis, found that
the policy/action frame was used extensively in all
four newspapers, followed by the conflict, human-
interest and responsibility/blame frames in NST
and MK; the conflict, responsibility/blame and
human-interest frames in SCD; and the human-
interest, conflict and responsibility frames in UM.
The use of frames with certain frequency in
this issue is not a surprising finding in an environ-
mental where the media is highly regulated. It has
been explicated above that through ownership and
control, the newspaper is bound to certain rules
and regulations in editorial space. Lent (1984) ex-
plains that freedom of the press in Malaysia has
been tightened through ownership, management
and control. Therefore, reporters often take the
safest route and do not want to get into unneces-
sary trouble with the authorities in their reporting.
Hence the policy/action frame is the most conven-
ient way of reporting TBHs issue.
The policy/action frame refers to policy
measures taken and the outcome of action taken
by the government or the responsible party in
dealing with the issue. The analysis found that the
frame focussing on TBHs death inquest (specifi-
cally police investigations and court proceedings),
the second post-mortem and the hiring of inter-
national pathologistswhich is the policy/action
frameis the dominant frame in all newspapers.
Meanwhile, the conflict frame underlines the dis-
cord between the parties, groups, individuals and
institutions. This frame was frequently used by
court-hearing reports, such as the reporting of
discrepancies in opinion in court and disagree-
ments of several parties involved in this issue.
In contrast, the human-interest frame report-
ed the emotional responses of TBHs family, fian-
ce and friends. The frame includes the personali-
sation, dramatisation and emotionalisation of the
news stories. In most cases, editors and journalists
produce news story to capture and retain audience
attention based on market needs. Although it can
44 RESEARCH
be said that the media prefer to select stories that
are sensational and human-interest-based, which
could excite the interest and curiosity of the pub-
lic in the events of death and tragic social conse-
quences (Husselbee & Elliott, 2002), it was differ-
ent in this case. Since TBHs death is a politically-
related and high-profile case, the policy/action
and conflict frames were used more frequently to
suit the nature of the case, while human-interest
value was less concentrated by all newspapers ex-
cept for UM.
In general, the least employed frame in all the
newspapers, except for SCD, was the responsi-
bility/blame frame. This frame presents an issue
by attributing responsibility and blaming certain
political institutions, government, groups or indi-
viduals on the dire occurrences that caught pub-
lic attention, which deserved immediate action.
Based on the assertion made by Hoffman (cited in
Khatirasen, 2006), that the Malaysian press is dif-
ferent from foreign newspapers because they look
for solutions for any issues or problems, there is no
doubt that the attribution of responsibility/blame
frame was least used.
This studys third aim was to discover wheth-
er certain news frames had different effects on
readers thought about THBs issue and to find
out whether the audience frames echo the media
frames. From the survey results, it was found that
47.75 percent (191 out of 400) of the respond-
ents believed the policy/action frame employed
extensively by all newspapers. The survey, police
investigations, court proceedings and the hiring of
international pathologists were the answers most
frequently given by the respondents. The court-
related stories were quite technical in nature be-
cause they involved proceedings and rules, which
were simplified for readers and hence could be
easily remembered by readers.
The other three frames were moderately scat-
tered in the newspapers, according to the readers.
The responsibility, human-interest and conflict
frames scored 19 percent, 17.75 percent and 15.5
percent, respectively. The three frames did not
have any prominent or obvious difference from
each other. However, the sequence of the frame
used in all four newspapers differed in the survey
when compared to the content analysis. Generally,
we can say that there was no major difference in
terms of percentage but the difference can be seen
in the sequence of frames found in the survey vis-
-vis the content analysis.
In a nutshell, the survey discovered that re-
spondents perceptions towards the issue were
based on framing categories. According to the
respondents, for the policy/action frame, the par-
ties that have taken the necessary legal measures
towards the issue were: the lawyer represent-
ing TBHs family (43.5%), the Malaysian govern-
ment (25.2%), Pakatan Rakyat (10.8%) and others
(20.5%). Meanwhile, 48.2 percent of the respond-
ents believe that MACC should be blamed/held
responsible for the issue, followed by the Malay-
sian government (14.8%), Pakatan Rakyat (10.5%)
and others (26.5%). For human-interest frame,
sympathy (27.5%), dissatisfaction (25.8%), sad-
ness (18.2%) and others (28.5%) were the common
feelings expressed by the respondents towards the
issue. Lastly, the respondents were in the opinion
that the parties involved in the conflict pertaining
to TBHs death were: the conflict between MACC
and Teoh Beng Hock himself (the highest, at
16.5%), followed by the conflict between the Ma-
laysian government and Pakatan Rakyat (15.5%),
the conflict between MACC and Pakatan Rakyat
(12.0%), and other conflicts (56.0%).
Conclusion
It is the main aim of this research to identify dif-
ferences in the news frames used among the four
different media outlets. On the whole, the most
common frames are the policy/action, conflict,
human-interest and attribution of responsibility/
blame frames. The research revealed that the domi-
nant frames are very different from previous studies
in the literature. This study used more of the policy/
action frame in the coverage of TBHs death rather
than the attribution of responsibility/blame and hu-
45 COVERING RACIAL POLITICAL ISSUES IN MALAYSIA
man-interest frames, which were found prominent
in many previous studies since they are open to
voice out many issues (e.g. Valkenburg et al., 1999;
Semetko et al., 2000; Gan et al., 2005; and Zillmann
et al, 2004). On the basis of preserving Malaysian
unity and harmony, fewer attribution of responsi-
bility/blame frames were used in news reporting.
The fact that the Malaysian media are somehow
controlled by certain parties (Lent, 1984), which
have influence over their news direction, is partly
accurate based on the result of this study.
The death of TBH was in the limelight of the
Malaysian media for almost three years. It is worth
to explicate that sensational legal cases have long
captured the attention of the public and the media,
especially in America (Fox, Van Sickel & Steiger,
2007). This is because criminal trials and legal
investigations make for fascinating news stories
(Fox et al., 2007, p. 61). Similarly, TBHs court
proceedings were covered extensively in all news-
papers. Most court stories favoured controversial
matters discussed during the court proceedings
and sometimes focused on the family of TBH to
personalise the issue. The claim made by Fox et al.
above and that gender, race and class issues could
help legal or criminal case arrive at the national
media stage are indeed supported through the
major policy/action and conflict frames use in re-
porting TBHs case.
Following the same purpose of study by Valk-
enburg et al. (1999) in discovering the effects of
news frames on readers thoughts and recall, this
study tried to determine the readers thoughts
on TBHs issue based on their exposure to four
newspapers. It was learned that the ways TBHs
stories were framed had significant effects on
readers thoughts and audience frames. Through
the responses from the survey, the policy/action
and conflict were the most remembered types
of frames. Hence, the claim made by Price and
Tewksbury (1997, cited in Rhee, 1997), that the
impact of news framing importance is in the audi-
ences interpretation, evaluation and judgement is
demonstrated from the replication of media frame
in this study. Through the identification of certain
attributes and the process of framing, the media
bring the issue to public awareness and shape pub-
lic perception on TBHs case. In short, the media
agenda is the basis for initiating issues of impor-
tance, besides framing.
This study is limited in certain ways. Perhaps
the most critical limitation is the preconception of
the frames, in which they are known beforehand
and that they suit the topic under investigation.
This approach requires a clear idea on the po-
tential frames that are likely to be encountered.
Hence, this study is limited to frames that were
already established. Besides, although the fram-
ing indicators have been adapted from previous
studies, throughout the coding process, coders
might have interpreted the same indictors differ-
ently based on their interpretation. To avoid the
problem, the coders underwent extensive training
before the actual coding process took place. In ad-
dition, future research is needed to verify and im-
prove the measures used in this study. This can be
done by developing indicators that help to identify
possible frames in news stories more accurately.
In view of the above discussion, this research
sheds light to framing analysis in the context of the
Malaysian situation in both the media frame and
the audience frame. Moreover, the study has un-
earthed the approaches of the Malaysian media in
framing racial-political issues in order to capture
audience interests while setting a media agenda.
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47 RESEARCH
MEDIA
ASIA
RESEARCH
Online SNS usage patterns of
undergraduate students in private
universities of Dhaka, Bangladesh
SHAMS BIN QUADER
Shams Bin Quader is Senior Lecturer in Department of Media Studies and Journalism, University of Liberal Arts, Bangladesh (ULAB).
MEDIA ASIA 40(1), pp. 4759
T
he Internet is not only an ocean of in-
formation but it has also given new
ways of communication with everyone
(Vitak, 2008). One such communication trend fa-
cilitated by the Internet that is gaining immense
popularity worldwide is online social network-
ing sites (SNS) (Joinson, 2008). These sites allow
people to sign up free of charge and create on-
line profiles, and provide a platform for people
to interact with one another in a virtual sphere
(Urista et al., 2008). These sites have become very
trendy as more and more people are leaning to-
wards SNS to share their everyday happenings
with friends online, rather than through face-to-
face encounters. SNS are continually improving
themselves and making new facilities available in
order to attract more users to their network. Also,
these sites are mostly popular with the young
generation, especially with the student popula-
In a country like Bangladesh, Internet accessibility and usage capacity is still limited only to
people of major cities, where the number of young urban adults using online social network
sites (SNS) is on the rise. This study tried to explore the reasons private university undergraduate
students of Dhaka city are using online SNS, what they do on these sites and whether spending
a lot of time on SNS hamper their studies. The findings showed that these students use SNS
primarily to connect and keep in touch with their friends and family, and their studies are
usually not hampered by the time they spend on SNS.
tion (Social Networking, 2008). The youth of the
society now consider having a presence on SNS
as a must-have status symbol and have adopted
online social networking as a part of their life-
style. As more and more students flock to these
social network sites, it becomes important to find
out why they are using these sites. What are they
using these sites for? How is it affecting them or
which aspects of their lives are being affected?
In a country like Bangladesh, Internet accessi-
bility and usage capacity is still limited to the resi-
dents of major cities and some suburbs (Chowd-
hury et al.). The habit of spending many hours
online is mostly one of young urban adults, among
whom online social networking is on the rise
(Rahman, 2011). Not enough research has been
conducted to explore the usage patterns of online
SNS among Bangladeshi students. Therefore, this
research will be an exploratory study on SNS us-
48 RESEARCH
age of Bangladeshi undergraduate students and
how this global phenomenon is affecting them.
Focus and Scope of Research
As already mentioned, the motivation for conduct-
ing such a research was to get a better and deeper
understanding of the usage of online social net-
working sites by private university undergraduate
students of Dhaka. The capital city of Dhaka was
chosen primarily because it has the highest level
of Internet coverage (Qubee Wimax Bangladesh,
2012) and accessibility in the country, and because
it has the highest number of private universities
(Ashraf et al., 2009, p. 18).
This research focused on Bangladeshi under-
graduate students of Dhaka for the following reasons:
The students are matured enough to use on-
line SNS.
They comprise the majority of users of online
SNS compared to other age groups.
The youth are the future leaders of the coun-
try and therefore it is important to know
their perspectives on emerging forms and
trends of new media (SNS being one of the
most popular trends in the current scenario).
Understanding the usage patterns of the
students of Dhaka may serve as a good refer-
ence towards understanding similar patterns
of students situated in other major cities of
Bangladesh.
This research tried to find out answers to the
following questions:
What are Bangladeshi undergraduate stu-
dents using online SNS for?
What do they do on SNS?
How are SNS affecting them?
How do they maintain their studies alongside
their SNS use?
The study assumes that undergraduate stu-
dents in Dhaka spend a vast amount of time on
online social networking sites. It also assumes that
SNS is influencing their daily lives. Thus, the study
aims to use online SNS usage patterns as a step-
ping stone towards measuring and comprehend-
ing wider online media literacy and communica-
tion contexts among Bangladeshi youth.
Literature Review
What is a social networking site (SNS)?
To put it simply, SNS are websites based on the
WEB 2.0 platform (Social Networking, 2008), a
modern interactive web platform where anyone
can join in for free and can set up an online pro-
file page by using their basic contact details and
preferences ranging from favourite movies, stars,
books, music, quotes, activity and hobbies (Boyd
& Ellison, 2007). These options vary from site to
site, with some sites asking users to fill in every
profile field in detail while others require only ba-
sic contact information (Social Networking, 2008).
After setting up online profiles, a user can
interact with other users signed on that SNS net-
work and build online, virtual contacts that can be
displayed as a list of friends. These friends can be
people from real life or people found online with
whom no real life connection is shared whatsoever
(Boyd & Ellison, 2007). However, the word friend
carries a different meaning in the online world and
is not similar in concept to a real-life friend (Social
Networking, 2008). In online contexts, friends are
only those who are invited by you or those whose
invitation you have accepted for online social net-
working. As users find online friends on SNS, they
can browse through more friends from the friends
list of people with whom they have already been
connected. Hence this friend browsing cycle con-
tinues and more and more people become friends
on SNS, leading to the users own online network
of friends.
Development of SNS
The ideas that generated the inception of SNS
are not new. From the beginning of the Internets
journey, when it was developed for the US Defense
Department (Ruthfield, 1995), the main purpose
of the Internet was to share documents with one
another on the same network through remote ac-
cess. From the start of the Internet, tools like e-
49 ONLINE SNS USAGE PATTERNS OF UNDERGRADUATE STUDENTS IN PRIVATE UNIVERSITIES OF DHAKA, BANGLADESH
mail, online chat, web forums and message boards
existed to facilitate online communication (Social
Networking, 2008). The SNS that we experience
today are also based on the same idea of online
sharing and incorporate all those online commu-
nication tools as well as other interactive features,
as an upgrade from traditional online communica-
tion.
The first-ever recognised SNS was Friendster.
Launched in 2002, it could not maintain its strong
hold in the online world and it fell in 2004 (Boyd
& Ellison, 2007). In the wake of Friendster, other
new SNS started evolving. LinkedIn, MySpace and
Hi5 started in 2003; Flickr and Facebook (Harvard
only) started in 2004 while Bebo started in 2005
(Social Networking, 2008).
With new SNS entering the online medias-
cape, their focus is by no means the same. Each
SNS is distinct on its own merits. Besides gen-
eral SNS like Facebook, Myspace, Friendster and
Hi5, other specialised SNS have also been popular
(Boyd & Ellison, 2007). Some examples are as fol-
lows:
LinkedIn: for online employer-employee
communication
Youtube: for online video sharing
Flickr: for online photograph sharing
Scribd: for online documents sharing
Twitter: for online status and updates sharing
(Mischaud, 2007)
Furthermore, SNS based on specific interests
are coming into being. The Copia is an SNS where
book lovers can socialise with each other. SNS
based on specific regions are also growing fast, for
example, Bharat Student is an Indian site where all
Indian students can interact and socialise.
Why Do People use SNS?
The usage of SNS can be explained through the
media theory known as The Uses and Gratifica-
tions Theory. This theory can be seen as a psycho-
logical communication perspective that deals with
the fact that people use the media to fulfil their
needs and wants. According to this theory, media
use depends on some factors, which include the
psychological need for communication, social in-
teraction, mass media consumption, communica-
tion behaviour and the consequences of such be-
haviour (Rubin, 1994, p. 419). Katz, Blumler and
Gurevitch (1974) said that the uses and gratifica-
tions perspective depends on the social and psy-
chological source of human needs, which develop
an expectation from the mass media leading to
various degrees of media exposure and resulting
in needs gratification and other consequences.
Therefore, people use SNS because it helps them
satisfy their needs. They turn to online SNS to
seek emotional support and to quench their thirst
for information (Joinson, 2008).
People also search for others in SNS to be a
part of specific social groups. Through online so-
cial networking, people get connected via SNS and
fulfil their need for communication and social in-
teraction (Urista et al., 2008). However, different
people use SNS for different purposes, depending
on their specific preferences, cultural background,
social environment and behaviour traits (Urista et
al., 2008).
Overview of SNS
The following is a quick look at the key aspects of
online social networking sites.
Friendships
Online social network sites have given new mean-
ings to online friends or online friendships. SNS
allow people to connect with their peers in new,
innovative ways. People connect with others based
on some similar traits, likes and affiliations, such
as school, religion or hobby. People use these ways
to extend their network and keep in touch with
their offline contacts as well as new online friends
(Ito et al., 2008).
Self-directed learning
In social networking sites where social activity is
mainly dependent on similar interests, people de-
velop new ways of expressing themselves or learn
50 RESEARCH
more about something that they are interested in.
People get to know about what needs to be done
and how it needs to be done. People also share
their ideas and work to get feedback from others
(Ito et al., 2008). People learn about new innova-
tions in an interactive way, where there is more
freedom of expression than in any formal learn-
ing environment. SNS provides the opportunity to
develop necessary social and technological skills
that are required in this modern age. People can
now access important information and the trendy
online culture to learn about things that were un-
known to them before, as well as new values and
symbols for communication developed for learn-
ing in an online environment that gives rise to new
cultural cues (Ito et al., 2008). The whole SNS plat-
form provides a new way of educating oneself for
the modern world.
Mobilising action
Since SNS allow people to find other people of
similar interests, background and beliefs, it is pos-
sible to come under one social umbrella. In times
of need, groups of like-minded people can take
collective action online by cooperating with each
other to push forward a certain agenda for a cer-
tain cause. SNS platforms make it easy to let eve-
ryone know of the programme and detail the plans
of how action can be carried out (Ellison, Lampe
& Steinfield, 2009). People are also using SNS plat-
forms to arrange online flash mobs and online sig-
nature campaign to protest against a specific issue.
All these activities can be done in minimum time
with minimal effort, and yield maximum coverage.
Online Social Networking in
Bangladesh
Bangladesh is also feeling the heat of online SNS.
The country has seen a sharp rise in Internet users
in recent years due to the availability of cheaper
mobile Internet technology and the introduction
of Wi-max connectivity in Dhaka (Tauhid, 2008).
Internet accessibility is not limited to personal
computers (PCs) anymore. Internet on cell phones
have become increasingly popular and accessible
over the past few years (Davies, 2010). Bangladesh
Telecommunications Regulatory Commission
(BTRC) statistics show that the country currently
has around 70,000,000 mobile phone subscribers
(Rahman, 2011). Bangladesh now has 800,000 In-
ternet users and the BRTC expects it to cross the
one-million mark in the near future.
But the Internet usage of most Bangladeshis
has been limited to chatting, playing online games,
social networking, reading news reports, search-
ing for jobs and keeping updates of latest sports
happenings on numerous sites over the World
Wide Web, as opposed to other uses of the Inter-
net (Rahman, 2011). Most Bangladeshis also use
low cost handsets yjay do not allow them to ex-
plore the full potential of the Internet with their
mobile Internet subscription (Rahman, 2011). De-
spite all these factors, the number of Bangladeshi
users using SNS has shot up and continues to grow
rapidly. More than one million Bangladeshis were
already on Facebook as of March 2011, with the
majority being youngsters (Internet World Stats).
Twitter is still not that popular with Bangladeshi
Internet users but community blogs and forums
like Somewhereinblog, Tech Tunes and Projonmo
are highly popular among Bangladeshi netizens
and new people are coming to these sites, making
them a commonplace for Bangladeshi Internet us-
ers (Uddin, 2010).
Research Questions and Hypotheses
Based on the discussions on the Literature Review
section and the overall focus of this study, two re-
search questions were formulated.
RQ1 What is the purpose of using online SNS
among private university undergraduate
students of Dhaka?
RQ2 What for them are the effects of SNS usage
on their academic standing?
The justification for formulating RQ1 is that
51 ONLINE SNS USAGE PATTERNS OF UNDERGRADUATE STUDENTS IN PRIVATE UNIVERSITIES OF DHAKA, BANGLADESH
we assumed that the youth of Dhaka, especially
university students, spent a lot a time in online so-
cial networking. This was one of the motivations
for choosing this area of study. In order to find out
more about this matter, it was necessary to find,
with empirical evidence, what kind of activities
they were involved with while using online SNS.
Be it connecting with friends, uploading photo-
graph or videos, playing games or meeting new
people, this research question would help us focus
and find out more details about SNS activity and
usage patterns of private university undergraduate
students of Dhaka.
Since we assumed that university students
logged onto SNS for vast periods of time, it was
only natural to contemplate whether it would
have a negative impact on their studies and, more
specifically, their grades. By academic status, we
mean the grades achieved by the students in any
given semester. A high academic status signifies
good grades and a low status means bad grades.
A positive impact on their academic status means
that their grades were improving and a negative
impact means that their grades were falling. More
accurate results could be found if we had access
to their official results or academic transcript for
the semester during which this study was un-
dertaken. Since this access was not granted, this
study relied on the truthfulness of the students
about their academic statuses. If the students
were interacting more with their friends online,
rather than studying and researching, then their
grades would understandably be affected. RQ2
had been formulated to find out whether the time
and frequency of SNS usage by private university
undergraduate students of Dhaka affected their
academic statuses.
Keeping in line with the two research ques-
tions outlined above, the study worked with two
hypotheses.
H1 The private university undergraduate stu-
dents of Dhaka mainly use online SNS for
connecting with their friends and family.
H2 The private university undergraduate stu-
dents of Dhaka agree that the frequency
and time spent on online SNS negatively
affected their academic statuses.
Methodology
This research adopted a quantitative approach us-
ing an anonymous survey method via a structured
questionnaire with mostly close-ended questions.
Belli (2008) states, Quantitative research is em-
pirical, using numeric and quantifiable data. Con-
clusions are based on experimentation and on
objective and systematic observations. According
to Hopkins, a quantitative research is concerned
about quantifying relationships between variables
and to determine the relationship between an in-
dependent variable (IV) and another dependent
variable (DV) in a population (2008).
This research gives insights into the online
SNS usage habits of private university undergrad-
uate students of Dhaka, using statistical figures.
Considering RQ1, the private university under-
graduate students of Dhaka is the independent
variable (IV1) and their activity on online SNS is
the dependent variable (DV1). In the case of RQ2,
the time and frequency of SNS use by private uni-
versity undergraduate students of Dhaka is the
independent variable (IV2) and their academic
status is the dependent variable (DV2). According
to Hypothesis 1, the number of private university
undergraduate students of Dhaka (IV1) would be
directly proportional to their activity level of con-
necting with friends (DV1). In Hypothesis 2, the
time and frequency of SNS usage by the private
university undergraduate students of Dhaka (IV2)
would be inversely proportional to their academic
statuses (DV2).
A sample size of 78 undergraduate students
was chosen using a random sampling method.
Among them, there were 11 female and 19 male
students from Independent University, Bangla-
desh (IUB), and 21 female and 27 male students
from North South University (NSU). These two
universities are the oldest established private uni-
52 RESEARCH
versities in Bangladesh and also the largest when
it comes to student population (Sheikh, 2011).
The number of students in IUB is approximately
3,000 (Independent University, Bangladesh, var-
sityadmission.com, 2010) while and in NSU it is
12,000 (North South University, varsityadmission.
com, 2010). Their combined total population of
students is approximately 15,000. According to
Bartlett et al. (2001), the appropriate sample size
of a quantitative study where the total population
is 10,000 or above should be about 83. In that case,
our sample size being 78 was lower than the ideal
size, so our margin of error was greater. This is in-
cluded in the Limitations section of this paper.
Findings and Analysis
The survey resulted in some interesting statistics.
Table 1 shows that all respondents surveyed (both
male and female) are Internet savvy. This indicates
that the private university undergraduate students
of Dhaka are well acquainted with Internet tech-
nology and computer mediated communication.
This finding reflects positively with our earlier as-
sumption that Internet usage is in the rise among
the youth of Dhaka.
Table 1
Students using the Internet
Using the Internet Yes No
Male 46 0
Female 32 0
Total 78 0
Percentage 100%
In like manner, it is evident from Table 2 that
the majority of these undergraduate students who
use the Internet are in the age group of 1921
years, 69.23% of the sample population. The age
group of 2224 years comes in second position,
with 23.08%.
Meanwhile, Table 3 shows us that 83.33% of
the sample population use the Internet every day.
Females (84.38%) just edge over males (82.61%)
when it comes to daily usage of the Internet. Very
few members of the sample use the Internet 34
times a week (15.39%) and still fewer, once a week.
No one from the survey used the Internet only
once a month. These results provide some empiri-
cal evidence that the majority of the private uni-
versity undergraduate students of Dhaka use the
Internet daily.
The results from Table 4 shows that parents
nowadays are more liberal about their childrens
Internet usage. They want their children to use
modern technology such as the Internet to keep
them updated. Besides increased availability and
low cost, the positive outlook of parents may be
one of the reasons behind the rapid growth of In-
ternet users, especially in the major cities of Bang-
ladesh.
When asked if the respondents used SNS, 77
out of 78 answered Yes. Table 5 shows that SNS
are highly popular with private university under-
graduate students of Dhaka. When asked which
social networks sites they use, the students un-
doubtedly showed favouritism towards Facebook.
A huge 88.46% of the sample log in to Facebook,
which indicates that this social network site is not
only the most popular SNS among undergraduate
private university students of Dhaka, it may just
be the most popular SNS in Bangladesh. Table 6
shows that more males use Facebook than females
but it also shows that three female students use
Facebook and Twitter, and three female students
use Facebook, Twitter and MySpace. This indi-
cates that SNS other than Facebook are not very
popular among the youth of Dhaka yet, although
it is the female students who are probably more
wide-ranging when it comes to using SNS.
Tables 7 and 8 show that respondents spend
a considerable amount of time on SNS, with the
majority of them (71.80%) logging on to SNS every
day and spending something between one and two
hours (41.03%). Compared to the daily usage, very
few students log in to SNS three to four times a
week (19.23%) and once a week (8.98%). Not only
that, more females (78.13%) than males (67.39%)
use SNS daily. Whether it is less than an hour, one
53 ONLINE SNS USAGE PATTERNS OF UNDERGRADUATE STUDENTS IN PRIVATE UNIVERSITIES OF DHAKA, BANGLADESH
Table 2
Age groups of the students
Age group 1618 1921 2224 Above 24
Male 1 29 13 3
Female 2 25 5 0
Total 3 54 18 3
Percentage 3.85% 69.23% 23.08% 3.85%
Table 3
Frequency of Internet use by the students
Frequency of
Internet use
Daily 34 times a week Once a week Once a month
Male 38 7 1 0
Female 27 5 0 0
Total 65 12 1 0
Percentage 83.33% 15.39% 1.28% 0%
(Males: 82.61%
Females: 84.38%)
(Males: 15.22%
Females: 15.63%)
(Males: 2.17%
Females: 0%)
(Males: 0%
Females: 0%)
Table 4
Parents view on the students Internet use
Parents view on
Internet use
Positive Negative
Male 43 4
Female 27 4
Total 70 8
Percentage 89.74% 10.26 %
Table 5
Do the students use Online SNS?
Do you use SNS? Yes No
Total 77 1
Percentage 98.72% 1.28%
Table 6
The students choice of SNS
SNS site Facebook Twitter Myspace Others Facebook &
Twitter
Facebook,
Twitter &
MySpace
Male 45 0 0 0 0 0
Female 24 2 0 0 3 3
Total 69 2 0 0 3 3
Percentage 88.46% 2.56% 0% 0% 3.85% 3.85%
(Males:
97.83%
Females:
75%)
(Males: 0%
Females:
2.56%)
(Males: 0%
Females: 0%)
(Males: 0%
Females:
2.56%)
(Males: 0%
Females:
3.85%)
(Males: 0%
Females:
3.85%)
54 RESEARCH
Table 7
Frequency of using SNS
Frequency of
using SNS
Daily 34 times a week One a week
Male 31 10 4
Female 25 5 3
Total 56 15 7
Percentage 71.80% 19.23% 8.98%
(Males: 67.39% Females:
78.13%)
(Males: 21.74% Females:
15.63%)
(Males: 8.70% Females:
9.38%)
Table 8
Time spent daily on SNS by the students
Time spent on SNS Less than 1 hr 12 hr 35 hr More than 5 hr
Male 15 18 4 6
Female 8 14 9 1
Total 23 32 13 7
Percentage 29.49% 41.03% 16.67% 8.97%
(Males: 32.61%
Females: 25%)
(Males: 39.13%
Females: 43.75%)
(Males: 8.70%
Females: 28.13%)
(Males: 13.04%
Females: 3.13%)
Table 9
The students activities on SNS
SNS activity Connect
with friends
and family
Play games Meet new
people
Online
dating
Write blogs Upload
photographs
and videos
Male 27 1 8 2 2 3
Female 24 10 3 0 1 9
Total 51 11 11 1 3 12
to two hours or three to five hours, females on av-
erage lead the time spent on using SNS over males.
Only when it comes to using SNS for more than
five hours do males (13.04%) take the majority
over females (3.13%). These findings reflect that
undergraduate students in private universities of
Dhaka spend a considerable amount of time using
SNS, and so it is important to find out what spe-
cifically do they do while logged on to these SNS.
Table 9 and corresponding Figure 1 give us
some insight about the SNS activity and pattern of
the research sample. Respondents were allowed to
choose more than one answer for this question. It
shows that the majority of the students (51) con-
nect with friends and family on SNS. The students
also spend time uploading photograph and videos
(12), meeting new people (11) and playing games
(11). They are comparatively less interested in
writing blogs or online dating. Another interest-
ing finding is that more male students (27) than
females (24) connect with friends on SNS, whereas
Figure 1
SNS activity of the students in the sample
N
u
m
b
e
r

o
f

s
t
u
d
e
n
t
s
60
40
20
0
Connect with
friends and family
Play
games
Meet new
people
Online
dating
Write
blogs
Upload
photos/videos
55 ONLINE SNS USAGE PATTERNS OF UNDERGRADUATE STUDENTS IN PRIVATE UNIVERSITIES OF DHAKA, BANGLADESH
the majority of females play games (10) and up-
load videos (9) on SNS, more than males (1 and 3
respectively).
These findings show that there is a insignifi-
cant difference between males and females in the
use of SNS like Facebook. The prior assumption
that males play games more than females also
quickly turns into a myth as this study shows
that there is a significant number of the female
respondents who claim to play online games as
much as male respondents.
Table 9 also shows that female students up-
load photograph and videos more frequently than
their male counterparts. Concerning meeting new
people (8), online dating (2) and writing blogs (2),
male students outweigh their female counterparts
(3, 0 and 1 respectively). It points out the male
students desire to explore and make new connec-
tions with unknown people on SNS whereas their
female counterparts seem quite content with in-
teracting with friends that they already know and
with other SNS-related activities.
Therefore, in answering RQ1, it is clear that
private university undergraduate students of Dha-
ka use online SNS to connect with their friends
and family, matching with our Hypothesis 1. In
other words, the findings of this study show that
the number of private university undergraduate
students of Dhaka (IV1) is found to be directly
proportional to their activity level of connecting
with friends and family (DV1) on online SNS, thus
proving our Hypothesis 1. Comparatively few re-
spondents have an interest in meeting new people,
online dating and writing blogs. Playing games and
uploading photographs and videos are more prev-
alent among female students in the sample. When
asked whether SNS usage negatively affected their
academic statuses, 37 (47.4%) said Yes (20 male
and 17 female) while 41 (52.6%) said No (24 males
and 17 females). The majority of the students
(52.6%) responded that their SNS usage activity
did not affect their academic status. Let us consid-
er Tables 7 and 8 once more. The majority of the
respondents logged on to SNS daily (71.8%) and
spent one to two hours on SNS every day (41.03%).
Combining these findings with Figure 2, we get the
following graph.
It is evident from Figure 3 that even though
Figure 2
Does SNS usage negatively affect the academic status of the students?
Figure 3
SNS usage pattern of the students and its effect on their studies
N
u
m
b
e
r

o
f

s
t
u
d
e
n
t
s
N
u
m
b
e
r

o
f

s
t
u
d
e
n
t
s
25
20
15
10
5
0
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
Use SNS daily 12 hours
a day
Negatively affetcs
academic status
Females
Males
Females
Males
Yes No
Does not affect
academic status
56 RESEARCH
most of the students use SNS daily for one to two
hours, the majority believe that it did not usually
hamper their studies. Therefore to answer RQ2,
the frequency and time spent on SNS by private
university undergraduate students of Dhaka does
not, according to the said students, negatively af-
fect their academic statuses. This disagrees with
our Hypothesis 2. To summarise, the time and fre-
quency of SNS usage by private university under-
graduate students of Dhaka (IV2) is not inversely
proportional to their academic statuses (DV2),
thus disproving our Hypothesis 2.
SNS usage not negatively affecting their aca-
demic statuses seems to be a popular choice with
the students of the sample, and it is expected. The
students enjoy their time networking with friends
on SNS and that is why they probably did not want
to admit if it really had a negative impact on their
studies. For this reason, a more in-depth look into
this phenomenon is necessary. How SNS affects
their academic statuses or, to be more specific, in
what kind of academic related activities the stu-
dents are engaged in over the Internet, is shown in
the table below. The respondents were allowed to
choose multiple answers.
From Table 10 and Figure 4, one can draw a
clearer picture on the study-related activities of
the students of the sample over the Internet. It is
evident that the majority of the students (27), both
males and females, use the Internet for getting in-
formation. This means that when the students go
online, besides using SNS, they also spend their
time researching and gathering information re-
lating to their studies and assignments. However,
many of them (22) agreed that spending time on-
line and on SNS killed study time. Then again,
they also stated that they performed online dis-
cussion about studies (21) and sometimes engaged
in online study groups (9) as well. These findings
show that the students from our sample actively
engage in various academic related activities over
the Internet while networking with friends via on-
line SNS. This may be one reason behind why the
most of the students academic statuses are not
negatively affected by heavy SNS usage.
Limitations
A larger sample of the respondents will increase
the validity of the results of the study and will help
to sketch the real picture much more clearly. The
sample size was 78, due to limitation of time and
resources. Ideally, it should have been something
Table 10
Types of academic-related activities practised
by the students
Academic-
related activities
Male Female Total
Get information 12 15 27
Online study
discussion
11 10 21
Online group
study
4 5 9
Kills study time 10 12 22
Figure 4
Study-related activities of the students
N
u
m
b
e
r

o
f

s
t
u
d
e
n
t
s
Get information Online study
discussion
Online group
study
Kills study
time
Females
Males
Total
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
57 ONLINE SNS USAGE PATTERNS OF UNDERGRADUATE STUDENTS IN PRIVATE UNIVERSITIES OF DHAKA, BANGLADESH
between 80 and 200 (Bartlett et al., 2001). It was
difficult to find relevant literatures in the context
of Bangladesh because no wide-range research on
social networking sites usage has been carried out
in Bangladesh so far. Furthermore, in a country
like Bangladesh, Internet accessibility, income to
purchase PCs, laptops, SNS-supported cell phones
and overall literacy levels of the population are still
lacking (Ardt et al., 2005). It is therefore difficult
to perform a wide-range research on a subject like
SNS activity.
This study focused on the undergraduates of
Independent University, Bangladesh, and North
South University, where the students have similar
backgrounds. For example, the majority of them
are from affluent families and they are mostly set-
tled in Dhaka. Due to these reasons, their cultural
orientations, surrounding environments, overall
lifestyle and online behaviours are quite similar.
For example, 77 out of the 78 respondents (98.72%)
from the sample (Table 5) answered that they use
online SNS. If more students were surveyed, from
other private universities of Dhaka, the findings
may be more varied and of greater validity.
Finally, this study would have produced more
accurate results if permission to access the stu-
dents grades or official transcripts for the semes-
ter during which this survey was done could have
been managed. But the university authorities were
reluctant to give this permission and so the study
relied on the honesty and integrity of the students
regarding their academic statuses. These are some
of the limitations of this study.
Conclusion
The aim of this research was to shed some light
on the online social network sites usage patterns
by private university undergraduate students of
Dhaka. The findings provided a platform towards
a better understanding on online SNS activities
and its effectsonline media literacy and com-
munication contextson university students of
Dhaka. This study is by no means a comprehensive
one but the findings from the sample size provide
a scenario that may be a reflection of a wider be-
havioural pattern concerning university students
of Dhaka. The findings provided two conclusions.
First, private university undergraduate students of
Dhaka use online SNS primarily to connect and
keep in touch with their friends and family. Sec-
ondly, these students spend a substantial amount
of time on SNS but it does not, according to them,
usually hamper their studies or negatively affect
their grades. One reason behind this may be that
these students also engage in various academic
activities like research, information gathering and
online study discussions while being logged on to
SNS. Studies on SNS behavioural patterns or other
related fields are rare in Bangladesh. Therefore,
this study can serve as a reference for further stud-
ies in the future.
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Social networking: A quantitative and qualitative
research report into attitudes, behaviors and
use. (2008). Ofcom Office of Communications.
Tauhid, B. R. (2008). Wimax ready to launch in
Bangladesh. Ground Report. Retrieved on 7
March 2012 from http://www.groundreport.
com/Media_and_Tech/WiMax-is-ready-to-
launch-in-Bangladesh/2873509
Uddin, N. (2010). Social media usage in Bang-
ladesh is close to zero. Thinking Youth Blog.
Retrieved on 7 March 2012 from http://www.
youthinkers.com/2010/08/25/social-media-
usage-in-bangladesh-is-close-to-zero
Urista, M. A., Dong, Q., & Day, K. D. (2008). Ex-
plaining why young adults use MySpace and
Facebook through uses and gratifications the-
ory. Human Communication, 12(2), 215229.
Vitak, J. M. (2008). Facebook friends: How online
identities impact offline relationships. MA dis-
sertation, Graduate School of Arts and Scienc-
es, Georgetown University, Washington, D.C.
59 ONLINE SNS USAGE PATTERNS OF UNDERGRADUATE STUDENTS IN PRIVATE UNIVERSITIES OF DHAKA, BANGLADESH
Appendix 2
Survey questionnaire
Survey questionnaire ID: .. (For official
use, leave blank)
Survey on the Online SNS usage patterns of the
undergraduate students in private universities of
Dhaka, Bangladesh
Please fill out the following questionnaire using
the best of your knowledge. When answering
questions with options, choose the option that
best suits you by circling or ticking it. When
answering questions with spaces, write in your
answer in the given space. Thank you for patience
and time for filling out this questionnaire that will
contribute to a research which will try to find the
patterns of usage of online social networking sites
among undergraduate students in Bangladesh.
1) Gender: a) Male b) Female
2) Age:
a) 1618 b) 1921
c) 2224 d) above 24
3) Fathers education:
a) SSC b) HSC
c) Honours d) Masters
e) Others
4) Mothers education:
a) SSC b) HSC
c) Honours d) Masters
e) Others
5) Monthly family income:
a) 10,00030,000
b) 30,00050,000
c) above 50,000
6) Do you use Internet?
a) Yes b) No
7) How frequently do you use Internet?
a) Daily b) 34 times a week
c) Once a week d) Once a month
8) How do your parents view your Internet usage?
a) Positive b) Negative
If negative, then why?
a) Your parents think you spend too much
time online.
b) Your parents think that you dont study
due to Internet usage.
c) Your parents think that Internet usage is
making you unsocial.
d) Others, please specify.
9) Do you have an account in any online social
networking sites?
a) Yes b) No
If yes, then in which site?
a) Facebook b) Twitter
c) MySpace d) Others
10) How frequently do you use social networking
sites?
a) Daily b) 34 times a week
c) Once a week d) Once a month
11) How long do you spend your time on online
social networking sites?
a) Less than 1 hour
b) 12 hours
c) 35 hours
d) More than 5 hours
12) What do you do in social networking sites?
(You can choose more than one option)
a) Connect with family & friends
b) Play games
c) Meet new people
d) Online dating
e) Write notes/blogs/journals
f ) Upload photos/videos
g) Share web content
h) Others, please specify
13) Does time spent on social networking sites
have a negative effect on your studies?
a) Yes b) No
14) What kind of academic related activities do
social networking sites allow you to engage
in? (More than 1 option is allowed)
a) Helps you to get information for assign-
ments
b) Allows you to discuss about studies on-
line
c) Makes online group study possible
d) Kills your time for study
e) Others, please specify
60 RESEARCH
MEDIA
ASIA
RESEARCH
When news becomes entertainment:
Representations of corruption
in Indonesias media and the
implication of scandal
ELISABETH KRAMER
Elisabeth Kramer is a PhD candidate in the University of Sydney, Australia.
MEDIA ASIA 40(1), pp. 6072
In the current political climate, the Indonesian media is able to report openly on a range of
previously taboo political issues (Sen & Hill, 2000; Kakiailatu, 2007; Tapsell, 2010). One issue
that garners substantial attention is that of corruption. In stark contrast to the limited media
reporting on corruption prior to 1998, it has been a stalwart issue for the press since the
Reformation era (1998), dominating both print and television media. This paper explores how
corruption has been portrayed in the media, concluding that there is a clear tendency towards
a politics-as-entertainment depiction of corruption cases, as evidenced by the inclination
towards scandalising the issue. This paper argues that this format of reporting has broad
implications for the anti-corruption movement in Indonesia because it trivialises a key political
issue and can ultimately discourage meaningful public debate and engagement with the anti-
corruption movement.
I
n the current political climate, the Indone-
sian media is able to report openly on a range
of previously taboo political issues (Sen &
Hill, 2000; Kakiailatu, 2007; Tapsell, 2010). One
issue that garners substantial attention is that of
corruption. In stark contrast to the limited media
reporting on corruption prior to 1998, it has been
a stalwart issue for the press since the Reformation
era (1998), dominating both print and television
media. The increase in media attention has been
driven by two main factors. First, following 1998,
there were changes in legislation that subsequently
increased media freedom. Indonesias Media Bill
was redrafted in 1999 during the Habibie Presi-
dency, terminating the watchdog activities of the
Ministry of Information, which had previously
served as a proxy mechanism for censorship (Sen
& Hill, 2000, p. 7; Anwar, 2010). With these new
laws, Indonesias media became one of the freest
in Asia (Anwar, 2010). Second, following 1998
there was a widespread proliferation of new me-
dia outlets, resulting in an increase in the absolute
number of newspapers, television and radio sta-
tions and online news websites, inevitably leading
61 WHEN NEWS BECOMES ENTERTAINMENT
to an increased quantity and availability of infor-
mation.
The desire to report openly on corruption
has become almost an obsession in Indonesia fol-
lowing decades of media censorship on the issue.
The reason for this is twofold: it is the assertion
of a commitment to holding those in politics ac-
countable to the public and it forces improved
transparency of the government. The media plays
a key role in informing the public about political
issues and providing information required by the
general population so that they can make sound
decisions and participate more meaningfully in
the democratic process (Balkin, 1999; Street,
2001); therefore, it functions as a key mechanism
for promoting political transparency and account-
ability. Moreover, the public appear intrigued with
the corruption scandals that emerge, demanding
more news on corruption while the media fuels
this interest with provocative stories highlighting
the scandalous nature of corruption cases.
In Indonesia, a broad spectrum of reporting
styles exists, but the tendency towards report-
ing corruption as sensationalised political scan-
dal is increasingly apparent (Margana, 2009).
Front-page articles with dramatic headlines and
paparazzi-style photographs charting the latest
evidence and speculation as they emerge, are now
commonplace.
1
Such reporting is a double-edged
sword: it increases public awareness of corruption
cases and the figures involved, but it also risks triv-
ialising them in favour of overstated coverage that
emphasises the dramatic elements of the cases
rather than the underlying institutional and sys-
temic causes of Indonesias culture of corruption.
This paper explores the nature of corruption
reporting in Indonesia, drawing upon key corrup-
tion scandals that captured the media (and the na-
tions) attention in 20112012. It argues that media
coverage of corruption issues has erred towards a
politics-as-entertainment format to attract read-
ers and sustain interest in corruption scandals
as they play out over an extended period of time
in the political and judicial arenas. To this end, I
identify three key forms of reporting which aim to
pique curiosity and intrigue: scandalisation (skan-
dalisasi), soap-operafication and the reporting of
banalities. These three modes of reporting play
into the increasingly dominant trend of politics-
as-entertainment, which has the potential to influ-
ence public opinion about corruption issues in a
number of ways. While they generate interest, and
sometimes even outrage, surrounding corruption
issues, these modes of reporting are more likely
to promote knowledge of particular personalities
and cases rather than encouraging a deeper un-
derstanding of the political and structural reasons
that underlie much of the corrupt behaviour of In-
donesian public officials.
The Influence of Media on Politics
The influence of the media is normatively ac-
cepted as crucial in shaping public discourse and
debate. Even though it has no formal authority to
condemn the behaviour of public officials, a free
mass media is widely understood to have an obli-
gation to promote good governance and facilitate
debates about corruption in several ways. These
include raising public awareness about the causes,
consequences and possible remedies for corrup-
tion (Rose-Ackerman, 2003, p. 73; Peruzzotti &
Smulovitz, 2006). Indeed, some view the media
as being one of the institutions capable of having
widespread impact upon debates on corruption
(World Bank, 2011).
More commonly, however, the media is seen
to play a role in investigating and reporting the
details of corruption cases as they unfold. These
types of stories also act as a check on those in
government, who presumably wish to maintain a
positive public image in order to further or main-
tain their political careers. The symbolic capital of
a good reputation is something that politicians
and public officials use to not only gain public sup-
port but also influence political decision-making
(Sanders & Canel, 2006, p. 457). The potency of
the media in discrediting politicians and expos-
ing unacceptable behaviour gives it unparalleled
62 RESEARCH
power in shaping how these individuals are viewed
by the public. Thus, the media has been identified
as a core social accountability mechanism within
democratic systems, providing a continuing check
on political misconduct in between elections
(Grimes, 2008, p. 4). As a source of knowledge for
the public, the media is recognised as a key pillar
of democracy, often referred to as the fourth es-
tate, providing information to citizens upon which
they can form opinions and make decisions relat-
ing to a range of political issues.
2
While the media has an important role to
play in monitoring governments, it is far from a
panacea when it comes to accountability. There is
a normative assumption that the media, as a pur-
veyor of information and knowledge, automati-
cally empowers its citizens and promotes trans-
parency. However, this is at best a crude inter-
pretation of a highly complex relationship (Street,
2001, pp. 231232), the weaknesses of which are
exposed by looking more closely at the metaphor
of transparency itself. Literally, the term transpar-
ency suggests a medium through which we view
things (Balkin, 1999, p. 394), which is conceptu-
ally separate from the object being observed and
which does not substantially alter the nature of the
object itself. Yet the media is not conceptually sep-
arate from what it reports, as it has a deciding role
in what is reported and how it is framed. Journal-
ism is a structured activity shaped by sources, the
publications interests and the availability of mate-
rial resources (Street, 2001, p. 152155). The me-
dia thus creates its own political reality by shaping
public opinion on the issues on which it reports.
Even if journalists and editors believe that
they are speaking to an existing audience (or audi-
ences), they are in fact imagining them and con-
stituting them (Street, 2001, p. 53). The relation-
ship between media and audience can be viewed
through the prism of dependency, where this
dependency takes a range of forms. Ball-Rokeach
and De Fleur (1976, p. 6) identified three such de-
pendencies: (a) to understand the world around
us; (b) to determine ways in which to act mean-
ingfully within that world; and (c) as a form of
fantasy-escape from everyday problems. In con-
structing its reporting for a specific audience and
with a specific dependency in mind, the media
can alter various forms of cognition, feelings and
behaviour within a specific setting. This concep-
tual framework allows for an assessment of media
outside of its normatively-held role as an informa-
tion provider. Accessing information provided by
the media is not necessarily the primary reason
that people are attracted to news stories: all forms
of media, not just the tabloid media, embody a
source of entertainment and potential escapism.
The media represents a powerful vehicle for
shaping public opinion and consequently is prone
to elite capture and commercial interests.
3
These
elites can come from within or outside of the
government. Concerns related to government co-
option stem primarily in situations where freedom
of the press is limited by government ownership
of a large proportion of the media, which may be-
come a vehicle for government propaganda and/
or experience censorship (Djankov et al., 2001,
pp. 23). The privatisation of the media is thus,
on the one hand, promoted as a positive step for
accountability. On the other hand, however, a pri-
vatised media is not necessarily the remedy for
this problem, particularly in states where a small,
wealthy elite class are able to capture the market
or where the pressures of economic competition
pit the maximisation of sales against fourth estate
responsibilities.
Media ownership in Indonesia does reflect a
level of elite capture, with wealthy business peo-
ple and politicians among the owners of several
high-profile media conglomerates in the country.
4

For example, Aburizal Bakrie, the current chair-
man of the Golkar political party, owns a number
of media outlets, both print (Surabaya Post) and
television (ANTV and TVONE), as well as several
online media sites. Another prominent example is
Suryo Palo, who created his own political party,
Nasdem, in 2010. He also owns the newspaper
Media Indonesia and television channel MetroTV.
63 WHEN NEWS BECOMES ENTERTAINMENT
Ownership of the media by elites does not appear
to have resulted in the suppression of reporting on
corruption issues, indeed, such reporting appears
to be at an all-time high; however, it does influ-
ence which stories are reported and how they are
portrayed (Tapsell, 2012). In deciding what cases
are covered, and the depth with which they are
covered, elites hope to manipulate public percep-
tions of issues related to their interest, either by
skimming over negative reports concerning their
own interests, or by highlighting the weaknesses
of rivals.
Why Scandal?
Scandals involving politicians or bureaucrats are
a by-product of a free media, as the freedom to
report on the private behaviour of public officials
is often curtailed in cases where the media is re-
stricted by the government (Achter, 2003, p. 65).
However, the decision to expose and report on a
scandal is one influenced by more than just the
ability to do so: just because reporters can report
on scandals, it does not mean they must do so. The
reasons for reporting scandals can be considered
within three broad categories: ethical, political
and profit-driven. These reasons are not necessar-
ily mutually exclusive; however, one of these rea-
sons often provides the dominant motivation for
publicising a story.
If we accept the premise that the mediafor
all its limitationsis a crucial component of a
functioning democracy, it follows that informing
the public of matters of national interest is a core
responsibility of journalists. The reporting of po-
litical scandal is often framed in these terms: the
media have a moral obligation to expose unethical
behaviour by political figures because the public
have a right to know how their elected representa-
tives act when representing their interests. The
media has a long history of exposing improper
behaviour among public figures, and this infor-
mation can ultimately be used to hold them to
account, either by forcing resignation and/or by
spurring prosecution and conviction.
5
This tradi-
tion, however, is not easy to maintain. Corrup-
tion cases often involve complex legal, economic
and financial dimensions, and good investigative
journalism assumes that journalists have the re-
quired legal and financial understanding to be able
to analyse all aspects of the situation, which is not
always the case (Ronning, 2009, p. 166). Journal-
ists leave themselves open to defamation suits if
they are not able to support their accusations with
evidence. These considerations may ultimately de-
ter the media from reporting certain cases or ac-
cusations, undermining the ethical responsibility
to provide pertinent political information to the
public. Consequently, the motivations to report on
corruption scandals may be driven by other, less
noble, factors.
Although media scandals are often based on
exaggeration and sensationalism, they still can
play a role in raising public awareness (Lull & Hin-
erman, 1997). Scandals that expose unacceptable
behaviour by public officials (albeit not necessarily
illegal activity) have implications for both their po-
sition and profile. Scandals are a manifestation of
the politics of shaming that can not only damage
an individuals reputation, but also serve as a social
reminder that despite any legal outcomes, certain
acts still constitute moral transgressions (Tumber
& Waisbord, 2004, p. 1145). In cases of corruption
where evidence can be brought against those ac-
cused, the scandals instigated by the media may
potentially have tangible legal ramifications in-
cluding investigations and/or convictions.
More fundamentally, the reporting of scan-
dals raises deeper questions about a persons
moral integrity. Even if the person has not been
found to have committed a crime, they may still
be perceived to have transgressed social norms
reflecting dominant conceptions of morality
what personal behaviour is acceptable versus what
is unacceptable (Tumber and Waisbord, 2004, p.
1146). In this way, the reporting of scandals can
open the door for public discussion about morals
and values, stimulating debate about and public
interest in the basic principles that underpin how
64 RESEARCH
politicians act as individuals.
Reporting on political scandals may also be
driven by competing political interests. The me-
dia is built upon links, networks and relationships
that may sometimes blur the line between who
is inside and who is outside (Ronning, 2009, p.
167). The interests of media organisations, busi-
nesses and politicians have the potential to blur,
which can influence decisions about what stories
to include and omit, what issues to report on and
whose names to mention. The media is not apoliti-
cal, and personal, business and political relation-
ships can influence reporting just as strongly as
investigative journalism and ethics. In the politi-
cal arena, the media can also be used as a tool for
discrediting other politicians or parties. The expo-
sure of certain unacceptable behaviour may have
follow-on benefits for other elites such as rival
politicians or those with connected business inter-
ests. Gillespie and Okruhlik (1991, p. 88) contend
that this kind of coverage is focused upon discred-
iting opposition rather than confronting corrup-
tion issues in any meaningful way. Reports of cor-
ruption scandals, particularly the targets of such
reports and the intensity of the scrutiny, can thus
be engineered to meet these political interests if
media outlets or journalists have political links to
specific parties.
Scandals for Profit
In the case of Indonesia, the trend towards the
scandalisation of corruption cases does represent
a desire to increase audience numbers and there-
fore profits (personal communication with Igna-
tius Haryanto, 3 February 2012). This has a pro-
found impact upon dominant media narratives.
6

As a result, the media is now increasingly directed
towards influencing consumers of the private
sphere and less directed towards serving the needs
of public citizens. This influences both the stories
reported and the quality of reporting: corruption
cases are portrayed in a dramatic fashion with a fo-
cus upon intriguing key players rather than on un-
derlying structural reasons supporting corruption.
If profit-making is the primary raison detre for a
media outlet, the timely breaking of stories that
capture public attention may be prioritised over
thorough fact-checking, unbiased reporting and
an overall commitment to quality journalism, side-
lining the fourth estate role of providing news for
the benefit of informing and educating the public
(Tumber & Waisbord, 2004, pp. 11441145). The
competing interests of democratic responsibilities
and profit-making represent a dilemma for media
outlets, which need to formulate their own priori-
ties in relation to this nexus.
So why would a media group choose to focus
on scandals? Aside from any political advantages
the reporting of corruption may hold, scandals
themselves are also a profitable genre of news
(Tumber & Waisbord, 2004, p. 1147).
7
Some au-
thors argue that scandal appeals to an innate hu-
man characteristic, identified by the German con-
cept of schadenfreudetaking pleasure in the mis-
fortune of others. However, there is debate about
the extent to which this can adequately explain the
popularity of reporting on scandal (Thompson,
2000; Achter, 2003, p. 67). Other authors identify
the essential function of scandal as revealing the
humanity and human frailty of others, to strip off
the impersonal masks donned by those in author-
ity (Moodie, 1990, p. 881). Whatever the reason,
scandals sell, and the rise of politics-as-enter-
tainment as a format for reporting is reflected in
the increasing popularity of sensationalised news
coverage. As competition between media outlets
increases, scandals that attract public interest are
used as a means to stimulate audience numbers,
subsequently boosting corporate profits.
As the line between news and entertainment
is increasingly blurred, reporting on scandals be-
comes less about informing citizens for the public
good and increasingly about catching and retain-
ing their attention as consumers. In their assess-
ment of the influence of the Clinton-Lewinsky
scandal in the United States, Carpini and Williams
(2001, p. 178) argue that national politics has been
reduced to a sometimes amusing, sometimes mel-
65 WHEN NEWS BECOMES ENTERTAINMENT
odramatic, but seldom relevant spectator sport
and diverts the attention of the government and
the public away from more substantive issues. The
rise of politics-as-entertainment is also danger-
ous because media scandals are designed to pique
and retain interest and do not necessarily lead to
truth, revelations or depth of coverage (Balkin,
1999, p. 407; Street, 2001, pp. 4445). If the me-
dias focus is on generating interest and not on the
reporting of truth, then it is no longer fulfilling its
public interest role and meeting the expectations
of its function as the fourth estate.
The changing media landscape has also put
pressure on media outlets to produce 24-hour
coverage of breaking scandals. The urgency to
produce news can lead to a disregard for journal-
istic practices, as media outlets scramble to scoop
their competitors. Moreover, the 24-hour news
cycle puts pressure on journalists to find new an-
gles for stories (Tumber & Waisbord, 2004), which
can result in the reporting of banalities merely in
order to keep a story in the spotlight.
8
This focus
on breadth, as opposed to depth, has also led to
an incessant need for political commentary, with
scrutiny resembling that of the paparazzi rather
than hard-hitting investigative journalism aiming
to uncover the root of the case. Instead of report-
ing purely on facts, coverage tends to frame po-
litical scandals as soap operas or even situational
comedies (depending on the nature of the scandal
at hand), encouraging sensationalism and specu-
lation, which serves to extend the shelf life of a
particular story. Coverage of political corruption
within the media in Indonesia is voyaging into this
territory.
Media, Corruption and the Case of
Indonesia
Prior to the New Order (19661998), the Indone-
sian media had a history of reporting on corrup-
tion issues.
9
Concern over the number of corrupt
colonial officials emerged during the latter years
of the Dutch colonial regime (Wertheim, 1963).
In the early Sukarno period, corruption featured
as a key political issue, and was widely reported
in Indonesias newspapers, with several Minis-
ters and bureaucrats being accused of corruption,
even though the number of criminal convictions
remained low (Setiyono et al., 2012). Anti-corrup-
tion reporting was much more subdued during the
New Order, alternately being suppressed and co-
opted by the government for political gain (Smith,
1971, pp. 437439; Margana, 2009). During the
Reformation era, the focus on particular cases has
waxed and waned, but corruption has been a dom-
inant theme that shows no sign of fading.
Incidences of corruption from the national,
regional and local levels were frequently reported
in the media in the twelve months between mid-
2011 and mid-2012. However, the media focused
most intensely on issues that emerged as a result
of the conjecture and discussion surrounding the
appointment of a new head for Indonesias Cor-
ruption Eradication Commission (Komisi Pem-
berantasan Korupsi, KPK) in December 2011.
With the anticipation of the appointment of a new
KPK chief, media coverage focused on three par-
ticular corruption cases that had been identified
as priority cases for the KPK.
10
The first of these
was Centurygate, the case in which the govern-
ment approved a Rp. 6.7 trillion bailout package
under suspicious circumstances for the privately-
owned Bank Century. The bailout package was al-
legedly a far larger sum than required and there
are indications that a substantial proportion was
siphoned off and channelled towards other politi-
cal interests, including political campaigns.
11
The
second of the cases was the Wisma Atlet scandal
that emerged out of construction contracts for the
Southeast Asian (SEA) Games held in Jakarta and
Palembang during 2011. Members of the House of
Representatives (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR)
were accused of accepting bribes in return for fa-
vouring certain contractors in the procurement
process for the games. Though several key mem-
ber of the Democrat Party have been implicated
in the scandal, the majority of media attention
has focused upon former beauty queen-turned-
66 RESEARCH
politician Angelina Sondakh. The third was the
Cek Pelawat scandal in which Nunun Nurbaeti
was accused of distributing approximately Rp.
20.65 billion to members of the DPR in return for
the appointment of Miranda Goeltom as deputy
chairperson of the Bank of Indonesia. Media re-
ports about each of these scandals abounded,
closely following new developments and the lives
of the key corruption figures involved. Even before
being resolved, the scandals had taken their toll
upon public opinions of corruption and the gov-
ernment.
The portrayal of these three corruption cases
during the case study period was diverse; however,
through an analysis of newspaper, magazine, and
television coverage, there were discernible trends
in how they were reported Scandals naturally lend
themselves to reporting genres that draw on sen-
sationalism, soap-operafication and banality, all of
which are apparent in the Indonesian medias cov-
erage of these cases. Sensationalism relates to the
ability of media coverage to use presentation, con-
tent and language to attract attention and provoke
an emotional response (Vettehen et al., 2005). It
can manifest itself in several ways, for example the
placement of the news story on the front page of
a newspaper or running it as the primary breaking
news report on television, particularly if the topic
is not necessarily a new one. The use of images,
including title font, photographs, graphics and
even bright colours also attracts audience atten-
tion. Articles about Angelina Sondakh and Nunun
Nurbaeti were commonly accompanied by photo-
graphs of the women. Television coverage featured
camera shots following the corruptors as they ar-
rived at the airport in Jakarta (as with the case of
Nunun), as they arrived at and left the KPK, or
during other public outings. The images often had
a paparazzi-like quality, resembling images one
might expect to find in a gossip magazine.
The primary aim of sensationalised reporting
is to pique interest rather than to inform. Reports
about the extravagant lifestyles of those accused of
corruption are a prime example, contrasting the
rich, immoral corruptors with the honest, hard-
working average Indonesian. Having fled the coun-
try, Nunun was recognised while out shopping in
Bangkok and subsequently extradited to Indonesia
in December 2011. By emphasising the circum-
stances around her arrest, the media highlighted
that she had been living a life of luxury while in
hiding from Indonesian authorities.
12
In the case
of Angelina Sondakh, referred to affectionately
as Angie by the Indonesian press, the corruption
suspect is presented as a beautiful woman with a
tragic family history and a bright young recruit for
the Democrat Party.
13
Her fall from grace through
her embroilment in the Wisma Atlet scandal is
used to exemplify the ultimate moral transgres-
sion: someone who had it all but still put selfish
interests ahead of the public good. This form of
sensationalism aims to provoke a strong emotion-
al response that will compel readers to follow the
case with more interest in future.
The term soap operafication describes the
inclination to portray scandals as unfolding dra-
mas with lead characters, both on the side of good
and evil. As the soap opera begins, the lead char-
acters and their support cast are introduced, with
other actors entering the show as the story pro-
ceeds, and the audience is made familiar with all
aspects of their personal and political life. Along-
side the establishment of these characters, we are
introduced to the broad premise of the drama,
though we do not know all the details. The mys-
tery follows the key actors through the soap op-
era, with the ultimate goal of determining whether
these characters are indeed guilty of corruption.
This form of reporting draws upon human curios-
ity and voyeurism, exemplified by the popularity
of tabloid reporting and paparazzi journalism.
The Cek Pelawat scandal, in which parlia-
mentarians were bribed to support the election
of Miranda Goeltom as deputy head of the Bank
of Indonesia, lends itself particularly well to this
style of reporting because several key aspects of
the case remain unexplained. First, the motivation
for Nunun in becoming embroiled in the distri-
67 WHEN NEWS BECOMES ENTERTAINMENT
bution of money to DPR members was unclear.
Nunun had no direct political link to Miranda
Goeltom, nor did it appear that they had close
personal relationship (although photographic evi-
dence did eventually emerge indicating that they
had previously met at social functions). This im-
plies that Nunun was working on behalf of another
party, whose identity was unknown. Second, the
source of the funding was a mystery: who would
have an interest in ensuring that Miranda Goel-
tom was elected? Third, Miranda herself denied
any knowledge of the transactions, despite the fact
that witnesses attested that they had been paid
off in return for supporting her appointment as
Vice-President of the Bank of Indonesia. Miran-
da refused to acknowledge any culpability in the
payments, which challenged the very basis of the
bribery case. Finally, like all good soap operas, this
case also included what was ostensibly a case of
amnesia. Nununs ability to recall details was alleg-
edly inhibited by a serious brain affliction, limit-
ing her memory and ability to recall details. This
prompted the KPK to order independent medical
tests in an effort to refute the assertion she could
not be called as a witness in the court proceedings
related to this case.
14
Media coverage of the events
speculated upon each of these enigmas in head-
lines, opinions pieces, readers letters and through
cartoons, fuelling the conversion of politics into a
form of entertainment.
A development in the Centurygate scandal
also demonstrates the emphasis on drama in media
coverage of the case. In August 2012, former KPK
chief Antasari Azhar, in prison for complicity in
a murder, alleged that Indonesian president Susilo
Bambang Yudhoyono and a number of other high
profile officials met in October 2008 to discuss the
legal ramifications of the Bank Century bailout.
Antasari accused the President of personally ap-
proving the bailout plan, in direct contradiction to
statements from the President himself that he was
not involved in the decision. While these allega-
tions themselves are unsubstantiated, the ensuing
media coverage has the hallmarks of soap-oper-
afied reporting. The President, Yudhoyono, is the
main character in the drama, with Antasari Azhar
playing his adversary. The mystery to be uncov-
ered is who is lying and who is telling the truth.
To this end, a high-profile supporting cast has also
been brought in, such as Hatta Rajasa, coordinat-
ing minister for the economy and leader of the
Partai Amanat Nasional (National Mandate Party,
PAN) political party, and Denny Indrayana, the
deputy minister for law and human rights. Both
were supposedly in attendance at the meeting and
issued press statements to the effect that a meet-
ing did occur but there was no discussion of the
Bank Century bailout.
15
The ensuing speculation
is typified in an article in online news site, Tempo
Interaktif (10 August 2012), which ventured that
the swift denial by the President was indicative of
deeper concerns: Oddly enough, the President
seemed to feel the need to reinforce the denial. It
creates the sense that the issue is very worrying
for the President. The analysis of the Presidents
response and the extrapolation that it implies guilt
stimulated further development of the narrative
from a different angle, providing a new direction
in which the soap opera can progress, and room
for further speculation on who was involved and
who knew what in relation to the case.
A third aspect of scandal reporting in the In-
donesian media is its focus on banalitiesnamely
the reporting of news on corruptors that is neither
central to the case nor relevant to understanding
the underlying motives for corruptionthrough
in-depth coverage of trivial aspects of the corrup-
tors lives that are unrelated to the charges they
face. The focus on Angelina Sondakhs personal
life, including accusations that she had an affair
with her late husbands brother and persistent
coverage of her relationship with a former KPK
investigator, are more akin to gossip and tabloid
reporting than hard-hitting journalism. For exam-
ple, an article in the Jakarta Globe (26 July 2012)
ran the headline Angelina asks boyfriend to visit
late husbands grave with children; it reported that
Angelina had asked her boyfriend to visit her late
68 RESEARCH
husbands grave with her children for Idul Fitri
while she was in detentiona story that had no
relevance to the corruption charges Angelina was
facing and no obvious public interest value. This
genre of reporting, focusing on the minutiae of
Angelinas private life, draws upon public curiosity
about her personal activities rather than the im-
plications of her actions as a lawmaker and parlia-
mentarian who has allegedly acted against public
interest by accepting bribes.
Another example of such reporting was the
keen media interest in the conditions of detention
for Nunun Nurbaeti in the Cek Pelawat case,. One
example of this reporting was provided by Seputar
Indonesia entitled Nunun is without special facili-
ties on 12 December 2011, following her transfer
to Pondok Bambu gaol in East Jakarta. This par-
ticular article occupied almost two pages of the
newspaper, with large photographs of the room,
other inmates and the front gate of the prison, as
well as brief details on what she was being fed and
her anticipated daily routine. It did not include
any reference to a statement from Nunun about
her new living conditions, or a discussion of the
significance of her detention. While Seputar Indo-
nesia may have scooped its competitors, this new
information was far from pertinent to the serious
issue of corruption.
These three modes of reportingscandali-
sation, soap-operafication, and the reporting of
banalitiesplay into the increasingly dominant
trend of politics-as-entertainment, which has the
potential to influence public opinion about cor-
ruption issues in a number of ways. While they
generate interest in corruption issues, and some-
times even outrage, they are more likely to pro-
mote knowledge of particular personalities and
cases rather than deeper understandings of the
political and structural reason that underlie much
of the corrupt behaviour by public officials.
Implications
The pervasive coverage of corruption issues in
Indonesias media has one clear outcome: the
prominence of corruption in the government is
thoroughly underscored for the Indonesian pub-
lic. What is less straightforward are the potential
impacts of the reporting trends, the sensational-
ism of cases and the focus on banalities on popular
attitudes towards anti-corruption efforts and the
movement as a whole. The positive effects of the
media coverage are, put simply, increased public
awareness of the problem through the broadcast-
ing of case progression, public statements by those
in power and condemnations of corruption. Sev-
eral scholars and institutions propose that with-
out widespread social support, governance and
anti-corruption reforms will have little success (for
some examples see Galtung, 1998; Johnston, 1998,
p. 124; USAID, 2010; World Bank, 2011). Howev-
er, as Danang J. Widyoko of Indonesian Corrup-
tion Watch (ICW) notes, the majority of Indone-
sias anti-corruption activists are well-educated,
middle-class citizens, and thus the question for
the movement becomes how to engage ordinary
Indonesians (personal communication, 20 January
2012).

Consequently, the impacts of media cover-
age upon public perceptions of corruption take on
a key significance, particularly as combating cor-
ruption is continually highlighted as a key political
issue in Indonesia.
The influence of increased public awareness
of corruption issues could have several potential
outcomes. On the positive side, it may spur local-
ly-based campaigns, attendance at anti-corruption
rallies, the signing of petitions, donating funds to
or volunteering for anti-corruption organisations
and other expressions of solidarity with the anti-
corruption cause. However, increased awareness
has not automatically produced such outcomes in
Indonesia. Anti-corruption rallies remain the bas-
tion of NGOs and student groups, failing to ap-
peal to a broad cross-section of Indonesian soci-
ety. Donations from the public to anti-corruption
NGOs also remain low, with organisations such as
Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) assembling
mobile marketing teams to sign up individuals
as regular donors in an attempt to subsidise their
69 WHEN NEWS BECOMES ENTERTAINMENT
regular funding.
The nature of media reporting on corruption
has raised a number of concerns about how peo-
ple perceive the issue of corruption and has con-
sequences for overall public attitudes towards the
issue. Assuming that there is no such thing as bad
publicity in the case of raising awareness about
corruption issues contradicts observations of how
anti-corruption sentiment plays out on the ground
in Indonesia. There is concern that the scandalised
nature of reporting is fostering interest towards
corruption that is based on intrigue and entertain-
ment rather than on consideration of corruption
as a serious political topic.
16
Corruption cases,
particularly those discussed in the previous sec-
tion, attract public attention because of their dra-
ma, rather than their reflection of a system that is
not functioning as it should; they are soap-operas
rather than a serious indictment of a dysfunctional
political system. Moreover, the over-arching inter-
est in hair styles, fashion and relationships (Amir-
uddin, 2012) is testimony to the fact that corrup-
tion reports sometimes tend to focus on aspects
that are unrelated to the crime itself.
In diverting the focus of these cases from the
crimes to unrelated aspects of the personality or
appearance of the accused, the portrayals stop
highlighting the detrimental aspects of the crime
for the wider public. Ball-Rokeach and DeFleur
(1976, p. 17) contend that media messages not
linked to an individuals social reality may have lit-
tle effect on altering their behaviour. Scandalised
depictions of cases which fail to relate cases back
to the reality of regular people, or put forward a
sense of how these cases have real impacts for the
public, are thus unlikely to change the behaviour
of the general public who are not already involved
in the anti-corruption movement.
A second concern is that the extensive cover-
age of corruption cases in the media is leading to
perceptions of the anti-corruption movement as
being ineffective. In a study on the impact of nega-
tive reporting about unions and its correlation to
public support for the union movement, Schmidt
(1993) concluded that media coverage that high-
light the negative aspects of the union movement,
namely strikes, led to a decrease in public support
among non-union members. Similarly, those who
are not already involved in the anti-corruption
movement may feel less inclined to take action as
a result of incessant media reporting, which rarely
reports successes. The cases, particularly if they
are not resolved in a timely manner, contribute
to the sentiment that the fight against corruption
is an unwinnable war and thus not worth the
investment of personal time. In reporting all the
obstacles facing the investigation and prosecution
of corruption cases in meticulous and unrelenting
details, the media does nothing to help overcome
the impression that corruption is an entrenched
part of Indonesias political culture, and that even
professionals tasked with overcoming the prob-
lem are struggling to do so. The increased apathy
towards corruption issues will do little to boost
public interest or support for the anti-corruption
movement, even if the progress made by the anti-
corruption movement is admirable given the sheer
size of the task.
Conclusion
The media is crucial in shaping public discourse
and attitudes towards political issues. As the In-
donesian media is now able to report openly and
freely on corruption, dissecting and understand-
ing the impact of this coverage takes on a new
importance. This paper has analysed some of the
trends in the Indonesian media coverage, drawing
upon reports on three major corruption scandals
between 2011 and 2012. The Indonesian media
appears to be reporting on corruption with vigour,
enthusiastically covering scandals to the point that
the problem saturates publications and television
programming. This, in itself, is not a bad thing, as
these reports serve to inform and educate people
about events and actions in the political arena,
providing them with access to information that
they might not otherwise have.
The concern, however, lies in the depiction
70 RESEARCH
of the stories. The dominant politics-as-enter-
tainment format, with its focus on characters
and intrigues, encourages a cosmetic interest and
a superficial understanding of corruption issues
facing the Indonesian government. This, in turn,
leads to a diminished quality of political discourse
in which political arguments are trivialized, ap-
pearances matter more than reality, personalities
more than policies, the superficial more than the
profound (Street, 2001, p. 185). Moreover, it un-
dermines optimism in the anti-corruption cause
and discourages people from investing time in a
cause that they see as an unwinnable war. With its
key democratic role as the fourth estate, the me-
dia has a responsibility to inform citizens in a way
that not only provides oversight, but also fosters
meaningful debate about issues facing the state. In
this way, the framing of corruption scandals as en-
tertainment in Indonesia poses a risk to the anti-
corruption movement, encouraging interest but
not necessarily meaningful action.
Notes
1. Personal communication with Dr Meuthia
Rachman, Professor of Sociology at Univer-
sitas Indonesia (17 January 2012); J. Danang
Widoyoko, Director at Indonesian Corruption
Watch (20 January 2012); and Ignatius Hary-
anto, Director of the Centre for Press Develop-
ment in Jakarta (3 February 2012).
2. As Schultz (1998, p. 1) notes, the term fourth
estate has become so popular that it contin-
ues to be used even though most people have
forgottenif they ever knewwhat the first,
second and third estates were.
3. Elite capture and media bias do not inevita-
bly lead to negative impacts for the citizenry.
Corneo (2006, p. 39) asserts that a biased
media has the scope to improve the political
equilibrium if there are distortions in report-
ing across the media sector as a whole. How-
ever, Corneo also argues that while such an
outcome is possible, the general tendency is
for elite capture to be targeted at manipulat-
ing public opinion in a way that overwhelm-
ingly benefits the interests of the elite who
own the media.
4. For further reading on the issue of media own-
ership and its impacts in Indonesia, see Tapsell
(2010).
5. One commonly cited example of this scenario
is the Watergate scandal in the early 1970s, in
which American President Nixon was ultimate-
ly forced to resign over links to an attempt to
break into the Democratic National Committee
headquarters. The outcome of this case is seen
as an example of the triumph of investigative
journalism in holding public officials to account
(Heidenheimer et al., 1990, p. 6).
6. For a useful discussion of the impacts of com-
mercialisation of media upon public account-
ability, see Habermas seminal work, The
structural transformation of the public sphere
(1989). Habermas contends that the rise of the
media has led to the commodification of in-
formation and opinion, and that the media no
longer serves the public good, but instead aims
to influence consumers in the private sphere.
7. While there is little investigation into the exact
financial gain related to the reporting of scan-
dals within Indonesia, studies into the Clinton-
Lewinsky scandal in the United States have dem-
onstrated that television stations, particularly
24-hours cable news channels, generated huge
increases in audience and revenues as a result of
coverage (Tumber & Waisbord, 2004, p. 1147).
8. I thank Ignatius Haryanto for his insight in this
respect and credit him with sharing with me
his concept of the reporting of banalities in
the Indonesian media (personal communica-
tion, 3 February 2012).
9. Corruption issues were commonly discussed
in the media in the years leading up to 1965,
though little academic work has been pub-
lished on this topic. One rare example of his-
torical reporting on corruption in Indonesia is
a recent edition of Indonesian language maga-
zine Historia (2012), which published a collec-
tion of articles on prominent corruption cases
during the 1950s.
10. This is not to suggest that no other cases have
been the target of media coverage. What sets
these cases apart, however, is prevalence, con-
sistency and the breadth of coverage.
11. For a complete account of the Bank Century
case through to 2011, see Soesatyo (2012, pp.
131174). Soesatyo is connected with the Gol-
kar political party and this may influence some
of the conclusion he presents, but the facts of
the case (as they were known at the time of pub-
lication) are presented clearly and concisely.
12. Some examples of coverage include Tempos
article Seperti apa rumah mewah nunun di
Bangkok? (Tempo Interaktif, 19 December
2011) and a piece in the Jakarta Globe (27 De-
cember 2011) that described Nunun as having
71 WHEN NEWS BECOMES ENTERTAINMENT
been on a nine-month shopping spree in Sin-
gapore and Thailand.
13. Angelina Sondakh was crowned Miss Indone-
sia in 2001. Her late husband, also an MP, died
suddenly of a heart attack in February 2011,
leaving her widowed with one child and two
stepchildren.
14. Examples of coverage include articles on
memory loss such as: Nununs memory fine,
but not her ankle: Golkar (The Jakarta Globe,
16 June 2011), Nunun questioning will prove
truth about memory loss: KPK (The Jakarta
Post, 20 December 2011) and Memahami otak
Nunun Nurbaeti [Understanding the brain of
Nunun Nurbaeti] (Kompas.com, 18 July 2011).
15. For examples of coverage, see Hatta rajasa
bantah ada rapat century di istana presiden
(Berita Satu, 13 August 2012 ) and Denny In-
drayana: Antasari Azhar berbohong (Tempo.
com, 10 August 2012).
16. I would like to thank writer and activist Har-
tono Sutejo for our discussion and his insights
in this respect (personal communication, 19
January 2012).
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73 RESEARCH
MEDIA
ASIA
RESEARCH
Job satisfaction of journalists:
Professional aspirations, newsroom
culture and social context
HAO XIAOMING, CHERIAN GEORGE AND SHI CONG
Hao Xiaoming is Professor in Wee Kim Wee School of Communication & Information, Nanyang Technological University,
Singapore. Cherian George is Associate Professor in Wee Kim Wee School of Communication & Information, Nanyang
Technological University, Singapore. Shi Cong is a doctoral student in Bowling Green State University, USA.
MEDIA ASIA 40(1), pp. 7384
Job satisfaction is one of the most popular topics in organisational behaviour research, as it
affects organisational productivity and job commitment. This study examines various factors
contributing to the job satisfaction of journalists by contextualising the research in the unique
Singapore environment, where the news media, as state-protected monopolies, provide
journalists with job security and good monetary rewards. Singapores news media clearly
deviate from the liberal norms in terms of the legal framework within which they operate,
yet the Singapore journalists compete well against professionals from other countries for
international awards for editorial excellence. The newsroom culture ensures that the local
journalists see themselves as supporters rather than adversaries of the government but at
the same time require them to question the government about its policies and decisions.
Singapore thus serves as an interesting context to test various factors that may contribute
to journalists satisfaction with their job. Through a survey of 447 Singapore journalists, this
study examines various factors that may affect the job satisfaction of journalists, including
individual characteristics, job rewards, newsroom culture, perceived role of journalism, and
the performance of their news organisations. The findings show that what matters most
to Singapore journalists is how they see their institution perform in informing the public.
Journalists who feel greater autonomy and believe in the adversarial role of the press are more
satisfied with their job as journalists. In the meantime, monetary reward, job security and
demographic differences are not significant factors in determining job satisfaction.
J
ob satisfaction is one of the most popular
topics in organisational behaviour research
as it affects organisational productivity and
job commitment. Both scholars and business
managers show interest in understanding factors
affecting job satisfaction and the linkage between
job satisfaction, organisational productivity and
job commitment.
74 RESEARCH
While job satisfaction is generally under-
stood as how people feel about their jobs, it is
more than a simple pleasure-displeasure response
(Warr, 1998). Rather, job satisfaction is a complex
and multifaceted concept. According to Blum
and Naylor (1968), job satisfaction is the general
attitude of workers based on how they feel about
wages, working conditions, control, promotion,
social relations in the work, recognition of talent,
personal characteristics, and group relations (p.
364). Moreover, job satisfaction, which involves
synthesising various attributes of ones work and
work-related experiences, can be affected by ones
own values, ideals and beliefs (Bergen & Weaver,
1988, p. 2). In other words, job satisfaction can be
a result of the nature of the job itself, the physi-
cal work environment, the incentive and financial
reward, the quality of relationship with colleagues
and supervisors, ones adaptation to the organi-
sational culture, and opportunity for personal
growth within an organisation.
Journalism is a profession where job satis-
faction for many depends on the spiritual as well
as the material benefits, as it has been described
as a noble profession with a public mission that
requires high integrity and commitment from
its practitioners (Mott, 1962; Weaver & Wilhoit,
1996). Despite the fact that journalists need to be
hired by an institution to practise the trade, they
do not necessarily place loyalty to the institution
above their professional mission. In theory, the
professional man places service above personal
gain (Mott, 1962, p. 863).
Many journalists are idealists who see their job
not simply as a means to make a living but also a
platform to achieve their own vision for the profes-
sion and fulfil their professional obligations to soci-
ety. It has been argued that as a universally practised
profession, journalism has universal values shared
by journalists around the world despite the fact that
its actual practice varies from country to country
(Hao, 2006). Whether the media environment al-
lows journalists to practise such professional values
naturally affects their satisfaction with their job.
Although research on job satisfaction among
journalists could be traced back to Samuelsons
(1962) study of the migration of newspaper journal-
ists to other careers, most early studies on this topic
focused on journalists in the United States (e.g.
Beam, Dunwoody & Kosicki, 1986; Lee, Sobowale
& Cobbey, 1979; Nayman, Mckee & Lattimore,
1977; Olson, 1989; Pastennack & Martin, 1985).
More recent studies on the job satisfaction among
journalists begin to look at journalists elsewhere or
compare journalists from other countries with their
counterparts in the United States (Chan, Pan & Lee,
2004; Chang & Massey, 2010; Kodrich & Mellado,
2007; Lo, Wei, Chan & Pan, 2002; Ryan, 2009).
Research on journalists in other countries
helps to enrich our understanding of job satisfac-
tion among journalists. While most of the factors
affecting the job satisfaction of journalists can be
found universally, unique factors may be found in
different social contexts. For example, Chan, Pan
and Lee (2004) found that journalists in China
might derive satisfaction from job autonomy like
journalists elsewhere but those who prefer party
media as ideal news outlets demonstrate higher
levels of job satisfaction. This led the author to
argue that to understand job satisfaction among
journalists, it is important to take into account
journalists ideal press models, which reflect jour-
nalists aspirations and possibly determine their
career goals and professional identities (p. 265).
This study aims to enrich our understand-
ing of job satisfaction of journalists by examining
how journalists feel about their jobs in Singapore,
where journalism is practised with neither the de-
gree of press freedom required by liberal democra-
cies nor the kind of control found in authoritarian/
communist societies. The safe and secure working
environment offered by the state-protected media
monopoly allows Singapore journalists to ply their
trade with restraints rarely found in countries with
such an advanced economy as well as freedom
from the deprivation and corruption that plague
the profession in many less developed societies
(Hao & George, 2012).
75 JOB SATISFACTION OF JOURNALISTS
In such a context, how would journalists
feel about their job? Would they share the values
that affect the job satisfaction of journalists else-
where? How do journalists with different profes-
sional aspirations and idealistic views of the roles
and functions of the news media feel about their
job as journalists? The answer to these questions
would help us better understand how journalists
see journalism as a profession, a public service and
an occupation.
Literature Review
Studies on job satisfaction among journalists
started as early as the 1960s (Samuelson, 1962)
and became prevalent later when a major decrease
in job satisfaction was reported by both trade pub-
lications and scholarly works. The exploration of
job satisfaction among journalists has revealed a
number of factors that contribute to job satisfac-
tion among journalists.
Some of these factors relate to the working
conditions of journalists, including salary, work-
load, job security, relationship with supervisors
and colleges, and conflict with family (e.g. John-
stone et al., 1972; Reinardy, 2010; Samuelson,
1962; Weaver & Wilhoit, 1986). At the same time,
the opportunities offered by journalism to those
who are interested in writing, news-gathering and
current affairs also make the job satisfying to some
journalists (Weaver & Wilhoit, 1986). Bergen and
Weaver (1988) argued that the level of job satis-
faction varies across organisations of various sizes,
and a big difference exists between medium-sized
and small- or large-sized newspapers. Other stud-
ies (Daniel & Hollifield, 2002; Stamm & Under-
wood, 1993) showed that journalists resist changes
in organisational policies and structures, which
impact their job satisfaction in a negative way. Like
in other occupations, journalists job satisfaction
can be also affected by the perceived status, power
and prestige they enjoy (Demers, 1994).
Of greater interest to academics is that past
studies have indicated that job satisfaction of jour-
nalists is related to their professional aspirations,
which refer to a set of normative ideals and beliefs
that members of a profession uphold (Chan, Pan &
Lee, 2004). Johnstone, Slawski and Bowman (1976)
noted that journalists who upheld the dominant
professional value of neutrality tended to be more
satisfied with their job. Weaver and Wilhoit (1986)
found that journalists who strongly believed in the
disseminator role of journalism tended to be more
satisfied with their job than those who preferred
the adversarial role.
Due to their professional aspirations, journal-
ists perception of how their work environment
facilitates or handicaps them in achieving such
aspirations affects their job satisfaction. Bergen
and Weaver (1988) found that journalists per-
ception of how well their organisation had done
in informing the public was the strongest predic-
tor for job satisfaction. Beam (2006) argued that
journalists enjoyed high satisfaction when they felt
that their work was valued. Weaver and Wilhoit
(1986) noted that journalists job satisfaction was
also determined by whether their freedom of re-
porting would be affected by internal constraints
such as the budget and external constraints such
as the government, a hostile public and powerful
advertisers.
While earlier studies on job satisfaction
among journalists focused on journalists in North
America, more recent studies also examined jour-
nalists in different cultural, social and political
settings, such as Australia, Brazil, Canada, China,
Chile, Hong Kong and Taiwan (Chan, Pan & Lee,
2004; Herscovitz, 2000; Im, 2003; Kodrich & Mel-
lado, 2007; Lo, Wei, Chan & Pan, 2002; Massey
& Ewart, J. 2007; Pollard, 1995). Most of these
studies were descriptive and focused on work-
ing conditions as factors affecting job satisfaction
among journalists, but there were also studies that
focused on the impact of professional aspirations.
For example, Chan, Pan and Lee (2004) called for
attention to the importance of taking into account
journalists ideal press model in understanding
their job satisfaction. They argued that the ideal
press models reflecting the aspirations of journal-
76 RESEARCH
ists are developed and maintained in specific and
concrete contexts. The congruence or incongru-
ence between the aspirations and realities deter-
mines the job satisfaction among journalists.
The extension of research on job satisfaction
among journalists to other parts of the world adds
to our knowledge about journalists attitude to-
wards their job and various motivations that affect
their job satisfaction. Of particular importance to
our understanding of the job satisfaction among
journalists around the world is to what extent is
job satisfaction affected by the professional aspira-
tions of journalists and the working environment
for them to achieve such aspirations. While jour-
nalists share many universal values as a profession,
their aspirations to uphold such values can be
facilitated or handicapped by their working envi-
ronment. As a result, to fully understand the rela-
tionship between professional aspirations and job
satisfaction, we need to study journalists in other
parts of the world, especially in countries where
journalism is practised under unique conditions.
The Singapore Context
Journalists in Singapore practise their trade in a
social context that differs from various typolo-
gies of the press. While Singapore lacks the press
freedom and civil liberties of liberal democracies,
the state has not completely commandeered the
media in the style of totalitarian regimes (Hao &
George, 2012).
Foreign critics of the Singapore press de-
scribe the local press as lacklustre and obeisant
mouthpieces of the establishment (Tan, 1990, p.
1) but the Singapore government justifies its stand
against a Western-style free press on the ground
of national building and social harmony. The rul-
ing Peoples Action Party (PAP) argues that the
press has no right to obstruct the governments
work through unrestricted freedom because the
government is elected by the people and therefore
represents citizens wishes. In such a situation,
freedom of the press, freedom of the news media,
must be subordinate to the overriding needs of
the integrity of Singapore, and to the primacy of
purpose of an elected government, said Lee Kuan
Yew (1971), the first prime minister of the Singa-
pore republic.
Through legal means, the PAP government
took drastic actions against the press by suspend-
ing dissenting newspapers and detaining dissent-
ing journalists in its early years. Such harsh meas-
ures became unnecessary after the government
consolidated the press through the Newspaper and
Printing Presses Act introduced in 1974. Through
the act, the government could name the board of
directors of newspaper companies and thus indi-
rectly has a say in the appointment of the editorial
chiefs of newspapers. In addition, the requirement
for newspaper companies to be publicly listed with
management shares, which have voting power 200
times of the ordinary share and can be only sold
to people approved by the government, ensures
that the management of newspaper companies be
controlled by people with close ties with the gov-
ernment. The Singapore Press Holdings (SPH),
which houses all but one newspaper in Singapore,
is managed by ex-government officials, who have
been deputy prime minister or minister (see Hao,
1995; Hao & George, 2012; George, 2007; Lee &
Wilnat, 2009).
Similar to the newspaper industry, the broad-
cast industry is monopolised by MediaCorp, which
evolved from a state broadcaster. MediaCorp runs
all free-to-air television stations in Singapore, in-
cluding Channel News Asia, an all-news station,
as well as most radio stations and Today, the only
newspaper outside of SPH. Like SPH, MediaCorp
has also been historically managed by people with
strong government links (see Hukill, 1998; Lee &
Wilnat, 2009).
The press model and industrial setup make
Singapore a unique environment for journalism.
It differs from both the Western democracies and
the traditional authoritarian/communication soci-
eties. Neither do the Singapore journalists enjoy
the same amount of freedom as their counterparts
in the West nor do they suffer from the outright
77 JOB SATISFACTION OF JOURNALISTS
control of the news as their counterparts in the au-
thoritarian/communist societies. Singapore jour-
nalists, who benefit from the job security and rela-
tively good pay provided by media monopolies, do
not often face direct news censorship by the gov-
ernment. More pressure is felt through interaction
with government officials and newsroom opera-
tions that restrain journalists in covering certain
types of news considered potentially threatening
to social harmony and national security (Hao &
George, 2012).
Against such a background, it becomes inter-
esting to see how Singapore journalists feel about
their job. In particular, we want to know what fac-
tors have greater influence on journalists satisfac-
tion with their job. Are those factors related to job
conditions or related to professional aspirations
more influential on journalists satisfaction with
their job? Because of the relatively good pay and
job security, we do not expect the working con-
ditions and the demographical differences among
journalists to play a significant role in affecting
journalists attitude towards their job as in other
countries. Rather, we assume that job satisfaction
among Singapore journalists is more related to
their professional aspirations, their vision for the
function of journalism, and their perception of
what the public thinks of the performance of the
news media.
We did not develop particular hypotheses for
the relationship between various demographic vari-
ables and the job satisfaction among journalists as
we believe demographic variables such as gender,
education, income and positions in the newsroom
would have less impact on the job satisfaction
among the Singapore journalists, whose attitude to-
wards their job would be more likely to be affected
by how the overall media environment impacts on
their pursuit of professional aspirations.
Past research shows that journalists percep-
tion of their own institutions performance in in-
forming the public directly affects their satisfac-
tion with the job (Bergen & Weaver, 1988). There-
fore, we proposed the following:
H1 The higher the rating given by journalists to
their organisation in informing the public, the
more satisfied they will be with their job.
Secondly, previous studies pointed out the
link between the autonomy of journalists and their
satisfaction with the job. By analysing the data
about journalists in various countries, Weaver
(1998) concluded that the proportions of journal-
ists perceiving a great deal of freedom are related
to the proportions claiming to be very satisfied (p.
461). Therefore, we hypothesised the following:
H2 The greater autonomy that journalists per-
ceive in their work, the more satisfied they
will be with their job.
In addition, we examined how journalists who
preferred certain roles for the media feel about
their jobs. Based on past literature (Chan, Pan &
Lee, 2004; Johnstone, Slawski & Bowman, 1976;
Weaver & Wilhoit, 1986), we assume that journal-
ists who have high aspirations for their profession
tend to be idealists who want the media to per-
form a social function beyond merely informing
the public of what is happening in the world. Such
social functions can be understood as an advocate
for the public, analyst or interpreter of events and
issues, or adversary to powerful institutions in so-
ciety. We would like to see if journalists who prefer
to see a more active role for the media feel com-
fortable to work in the Singapore context, where
the government has a strong say in deciding what
role media should play in the Singapore society.
Past literature shows that journalists from differ-
ent countries may disagree about various roles
the news media should play (Weaver, 1998) but it
is not clear if such disagreements affect their job
satisfaction. However, it can be inferred from the
study by Chan, Pan and Lee (2006) what journal-
ists believe the press should be and whether their
aspirations can be supported by the press environ-
ment affect their satisfaction with the job. There-
fore, we hypothesised the following:
78 RESEARCH
H3 The higher the importance that journalists
place on the popular advocacy role of me-
dia, the more satisfied they will be.
H4 The higher the importance that journalists
place on the analytical/interpretive role of
media, the more satisfied they will be.
H5 The higher the importance that journalists
place on the adversarial role of media, the
more satisfied they will be.
Methods
The data for this study came from a survey of jour-
nalists working at Singapore Press Holdings (SPH)
and MediaCorp, who account for about 95 per-
cent of the journalists in Singapore. Singaporean
journalists working for foreign media were not
included in the survey because they work for or-
ganisations with different cultures. We contacted
the management of SPH and MediaCorp to obtain
their permission to administer the survey to their
journalists. While SPH agreed to the request, Me-
diaCorp declined.
With the support of the SPHs management,
we distributed the questionnaire to all the jour-
nalists working for various newspapers under
the companys umbrella in October 2009. Out of
the 930 copies of questionnaire disseminated, we
managed to obtain 330 completed responses. As
for MediaCorp, we tried to distribute the ques-
tionnaire through our personal contacts. We were
able to contact about 200 journalists from among
the 300-plus journalists working in the company,
and received around 100 completed question-
naires. After removing incomplete questionnaires,
we managed to get a total of 447 respondents, con-
sisting of 282 SPH journalists and 87 MediaCorp
journalists as well as 78 journalists who did not
specify whether they work for SPH or MediaCorp.
Of these 447 journalists, 19 percent held
managerial positions such as editor, deputy edi-
tor or assistance editor. Slightly more than half of
the respondents were female (59%) and married
(53%). Almost two-thirds of the respondents were
40 years old and below, with 36 percent of them
being 30 years old or younger. Almost a third of
the respondents have worked as a journalist for
five years or less (35%) and the mean score for
their journalistic experience was 10.8 years. Most
of them have at least a Bachelors degree (86%).
Chinese journalists accounted for 76 percent of
the respondents, followed by 10 percent Indians, 8
percent Malays and 2 percent Eurasians. In terms
of religious beliefs, 34 percent were Christians, 16
percent were Buddhists and 9 percent were Mus-
lims, while 29 percent stated that they held no re-
ligious beliefs.
Variables measured
Journalists job satisfaction was measured with a
single item adopted from the study by Weaver and
Wilhoit (1996). Respondents were asked to indi-
cate on a 4-point scale, ranging from 1 = very sat-
isfied to 4 = very dissatisfied, the extent of their
satisfaction with their present job (M = 2.15, SD
= .65).
Comments from superior was measured
with a single item from Weaver and Wilhoit (1996)
in which respondents were asked to indicate on a
4-point scale (1 = regularly, 4 = never) the extent
to which they received comments on their work
from people who are above them in their organisa-
tion (M = 1.96, SD = .71).
Comments from news sources was measured
with a single item from Weaver and Wilhoit (1996)
in which the respondents were asked to indicate
on a 4-point scale (1 = regularly, 4 = never) the
extent to which they received reactions or com-
ments on their work from news sources (M = 2.25,
SD = .89)
Comments from readers was assessed using
a single item from Weaver and Wilhoit (1996) in
which the respondents were asked to indicate on a
4-point scale (1 = regularly, 4 = never) the extent
to which they received reactions or comments on
their work from readers, listeners or viewers (M =
2.04, SD = .84).
79 JOB SATISFACTION OF JOURNALISTS
Autonomy was measured using three items
adopted from Bergen and Weaver (1988, 1996).
The respondents were asked to indicate on a
4-point scale the extent of their freedom in per-
forming their work through these questions: How
much freedom do you usually have in selecting the
stories you work on?, How much freedom do you
usually have in deciding which aspects of a story
should be emphasised?, How much freedom do
you usually have in deciding how the stories writ-
ten by others will be used in your newspaper or
station? and If you have a good idea for a subject
which you think is important and should be fol-
lowed up, how often are you able to get the subject
covered? Responses to the three questions were
averaged to create a composite scale, with lower
scores denoting higher levels of autonomy (M =
2.29, SD = .67, Cronbachs = .78).
Organisations success in informing the pub-
lic was measured by a single item adopted from
Bergen and Weaver (1988, 1996). Respondents
were asked to indicate on a 5-point scale (1 =
outstanding, 5 = poor) the extent to which they
thought their news organisation had performed in
informing the public (M = 2.77, SD = .86).
Respondents were asked to assess the impor-
tance of various factors they considered in judg-
ing their job as journalists. These items, adopted
from Weaver and Wilhoit (1996), included the pay,
fringe benefits, editorial policies of the organisa-
tion, job security, chance to develop specialty,
autonomy, and chance to get ahead in the organi-
sation, chance to help people and chance to influ-
ence public affairs. Respondents were asked to in-
dicate on a 3-point scale (1 = not too important, 3
= fairly important, 5 = very important) the extent
of the importance they placed on these factors.
Respondents were asked to indicate how im-
portant they thought a number of things were that
news media did or tried to do today, ranging from
get information to the public quickly to set public
agenda and to provide entertainment and relaxa-
tion. We used the responses of the participants
to various statements to create three variables to
indicate the different roles journalists believe that
news media should play.
The first role, named popular advocacy, was
created through averaging the responses to four
statements, namely get information to the public
quickly, develop intellectual and cultural interests
of the public, give ordinary people a chance to ex-
press their views on public affairs and motivate
ordinary people to get involved in public discus-
sion of important issues (alpha = .72).
A composite measure of the role adversary
was created through averaging the response to
two statements, be an adversary of public officials
by being constantly sceptical of their actions and
be an adversary of businesses by being constantly
sceptical of their actions (alpha = .94).
Another composite measure of the role ana-
lyst/interpreter was created through averaging
the responses to two statements, provide analysis
and interpretation of complex problems and pro-
vide analysis and interpretation of international
developments (alpha= .70).
Results
Our findings show that, in general, journalists in
Singapore are quite happy with their job. Of the
447 respondents, 12.2 percent of them felt very
satisfied and 63.4 percent fairly satisfied with their
present job, while 21.8 percent were somewhat
dissatisfied and 2.6 percent very dissatisfied. In
terms of the proportion of journalists who felt very
satisfied, Singaporean journalists are not as happy
as journalists in North America, Europe and South
America, but they are comparable to their Asian
counterparts in China, Taiwan, Hong Kong and
Korea.
1
In order to examine the factors influencing
job satisfaction, hierarchical regression analyses
were run. We first examined the relationships
between various demographic variables and job
satisfaction. We did not find any relationship be-
tween job satisfaction and gender, age, education
or whether the respondents hold a managerial
position. Those who have worked as journalists
80 RESEARCH
longer are less likely to feel satisfied with the job.
On the other hand, the better-paid journalists are
more likely to be satisfied with their job.
In addition to the demographic variables, we
also examined the relationships between job sat-
isfaction and various factors that the respondents
perceived to be important in judging their job.
There were no significant relationships between
job satisfaction and the importance of pay, edi-
torial policy, job security, specialty development,
autonomy, chance of getting ahead, helping peo-
ple and the influence on public opinion. The only
relationship found was between the importance
of fringe benefit and job satisfaction. Because no
relationship was found between the importance
of pay and job satisfaction among the respond-
ents, fringe benefits here may have less to do
with monetary rewards and more to do with other
types of benefits, such as opportunities to travel
and to write. Please see Table 1 for the details.
Next, we ran regression analysis to exam-
ine relationships between job satisfaction among
journalists and comments about their work, per-
ception of their work and the perceived roles that
they believe media should play. Please see Table 2
for the details.
Journalists are social critics who like to com-
ment and criticise, but how do they face criticism
and comments on their own work? Would other
peoples comments on their work make them feel
less satisfied with their own work? Our findings
show that comments by superiors do not make our
respondents feel dissatisfied with their job. On the
contrary, those who receive comments from their
superiors on a more regular basis are more likely
to feel satisfied with their job. However, comments
from their sources and readers do not matter to
their satisfaction or dissatisfaction of the job.
An overwhelming majority of the respond-
ents found it extremely important (58.6%) or quite
important (36.8%) to get information to the public
quickly. A small proportion (5.8%) of the respond-
ents rated their news organisations performance
in informing the public as outstanding and most
of them rated it as either very good (32.8%) or
good (41.6%). Only a tiny minority (1.4%) rated
it as poor and the rest (18.5%) rated it at least as
fair. Those who rated their news organisations
performance in informing the public positively are
more likely to find greater satisfaction with their
job. Hypothesis 1 is therefore supported.
How autonomous the respondents feel as
journalists in Singapore is related to their job sat-
isfaction. Journalists who feel more freedom in
selecting a subject or a story to work on, decid-
ing what aspects of a story to emphasise, and us-
Table 1
Important factors in evaluating job and job
satisfaction
Standard
coefficients
Sig.
Block 1:
Demographics
Gender .123 .051
Age .099 .406
Education .000 .992
Years as journalist .284 .036
Position (journalist
vs. editor)
.039 .568
Income .254 .009
R2 .047
Block 2 factors
perceived to be
important
Pay .081 .222
Fringe benefit .190 .005
Editorial policy .087 .185
Job security .046 .466
Specialty
development
.037 .513
Autonomy .067 .313
Getting ahead .116 .074
Helping people .024 .761
Influencing public
opinion
.059 .447
R2 .110
81 JOB SATISFACTION OF JOURNALISTS
ing other peoples stories tend to be more satisfied
with their job, supporting Hypothesis 2.
As for the medias role, the perception of the
media as an advocate for the public and an analyst/
interpreter of news events does not affect their job
satisfaction. However, the perception of media as
adversaries against public officials and businesses
is related to how they feel about their job as jour-
nalists. Those who believe that the news media
should act as adversaries of public officials and
businesses and be sceptical of their actions are
more likely to feel satisfied with their job as jour-
nalists. Hypotheses 3 and 4 are thus rejected while
Hypothesis 5 is retained.
It should be noted that when more factors
were controlled in this regression model, demo-
graphic factors all ceased to be significant. Experi-
ence as journalists and pay, which used to be sig-
nificant factors in the previous regression model,
are no longer significant when more factors are
taken into consideration. This indicates that job
satisfaction may correlate with work experience
and income, but length of work and income are
unlikely to be the real causes for job satisfaction
or dissatisfaction among Singaporean journalists.
Discussion and Conclusion
Despite strong criticism of the Singapore press by
Western critics, news media in Singapore have no
difficulty in finding people who aspire to be jour-
nalists. The majority of the journalists (63%) who
responded to our survey chose journalism because
of personal interest in and passion for journalism.
Only a minority of them (11%) chose journalism
simply because it provides them with a job or they
were attracted by the scholarship offered by the
news media.
For Singapore journalists, job security, mon-
etary reward, promotion and other materialistic
incentives do not seem to really affect how they
feel about the job. This could be partly attributed
to the fact that in Singapore, the journalistic job
provides good materialistic incentives for journal-
ists or at least there is no lack of them for journal-
ists to feel dissatisfied with the job. Unlike journal-
ists in some countries where financial situations of
the media companies make journalists concerned
about their pay and job security (Weaver, 1998),
the media monopolies in Singapore have provided
journalists with relatively good pay and job secu-
rity to make such factors non-significant for job
satisfaction.
Table 2
Factors influencing job satisfaction among
Singaporean journalists
Standard
coefficients
Sig.
Block 1: Demographics
Gender .016 .812
Age .117 .399
Education .012 .863
Years as journalist .130 .396
Position (journalist vs
editor)
.043 .598
Income .171 .114
R2 .056
Block 2: Comments
about their work
Comments from
superiors
.242 .001
Comments from sources .144 .125
Comments from readers .108 .291
R2 .133
Block 3: Perception of
work
Job in informing the
public
.304 .000
Autonomy .214 .008
R2 .245
Block 4: Perceived
media role
Popular advocacy .025 .746
Adversary .225 .005
Analyst/interpreter .007 .925
R2 .287
82 RESEARCH
What is of interest to us is whether the per-
ception of autonomy affects how journalists in
Singapore feel about their job. There is no denying
that journalists in Singapore do not enjoy as much
freedom as their counterparts in liberal democ-
racies. In the Freedom of the Press 2010 Survey
conducted by Freedom House (2010), the Singa-
pore press was rated not free and ranked only 32
nd

among 40 Asia-Pacific countries. In the meantime,
autonomy is highly valued by our respondents, the
major of whom believe that autonomy is either
very important (51%) or fairly important (43%)
in judging their job.
Our findings about the relationship between
the autonomy perceived by journalists in their
work and their satisfaction with the job shows
that the lack of autonomy may not dampen jour-
nalists liking of their job. What matters is how
much autonomy they perceive to have. The more
autonomous our respondents feel in their work,
the greater satisfaction they find with their job,
like journalists elsewhere (Weaver, 1998). This
corresponds with what have been found among
journalists in China, who work in a more restraint
press environment (Chan, Pan & Lee, 2004). What
is more, those who believe autonomy is important
in judging their job do not necessarily feel more
frustrated with their job than those who care less
about autonomy as a factor in assessing the job.
This seems to tell us that although journalists in
Singapore also value the importance of autonomy
in their work, their perceived autonomy in work is
not in total incongruence with their expectation of
autonomy in work and therefore does not lead to
their dissatisfaction with their job.
Like journalists elsewhere, Singapore journal-
ists have a strong sense of their public mission.
The overwhelming majority of the respondents
find it extremely or very important for the news
media to get information to the pubic quickly.
Moreover, they believe their own organisations
are doing a good job informing the public. About
80 percent of the respondents believe their organi-
sations are doing an outstanding, very good or
good job in informing the public. Those who rate
their organisations more favourably tend to get
greater satisfaction from their job. This shows that
professional aspirations carry more weight than
job conditions on job satisfaction among Singapo-
rean journalists.
In Singapore, journalists are reminded by the
government to support its efforts in nation build-
ing. Speaking to the American Society of Newspa-
per Editors in 1988, Lee Kuan Yew made it clear
that the Singapore press is not allowed to assume
a role in Singapore that the American media play
to America, that of invigilator, adversary and in-
quisitor of the administration (Lee, 1988). This,
however, does not stop many Singapore journal-
ists from seeing an important role for them to be
an adversary to both public officials and business-
es by being sceptical of their actions, especially
among those who have less work experience as
journalists.
An interesting finding is that journalists who
believe it is important for the press to be an ad-
versary of public officials and businesses actually
are more likely to be satisfied rather than dissat-
isfied with their job as a journalist in Singapore.
Despite the fact the Singapore does not provide
an environment to practise an adversary press, the
aspiration for many journalists to take an adver-
sarial stand against public officials and businesses
obviously has not resulted in their frustration with
the job. On the contrary, those who endorse an
adversarial stand are more likely to find greater
satisfaction with the job. This certainly cannot be
understood as evidence that the Singapore con-
text provides enough room for these journalists
to practise adversary journalism and therefore
makes them find the job more satisfying. A more
plausible explanation would be that despite the
limitations, journalism in Singapore nevertheless
provides space for journalists to question public
officials and businesses. While the space is not as
much as in countries where the press is seen as a
watchdog monitoring the government activities,
it does allow Singapore journalists who prefer an
83 JOB SATISFACTION OF JOURNALISTS
adversary stand enough room to fulfil their aspi-
rations. Another possible explanation is that no
matter how journalism is practised in different
countries, the nature of the job always allows jour-
nalists to question, to challenge and to investigate.
That alone makes journalists who like to challenge
power feel gratified.
The overall findings of this study show that
despite the uniqueness of the Singapore press en-
vironment, journalists in Singapore share similar
aspirations with journalists in other countries.
There is no denying that the Singapore journalists
face more restraint in press freedom than journal-
ists in Western countries but journalism is never-
theless a gratifying profession for people who are
motivated for and interested in the job. With good
monetary incentives and job security provided by
the media monopolies, job satisfaction for Singa-
pore journalists is more likely to derive from their
perceived achievement of professional aspirations.
Those who believe that their news organisation is
performing a good function in informing the pub-
lic, and they can exercise autonomy in their work
and check on powerful institutions in society, are
more likely to find their job gratifying.
Note
1. For comparative data about journalists in these
regions, please see article by Weavers (1998, p.
462)
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85 RESEARCH
MEDIA
ASIA
RESEARCH
Environmental communication in
India: Lessons from Orissa
MAITREYEE MISHRA
Maitreyee Mishra is Assistant Professor in the Institute of Communication, Manipal University, India.
MEDIA ASIA 40(1): 8595
This paper
1
takes a philosophical approach in exploring communication on environmental
change, and through existing research and case studies, looks at environmental communication
in the Indian paradox: an ancient philosophy that respects nature, and a modern nation that has
shunned the natural world for development. The paper looks at the mass media, perceptions
of nature and environmentalism in traditional thought, while drawing from examples in the
eastern Indian state of Orissa, where the role of communication is more complex provided
the dichotomous relationship between Orissas fragile ecology and an adamant political
environment.
A
great deal has changed since the begin-
ning of the environmental movement.
People all over the world are now ques-
tioning the dominant paradigm enshrined in the
pro-development philosophy of the West. More
has changed since the post-liberalisation era
with political ideologies vested in increased pri-
vatisation and private investment. In this impas-
sive philosophy, there is no space for the world of
nature. As the human race expands, so does the
scramble for space. The cycle of increased pro-
duction and consumption, propelled by advertise-
ments, has not only meant that we are using more
of the Earths resources than we need but it also
means that the real producerour Earthis re-
duced to just a commodity.
In a fast-changing world where often the
rights of the natural world and of animals and hu-
man beings dependent on it are trampled upon,
communication can play an important role in con-
veying the needs of the natural world, providing a
channel for expression, discussion and action.
As bulldozers of industrialisation continue
to move in to replace indigenous peoples from
their homes bound by nature, many are resist-
ing change. Grassroots movements against envi-
ronmental change are showing us that the Earth
comes before material benefits that development
can offer. Not only have perceptions of indigenous
people changed now from destroyer to protec-
tor of the environment (Mishra, 2013) but many
movements have also been started by these com-
munities and groups against development and
destruction of their ancestral lands. These groups
have risen against displacement and dislocation in
both physical and spiritual forms, from the lands
they have inherited and inhabited for generations.
All these movements have raised fundamental
questions on modern connectivity with the Earth.
Are we growing more and more disconnected
86 RESEARCH
from the Earth? Can we sustain the future?
Many peoples movements for environmen-
tal justice have made their voices heard, created
networks and affected policy processes. The mass
media are at the heart of this struggle against en-
vironmental changethey inform, they educate,
they affect perceptions and understanding of both
the natural world, and of our relationship with it.
This paper takes a conceptual-philosophical
approach to explore communication on envi-
ronmental change, and through the use of exist-
ing literature, research and case studies, explores
the role of environmental communication in the
paradox that creates Indiaan ancient philosophy
that respects and understands nature, and a mod-
ern India that has shunned the natural world for
growth and development. The paper draws par-
ticularly from the example of the eastern Indian
state of Orissa (Odisha), where the role of commu-
nication is more complex provided the dichoto-
mous relationship between Orissas fragile ecology
and an adamant political environment.
Environmental Communication: An
Overview
Environmental communication can be traced to
folklore, where communities in the global south
indigenous groups that include the Native Ameri-
cans, the Africans, the Indians and the Chinese
communicated with their people about the Earth.
This can be seen in folk culture and traditions that
teach the young about environmental values, cre-
ating their perceptions and understanding of the
natural world, and of the Earth as Mother.
Cox (2006), compared Kenneth Burkes sym-
bolic action to the Shannon-Weaver model, stat-
ing that unlike the latters model of communica-
tion symbolic action assumes that language and
symbols do more than transmit information: they
actively shape our understanding, create mean-
ing and orient us to a wider world (p. 12). Cox
(2006) defined environmental communication as
the pragmatic and constitutive vehicle for our
understanding of the environment as well as our
relationship to the natural world; it is the symbolic
medium that we use in constructing environmen-
tal problems and negotiating societys different re-
sponses to them (p. 12). For Cox (2006), environ-
mental communication educates, persuades and
helps in the solving of environmental problems,
and this communication inherently also is consti-
tutive, thereby helping to compose representa-
tions [and perceptions] of nature.
Another book that explores environmental
communication is Communicating Nature: how
we create and understand environmental messages
by Julia B. Corbett (2006), who defines environ-
mental communication as:
Expressed in values, words, actions and
everyday practices; individually inter-
preted and negotiated; historically and
culturally rooted; ideologically derived
and driven; embedded in a dominant so-
cietal paradigm that assigns instrumental
values to the environment and believes it
exists to serve humans; intricately tied to
pop culture, particularly advertising and
entertainment; framed and reported by
the media in a way that generally sup-
ports the status quo; mediated and influ-
enced by social institutions like govern-
ments and business (p. 8).
According to Jurin, Roush and Danter (2010),
environmental communication is the systematic
generation and exchange of humans messages in,
from, for, and about the world around us and our
interactions in it (p. 15).
Environmental communication hence consti-
tutes all the ways in which we communicate about
our natural world; it helps shape our perceptions
of the natural world and of our relationship to
the Earth; it is persuasive and educative. Environ-
mental communication also is culturally rooted,
shaped by cultures, authority and is interpreted
individually.
The shaping of environmental ideology
In Lynn White, Jr.s (1967) article, The historical
roots of our ecological crisis, White traced the his-
87 ENVIRONMENTAL COMMUNICATION IN INDIA
tory of the Western attitude towards nature to the
teachings of Christianity, which he stated espe-
cially in its Western form is the most anthro-
pocentric religion the world has seen. For him,
by destroying pagan animism, Christianity made
it possible to exploit nature in a mood of indiffer-
ence to the feelings of natural objects.
White can be said to have triggered some of
the initial discussions on religion and perception
of nature, and hence leading to discourses on en-
vironmental ethics. As he argued, the way nature
was perceived by most non-Western cultures (Zen
Buddhism) was very nearly the mirror image of
the Christian view. Corbett (2006) provides a per-
spective of early European settlers who believed
it was their Christian duty to impose, control,
civilise, tame, subdue, and in essence, denature
nature (p. 23), a view that can be said to be just
the opposite of the Native Americans perceptions
of nature and the relationship of humans to na-
ture. Chief Seattle, of the Duwamish tribe, in his
famous speech, said: We are part of the Earth and
the Earth is part of us. The perfumed flowers are
our sisters; the reindeer, the horse, the great ea-
glethese are our brothers (cited in Kerry Ward,
2009, p. 36).
To the Native Americans, as can be seen from
this speech, humans formed a part of nature, and
were not superior to itall living things were in-
terconnected, forming a fraternity, a unity. Chief
Seattle foretells the future of the White Man: If
he treats his mother the Earth and his brother the
sky as things to be bought, a time will come when
mans appetite will devour the Earth and leave be-
hind only a desert (cited in Kerry-Ward, 2009, p.
36).
Other philosophical bases, including those of
Shintoism, Buddhism and Hinduism, underline
a similar understanding of the connectedness of
all living beings. The Vedic concept of Vasudeva
Kutumbakam, for example, entails that all living
beings are part of one large family, protected and
overseen by Mother Earth, who in turn provides,
sustains and punishes (when required, through
natural disasters) (Dwivedi, 2003). The underlin-
ing principle behind this concept is the valuing of
the Earth as ones own mother, as one ought not
to insult, unduly exploit, and violate ones mother,
but be kind and respectful to her, [similarly] one
should behave toward Mother Earth (Dwivedi,
2003). These philosophical concepts provide a rich
background to the basis of Hindu, Buddhist and
Jain thought in which unity in pluralism is central.
The Jain principle of Asteya stresses on distin-
guishing between need and greed, and if one takes
more from nature than meets [ones] essential
need, [one is] stealing from natureclearing an
entire forest would be seen as violation of natures
rights and as theft (Kumar, 2006). The Earths ex-
ploitation for selfish reasons is hence considered
unjust and sacrilegious (Dwivedi, 2003). The
necessity of (wo)man living in harmony with the
Earth and using as much as is required is stressed
upon. Nature takes a usual feminine form and was
seen as mother, giving and sustaining life. All life
therefore, as all living beings are connected, de-
serves respectall beings possess a soul. The lim-
its of human habitation were also structured on
the basis of this relationship, where space was di-
vided between all living beings, including humans.
Vandana Shiva (1993) traces the origins of the
environmental crisis to the mistaken belief that
human beings are not part of the democracy of na-
tures life, that they stand apart from and above na-
ture (p. 265). Much has been discussed about the
role of religion in shaping perceptions of the Earth,
of nature and of human relationship to other living
beings. Whites supposition, as mentioned earlier,
targets the notion of anthropocentrism, in which
humans are considered supreme beings. In this
view, nature exists only to serve humans.
Today, human population expansion and ur-
banisation has meant the encroaching of these eco-
logical spaces devised by traditional thought, and
has also led to decreased communication between
humans and their Earth, and with their children
and grandchildren. Most countries around the
world with the adoption of Western models of de-
88 RESEARCH
velopment have also assimilated Western notions
of nature and perceptions of our relationship to
the environment. Fewer children grow up within
a natural setting as more and more families move
to cities; even fewer experience an untouched
natural system. For children in the cities, parks,
which simulate nature, provide the only natural
setting. Corbett (2006) argues that childhood ex-
periences with nature influence the formation of
ideology. She observes that in the US, there has
been a very real decline in childrens direct experi-
ences, especially with healthy and abundant sys-
tems. She highlights the role of experiences with
nature for a child because this experience is like
baggage a child carries that helps shape the pre-
sent and future (p. 15). The need for environmen-
tal communication in the post-modern era would
mean revisiting the connection that people once
had with the Earth. Therefore that environmental
communication needs to include communication
with the environment.
The media and environment: Environmental
journalism and cinema as persuasion
The mass media play a large role in shaping our
perceptions of the natural environment and affect-
ing our attitudes and actions. As Cox (2006) states,
mainstream media and entertainment media are
the most important sources of information on the
environment. Cox (2006) observes that few main-
stream media have the space to document less
dramatic problems, such as loss of biodiversity or
the impacts of new synthetic chemicals. Instead
they more frequently cover specific events as op-
posed to longer-term developments (Wilkins
and Patterson, 1990 cited in Cox, 2006; Anderson,
1997). On television, importance is given to envi-
ronmental stories with greater visual quality (An-
derson, 1997).
Let us now take a look at environmental
journalism, which plays a large role in providing
information, and in educating and persuading au-
diences to act on environmental issues. There are
several environmental magazines, which include
National Geographic, The Ecologist and Mother
Earth News. Many newspapers have a section on
the environmentThe Guardian, The Independ-
ent, The Times and New York Times (in NYT en-
vironment is covered under Science). Alternative
media, especially online news websites, have been
sprouting and there is a plethora of options and
voices. Cox (2006) observes that the widest ac-
cess to environmental information and news is
provided by the online media. Examples of online
environmental news providers include the Envi-
ronmental News Network (enn.com); Grist (grist.
org); and Environmental News Service (www.ens-
newswire.com). All of the magazines and newspa-
pers mentioned above also have an online edition
and do provide environmental news.
In India Down to Earth remains the most im-
portant magazine on environmental issues. Some
newspapers like The Times of India and The Hindu
have an environmental section (in The Hindu it is
covered under Science and Technology). Most
newspapers cover environmental news though
coverage rests mostly on events and occurrences.
Indian environmental news websites include the
portal of The Centre for Science and Environment
(cse.org) and India Environmental Portal (indiaen-
vironmentalportal.org.in).
The medium of film, through both fiction and
documentaries, has been used to explore environ-
mentalism and affect perception of the natural
environment. Though there are many documen-
taries on environmental issues, some recent ones
would include An Inconvenient Truth (2006),
The 11
th
Hour (2007) and Age of Stupid (2009).
Cinema informs, educates and persuades audienc-
es indirectly through its imagery, themes, symbol-
ism, metaphors and allegoryall used to weave a
narrative that engages and moves the audience to
think, rethink and, in some cases, act. There are
many examples of such films; some noteworthy
features would include the 1988 Canadian film
The Man Who Planted Trees and the critically
acclaimed Studio Ghibli animated films by Japa-
nese directors Hayao Miyazaki and Isao Takahata
89 ENVIRONMENTAL COMMUNICATION IN INDIA
(Princess Mononoke in 1997; Laputa: Castle in
the Sky in 1986; Nausicaa of the Valley of the
Wind in 1984, Pom Poko in 1994, and the 2001
film Spirited Away. Other environmentally con-
scious films include Disneys Brother Bear (2003)
and Pocahontas (1995), Pixars Wall-e (2008),
Jimmy T. Murakamis 1986 animated feature,
When the Wind Blows and James Camerons
2009 film Avatar.
In the Disney animated feature Pocahontas,
a song sequence explores the contrast between
Native American and Western perceptions of the
Earth. The movies namesake, the Native Ameri-
can tribal chief s daughter Pocahontas tells John
Smith, an English explorer who has landed in the
New World: You think you own whatever land
you land on/ the Earth is just a dead thing you can
claim/ But I know every rock and tree and crea-
ture/ Has a life, has a spirit, has a name.
In India, many documentaries have been
made on environmental issues, some have been on
conservation such as the documentaries of Valmik
Thapar and Mike Pandey; some others have ex-
plored specific events such as pollution of a river
or a lake. Other filmmakers have focused on com-
munity uprisings and environmental movements
(such as Buddha Weeps in Jadugoda and Chali-
yar, The Final Struggle). However, few of these are
widely available to audiences.
Indian cinema, particularly Bollywood, at-
tracts large audiences. However, it is hard to point
out a mainstream film that runs purely on an en-
vironmental theme. Other non-Bollywood cin-
ematic traditions have occasionally provided rich
environmental narratives. Satyajit Rays Pather
Panchali (1955) explores nature subtly, through
the traditional narrative of birth, death and re-
birth. In Girish Karnads film, Cheluvi (1992)
the human condition transcends allegorically to
explain the systematic destruction of nature. The
films protagonists transformation into a tree and
her subsequent suffering symbolises natures si-
lent destruction. In Girish Kasaravallis Dweepa
(2003), rich in visual metaphor, the destruction of
natural spaces now controlled by modernisation,
leads to spiritual and physical deterioration of
those not ready to let go of their connection with
the environment.
Orissa: Development and
Environment Change
India, having succumbed to neo-liberal philoso-
phy, witnesses a number of complex environmen-
tal debates. Should industries be set up provided
the environmental repercussions? Should we use
nuclear power? What should we do with all the
plastic, e-waste, non-biodegradable waste that
is now piling up? What do we do with chemical
inputs in agriculture? What about the people dis-
placed from their homes due to an environmental
crisis? How do we handle an environmental cri-
sis? Indias modernisation has meant a change
of perception in the relationship of humans with
our environment. This, as will be discussed, is also
the case with Orissa. This section first looks at
the conflict between Orissas environment and its
development needs, and then proceeds to discuss
environmentalism and the perception of nature in
Oriya traditions and thought.
Orissa, one of the poorest states in India
with a per capita net state domestic product that
is 24 percent below the national average (Reserve
Bank of India, 2010) is also one of the countrys
most ecologically sensitive regions, frequented by
droughts, floods and other calamities. The last few
decades have seen drastic changes in the states cli-
mate and environment, with rising temperatures,
widespread deforestation, coastal erosion and
agricultural decline, among other environmental
problems. In 1999 the highly destructive super cy-
clone that lasted three days, swept across coastal
Orissa and caused the deaths of over 15,000 peo-
ple. It also caused the destruction of entire villages
and uprooted thousands of trees. Since then, the
state has seen alternating floods and droughts.
Floods in August 2010 affected 85,000 people,
mostly in southern Orissa (Outlook India, 2010).
Despite Orissas fragile environment, the neo-
90 RESEARCH
liberal reforms of the 1990s saw the governments
focus shifting to rapid industrialisation through
mineral resource extraction, leading to the open-
ing of Orissas rich natural resources (the state
contains more than half of Indias bauxite reserves)
to exploitation by both national and international
industrial houses. Some of these include the UKs
Vedanta Resources Ltd, the South Korean Pohang
Steel and Iron Company (Posco), Indias Tata and
Jindal. The Orissa government has signed 43
memoranda of understandings (MoUs) with sev-
eral of these industrial houses (Amnesty USA,
2007, & Pandey, 2008, cited in Mishra, 2013).
SomeSo of them have already started their opera-
tions, which have in turn resulted in the displace-
ment of indigenous people from their traditional
homes located in mineral-rich areas of the state.
Furthermore, this has also led to the contamina-
tion of water bodies, deforestation and innumer-
able ecological destruction of these areas. Though
the Orissa government recognises the state of
Orissas environment and the imminent crises,
environmental needs and concerns have been
pushed aside for larger development goals. The
government of Orissas (2010) Climate Change
Action Plan dichotomises the present policies of
industrialisation and impacts on the environment,
deducing that growth is more important than cli-
mate change and environmental concerns.
Orissa is at the heart of the crisis, being one
of the poorest states and desiring to compete with
other states and to improve its infrastructure and
quality of life. Yet the state has had to face an array
of environmental disasters, most of which affect
the poor. Orissa had been a predominantly rural
state until recent times. Rural-urban migration is
a recent phenomenon and most Oriya people
though now city dwellerscould still have a rural
home somewhere.
Environmentalism in Oriya traditions
Village life (which itself is no longer highly es-
teemed) induced a constant natural interaction
with ones environment; there was familiarity
and understanding of ways of nature, and an in-
nate respect for the Earth. This is evident from
Orissas own folklore, its Hindu traditions and
philosophical outlook. Orissas tribal people also
possess strong notions of connectivity with the
Earth, viewing rivers, trees and mountains as part
of ones own family. During the three-day annual
Oriya Hindu festival of Raja, the Earth is believed
to be menstruating and therefore she must be
treated with care. Young girls, assuming a symbol-
ic unison with Mother Earth, are at the heart of the
festival, and are not allowed to do any household
work and instead play on dolis (swings). During
these three days the tilling of the Earth by farm-
ers for agriculture is not allowed (Pattnaik, 2008).
The festival marks the fertility of the Earth and
this is when the monsoons start. Pattnaik (2008)
believes that the festival reflects the spirit of sci-
entific environmentalism.
Other Oriya traditions also reflect similar
traits of environmentalism. It is also in this very
tradition that leaves are not to be plucked in the
night, believing the plants to be asleep. During the
holy months of Kartika (October and November),
the Oriyas, who love eating fish, refrain from fish-
eating, as these months mark the fish-breeding pe-
riod (Pattnaik, 2008). Although the festival of Raja is
still celebrated, the physical and perhaps (spiritual)
distance from the village has changed the nature
of the festival. In villages traditional swings used
to be placed for the children (specifically girls) to
play with; in the cities, with smaller bearings and
hardly any garden or trees to accommodate the
large swings, the significance of this environmen-
tally-conscious festival is somewhat negated. Hu-
man interaction with the Earth is, as seen above,
considered symbiotic in Oriya folklore trees, riv-
ers, plants and other animals were respected and
cared for. In Orissa, as in other parts of the develop-
ing world, the migration of people from the villages
to the cities has also meant a symbolic disconnec-
tion with the Earth. This interaction with the Earth
is being eroded and most people are being cut off
from their rural connection.
91 ENVIRONMENTAL COMMUNICATION IN INDIA
Environmental communication in Orissa
Orissa has a considerable media presence with
several newspapers, television and radio channels,
and a history of cinema dating back to 1936. The
mass media of the state have been largely echoing
views on industrialisation and private investment,
as laid out by the state government (Mishra, 2013).
There has been widespread support of industrial
activities in ecologically fragile areas. Mishras
(2008) study of the media in Orissa for the cov-
erage of agricultural and environmental news and
features showed that environment-related stories
were rare and hardly made it to the front page.
Studies conducted on Oriya and English dailies,
television and radio programmes showed a lack
of media interest in environmental reporting and
also pointed towards a dependency on govern-
ment sources of information on environmental
concerns (Mishra, 2008). Most coverage would
be related to general issues around global warm-
ing or climate change, with a focus on information
from experts. She also observed that most cover-
age [was] limited to scientific expertise, extension,
agricultural policy information and innovations,
demonstrating a rather top-down approach to in-
formation on environmental issues.
This may be due to two reasons: a lack of in-
terest and a lack of knowledge of environmental
issues. Newspapers in the state do not generally
have a section on environment, so environmental
stories are issue- or event-dependent. Further-
more, alternative sources of information are not
usually sought out. According to Anderson (1997),
official sources enjoy advantaged access to the
media and become primary definers of the issue
in question, a point that can also be extended to
Orissa.
In 2009, as part of a road-widening project,
hundreds of large trees were uprooted in many
parts of Bhubaneswar, the state capital. The story
was not covered by the media for several months,
showing a disregard for issues that do not appear
to be dramatic in nature. Furthermore, there was
little desire to question what was happening. Peo-
ple the author spoke to were dissatisfied and sad-
dened by the uprooting of the trees that they had
grown up seeing.
Peoples voices and movements in Orissa:
Cases and discourses
The communication of ecological change has been
seen in peoples movements across Orissa, where
communities, particularly tribal peoples affected
by development activities, are voicing their dis-
satisfaction. Two cases of peoples movements are
discussed here: Niyamgiri-Vedanta and Jagatsin-
ghpur-Posco.
The UK-based Vedanta Resources signed a
memorandum of understanding (MoU) in 2003
with the government of Orissa to construct an
alumina refinery and coal thermal plant at Lan-
jigarh in Orissas Kalahandi district. Though the
alumina refinery was eventually built at Lanjigarh,
at the foot of the Niyamgiri hills, Vedanta wanted
to set up an open-cast mine in the hills by blast-
ing the mountains top. Fearing the destruction of
the hills that they considered their gods, the Don-
gria Kondh tribe opposed the company, blocking
roads (Mishra, 2013). In October 2010, following
years of local, national and international agitation
against Vedantas activities, the government of In-
dia blocked Vedantas plans of expanding the alu-
mina refinery, stating that the company had vio-
lated the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA)
notification.
Similarly, in 2005, the Orissa government
signed an MoU with the South Korean iron and
steel company Posco to construct a steel mill at
Paradip in Orissas Jagatsinghpur district. As the
project was to displace close to 2,000 people, vil-
lagers feared losing their livelihoods and for the
last seven years the people from three gram pan-
chayats (village-level governments) have been
protesting against what they deem an illegal oc-
cupation of their lands (Mishra, 2013). A peoples
organisation, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti
(PPSS), was formed in 2005 to protest against the
project. After various appeals and halting of the
92 RESEARCH
project due to the NC Saxena Committee report
2

by the central government, the project is now
underway after an environmental clearance was
given by the Ministry of Environment and Forests
(MoEF). Protests by the villagers and PPSS have
continued.
Mishra (2013) observes some positive traits
from recent peoples environmental movements,
where unlike the 1950s and 1960s where minority
interests were not publicised and were ignored to
make way for larger national development goals,
the last two decades have seen a shift in both
awareness and empowerment of marginalised
communities. The Niyamgiri-Vedanta case drew
a lot of media and international attention, with
building of grassroots, local, national and inter-
national networks; advocacy by activist organisa-
tions, and perhaps also leading to an appreciation
and greater understanding of the environment
and of the customs and traditions of the Dongria
Kondh (Mishra, 2013).
Mishra (2013) observes that in general the
mass media though somewhat receptive to the
needs of these communities have not been rep-
resentative of these counter-development argu-
ments. The Niyamgiri-Vedanta issue saw emerg-
ing horizontal communication models through
alternative media coverage (public discussions)
particularly over the Internet.
Similar use of the Internet, including the use
of social networking websites by the Posco Prati-
rodh Sangram Samiti, was also seen. Policy in-
formation and citizens rights are available on the
Internet for people wishing to use this information
towards achieving environmental justice (Mishra,
2013).
The coverage given to the Niyamgiri conflict
in the mainstream media, in alternative media
and through advocacy groups is quite interest-
ing. The Niyamgiri case saw the use of the visual
medium through a documentary titled Mine: The
Story of a Sacred Mountain, made by Survival In-
ternational, on the ways of living of the Dongria
Kondh tribe. The documentary, which was highly
positive, focused on the self-sufficiency of the
tribe, the threat of Vedantas plant and also on the
tribes resolve to ensure that Vedanta leaves their
ancestral lands. Other communities movements,
particularly against government-backed mining
and industrial projects such as the ones in Jagat-
singhpur (Posco) and Kalinganagar (Tata), did not
receive the international support that Niyamgiri
received (Mishra, 2013).
Whether it was content on the Internet (blogs)
or documentaries (available online) or reports re-
leased by Amnesty International, the narrative was
bent on the spirituality of the Dongria Kondh, their
unique culture, their connection to the Earth and
dependence on it. The Dongria Kondh, through
this narrative and these discourses, became a met-
aphor for the natural world, fighting against the
rape of the environment. Some photographs are
available online and one can always see a colour-
ful, gleeful young man or woman in these pictures.
The general international coverage of the Niyam-
giri issue was positive, where the Dongria Kondhs
struggles were highlighted; their self-sufficiency,
dependency and resolve to protect their revered
mountain are discussed; their struggles were said
to be representative of similar indigenous peoples
struggles. They were perceived as pure and un-
touched, unaffected by modern society, and mod-
ernisation (in the form of Vedanta) was gnashing
itself at this people. A few online discourses by
Survival International drew parallels between the
Navi tribe in the James Cameron film, Avatar, to
the Dongria Kondh. Avatar is an allegory for colo-
nisation, and the RDA corporation in the film was
a fitting comparison to Vedanta.
The tribal movement itself led to blockades of
their sacred hills, the tribes symbolic gatherings
on the top of the hill and ritualistic singing. Some
of these traditions were mentioned in newspapers,
both national and international. Grassroots or-
ganisations such as Friends Association for Rural
Reconstruction (FARR), which helped the Dongria
Kondh understand their rights and channel their
struggles, probably laid the foundation for the
93 ENVIRONMENTAL COMMUNICATION IN INDIA
networks that formed at the local, national and in-
ternational levels. Survival International, Amnesty
International and other organisations, as well as
celebrities, stepped in to support the tribe. As a
result, the mainstream media, too, found greater
cause to cover the culture, spirituality and envi-
ronmental unity of this tribal group. International
newspapers and media also moved in to cover the
story by travelling to the Niyamgiri hills. Thus,
through this coverage, through public outcry and
advocacy provided by organisations such as the
ones mentioned above, an international public
opinion was shaped. Information was available on
the Dongria Kondh, and people all over supported
the tribe.
A trend of negative environmentalism
The following trends can be seen from the analysis
of media and patterns of communication in Orissa:
1. Authority bias: Media dependency on an au-
thority for sole source of information, lead-
ing to audience perception based on author-
ity. This authority includes state institutions
and research organisations, hospitals and
doctors, multinational corporations and also
a heavy dependency and positive perception
of information from the so-called West in the
media.
2. Local is not in: For mainstream media, in-
digenous and local has never solely been a
source of reliable information. There is a lack
of informational pluralism. Struggles of lo-
cal people are perceived through the glass of
modernism and development, and therefore
creation of news is based on this.
3. Natural environment as commodity: There is
now a widespread representation of the natu-
ral environment as commodity. This is con-
strued and perceived as thus due to excessive
commercialism.
4. Media are unquestioning: The media are
generally receptive to representations of the
environment as in perceived by the status
quo. This leads to an unquestioning attitude,
particularly in the case of the environment
and environmental struggles.
Communication on the environment un-
doubtedly has the power to affect public opinion;
the media in Orissa have to move beyond conserv-
ative boundaries and perhaps even revisit Orissas
traditional wisdom.
Conclusion: The Future of Environmental
Journalism and Communication
It is certain that the environmental crisis needs
to be disentangled quickly. Maria Mies (1993) in
her chapter Who made nature our enemy? la-
ments, We cannot touch nature, we cannot com-
municate with nature as living natural creatures;
an invisible barrier separates us. Eastern cultures
did not believe that the Earth was a silent specta-
tor, and therefore needed our voices to communi-
cate her pain. Indeed, for most of these cultures,
the Earth gave and sustained life and took when
required; the Earths wrath was real. Perhaps the
Earth has been communicating to us through her
anger (as the Hindus would believe), through all
the natural disasters that we have witnessed. Na-
ture is perhaps, after all, not silent.
This paper attempted to look at environmen-
tal communication through an analysis of percep-
tions of nature found in religion, traditional prac-
tices, drawing largely from examples of Orissa,
where a strong tradition of environmentalism
exists in folklore that has shaped individual and
community outlook towards nature. This tradi-
tional environmentalism, however, is contrasted
to present political ideologies and paradigms,
which are instead vested in quick industrialisation
through mineral resource extraction.
The conflict between traditional environ-
mental thought and persistent attitudes of devel-
opment has resulted in many peoples movements,
particularly in tribal areas. Those who support de-
velopment are not from these areas, and not being
from there, they cannot fully empathise with the
Earththey have perhaps grown hard. Peoples
voices towards environmental justice have been
94 RESEARCH
communicated through the networks that have
been built, through grassroots, local and interna-
tional advocacy organisations; the Internet and
sometimes mainstream media. Communication
about the Earth, in all the ways possible, can help
create perceptions of nature; induce action and
bring the essential questions about where humans
are placed in the planet to the public forum. Voices
are definitely calling out for environmental jus-
ticethrough this communication we are able to
experience and feel for people we have never met.
The role of environmental communication
is also to communicate with the Earth, by under-
standing and caring, through the realisation that
we are part of the world and not superior to any
living being. The discussions drawn earlier on the
wisdom provided in many cultures and philosoph-
ical traditions leads us to reassess our role on the
planet. Corbetts (2006) argument on the impor-
tance of the interaction of children with the envi-
ronment is a key point, as this interaction will help
them shape their future, and will also help in shap-
ing their understanding of all living beings and
their relationship to them. This familiarity with
the environment will not only help in building and
sustaining a healthy mind and body but will also
lead to compassion for the Earth. Compassion en-
tails that we understand another, love and respect
another and care for their feelings, and therefore
we are naturally compelled to pause and think be-
fore we harm the Earth through any of our actions.
The mass media have a large role to play in
shaping the perception of the human-nature rela-
tionship. They will need to be willing to provide and
portray alternative environmental discourses and
alternative voices, thoughts and perhaps greater
concern for ethics. They will need to in turn also
question norms and existing industrialisation mod-
els; to assess, reassess, think and rethink on all mat-
ters pertaining to the environment. A one-dimen-
sional approach to perceiving the Earth through ex-
cessive consumerist media attitudes and practises
needs to be questioned. Mindless consumerism
undermines the sanctity of nature.
There is also a greater need for using environ-
mental films, pamphlets and government inter-
vention to improve understanding of environmen-
tal issues, particularly those which are not main-
stream ones. School and college education require
adopting a holistic pattern, placing emphasis on
human interaction and relationship with the en-
vironment, thus helping to create environmental
consciousness, love for nature and appreciation of
the co-existence of life. This essential process of
human communication with the environment will
help the environment become a part of their per-
sonality. Children of the future have the right to
peace of mind; the right to be born in lands where
the air is clean, free from noise; where they are
able to experience a clean stream and not a pol-
luted one, and where there is enough room for re-
flection. It is in this future that we can perhaps be
better humans.
Notes
1. This is a revised draft of a paper presented at
the 20
th
AMIC Annual Conference on Taking
stock of media and communication studies:
The challenges and opportunities of globalisa-
tion, new media and the rise of Asia, 2427
June 2011, Hyderabad, India.
2. In November 2010, the N C Saxena Com-
mittee confirmed the violation of the Forest
Rights Act (FRA) in the case of the Orissa
governments acquisition of land towards the
Posco project (See Mishra, 2013). The Orissa
government, however, argued that there were
no forest dwellers in the area of the proposed
Posco plant, leading to the projects eventual
environmental clearance.
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