Faisal I of Iraq

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Faisal I

Faisal visits Jerusalem in 1933.
King of Syria
Reign 8 March 1920 24 July 1920
Predecessor Title created
Successor Title abolished
King of Iraq
Reign 23 August 1921 8 September 1933
Predecessor Title created
Successor Ghazi I
Prime Minister See list[show]

Spouse Huzaima bint Nasser
Issue
Princess Azza of Iraq
Princess Rajiha of Iraq
Princess Raifi'a of Iraq
King Ghazi I of Iraq
Full name
Faisal bin Hussein bin Ali al-Hashimi
House Hashemite
Father Hussein bin Ali
Mother Abdliya bint Abdullah
Born
20 May 1885
[1][2]

Mecca, Ottoman Empire
[1][2]

Died
8 September 1933 (aged 48)
Bern, Switzerland
Burial Royal Mausoleum, Adhamiyah
[3]

Religion Sunni Islam
[4]

Faisal bin Hussein bin Ali al-Hashimi, (Arabic:
Fayal ibn usayn; 20 May 1883 8 September 1933)
[1][2]
was
King of the Arab Kingdom of Syria or Greater Syria in 1920, and was
King of Iraq from 23 August 1921 to 1933. He was a member of the
Hashemite dynasty.
Faisal fostered unity between Sunni and Shiite Muslims to encourage
common loyalty and promote pan-Arabism in the goal of creating an
Arab state that would include Iraq, Syria and the rest of the Fertile
Crescent. While in power, Faisal tried to diversify his administration by
including different ethnic and religious groups in offices. He faced great
challenges in achieving this because the region was under European -
specifically French and British - control and other Arab leaders of the
time were hostile to his ideas as they pursued their own political
aspirations for power. In addition, Faisals attempt at pan-Arab
nationalism may have contributed to the isolation of certain religious
groups.
Contents
1 Early life
2 First World War and Arab Revolt
3 Post World War I
o 3.1 Participation in peace conference
o 3.2 Greater Syria
o 3.3 FaisalWeizmann Agreement
4 King of Syria and Iraq
5 Marriage and children
6 Film
7 See also
8 References
9 External references
10 Further reading
Early life
Faisal was born in Mecca
[2]
(in present-day Saudi Arabia) in 1885,
[2]
the
third son of Hussein bin Ali, Sharif of Mecca, the Grand Sharif of
Mecca. He grew up in Constantinople and learned about leadership from
his father. In 1913, he was elected as representative for the city of
Jeddah for the Ottoman parliament.
In 1916, on a mission to Constantinople, Faisal visited Damascus twice.
On one of these visits he received the Damascus Protocol, joined with
the Al-Fatat group of Arab nationalists.
First World War and Arab Revolt


Emir Faisal's delegation at Versailles, during the Paris Peace Conference
of 1919. Left to right: Rustum Haidar, Nuri as-Said, Prince Faisal,
Captain Pisani (behind Faisal), T. E. Lawrence, unknown person,
Captain Tahsin Kadry.
On 23 October 1916 at Hamra in the Wadi Safra, the first encounter took
place between Faisal and Captain T. E. Lawrence, a relatively junior
British intelligence officer from Cairo. Lawrence already had a vision of
an independent post-war Arabian state, and knew it was essential to find
precisely the right man to lead the Arab forces to achieve this.
[5]

With the help of Lawrence, Faisal sided with the British Army and
organised the Arab Revolt against the Ottoman Empire, helping to end
the Caliphate. After a long siege he conquered Medina, defeating the
defense organized by Fakhri Pasha.
Arab nationalism and independence, not religion, was his main
motivation. Iqbal wrote in one of his poems about King Faisal as, "What
a beautiful message did Sans give to King Faisal By descent you are
Hijazi, but by heart Hijazi you could not be"
[6]

Faisal also worked with the Allies during World War I in their conquest
of Greater Syria and the capture of Damascus, where he became part of
a new Arab government in 1918.
Post World War I
Participation in peace conference


Kingdom of Syria in 1918
In 1919 Faisal led the Arab delegation to the Paris Peace Conference
and, with the support of the knowledgeable and influential Gertrude
Bell, argued for the establishment of independent Arab emirates for the
area previously covered by the Ottoman Empire. His role in the Arab
Revolt was described by Lawrence in Seven Pillars of Wisdom, although
the accuracy of that book has been criticized by some historians.
[citation
needed]

Greater Syria
Main article: Arab Kingdom of Syria
British and Arab forces took Damascus in October 1918, which was
followed by the Armistice of Mudros. With the end of Turkish rule that
October, Faisal helped set up an Arab government, under British
protection, in Arab controlled Greater Syria. In May 1919, elections
were held for the Syrian National Congress, which met the following
year.
FaisalWeizmann Agreement
Main article: FaisalWeizmann Agreement
On 4 January 1919, Faisal and Dr. Chaim Weizmann, President of the
World Zionist Organization signed the FaisalWeizmann Agreement for
Arab-Jewish Cooperation, in which Faisal conditionally accepted the
Balfour Declaration based on the fulfillment of British wartime promises
of development of a Jewish homeland in Palestine and on which subject
he made the following statement:


Faisal (right) with Chaim Weizmann in Syria, 1918.


Coronation of Prince Faisal as King of Iraq
"We Arabs... look with the deepest sympathy on the Zionist movement.
Our deputation here in Paris is fully acquainted with the proposals
submitted yesterday by the Zionist Organisation to the Peace
Conference, and we regard them as moderate and proper. We will do our
best, insofar as we are concerned, to help them through; we will wish the
Jews a most hearty welcome home... I look forward, and my people with
me look forward, to a future in which we will help you and you will help
us, so that the countries in which we are mutually interested may once
again take their places in the community of the civilised peoples of the
world."
These promises were not immediately fulfilled, in some cases not until
after the establishment of the Jewish state of Israel.
[7][8]
but once Arab
states were granted autonomy from the European powers, years after the
Faisal-Weizmann Agreement, and these new Arab nations were
recognized by the Europeans and the U.N., Weizmann argued that since
the fulfillment was kept eventually, the agreement for a Jewish
homeland in Palestine still held.
[8]
In truth, however, this hoped-for
partnership had little chance of success and was a dead letter by late
1920. Faisal had hoped that Zionist influence on British policy would be
sufficient to forestall French designs on Syria, but Zionist influence
could never compete with French interests. At the same time Faisal
failed to enlist significant sympathy among his Arab elite supporters for
the idea of a Jewish homeland in Palestine, even under loose Arab
suzerainty.
King of Syria and Iraq
On 7 March 1920, Faisal was proclaimed King of the Arab Kingdom of
Syria (Greater Syria) by the Syrian National Congress government of
Hashim al-Atassi. In April 1920, the San Remo conference gave France
the mandate for Syria, which led to the Franco-Syrian War. In the Battle
of Maysalun on 24 July 1920, the French were victorious and Faisal was
expelled from Syria. He went to live in the United Kingdom in August
of that year.
In March 1921, at the Cairo Conference, the British decided that Faisal
was a good candidate for ruling the British Mandate of Iraq because of
his apparent conciliatory attitude towards the great power and based on
advice from T. E. Lawrence, more commonly known as Lawrence of
Arabia. But, in 1921, few people living in Iraq even knew who Faisal
was or had ever heard his name. With help of British officials, including
Mrs Gertrude Bell, he successfully campaigned among the Arabs of Iraq
and won over popular support.
The British government, mandate holders in Iraq, were concerned at the
unrest in the colony. They decided to step back from direct
administration and create a monarchy to head Iraq while they maintained
the mandate. Following a plebiscite showing 96% in favour, which was
not really accurate, but created by a British council of ministers who
wanted to put Faisal in power, Faisal agreed to become king. In August
1921 he was made king of Iraq.


King Faisal's statue at a square named after him at the end of Haifa
Street in Baghdad.
He encouraged an influx of Syrian exiles and office-seekers to cultivate
better Iraqi-Syrian relations. In order to improve education in the
country Faisal employed doctors and teachers in the civil service and
appointed Sati' al-Husri, the ex-Minister of Education in Damascus, as
his director of the Ministry of Education. This influx resulted in much
native resentment towards Syrians and Lebanese in Iraq.
Faisal also developed desert motor routes from Baghdad to Damascus,
and Baghdad to Amman. This led to a great interest in the Mosul oilfield
and eventually to his plan to build an oil pipeline to a Mediterranean
port, which would help Iraq economically. This also led to an increase in
Iraqs desire for more influence in the Arab East. During his reign,
Faisal made great effort to build Iraqs army into a powerful force. He
attempted to impose universal military service in order to achieve this,
but this failed. Some see this as part of his plan to advance his pan-Arab
agenda.


Royal Standard, as King of Syria.


Royal Standard, as King of Iraq.
In 1925, after the Syrian Druze uprising, the French government began
consulting Faisal on Syrian matters. He advised the French to restore
Hashemite power in Damascus. The French consulted Faisal because
they were inspired by his success as an imposed leader in Iraq.
Faisal saw the Anglo-Iraqi Treaty of 1930 as an obstacle to his pan-Arab
agenda, although it provided Iraq with a degree of political
independence. He wanted to make sure that the treaty had a built-in end
date because the treaty further divided Syria and Iraq, the former which
was under French control, and the latter under British rule. This
prevented unity between two major Arab regions, which were important
in Faisals pan-Arab agenda. Ironically, Arab nationalists in Iraq had a
positive reception to the treaty because they saw this as progress, which
seemed better than the Arab situation in Syria and Palestine.


Visit to Turkey, Mustafa Kemal
In 1932, the British mandate ended and Faisal was instrumental in
making his country nominally independent. On 3 October, the Kingdom
of Iraq joined the League of Nations.
Also in 1932, Shah Faisal dreamt that he was being addressed by
Hudhayfah ibn al-Yaman, who said "O King! Remove Jabir ibn
Abdullah Ansari and me from the bank of river Tigris and bury us at
some safe place because my grave is already filled with water while
Jabir's grave is collecting water slowly." That year, a large number of
Muslims and non-Muslims, along with the King, Grand Mufti, Prime
Minister, and Prince Farooq of Egypt were there for the opening of
graves of both trusted companions of Muhammad. Both of the bodies
were said to be fresh and intact while their open eyes were said to issue
forth such divine light that the spectators' eyes were dazzled.
Furthermore, their coffins, clothes, and kaffan were also intact and at
first glance, it appeared as if they were alive. The two bodies were then
taken away and buried afresh near the grave of Salman al-Farsi, in
Salman Park, which is 30 miles from Baghdad.
In August 1933, incidents like the Simele massacre caused tension
between the United Kingdom and Iraq. Prime Minister Ramsay
MacDonald ordered High Commissioner Francis Humphrys to Iraq
immediately upon hearing of the killing of Assyrian Christians. The
British government demanded that Faisal stay in Baghdad to punish the
guilty whether Christian or Muslim. In response, Faisal cabled to the
Iraqi Legation in London: "Although everything is normal now in Iraq,
and in spite of my broken health, I shall await the arrival of Sir Francis
Humphrys in Bagdad, but there is no reason for further anxiety. Inform
the British Government of the contents of my telegram."
[9]

In July 1933, right before his death, Faisal went to London where he
expressed his alarm at the current situation of Arabs that resulted from
the Arab-Jewish conflict and the increased Jewish immigration to
Palestine, as the Arab political, social, and economic situation was
declining. He asked the British to limit Jewish migration and land sales.
King Faisal died on 8 September 1933, at the age of 48. The official
cause of death was a heart attack while he was staying in Bern,
Switzerland, for his general medical checkup. He was succeeded on the
throne by his oldest son Ghazi. Many questions arose from his sudden
death, as Swiss doctors assured that he was healthy and nothing serious
was with him. His private nurse also reported signs of arsenic poison
before his death. Many of his companions noticed that day that he was
suffering from pain in the abdomen (sign of poisoning) and not chest (a
typical sign of heart attack). His body was quickly mummified before
performing a proper autopsy to find the exact result of death, a normal
procedure in such situations.
[10]

A square is named in his honour at the end of Haifa Street, Baghdad,
where an equestrian statue of him stands. The statue was knocked down
following the overthrow of the monarchy in 1958, but later restored.
Marriage and children
Faisal was married to Hazima bint Nasser and had two sons and three
daughters:
[11]

Princess Azza bint Faisal
Princess Rajiha bint Faisal
Princess Raifia bint Faisal
Ghazi, King of Iraq born 1912 died 4 April 1939, married his first
cousin, Princess Aliya bint Ali, daughter of HM King Ali of Hejaz.
Film
He has been portrayed on film three times: in the 1951 film Sirocco
(dealing with the Syrian insurrection against France), by Jeff Corey;
David Lean's epic Lawrence of Arabia (1962), played by Alec Guinness,
and in the unofficial sequel to Lawrence, A Dangerous Man: Lawrence
After Arabia (1990) by Alexander Siddig. On video, he was portrayed in
The Adventures of Young Indiana Jones: Chapter 19 The Winds of
Change (1995) by Anthony Zaki.
FaisalWeizmann Agreement
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The FaisalWeizmann Agreement was signed on 3 January 1919, by
Emir Faisal (son of the King of Hejaz), who was for a short time King of
the Arab Kingdom of Syria or Greater Syria in 1920, and was King of
the Kingdom of Iraq (today, Iraq) from August 1921 to 1933, and Chaim
Weizmann (later President of the World Zionist Organization) as part of
the Paris Peace Conference, 1919 settling disputes stemming from
World War I. It was a short-lived agreement for Arab-Jewish
cooperation on the development of a Jewish homeland in Palestine and
an Arab nation in a large part of the Middle East.
One or more of the Allies may have suggested that a representative of
the Zionist Organization secure the agreement. The secret Sykes-Picot
Agreement had called for an 'Arab State or a Confederation of Arab
States'... ...'under the suzerainty of an Arab chief.' The French and
British also proposed 'an international administration, the form of which
is to be decided upon after consultation with Russia, and subsequently in
consultation with the other Allies, 'and the representatives of the Shereef
of Mecca.'
[1]



1918. Emir Faisal I and Chaim Weizmann (left, wearing Arab headdress
as a sign of friendship)
Contents
1 Overview
2 Background
3 The agreement
o 3.1 Text of the Agreement
4 Implementation
5 Arab-Israeli peace diplomacy and treaties
6 Footnotes
7 References
8 External links
Overview
Weizmann first met Faisal in June 1918, during the British advance from
the South against the Ottoman Empire in World War I. As leader of an
impromptu "Zionist Commission", Weizmann traveled to southern
Transjordan for the meeting. The intended purpose was to forge an
agreement between Faisal and the Zionist movement to support an Arab
Kingdom and Jewish settlement in Palestine, respectively. The wishes of
the Palestinian Arabs were to be ignored, and, indeed, both men seem to
have held the Palestinian Arabs in considerable disdain. Weizmann had
called them "treacherous", "arrogant", "uneducated", and "greedy" and
had complained to the British that the system in Palestine did "not take
into account the fact that there is a fundamental qualitative difference
between Jew and Arab".
[2]
After his meeting with Faisal, Weizmann
reported that Faisal was "contemptuous of the Palestinian Arabs whom
he doesn't even regard as Arabs".
[3]

In preparation for the meeting, British diplomat Mark Sykes had written
to Faisal about the Jewish people, "I know that the Arabs despise,
condemn, and hate the Jews" but he added "I speak the truth when I say
that this race, despised and weak, is universal, is all-powerful and cannot
be put down" and he suggested that Faisal view the Jews as a powerful
ally.
[4]
In the event, Weizmann and Faisal established an informal
agreement under which Faisal would support dense Jewish settlement in
Palestine while the Zionist movement would assist in the development
of the vast Arab nation that Faisal hoped to establish.
At their first meeting in June 1918 Weizmann had assured Faisal that
"the Jews did not propose to set up a government of their own but
wished to work under British protection, to colonize and develop
Palestine without encroaching on any legitimate interests".
[5]
Weizmann
and Faisal met again later in 1918, while both were in London preparing
their statements for the upcoming peace conference in Paris.
They signed the written agreement, which bears their names, on 3
January 1919. The next day, Weizmann arrived in Paris to head the
Zionist delegation to the Peace Conference. It was a triumphal moment
for Weizmann; it was an accord that climaxed years of negotiations and
ceaseless shuttles between the Middle East and the capitals of Western
Europe and that promised to usher in an era of peace and cooperation
between the two principal ethnic groups of Palestine: Arabs and Jews.
[6]



Map showing the boundaries of Palestine proposed by Zionists at the
Paris Conference, superimposed on modern boundaries.
Background
Main article: McMahonHussein Correspondence
Henry McMahon had exchanged letters with Faisal's father Hussein bin
Ali, Sharif of Mecca in 1915, in which he had promised Hussein control
of Arab lands with the exception of "portions of Syria" lying to the west
of "the districts of Damascus, Homs, Hama and Aleppo". Palestine lies
to the south of these areas and wasn't explicitly mentioned. That
modern-day Lebanese region of the Mediterranean coast was set aside as
part of a future French Mandate. After the war the extent of the coastal
exclusion was hotly disputed. Hussein had protested that the Arabs of
Beirut would greatly oppose isolation from the Arab state or states, but
did not bring up the matter of Jerusalem or Palestine. Dr. Chaim
Weizmann wrote in his autobiography Trial and Error that Palestine had
been excluded from the areas that should have been Arab and
independent. This interpretation was supported explicitly by the British
government in the 1922 White Paper.
On the basis of McMahon's assurances the Arab Revolt began on 5 June
1916. However, the British and French also secretly concluded the
SykesPicot Agreement on 16 May 1916.
[7]
This agreement divided
many Arab territories into British- and French-administered areas and
allowed for the internationalisation of Palestine.
[7]
Hussein learned of the
agreement when it was leaked by the new Russian government in
December 1917, but was satisfied by two disingenuous telegrams from
Sir Reginald Wingate, High Commissioner of Egypt, assuring him that
the British government's commitments to the Arabs were still valid and
that the Sykes-Picot Agreement was not a formal treaty.
[7]

According to Isaiah Friedman, Hussein was not perturbed by the Balfour
Declaration and on 23 March 1918, in Al Qibla, the daily newspaper of
Mecca, attested that Palestine was "a sacred and beloved homeland of its
original sons," the Jews; "the return of these exiles to their homeland
will prove materially and spiritually an experimental school for their
[Arab] brethren." He called on the Arab population in Palestine to
welcome the Jews as brethren and cooperate with them for the common
welfare.
[8]
Following the publication of the Declaration the British had
dispatched Commander David George Hogarth to see Hussein in
January 1918 bearing the message that the "political and economic
freedom" of the Palestinian population was not in question.
[7]
Hogarth
reported that Hussein "would not accept an independent Jewish State in
Palestine, nor was I instructed to warn him that such a state was
contemplated by Great Britain".
[9]
Continuing Arab disquiet over Allied
intentions also led during 1918 to the British Declaration to the Seven
and the Anglo-French Declaration, the latter promising "the complete
and final liberation of the peoples who have for so long been oppressed
by the Turks, and the setting up of national governments and
administrations deriving their authority from the free exercise of the
initiative and choice of the indigenous populations."
[7][10]

Lord Grey had been the foreign secretary during the McMahon-Hussein
negotiations. Speaking in the House of Lords on 27 March 1923, he
made it clear that he entertained serious doubts as to the validity of the
British government's interpretation of the pledges which he, as foreign
secretary, had caused to be given to Hussein in 1915. He called for all of
the secret engagements regarding Palestine to be made public.
[10]
Many
of the relevant documents in the National Archives were later
declassified and published. Among them were the minutes of a Cabinet
Eastern Committee meeting, chaired by Lord Curzon,which was held on
5 December 1918. Balfour was in attendance. The minutes revealed that
in laying out the government's position Curzon had explained that:
"Palestine was included in the areas as to which Great Britain pledged
itself that they should be Arab and independent in the future".
[11]

The agreement
Main points of the agreement:
The agreement committed both parties to conducting all relations
between the groups by the most cordial goodwill and
understanding, to work together to encourage immigration of Jews
into Palestine on a large scale while protecting the rights of the
Arab peasants and tenant farmers, and to safeguard the free
practice of religious observances. The Muslim Holy Places were to
be under Muslim control.
The Zionist movement undertook to assist the Arab residents of
Palestine and the future Arab state to develop their natural
resources and establish a growing economy.
The boundaries between an Arab State and Palestine should be
determined by a Commission after the Paris Peace Conference.
The parties committed to carrying into effect the Balfour
Declaration of 1917, calling for a Jewish national home in
Palestine.
Disputes were to be submitted to the British Government for
arbitration.
Weizmann signed the agreement on behalf of the Zionist Organization,
while Faisal signed on behalf of the short-lived Arab Kingdom of
Hedjaz.
Two weeks prior to signing the agreement, Faisal stated:
The two main branches of the Semitic family, Arabs and Jews,
understand one another, and I hope that as a result of interchange of
ideas at the Peace Conference, which will be guided by ideals of self-
determination and nationality, each nation will make definite progress
towards the realization of its aspirations. Arabs are not jealous of Zionist
Jews, and intend to give them fair play and the Zionist Jews have
assured the Nationalist Arabs of their intention to see that they too have
fair play in their respective areas. Turkish intrigue in Palestine has raised
jealousy between the Jewish colonists and the local peasants, but the
mutual understanding of the aims of Arabs and Jews will at once clear
away the last trace of this former bitterness, which, indeed, had already
practically disappeared before the war by the work of the Arab Secret
Revolutionary Committee, which in Syria and elsewhere laid the
foundation of the Arab military successes of the past two years.
[12]

The areas discussed were detailed in a letter to Felix Frankfurter,
President of the Zionist Organisation of America, on 3 March 1919,
when Faisal wrote :
"The Arabs, especially the educated among us, look with the deepest
sympathy on the Zionist movement. Our deputation here in Paris is fully
acquainted with the proposals submitted yesterday by the Zionist
Organization to the Peace Conference, and we regard them as moderate
and proper."
[13]

The proposals submitted by the Zionist Organization to the Peace
Conference were:
"The boundaries of Palestine shall follow the general lines set out below:
Starting on the North at a point on the Mediterranean Sea in the vicinity
South of Sidon and following the watersheds of the foothills of the
Lebanon as far as Jisr el Karaon, thence to El Bire following the
dividing line between the two basins of the Wadi El Korn and the Wadi
Et Teim thence in a southerly direction following the dividing line
between the Eastern and Western slopes of the Hermon, to the vicinity
West of Beit Jenn, thence Eastward following the northern watersheds of
the Nahr Mughaniye close to and west of the Hedjaz Railway. In the
East a line close to and West of the Hedjaz Railway terminating in the
Gulf of Akaba. In the South a frontier to be agreed upon with the
Egyptian Government. In the West the Mediterranean Sea.
The details of the delimitations, or any necessary adjustments of detail,
shall be settled by a Special Commission on which there shall be Jewish
representation."
[14][15]

Text of the Agreement
Agreement Between Emir Feisal and Dr. Weizmann
[16]

3 January 1919
His Royal Highness the Emir Feisal, representing and acting on behalf
of the Arab Kingdom of Hedjaz, and Dr. Chaim Weizmann, representing
and acting on behalf of the Zionist Organization, mindful of the racial
kinship and ancient bonds existing between the Arabs and the Jewish
people, and realizing that the surest means of working out the
consummation of their natural aspirations is through the closest possible
collaboration in the development of the Arab State and Palestine, and
being desirous further of confirming the good understanding which
exists between them, have agreed upon the following:
Articles:
Article I
The Arab State and Palestine in all their relations and undertakings shall
be controlled by the most cordial goodwill and understanding, and to
this end Arab and Jewish duly accredited agents shall be established and
maintained in the respective territories.
Article II
Immediately following the completion of the deliberations of the Peace
Conference, the definite boundaries between the Arab State and
Palestine shall be determined by a Commission to be agreed upon by the
parties hereto.
Article III
In the establishment of the Constitution and Administration of Palestine,
all such measures shall be adopted as will afford the fullest guarantees
for carrying into effect the British Government's Declaration of the 2nd
of November, 1917.
Article IV
All necessary measures shall be taken to encourage and stimulate
immigration of Jews into Palestine on a large scale, and as quickly as
possible to settle Jewish immigrants upon the land through closer
settlement and intensive cultivation of the soil. In taking such measures
the Arab peasant and tenant farmers shall be protected in their rights and
shall be assisted in forwarding their economic development.
Article V
No regulation or law shall be made prohibiting or interfering in any way
with the free exercise of religion; and further, the free exercise and
enjoyment of religious profession and worship, without discrimination
or preference, shall forever be allowed. No religious test shall ever be
required for the exercise of civil or political rights.
Article VI
The Mohammedan Holy Places shall be under Mohammedan control.
Article VII
The Zionist Organization proposes to send to Palestine a Commission of
experts to make a survey of the economic possibilities of the country,
and to report upon the best means for its development. The Zionist
Organization will place the aforementioned Commission at the disposal
of the Arab State for the purpose of a survey of the economic
possibilities of the Arab State and to report upon the best means for its
development. The Zionist Organization will use its best efforts to assist
the Arab State in providing the means for developing the natural
resources and economic possibilities thereof.
Article VIII
The parties hereto agree to act in complete accord and harmony on all
matters embraced herein before the Peace Congress.
Article IX
Any matters of dispute which may arise between the contracting parties
hall be referred to the British Government for arbitration.
Given under our hand at London, England, the third day of January, one
thousand nine hundred and nineteen
Chaim Weizmann Feisal Ibn-Hussein
Reservation by the Emir Feisal
If the Arabs are established as I have asked in my manifesto of 4
January, addressed to the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, I
will carry out what is written in this agreement. If changes are made, I
cannot be answerable for failing to carry out this agreement.
Implementation
Faisal conditioned his acceptance on the fulfillment of British wartime
promises to the Arabs, who had hoped for independence in a vast part of
the Ottoman Empire. He appended to the typed document a hand-written
statement:
"Provided the Arabs obtain their independence as demanded in my
[forthcoming] Memorandum dated the 4th of January, 1919, to the
Foreign Office of the Government of Great Britain, I shall concur in the
above articles. But if the slightest modification or departure were to be
made [regarding our demands], I shall not be then bound by a single
word of the present Agreement which shall be deemed void and of no
account or validity, and I shall not be answerable in any way
whatsoever."
The Arabs did not obtain their independence and the Faisal-Weizmann
agreement survived only a few months. The decision of the peace
conference itself refused independence for the vast Arab-inhabited lands
that Faisal desired, mainly because the British and French had struck
their own secret Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916 dividing the Middle
East between their own spheres of influence. With the conference
deciding on the mandate system for all areas of the former Ottoman
Empire, prior to statements from either the Zionist or Arab sides, Faisal
soon began to express doubts about cooperation with the Zionist
movement. After Faisal was expelled from Syria and given the Kingdom
of Iraq, he contended that the conditions he appended were not fulfilled
and the treaty therefore moot. St. John Philby, a British representative in
Palestine, later stated that Hussein bin Ali, the Sharif of Mecca and King
of Hejaz, on whose behalf Faisal was acting, had refused to recognize
the agreement as soon as it was brought to his notice.
[17]
However,
Sharif Hussein formally endorsed the Balfour Declaration in the Treaty
of Svres of 10 August 1920, along with the other Allied Powers, as
King of Hedjaz.
The United Nations Special Committee On Palestine did not regard the
agreement as ever being valid,
[18]
while Weizmann continued to
maintain that the treaty was still binding. In 1947 Weizmann explained :
"A postscript was also included in this treaty. This postscript relates to a
reservation by King Feisal that he would carry out all the promises in
this treaty if and when he would obtain his demands, namely,
independence for the Arab countries. I submit that these requirements of
King Feisal have at present been realized. The Arab countries are all
independent, and therefore the condition on which depended the
fulfillment of this treaty, has come into effect. Therefore, this treaty, to
all intents and purposes, should today be a valid document".
[19]

According to C.D. Smith the Syrian National Congress had forced Faisal
to back away from his tentative support of Zionist goals.
[20]

Arab-Israeli peace diplomacy and treaties
FaisalWeizmann Agreement (1919)
Paris Peace Conference, 1919
1949 Armistice Agreements
Camp David Accords (1978)
Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty (1979)
Madrid Conference of 1991
Oslo Accords (1993)
Israel-Jordan Treaty of Peace (1994)
Camp David 2000 Summit
Peace process in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
Projects working for peace among Israelis and Arabs
List of Middle East peace proposals
International law and the Arab-Israeli conflict