Reflections on the Origins of Religious Thought

Thomas A. Baillieul, 2011(1)

It occurs to me that the man and his religion are one and the same thing. The unknown exists.
Each man projects on the blankness the shape of his own particular world-view. He endows his
creation with his personal volitions and attitudes. The religious man stating his case is in
essence explaining himself. hen a fanatic is contradicted! he feels a threat to his own
existence" he reacts violentl#.$
%nd the %theist&$
He projects no image upon the blank whatever. The cosmic m#steries he accepts as things in
themselves" he feels no need to hang a more or less human mask upon them. 'therwise! the
correlation between a man and the shape into which he molds the unknown for greater ease of
manipulation is exact.$
--(ack )ance
Introduction
Religion, as a set of practices, affiliations, and beliefs, has been a characteristic of human cultures
throughout recorded histor. !ndeed, as a human enterprise, religion has been "ith us longer e#en than
agriculture, longer than there ha#e been to"ns and cities. $ne%ui#ocal e#idence of religious beha#iors
goes bac& '(, 000 ears, "ith suggestions that it goes bac& t"ice that far, possibl more. )*ca#ations at
the +obe&li Tepe site in ,. ). Tur&e sho" e#idence of highl sophisticated monumental construction
dating to -,(000 B...). (and possibl earlier). This site predates potter, "riting, and the domestication
of animals and plants (.urr, 200/). The support for the large labor pool re%uired to construct this
ceremonial site o#er a period of decades and e#en centuries suggests that religion, in the sense of
creating a place of "orship, ma ha#e been the stimulus for settled agriculture and herding in the region.
)#en toda, religion is often a dominant force in human interactions 0 spar&ing armed conflicts around
the "orld, and fre%uentl dominating political debates.
1h are "e religious, and "hat is the source of religion2s lasting hold on our species3 !f rational
thought and and the modern understanding of the "orld pro#ided b science ha#e reduced the need for
supernatural inter#ention, "h do "e still ha#e religion3 !s it some e#ol#ed trait, controlled b our
genes3 !s it a cultural phenomenon passed on from generation to generation li&e man other forms of
&no"ledge3 4r is it something else entirel3
Religion as a human institution is a gro"ing area of in#estigation in the fields of e#olutionar biolog
and anthropolog. T"o distinct schools of thought ha#e emerged5 the adaptationists "ho conclude that
religious beliefs and practices "ere biologicall0deri#ed traits "hich ga#e earl humans a sur#i#al
ad#antage6 and the beha#iorists "ho argue that religion comprises a set of learned beha#iors "ith no
specific adapti#e ad#antage and no biological 7cause.8 As "ith most polari9ed debates, the ans"er
probabl lies some"here in bet"een.
Religion is a uni%uel human acti#it not obser#ed in other animal species. Religious thoughts and
e*pression re%uire consciousness, "hich leads to self0a"areness and, in humans, to smbolic thin&ing.
1hile the nature of consciousness is not "ell understood, "hat is &no"n is that it arises from the
emergent comple*it of trillions of interconnected cells in the brain. Reduce the number of brain cells
1
(i.e., brain si9e) and their connections, and consciousness diminishes, self0a"areness disappears.
1e share a le#el of consciousness "ith certain other species. .himpan9ees, dolphins, and elephants,
along "ith certain members of the cor#id famil (cro"s and ra#ens, magpies, rollers), ha#e been sho"n
to be self0a"are (Reiss, and :arino, 2001 and ;lotni&, et al., 200<). =olphins ha#e brain to bod mass
ratios on par "ith modern humans and are &no"n to e*hibit inter0species altruism. =olphins and "hales
also communicate, sometimes o#er #ast distances, but the meanings of their #ocali9ations are beond
current human understanding. )lephants ha#e been obser#ed to displa apparent grief o#er the death of
a famil member, a precursor of moral thought. .himp groups in the "ild use up to 20 tpes of tools for
#arious functions of dail life, including socialit, subsistence, self0maintenance, and se* (:c+re",
2010). .himpan9ees create in a social conte*t and ha#e been sho"n to ha#e a sense of humor and to
transfer cultural &no"ledge (1hiten and Boesch, 20016 +oodall, 2001). :ost primates ha#e a range of
#ocali9ations "hich communicate specific meaning to members of their groups. >o"e#er, the limited
range of signals do not rise to the le#el of smbolic speech uni#ersal in modern humans. ?ing (200@)
does not consider chimps and gorillas to e*hibit religious beha#iors, but belie#es that modern humans2
tendenc to"ard religion has its roots in the social beha#iors of our primate ancestors. +oodall (2001)
reports that chimpan9ees in the "ild respond to a thunderstorm the "a the "ould to an animal
predator, such as a leopard. !n other "ords, the assign an animate 7purpose8 to the storm, different
from their reaction to, sa, a "ildfire. ,till, to the e*tent that "e can put oursel#es into the minds of
other species through obser#ation of phsical beha#ior, no other animals appear to ponder their origins,
the meaning of life, or the e*istence of the di#ine.
.omparisons of the genomes of modern humans "ith our closest primate relati#e, the chimpan9ee,
sho" that "e share --A of our genetic ma&e0up B out of ' billion =CA bases, onl 1( million are
different. Doo&ing at "here the differences lie, ho"e#er, is %uite re#ealing. A stud b ?atherine ,.
;ollard (200-) loo&ed at the parts of the human genome "hich had undergone the greatest change. 4ne
region, >uman Accelerated Region1 (>AR1), had 11/ base differences (compare that to onl 2 base
differences bet"een chimpan9ees and chic&ens for this same =CA segment). !t turns out that this region
of the genome is acti#e in the de#elopment of the cerebral corte*, an area of the brain "hich is enlarged
in humans compared to other modern primates. Another gene, labeled A,;:, associated "ith brain si9e
also is different bet"een humans and chimps. !ndeed, our brains are far larger than needed for basic
sur#i#al. >uman babies are born premature compared to other primates so that their heads can pass
through the birth canal. This puts a #er specific burden on human parents and communities to pro#ide
nurturing through an e*tended childhood. +i#en this e*traordinar parenting effort and the fact that the
modern human brain uses 20A of the bodEs energ, there must ha#e been an e#olutionar ad#antage
associated "ith brain si9e and function. The pre0frontal corte* of the human brain, "hich is
significantl enlarged compared to other primates, is the center of our moral conscience 0 as sho"n b
studies of indi#iduals "ho ha#e suffered traumatic brain inFuries. This area of the brain mediates the
emotional responses arising from our mid0brain. Also, the pre0frontal corte* is the center for higher
thought and is strongl associated "ith our feelings of empath to"ards others. )mpath and
conscience are absolutel necessar for comple* social interactions.
4ther human characteristics, such as imagination, are harder to associate "ith specific brain regions,
seeming instead to arise from the interactions of multiple brain centers. !t is #er difficult to pinpoint
the precise moment "hen human beings began to e*press imagination and to reason smbolicall B
prere%uisites for entertaining religious 7thoughts.8 ;rior to the de#elopment of "riting,our &no"ledge
of the earliest humans is largel limited to durable materials such as stone and bone. The phsical
2
e#idences for the e*istence of a smbolic, and thus a potentiall spiritual culture include5 ca#e paintings,
roc& engra#ings, personal ornamentation, decorated tools, the use of natural pigments, engra#ed bones
and stones, burials "ith gra#e goods, sstems of notation, musical instruments, and comple* stone, bone
and "ood technologies. )*plicitl, the phsical demonstration of thought about, and smbolic
representation of, our ancestorsE relation to the "orld around them is to be found in art.
There are hints that hominid species ancestral to modern humans ma also ha#e had the capacit for
comple* communication, and imagination (=2)rrico, et al., 200'). The collection and use of natural
pigments for bod adornment (or other forms of decoration) ma date as far bac& as G00,000 ears B. ;.
At the T"in Ri#ers site in Hambia, '00 lumps of ochre and other pigments (ello", pin&, red, purple,
bro"n, and blue0blac&), some gathered far from the site, ha#e been dated to the time ('00,000 B G00,000
ears B.;) of the large0brained human ancestor, homo heidelbergensis. >o"e#er, in the absence of
other cultural e#idence, the meaning of these pigments is unclear. Homo heidelbergensis also has been
associated "ith an /0step manufacturing process for G00,000 ear0old "ooden spears and for a change in
the %ualit of craftsmanship of stone tools B mo#ing from the simpl utilitarian forms used b earlier
homo erectus, to ones of stri&ing smmetr (Balter, 200-). At the earl archaic human (homo ergaster
or homo heidelbergensis) site of Atapuerca in ,pain, and dating to around '00,000 ears, there is
e#idence of the intentional storing of bones from at least '2 indi#iduals. This suggests a belief that
humans are not the same as animals (http5IIanthro.palomar.eduIhomo2ImodJhomoJ'.htm).
Homo neanderthalensis sites from the Date ,tone Age in )urope sho" e#idence of bod ornamentation
(shell and bone beads) and comple* tool ma&ing. >o"e#er, these phsical traces all occur after the time
of contact bet"een Ceanderthals and modern humans, so that the significance is uncertain.
Ceanderthals also created intentional burials, the bodies commonl being found fle*ed in a fetal
position. 4ften, the bones "ere stained "ith hematite B either sprin&led on as po"dered pigment, or
mi*ed "ith a #egetable oil and painted on the bodies. !n the case of a burial in ,hanidar .a#e (northern
!ra%), the bod of a Ceandethal man had been placed on pine boughs in a gra#e and flo"ers of /
different species had been sprin&led on top. Ceanderthals also buried the heads of ca#e bears in at least
t"o ca#es in "estern )urope. These are the remains of #er po"erful predators "ith "hom
Ceanderthals competed (and feared). At Regourdou .a#e in southern Krance, Ceanderthals dug a
rectangular pit, lined it "ith stones and buried at least 20 ca#e bear s&ulls "hich had been colored "ith
hematie. A large stone slab "as intentionall placed o#er the pit. A similar burial "as found at
=rachenloch .a#e in ,"it9erland (http5IIanthro.palomar.eduIhomo2ImodJhomoJ'.htm). All of these
burials strongl suggest a deep thin&ing on the nature of death and supernatural po"er, but "hat those
thoughts "ere, "eEll ne#er &no". ,ome research on Ceanderthal habitation sites has determined that
d"elling patterns suggesti#e of gender segregation, not onl phsicall but in terms of resource
consumption, implies that homo neanderthalensis had thought processes #er different from those of
modern humans.
Anatomicall modern humans arose in Africa some"here bet"een 1<0,000 and 200,000 ears ago, and
their remains ha#e been found in the De#ant, dated to around 100,000 ears ago. >o"e#er, modern
anatom and modern beha#iors did not necessaril coincide. The De#ant homo sapiens sites do not
sho" cultural remains an more sophisticated than temporall coincident Ceanderthal sites. The timing
of "hen humans began to thin& smbolicall, and thus had the capacit to entertain religion, is highl
uncertain. Krom the southernmost coast of ,outh Africa comes e#idence that 1<G,000 ears ago ancestral
modern humans "ere ma&ing composite tools "ith mini fla&es of %uatr9ite and silcrete being hafted
onto "ooden handles. These same people har#ested tidal 9one shellfish species for food, but also
collected empt deep "ater helmet snail shells for apparentl aesthetic reasons (:arean, 2010). B
around @(,000 ears ago "e start seeing obFects associated "ith homo sapiens remains "hich strongl
'
suggest a ne" "a of thin&ing about themsel#es and the "orld around them. Krom the Blombos .a#e,
also on the .ape .oast of ,outh Africa, come a set of "orn shell beads indicating an interest in bodil
adornment. The same site has produced the first &no"n human art"or&, a piece of ochre engra#ed "ith a
geometric linear pattern. Around the same time, humans in the north of "hat is no" Bots"ana had
created a ritual site in a small ca#e beneath the Tsodilo >ills. >ere, finel crafted stone tools made of
materials occurring hundreds of &ilometers distant "ere buried in shallo" pits beneath a natural stone
outcropping "hich had been 7pec&ed8 to resemble a pthon. Red colored spear points sho"ed e#idence
of ha#ing been burned before interment. There is no e#idence of normal habitation at the site (e.g.,
animal and plant remains, hearths)6 this "as a ca#e dedicated to ritual purposes onl (,cience =ail,
200<).
!n a time span co#ering the ne*t G0,000, ears and from sites throughout Africa, the :iddle )ast,
Australia, and )urope archaeologists ha#e unco#ered an e#er increasing treasure tro#e of artifacts
demonstrating that earl homo sapiens possessed self0a"areness, and imagination. B '(,000 ears ago
(and possibl earlier), art and spiritual e*pression "ere in full s"ing, represented most dramaticall b
ca#e paintings and roc& engra#ings in "estern )urope, Africa, and Australia. This art included
fantastical creatures, part animal, part human 0 e#idence of full modern imaginati#e abilit.
!n addition to art our species created music, bodil adornments, stone tools "ith aesthetics rather than
simple utilit in mind, and also comple* social structures. 1e buried our dead "ith care and placed in
these gra#es food, Fe"elr, and "eapons, strongl suggesting a belief in an afterlife. The abundant
phsical e#idence homo sapiens left behind is a clear indication of our earl abilit to thin& and
communicate smbolicall. As !an Tattersall (2002) points out, onl modern humans ha#e the
demonstrated abilit to di#ide up the "orld around them into a huge number of discrete elements 0 and
then to name those elements. This allo"s us to rearrange those elements in our minds and imagine a
#ariet of different realities. !t is this abilit to %uestion and imagine that has allo"ed us to achie#e
master o#er our en#ironment. >o" did this abilit come about3 Tattersall belie#es that it arose as
homo sapiens began to e*press an understanding of the "orld in e#er more comple* language.
Danguage 0 "ords and snta* 0 is the mechanism of our conscious thoughts. Tr thin&ing deepl about
something "ithout thin&ing in "ords. The richer the language, the richer and deeper the possible
thoughts. This capabilit clearl distinguishes our species from all other primates, current or e*tinct.
.omple* language, in turn, re%uired the combined action of multiple brain centers, and a larn* located
lo" in the throat, gi#ing us the abilit to ma&e a "ide range of #ocali9ations. ,tudies of the
Neanderthal genome indicate that "hile this ancestral human species possessed the K4L;2 gene,
responsible for the fine muscle control used in comple* speech, its shorter larn* limited the range of
sounds that could be produced (;ennisi, 200-).
Religion Defined
,tudents of theolog tend to approach the subFect of religion from their o"n e*perience6 ho"e#er,
modern religions are as much as 100,000 ears remo#ed from the first stirrings of religious thought. As
noted b .arl ,agan, the eminent scientist and philosopher, o#er the course of human histor there ha#e
been as man religions as there ha#e been separate human communities to concei#e of them. This
e%uates to hundreds of thousands of conceptions of the di#ine, and of religious 7truths8 and practices.
)#en toda, there are o#er 1,000 distinct religions acti#el embraced b cultures around the "orld.
1hile "e cannot &no" for certain "hat the earliest forms of religious thought "ere li&e, t"o lines of
e#idence are a#ailable to us. Kirst, there is the phsical e#idence left b our earliest ancestors in the form
G
of habitation sites "ith manufactured artifacts and burials. ,econd, "e can e*amine the religious beliefs
and practices of aboriginal peoples (a.&.a. 7Kirst ;eoples8) in #arious parts of the "orld toda. The
beliefs of modern foraging cultures undoubtedl are e#ol#ed beond, and are more 7sophisticated8 than,
the first human religious beliefs6 still, the pro#ide a "indo" into the minds of humans li#ing "ithin the
rhthms of the natural "orld.
Before "e go much further, there is a basic %uestion "hich needs to be ans"ered 0 what is religion3 The
ans"er is not as simple as one might thin&. 4ne #er basic definition states that 7 religion is a belief in
some higher po"er, defined ho"e#er the belie#er "ishes.8 1hile simple, this definition does not
e*plain "h5
di#erse religions still e*ist and ha#enEt et merged6
religious traditions ha#e such lasting po"er in an age of science6
so much conflict still e*ists bet"een religious groups6
some people can claim to ha#e a religious affiliation et do not belie#e in, or are indifferent to,
the e*istence of a 7higher po"er.8
Kor some people, religion is the connection to +od 0 or gods 0 or some transcendent spirit. Kor others,
religion e%uates to a specific set of rituals and practices, some of "hich ha#e origins no" lost in the
mists of time. Kor et others, religion e%uates to a phsical church "ith members "ho are of the same
social standing, sharing common beliefs, beha#iors and "orld #ie"s. Di&e beaut, or pornograph,
e#erone "ill ha#e an idea of "hat that term means for them, et there is no consistent, uni#ersall
applicable definition that co#ers all religious traditions. As pointed out b the 4ntario .onsultants on
Religious Tolerance (""".religioustolerance.org) , all commonl used definitions of 7religion8 contain
at least one deficienc. ,ome might e*clude beliefs that are "idel percei#ed to be religious. Those
traditions that focus onl on belief in an in#ol#ed god or gods e*clude non0theistic religions such as
Buddhism or .onfucianism. =efinitions "hich e%uate religion onl "ith .hristianit den the beliefs of
2I' of the planet2s inhabitants. 4ther definitions include areas of stud such as )colog or .osmolog
"hich are more correctl regarded as scientific disciplines.
Rather than tr and create et another complicated, cumbersome, and incomplete definition, ! "ill use a
different approach. 1hat are the functions that religions all ha#e in common, and can "e see e#idences
of these same functions in ancient cultures3 !t turns out that all religions ser#e multiple functions in the
li#es of indi#idual people and human communities.
(
Ta&en together, ans"ers to the great %uestions, e*planations of the natural "orld, and "as of
interceding "ith the di#ine, result in beliefs. The three remaining functions relate to the social contract
that e*ists bet"een an indi#idual and societ. Cot all faith traditions pursue each function to the same
degree. ,stems such as .onfucianism and ,hinto place strong emphasis on harmon and communit
stabilit "hile lea#ing the pondering of great %uestions up to the indi#idual. Buddhism places a strong
emphasis on moral beha#ior and encourages indi#iduals to see& their o"n path to transcendence
(connecting "ith the supernatural). Religious beliefs are largel uni%ue to an indi#idual as the are not
based on obFecti#e, reproducible e#idence, and thus cannot easil be shared. Religion, on the other
hand, is a group acti#it.
,ome scholars "ould raise ritual to an essential characteristic of religion 0 and certainl most faith
traditions engage in ritual practices. >o"e#er, under the scheme described here, rituals deri#e from
higher le#el functions 0 in this case, methods for interceding "ith the supernatural, and creating strong
indi#idual and group identit. 4thers argue that the gi#ing of Fo or a sense of tran%uilit are a function
of religion. Again, these feelings 0 "hich #ar from indi#idual to indi#idual 0 are the secondar effects of
higher le#el functions. Being accepted into a religious communit strengthens our personal identit,
fre%uentl leading to feelings of contentment and happiness. Keelings of Fo or ecstas associated "ith
religious e*pression are the result of practices, de#eloped o#er millennia, "hich allo" practitioners to
achie#e altered states of consciousness 0 related to the search for "as to connect "ith the supernatural
(discussed more full belo").
The functions pro#ided b religion tend not to be stand0alone attributes, but are interrelated, often in
comple* "as. Krom an e#olutionar perspecti#e, the comple* interrelationship bet"een these
functions demonstrates that religion and religious beha#iors did not ha#e a single cause. )ach of these
functions also can be pro#ided b other societal institutions and functions. ;hilosoph, shorn of specific
religious trappings and supernatural agents, addresses the great %uestions of human life. Marious
meditati#e practices outside of an formal religious conte*t can pro#ide the practitioner "ith a sense of
connection to a higher plane of e*istence. ,cience has been sho"n to do a much better Fob than religious
beliefs and traditions "hen it comes to understanding the natural "orld. >o"e#er, science fails as a tool
"hen it comes to ans"ering 7ultimate %uestions.8 .a#anaugh (200@) sho"s con#incingl that man
human social sstems and philosophies 0 such as nationalism, communism, rationalism, fascism 0 can
mimic religion in promoting indi#idual or communit identit and stabilit, including the imposition of
specific re%uired beha#iors. These 70isms8, ho"e#er, fall short "hen it comes to ans"ering the great
<
The si* basic functions associated "ith religion can be described succinctl5
pro#iding ans"ers (or paths to ans"ers) for the great %uestions (e.g., the nature of death6 the
purpose of life)
pro#iding methods for interceding or connecting "ith the supernatural
e*plaining features and phenomena of the natural "orld
pro#iding a conte*t and rules for moral beha#ior
supporting indi#idual and group identit
supporting communit and social stabilit
%uestions or pro#iding methods for intercedingIconnecting "ith the di#ine. Thus, "hile religion is not
necessar for a full and meaningful life, it is the onl human institution "hich pro#ides for all si*
functions in one set of practices.
Death and Other Ultimate Questions
1h the traits of imagination and smbolic reasoning 0 the ultimate underpinnings of religious thought 0
e#ol#ed in our species is still a matter of heated discussion bet"een archeologists, anthropologists,
neuro0scientists, and sociologists. .ertainl the abilit to thin& abstractl, and to communicate comple*
thoughts "ould impro#e group cooperation and transmission of &no"ledge, and thus aid sur#i#al.
!magination, too, "ould ha#e endo"ed a sur#i#al ad#antage. )arl humans could #isuali9e a future that
had not et come to be, using their &no"ledge of the "orld to predict storms, &no" "hen the floods
came or "hen the mountain pass "ould be closed b sno", and &no" "hich trees "ould ha#e ripe fruit
in the different seasons. The could also put themsel#es into the minds of the animals the hunted,
reading their trac&s to understand their mo#ements. Ta&en further, earl humansE abilit to understand
the beha#ior of their peers in terms of their o"n feelings and moti#es (termed a 7Theor of :ind8)
allo"ed for more comple* group dnamics and le#els of cooperation.
But, #isuali9ing the future doesn2t stop "ith immediate practical applications. 4nce this abilit arose,
earl peoples could loo& to the future and proFect other happenings, including their o"n deaths. Cot that
anone, then or no", can predict the specific timing and circumstances of their demise, but "e can
imagine a future in "hich "e "on2t be present. This is apparentl a uni%uel human trait, and for man
it is terrifing.
;schologists ha#e long &no"n that one of, if not the most fundamental of needs "e all ha#e is for
identit, to belong and to &no" that "e e*ist. !t2s part of our a"areness of self5 self0a"areness N
consciousness N identit. :ost of us deri#e this identit from our social groups. ! am... and ! belong to...
are e*tremel comforting sentiments. 1e also loo& to our social interactions to #alidate our identit.
)arl people deri#ed their identities through association "ith their e*tended families and tribal groups,
much the same "a "e deri#e ours from famil, friends, Fob, church, clubs, schools, and communities.
This is "h banishment "as, and still is, such an effecti#e punishment amongst tribal groups. !f ou are
banished from the onl group that gi#es ou our identit, ou became a non0entit. !n those traditional
cultures that still practice banishment, the usual end result is that the banished indi#idual loses all "ill to
li#e, and literall curls up and dies.
Another important aspect of self0a"areness in homo sapiens is that e#erthing is personal (a&a 7it2s all
about :)8).7 !t is a curious thing about people, "ith our imaginations and abilit to construct %uestions6
"e are ne#er satisfied "ith the ans"er, 7I dont know. 1e reFect the impersonal in the forces acting on
our li#es. !f ! get cancer, ! "ant to &no" "h 0 "hat specific e#ent or act caused this to happen to me3 !
don2t "ant to hear that !2m Fust one of the 'A of the population "ho statisticall "ill de#elop this tpe
of cancer sometime in their li#es. !2m not a statistic 0 !2m meO !n the absence of e#idence "e e#en prefer
made0up e*planations to the uncertaint posed b an open %uestion.
This personali9ed "orld #ie" also leads to 7magic thin&ing.8 The odds of "ining the lotter ma be
1@(,000,000 to one, but !2ll go ahead and bu P10.00 "orth of tic&ets because !2m feeling luc&. 1e
belie#e "e are deser#ing of positi#e outcomes because "e are important. Also, positi#e outcomes are
self0reinforcing6 that2s "hat causes gamblers to &eep sho#ing coins into the slot machine, e#en though
the &no" the odds al"as fa#or the house. A negati#e outcome re%uires rationali9ation. ! didn2t "in
because5 ! lost m luc& rabbit2s foot6 the number combination "as for ne*t "ee&2s lotto dra"ing6 !2m
@
being punished for running that stop sign6 the ritual "asn2t performed correctl and the deit reFected the
offering6 the stars "eren2t aligned6 bad moFo.8 $nacceptable ans"ers include5 7chance fa#ors no person8
and 7! am no more "orth than anone else.8 Rationali9ations for a failed outcome can be endless.
=eath is the ultimate loss of identit 0 the great un&no"n. At the same time, death "as a common
e*perience to earl hunting and gathering peoples. The hunter2s pre "ent from #ital and struggling one
moment to inert the ne*t. And so too it "as "ith people. A person or animal "ho died ne#er came bac&
again. But, parado*icall, life came from death. 1hen the antelope died it meant that the hunters2 famil
"ould continue to eat and thri#e. +reen shoots "ere seen to spring forth from the ashes of a "ild fire.
Dea#es reappeared on the "inter s&eletons of trees. Trul, death "as a deep mster and a source of a"e
and fear. These obser#ations led to the greatest of the +reat (or 7$ltimate8) Questions 0 what happens
to us when we die? 1hen grandma closed her ees for the last time, and the "armth left her bod,
"here did her life force go3 >er phsical bod is still here, unchanged, but "hate#er it "as that made
her +randma is gone. 1hat happened to her stories3 >er memories3 1as grandma onl the flesh and
bones of the person "e &ne"6 or "as there something more3 ,urel these important people Fust didn2t
disappear 0 for if the did, that "ould mean that "e too, in our time, Fust disappear.
!ntentional burials, "hether "ith specific material 7offerings8 or not, are a sign of deep reflection on the
nature of death, and the importance of the deceased in the li#es of the group. The fe" Neanderthal
burials that ha#e been disco#ered are simple in construction B a fe" flo"ers placed in the gra#e, and
traces of ocher suggesting an attempt to put color bac& into the s&in of the corpse. Burials for earl
homo sapiens are more elaborate in terms of the careful arrangement of the remains and the #ariet and
sophistication of the obFects placed in the gra#e (hunting tools, Fe"eler, car#ed figurines). .learl,
burials are not Fust a desire to dispose of a corpse. That can be done simpl b dragging the bod out
into the forest or the #edlt and letting nature2s efficient reccling ser#ices go to "or&. !nstead, our
ancestors could imagine their o"n ine#itable futures6 ho" "ould "e "ant our remains dealt "ith3 There
"as al"as the possibilit that the life spirit or animating force still resided some"here "ithin the cold
flesh. =id the belie#e, as some modern cultures do, that consuming certain parts of an animal transfers
that animal2s abilities or spirit to the eater3 The bod needed to be &ept intact and a"a from sca#engers
0 Fust in case. !n modern foraging societies, death is not #ie"ed as the cessation of the life spirit, but is
usuall considered to result in the Foining of the deceased2s spirit "ith a bod of ancestral spirits "ho
#er much still ha#e an e*istence. !t is not unreasonable to imagine that similar belief sstems "ere
created b our earliest ancestors to e*plain, and o#ercome the fear of death. This is religion at its most
basic. Ans"ering the %uestion of death in a positi#e "a ma ha#e been a pschological necessit once
"e "ere forced to confront our o"n mortalit.
;ondering the nature of death and the possibilit of an afterlife reached a pinnacle in the &ingdoms of
ancient )gpt "here e#en the poorest peasants focused their li#esE "or& on funerar arrangements.
)#en in our modern age, thoughts of death, resurrection, and the nature of the afterlife lie at the heart of
maFor and minor faith traditions. 4ften religion is loo&ed to to #alidate a personEs e*istence as an
imortal being B pro#ided, of course, that one follo"s the rules.
Besides death, other great %uestions also occupied our ancestors2 minds. 1here does m life spirit come
from3 1h am ! here, and is there a purpose to life3 1h do bad things happen to good people (and #ice
#ersa)3 An ultimate %uestion is one "hich cannot be ans"ered b factual, obFecti#e information6 b
obser#ation or testing. Ans"ers to ultimate %uestions thus become matters of faith.
4f course, there can be multiple ans"ers to each ultimate %uestion6 some of "hich are #er unsatisfing5
1hat happens "hen "e die3 Nothing - we just come to an end. 1hat is the purpose of life3 There
isnt any. 1h am ! here3 No articular reason! just chance. Kor man this set of ans"ers is fearful
/
stuff in that it denies our need to feel significant. Religion e*ists (in part) to pro#ide acceptable ans"ers
to these %uestions, to calm the fears of the un&no"n and un&no"able. 1e "ant to belie#e that "e matter.
1e "ant to belie#e that 7someone8 is in charge, someone "ho holds the ans"ers to these %uestions,
someone "ho "on2t let the flame go out "hen "e die.
Interceding with the "uernatural
)arl people, seated at night around a fire, "ere con#inced that there "ere supernatural forces that
controlled the natural "orld. >o" else could the sun set, the moon rise da after da "ith no #isible
agents in#ol#ed3 1h did some clouds produce rain and others not3 1hat made the lightning and the
frightening thunder, and caused the return of life to the trees after the "inter2s cold3 ,ome natural
phenomena are regular and predictable (e.g., sunrise, the phases of the moon, the change of seasons)6
others are sporadic and e#en threatening (e.g., earth%ua&es, tornados, floods, "ildfires). Dightning "as
&no"n for its po"er to &ill, and the thunder "as terrifing6 but lightning also ga#e fire. Kire ga#e people
greater control o#er the "orld in "hich the li#ed, and as a result, li#es became safer, longer and more
comfortable. Thus, the spirit behind the lightning "as at once both fearsome and bene#olent. >o"e#er,
control of fire re%uired #er specific actions6 constant feeding, and protection from the rain. !f it "ent
out, a maFor effort "as re%uired to re&indle it. The fire 7spirit8 needed to be coa*ed and appeased in
specific "as. Being able to control fire "ould ha#e resulted in search for control o#er other aspects of
nature as "ell. The apparent capriciousness of nature must ha#e struc& a resonant chord "ith our
ancestors. Regularit, bro&en b short, sporadic bursts of anger, "as characteristic of a basic human
temperament. !t "as easier to understand the #agaries of the natural "orld if it "as assumed that these
controlling forces 0 or 7spirits8 0 "ere imbued "ith human characteristics (including our o"n foibles).
;eople sought "as to intercede "ith the different 7humani9ed8 aspects of the supernatural.
1h "ould "e thin& that appeasement of, or a connection "ith these forces "ould be possible3 As
noted b astronomer, .arl ,agan, in one of his +ifford Dectures, presented in 1-/( (,agan, 200<, pp
1@@01@/)5
7We all grow up in the land of giants when we are ver small and the adults are ver large.
!nd then" through a set of slow stages" we grow up" and we become one of the adults. #ut still
within us" surel" is some part of our childhood that hasnt disappeared and hasnt grown up.
Its $ust there. In our formative ears" ou then learn from direct e%perience" absolutel
incontrovertibl" that there are much larger" much older" much wiser" and much more
powerful creatures in the universe than ou. !nd our strongest emotional bonds are to them.
!nd" among other things" the are sometimes angr with ou and then ou have to work
through the anger. !nd the ask ou to do things that ou ma not want to do" and ou must
propitiate them" ou must apologi&e" ou must do a set of things. Now" how likel is it that
after we are all grown up weve full detached ourselves from this formative e%perience? Isnt
it much more likel that there remains a part of us that is still in the practice of this kind of
childhood dealing with parents and other adults? 'ould that have something to do with praer
specificall and with religious beliefs in general?
4nce our ancestors did the #er human thing of assigning personalities to the forces controlling the
natural "orld (and this is the form of religious consciousness of all current groups of Kirst ;eoples), then
it "as a minor step to consider these po"ers larger than our o"n to be li&e the adults "hen "e "ere
children. !t made these forces easier to comprehend and to deal "ith. The set e*pectations for our
beha#ior, and had rules "hich "e needed to learn. The "ere gi#en to occasional outbursts of anger
-
"hen "e transgressed, and "e needed to appease them and as& forgi#eness.
According to the Ba:buti ;eople (a.&.a., ;gmies) of the central African !turi rain forest5

7the forest is a father and mother to us" and like a father or mother" it gives us everthing we
need ( food" clothing" shelter" warmth... and affection. Normall" everthing goes well" because
the forest is good to its children" but when things go wrong there must be a reason...
7...Normall everthing goes well in our world. #ut at night when we are sleeping" sometimes
things go wrong" because we are not awake to stop them from going wrong. !rm ants invade
the camp) leopards ma come in and steal a hunting dog or even a child. If we were awake"
these things would not happen. *o" when something big goes wrong" like illness" or bad
hunting" or death" it must be that the forest is sleeping and not looking after its children. *o"
what do we do? We wake it up. We wake it up b singing to it" and we do this because we want
it to awaken happ. +hen everthing will be well and good again. *o" when our world is going
well" then we also sing to the forest because we want it to share our happiness. (Turnbull,
1-<1).
,ome adults embrace us "ith unconditional lo#e, and others onl conditionall. 1e had to learn ho" to
na#igate this "orld that "e could not full comprehend. .ommunication bet"een children and adults is
prett straight for"ard 0 after all, the share language if not meaning. .ommunicating or connecting
"ith an unseen spirit or force 0 regardless of ho" human0li&e "e imagine it to be 0 is more of a
challenge. 1e donEt &no" if "e share either language or meaning. This challenge confronts most
religions toda as much as it did our ancient ancestors.
!n addition to the capacit for abstract thought and imagination in personali9ing the forces of nature, the
modern human brain is capable of generating transcendental e*periences. 1hen adaptationists tal& about
religious beliefs and practices, the are usuall referring to the obser#ed human abilit to achie#e a
transcendental state of mind through the mechanisms of trance, pschoacti#e substances, deep
meditation (including praer), rhthmic patterns (e.g., drumming), or strenuous phsical mo#ement
(e.g., dance), or some combination. =oes the abilit to enter a trance state con#e a sur#i#al ad#antage,
or does it arise simpl from the nature of our neuro architecture3 Reflect that "ithout the protection of
famil and friends, someone entering a trance is an eas dinner for the local predator.
Kour association areas of the brain "hich e#ol#ed for fuller perception of the "orld are in#ol#ed in
e*periencing the transcendental 0 some b being acti#ated, some b being diminished or shut do"n.
1hen "e ha#e balanced perception, the brain centers "or& in concert. =uring religious 7e*periences8,
the brain centers become unbalanced, "ith the specific form of the imbalance determining the nature of
the e*perience (Ce"burg, et al., 2001). !t is also interesting to note that the brain centers most in#ol#ed
in feelings of transcendence are those associated "ith se*ual arousal and response.
Ce"burg et al. (2001) ha#e sho"n that part of our sense of identit is the phsical &no"ledge our brains
hold of our bod2s position in space. This is the abilit to &no" "here 7"e8 end and the rest of the
uni#erse begins. This sense of phsical orientation is controlled b the superior posterior parietal region
of the brain. :easurements of brain acti#it during deep meditation or trance states sho" diminished
acti#it in this area. !n deep meditation the distinction bet"een self and e#erthing else is reduced, often
being reported as a 7oneness "ith +od,8 or a connection "ith one2s true self, or being 7at one "ith the
uni#erse8. Transcendental e*periences are interpreted differentl b the indi#iduals e*periencing them6
the become "hate#er a person2s memories, cultural bac&ground, belief sstems and "ishes dictate. A
Buddhist mon&, returning from a deep meditati#e trance might report ha#ing 7become at one "ith the
10
.osmic All.8 Roman .atholic nuns describe a phsical 7Foining "ith Resus8 during deep meditati#e
praer.
4ther brain areas also gi#e rise to religious feelings. The temporal lobe is associated "ith #erbal and
abstract conceptuali9ation. ,tudies of indi#iduals "ith temporal lobe epileps (TD)) ha#e sho"n that
stimulation of this part of the brain can gi#e the TD) patient "hat has been described as a 7religious
e*perience8. !ndi#iduals "ith TD) also ha#e a heightened response to religious language and icons.
)llen 1hite, "ho2s ecstatic #isions ga#e rise to the ,e#enth =a Ad#entist mo#ement, "as, in all
li&elihood, the #ictim of Temporal Dobe )pileps caused b a traumatic head inFur during her outh
(>odder and >olmes, 1-/1).
There are a number of methods b "hich brain centers can be either stimulated or suppressed. Marious
pschoacti#e drugs ha#e been used for millennia to help shamen and healers to achie#e a trance state. !t
is also possible that the alterations to brain chemistr from prolonged fasting "ill ha#e a similar effect.
The temporal lobe can also be stimulated "ith lo" fre%uenc magnetic fields, resulting in sensations
characteri9ed as religious feelings in up to /0A of the non0epileptic subFects tested. Buddhist mon&s
utili9e %uiet and deep meditation to reach a transcendental state. !n man cultures, rhthmic dancing, or
e#en s"aing side0to0side, can con#e a limited feeling of connection "ith the di#ine to participants.
The ,ha&ers of 1-th .entur America, the +arifuna of .entral America, and the ,ufi der#ishes are
e*amples of cultural groups "hich use rhthmic mo#ement to alter brain states and achie#e a
transcendent state of mind.
As "ith modern Kirst ;eoples, "hen earl humans became ill 0 not &no"ing anthing about germ theor
B the "ould assume that male#olent spirits had entered their bodies. !n traditional, earth0centered
religions, the shaman or hol "oman channel for, or hold a direct personal lin& to these supernatural
spirits. >ealers in a HhuIt"asi famil group connect "ith the spirit realm b means of #igorous,
rhthmic dance, possibl aided b smo&e inhalation. !t is in this trance state that healers sa the enter
the spirit realm "here the can deal directl B interceding or challenging B on behalf of the sic&
indi#idual. A tribe2s healer does battle "ith the e#il spirit in an attempt to dri#e it from the #ictim2s
bod. Treatment ta&es man forms depending on the diagnosis and the traditions follo"ed b each
healer. !n addition, healing might ta&e the form of the laing on of hands, muttered incantations, or the
use of dance or pschoacti#e botanicals (e.g., the peote ceremonies of the ?io"a and other Cati#e
Americans) to induce trances in an effort to channelIcommunicate "ith the spirits. >ealers "ould also
appl herbs and potions 0 some of "hich actuall had a beneficial pharmacological effect. The mstical
&no"ledge and rituals in these tpes of cultures are passed along in each generation from the holder of
the &no"ledge to an apprentice.
The one condition that could not be cured, of course, "as death. =eath "as permanent. The light that
"ent out in the old man2s ees could not be re0&indled b an effort. The bod remained as complete as
it "as in life, but cooled slo"l. 1hat force "as it that &ept the bod "arm, that ga#e energ to its
actions3 There must be something, some in#isible force or spirit, that animates us and ma&es us "ho "e
are. Ans"ers came from trance0state #isions. 7+randma2s life force still d"ells 7some"here8 because
!2#e felt that place.8 Ritual and mth helped to reinforce these feelings b pro#iding fleeting glimpses of
this transcendence. Rust as the roc&s, trees, "aters and "inds "ere thought to be animated b spirits, so
too "as each person assigned a personal spirit. This "as the beginning of 7dualism8, the concept of a
soul separate from the phsical bod. The ritualistic burials of earl homo sapiens, "ith anointed
corpses, flo"ers, tools, Fe"elr, and more are proof not onl of deep thoughts about the meaning of
death, but also of attempts to influence the forces associated "ith death. These "ere religious rituals. !n
addition to direct contact "ith the spirit "orld, some religions, both ancient and current use art as a tool
11
to represent the spirits that control important aspects of nature (e.g., ancient ca#e and roc& art, Cati#e
American sand painting, Tibetan :andalas).
The concept of disease being caused b supernatural entities, that is, 7e#il spirits8, lasted "ell into the
1-th .entur in the industriali9ed "orld (and is still pre#alent in man parts of the "orld). !n each case,
the nature of the spirit cause of disease is determined b a communit2s religious traditions. 1esterni9ed
societies, e#en "ith public recognition of the ad#ances in modern medicine, are not far remo#ed from
earlier superstitious beliefs. Americans in gro"ing numbers belie#e in ghosts and in the healing po"ers
of crstals or homeopathic therapies. ;ossession of the bod b the de#il is still a popular theme "ith
>oll"ood, and "ith the public, as e#idenced b bo* office receipts. According to a recent Balor
$ni#ersit sur#e (,tar&, 200/), a maForit of Americans (((A) belie#e strongl in guardian angels.
T"ent percent claim to ha#e heard the #oice of +od directl, and 2'A claimed to ha#e "itnessed a
miraculous phsical healing. ;olitical and social conser#ati#es "ere most li&el to report religious or
mstical e*periences.
4ne important conse%uence of the brain2s capacit to achie#e a transcendental state 0 e#en if onl
partiall 0 is that it confirms for man that the supernatural e*ists, and that it can be 7touched8 b those
"ith the right &no"ledge, training, andIor stimulation. The great mstics of histor (Buddha, Resus,
:ohammad, and others), those "ho "ere able to achie#e the highest le#el of transcendental state, all
concluded that "e are one "ith ADD. 7Re#ealed truths8 spo&en b charismatic or authoritarian
indi#iduals in e#er age pro#ided ans"ers to each ultimate %uestion, although the ans"ers differed from
culture to culture. Re#elations coming to specific persons might ha#e been the result of deep meditation,
use of pschoacti#e substances, star#ation b fasting, frenetic, rhthmic mo#ement (as in trance
dancing), or brain damageIabnormalities (e.g., temporal lobe epileps). !t is interesting to note that the
founders of the "orld2s maFor religious traditions achie#ed transcendent states, and had their greatest
re#elations follo"ing periods of prolonged fasting.
:ost people, ho"e#er, neither see& nor "ant to be one "ith all things and all people. ,uch an idea goes
against basic human nature 0 and is, fran&l, terrifing. To achie#e such a state means loss of self 0 the
greatest innate fear of our species. The 7it2s about me8 attitude is incompatible "ith the Buddhist goal of
7there is no me.8 :ost people "ould rather hold to a simple belief that there is a personal god, ha#ing
approachable human characteristics, "ho "ill both ans"er supplications for assistance and act as a
threat of punishment if "e (or others) beha#e badl. 1e impose our identities on the animate and the
inanimate around us. !n#isible spirits are gi#en human characteristics to ma&e them easier to intercede
"ith (a&a 7agent detection8 in the #ernacular of pschologists).
+i#en the abundance of differing "as to #ie" the di#ine that ha#e come and gone o#er the course of
human histor, it is clear that there is no single Truth. 1e create 7+od8 or gods according to the dictates,
needs, and e*periences of the culture in "hich "e li#e. 1e are not 7hard0"ired8 to belie#e in +od as
some researchers maintain 0 other"ise there "ould not be so man people around the "orld "ho reFect
the e*istence of a deit. Rather, "e ha#e the brain circuitr that allo"s us, under the right circumstances,
to feel connected to something larger, and to proFect our personalities and desires onto this connection.
=oes this mean that there is no +od3 Co. The e*istence or non0e*istence of a supreme deit is one of
the great %uestions that can2t be ans"ered b an tools of logic or obser#ation. )arl on in the Rudaic
tradition the most learned priests held that their god could not be named. This #ie" "as dri#en, not b
fear of offending the deit, but b a recognition that the instant one puts a label on the transcendent, it is
diminished. The di#ine, the transcendent, the infinite, the 7un&no"able un&no"n8, remains outside the
human abilit to comprehend. An attempt at comprehension re%uires consideration "ithin a human
frame of reference and smbolism 0 "hich immediatel ma&es the infinite finite, and thus incomplete. !t
12
is not e#en possible to state that the transcendent e*ists outside of our imaginings and longings. The
intellectual recognition that a transcendent deit must be beond human comprehension is strongl at
odds "ith the idea of a personal god "ho has human characteristics and is approachable through praer,
sacrifice, or other rituals. Rust as most people do not "ant to ha#e an intense transcendental e*perience 0
the total loss of selfness 0 so too, the loo& for a god or spirit "ho is accessible and is interested in their
"ell0being.
#$laining the Natural %orld
The li#es of earl peoples "ere dominated b natural forces. Rainfall meant life or death. The changing
seasons "ere mar&ed not onl b changes in the length of a da, but also b changes in temperature, b
migrations of the great herds, and the ripening of fruit and grains in the places "here the "ere found.
The patterns of the seasons "ere mar&ed b the mo#ements of the sun, the moon and the stars. :uch of
nature follo"ed predictable rhthmic patterns 0 but not all. Catural disasters5 floods, droughts, storms,
earth%ua&es, #olcanoes, came "ithout "arning and could ha#e dire conse%uences for the famil group.
Catural ccles also brought the great msteries of birth, death, and sic&ness.
>umans2 highl e#ol#ed abilit to percei#e and imagine the "orld around them pro#ided a distinct
sur#i#al ad#antage. >o"e#er, it also resulted in a compulsion to e*plain "h e#erthing is the "a it is.
.uriosit gi#es rise to both scientific e*ploration, and religious reasoning (mth ma&ing). 1hen data are
a#ailable, logic pro#ides a cause and effect e*planation. 1hen data are lac&ing, incomplete, or
e%ui#ocal, "e still "ant ans"ers 0 and this leads to speculation, to the proFection of human
characteristics and interests, resulting in beliefs Sa belief is something held to be factualItrue in the
absence of e#idenceT.
!n 1@th .entur )urope, the method of ac%uiring &no"ledge "e no" call ,cience came into being. !n
part, this ne" "a of loo&ing at the "orld "as a conse%uence of the ;rotestant Reformation "hich
demonstrated the fallibilit of religious authorit. ,cientific in#estigation "as also spurred on b the
acceleration of international trade, e*ploration, and con%uest. These forces dro#e ad#ances in5
mathematics, astronom, and chronometr for na#igation6 optics6 material science for ne" trade goods
and better tools6 mining6 and industrial processes. !ncreasing &no"ledge of ho" the "orld "or&s
became the underpinning of a ne" socio0economic sstem that continues to this da.
The scientific method initiall "as based on "hat "ere inherentl religious premises 0

U +od is rational, not capricious6
U nature (+odEs creation) operates b a fi*ed set of un#aring principles "hich can be studied and
understood6 and
U all natural phenomena ha#e a cause "hich can be deduced logicall from the processes of the
natural "orld.
:athematics became the &e to understanding nature, and the most po"erful demonstration of the age
"as Ce"ton2s abilit to predict precisel the motions of the planets.
The results of the scientific re#olution are ob#ious. )#er maFor technological inno#ation and
con#enience "e ta&e for granted in our dail li#es is the result of the scientific e*ploration of the
1'
uni#erse around us follo"ing a structured process of as&ing %uestions, prediction, testing, obser#ation,
and #alidation. >o"e#er, despite the fact that our modern li#es depend on it, Rationalism, the idea that
the uni#erse can be studied and e*plained b the methods of science, has ne#er reall caught on "ith the
maForit of humans. :ost people see natural e#ents as someho" personal, and purposeful. ,ho"ing that
natural phenomena ha#e natural causes is a demonstration that +od is not directl in#ol#ed. This comes
too close to saing 7ou can2t ha#e a personal god.8 ;eople "ant to belie#e that the can influence
e#ents in their li#es b supplication to a supernatural po"er. Rationalism places responsibilit for our
actions (and their conse%uences) bac& on the indi#idual. There is no appeal (in either sense of the "ord).
1hen e*planations of the natural "orld become inter"o#en "ith, and integral to, ans"ers for the great
%uestions, or the nature of the di#ine, then conflicts arise. Marious faith traditions ha#e gi#en phsical
dimensions to deities, mthical e#ents, and promised end times "hich are unsupportable b scientific
in#estigation. !f one aspect of a belief sstem is called into %uestion 0 or is negated b scientific
obser#ation 0 then it can call into %uestion the entire belief sstem. If the *arden of Eden did not exist!
then the stor# of original sin is just that! a stor#. %nd if original sin is a fiction! how can there be
salvation& %nd without salvation! how can there be eternal life& 4nce one part of a mthic tradition
collapses, the entire fabric of belief can unra#el 0 unless reinforced b other rationali9ations. Belief in a
personal, in#ol#ed deit is so satisfing, so essential, that itEs "orth promoting erroneous arguments
against science and the &no"ledge of the natural "orld that science brings. Belief in a personal god
negates an moti#ation for people to become scientificall literate.
)#olutionar biologist, ,tephen R. +ould, proposed that science and religion constituted separate and
separable "as of &no"ing 0 7non0o#erlapping magisteria8. !n this conception, the t"o approaches to
&no"ledge need ne#er be in conflict as the address different areas of human in%uir. The realit is #er
different than this ideal. !t is significant that at the start of the 21st .entur nearl -0A of Americans
profess a belief in a god, and (0A don2t &no" that the )arth re#ol#es around the sun and ta&es one ear
to complete a circuit (,cientific American, 200@). According to a 2001 sur#e b the Cational Academ
of ,cience, nearl @0A of Americans do not understand the basics of the scientific method6 and full
(GA said that their &no"ledge of the de#elopment of life on )arth Vcame from religious teaching.V !n
200G, the Cational ,cience Koundation reported that the public2s &no"ledge of science in the $nited
,tates is not impro#ing. ,ur#e respondentsE abilit to ans"er most %uestions about science has
remained essentiall unchanged since the 1--0s, "ith one e*ception5 more people no" &no" that
antibiotics do not &ill #iruses. .on#ersel, belief in pseudoscience 0 astrolog, e*tra sensor perception,
crstal healing, and alien encounters 0 is on the rise.
,cience brings clarit and increasingl certain understandings. But it also brings ambiguit and
recognition of uncertaint B scientific e*planations are al"as tentati#e. Kor someone "ho see&s
absolutes, science can be unner#ing. ,cience e*poses the comple*it of the "orld around us, anathema
to those "ho "ant onl simple ans"ers.
Cot e#er faith tradition is threatened b the methods and understandings of the natural "orld pro#ided
b science. !n his 200( boo&, The $ni#erse in a ,ingle Atom, the =alai Dama states5 ,If scientific
analsis were conclusivel to demonstrate certain claims in #uddhism to be false" then we must
accept the findings of science and abandon those claims", he writes. No one who wants to understand
the world ,can ignore the basic insights of theories as ke as evolution" relativit and -uantum
mechanics.,
!n the .hristian "orld, no lesser figure than =r. :artin Duther ?ing Rr. (1-/1) noted5 *oftmindedness
often invades religion. ... *oftminded persons have revised the #eautitudes to read ,#lessed are the
pure in ignorance. for the shall see /od., +his has led to a widespread belief that there is a conflict
1G
between science and religion. #ut this is not true. +here ma be a conflict between softminded
religionists and toughminded scientists" but not between science and religion. ... *cience investigates)
religion interprets. *cience gives humankind knowledge which is power) religion gives humankind
wisdom which is control. *cience deals mainl with facts) religion deals mainl with values. +he two
are not rivals. +he are complementar.
Rules for &oral 'eha(ior
All social species ha#e beha#iors that promote the stabilit and securit of the immediate group, be it
herd, troop, or tribe. These beha#iors include dominance hierarchies, mating preferences, access to
specific foods, defensi#e response to e*ternal threats, and leadership of group mo#ements. These
beha#iors appear mostl to be 7hard "ired8 into indi#iduals, although in certain primates more comple*
social beha#iors (e.g., cooperation, compassion, trust) are at least partl learned. !n some of our closest
relati#es "e ha#e obser#ations of food sharing, use of simple tools to impro#e food suppl and %ualit,
and #arious coerci#e measures to reduce male aggression (e.g., b female bonobos). A &e element of
comple* cooperati#e strategies is the abilit to put oneself into the mind of another. ;schologists call
this abilit to understand "hat someone else is feeling a 7Theor of :ind.8 :odern human children
begin to de#elop this abilit around age 2, but it isnEt full de#eloped until age /. 4ur primate cousins,
the chimpan9ees, bonobos, and baboons ha#e at least a rudimentar form of this characteristic.
Homo neanderthalensis apparentl cared for elderl and inFured indi#iduals, and buried their dead "ith
great respect (Tattersall, 1--(). Ceanderthal remains sho" a high fre%uenc of fractures (ribs, spine,
fibula, s&ull) possibl due to the highl phsical and aggressi#e hunting strategies the emploed. 4ften
the bone fractures are healed and sho" little sign of infection, suggesting that the inFured indi#iduals
"ere cared for until the reco#ered. .learl, moral beha#ior "as in place long before our species
arri#ed on the scene.
Di&e religion, moral beha#ior can be difficult to define in a "a that all "ould agree. :oralit and
moral conduct are tpicall defined in terms of right and "rong beha#iors, but al"as "ithin the conte*t
of a social group. !n a religious conte*t, actions are sometimes referred to as good and e#il. These
terms ha#e meaning onl in a human frame"or&, and cannot legitimatel be ascribed to other social
species, or to nature at large. >urricanes, as much as the ma cause us harm, are not e#il, although
man peoples, ancient and modern "ould term destructi#e natural e#ents the "or& of e#il spirits or
angr deities. 4ften, moralit means a code of conduct held to be authoritati#e, "hether b societ,
philosoph, religion, or indi#idual conscience. According to this #ie", moral beha#ior is not absolute,
but arises in response to cultural norms and e*pectations. )#er human culture for the past @(,000W
ears has had to figure out ho" to balance the needs of the group "ith the selfish desires of indi#idual
group members, creating the 7,ocial .ontract8 (Ardre, 1-@0). There is constant tension bet"een the
desire of the indi#idual for personal benefit and gratification, and the group for cohesion and stabilit.
This social contract has necessitated the de#elopment of comple* social rules to go#ern comple*,
non07hard0"ired8 beha#iors. To this end, e#er human culture has de#eloped rules for proper beha#ior 0
"ithin that culture. An e*ample of the lac& of a uni#ersal moral code is the 2011 decision b a number
of "estern and Arab nations to impose a 7no0fl 9one8 o#er Diba. :ost (not all) countries ga#e at least
lip ser#ice to a condemnation of .olonel :oamar Qaddafi2s #iolence against his o"n people. ,ome
countries "ere "illing to allo" an act of genocide occur for reasons that ranged from a belief that
militar force should ne#er be used against another countr, to a fear of being in#ol#ed in an unending
conflict in a failed state.
1hat "ere the forces dri#ing the de#elopment of human moral beha#ior3 1hen did moralit arise
1(
among the hominids3 The in#ention of ne" rules for enhanced cooperation "ithin human groups
"ould ha#e paralleled increases in brain si9e. Darger brains meant more difficult labor and deli#er,
"ith the oung being born less mature. This in turn led to a longer childhood re%uiring adult nurturing
and protection, and the teaching of comple* social 7rules8. The trend to"ard larger brains began "ith
homo erectus. 1e &no" that homo erectus li#ed in groups in man different climatic 9ones, made and
used stone tools, probabl hunted small game (as "ell as sca#enging the &ills of other animals), and
e#entuall learned ho" to control fire. This implies a comple*it of social organi9ation beond all
present da non0human primates.
The abilit for smbolic thought and speech, the control of fire, and the in#ention of carring de#ices
(s&in bags, "o#en reedsIgrasses, e#en large lea#es) allo"ed earl humans to create ne" forms of
subsistence based on a centrali9ed 7camp8 and foraging parties. Anthropologist, Richard Borsa Dee
(1-@-) proposed the concept of 7resource e%change as the basis behind much of modern human moral
beha#ior. 1hen "e loo& at other primate species "e note that indi#iduals act largel in their o"n self0
interest "hen it comes to the dail acti#ities of food gathering and consumption. Kood items are
consumed on the spot, and sharing is limited b constraints of culture and phsical abilities. >uman
foraging groups, ho"e#er, operate on a totall different model. !ndi#iduals go out dail to gather plant
foods or to hunt and, "hile some food ma be consumed on the spot, most is collected and brought bac&
to central camp "here it is shared out in an e%uitable fashion among all group members. These ne"
forms of subsistence made it possible to gi#e e*tended care to the oung, the elderl, and the infirm.
Homo sapiens ha#e been able to dominate the planet, and to li#e and thri#e in more en#ironments than
an other higher plant or animal species (bacteria are at home in more places across the globe than
humans). This is because "e e#ol#ed the abilit to "or& together in small social groups for the common
benefit, "hich in turn promoted the de#elopment of ne" technologies (fire, clothing, comple* tools,
d"ellings, domestication of plants and animals). !n humans, imagination allo"s us to predict multiple
outcomes for an specific action. !ndi#idual humans, in see&ing to ma*imi9e personal gratification or
status, e*ercise a much broader range of actions matched to #aried social situations than members of
other hominid species. This range of intentional actions is "hat philosophers and theologians "ould
term 7free "ill8.
These remar&able adaptations had a number of positi#e conse%uences for our species (and probabl for
ancestral human species as "ell). The de#elopment of an e*change econom pa#ed the "a for more
and more comple* societies and methods of subsistence. These comple*ities in turn dro#e the
de#elopment of e%uall comple* rules of beha#ior to retain the cohesion of the basic human group.
4ur closest relati#es amongst the primates (chimps, bonobos, baboons, gorillas) li#e in relati#el small
groups. Baboon troops of up to 1(0 indi#iduals ha#e been obser#ed, although most primate groups
rarel e*ceed (0 indi#iduals. .learl, cultural factors ha#e supplanted the limitations of our biolog.
>umans, on the other hand, ha#e created e*traordinaril large cooperati#e groups. >ill, et al. (2011)
identif se#eral distincti#e features of human societies #ersus the other primates5
human groups are al"as part of nested structures of alliances6 most primate societies are are
independent, single0group structures.
nearl all human groups are communities of families formed b monogamous partners, a pattern
not seen in other primates.
in most primates, either the males or females mo#e as adolescents into ne" groups6 brothers and
sisters stop interacting around pubert. !n humans, strong familial ties bet"een siblings are life0
long.
1<
bonobos and chimps are se*uall promiscuous, and patrilineal &in do not recogni9e each other.
The human famil group re%uired to nurture children o#er an e*tensi#e time period led to
enduring associations bet"een mothers and fathers. .hildren not onl &ne" "ho their fathers
are, the also &no" their fatherEs relati#es. >umans maintain preferential bonds "ith their in0
la"s.
Thus, humans ha#e created a nested set of genealogical groups. As oung males and females mo#ed
into other human groups, the carried these famil ties "ith them, e*tending the bonds of &inship and
alle#iating inter0group conflicts.
Coren9aan and ,hariff (200/) note5
0'ultural evolution" driven b between(group competition for resources and habitats" has favored
large groups. However" large groups" which until recentl lacked institutionali&ed social(monitoring
mechanisms" are vulnerable to collapse because of high rates of freeloading 1/intis" et al." 2334). If
unwavering and pervasive belief in morali&ing gods buffered against such freeloading" then belief in
such gods should be more likel in in larger human groups where the threat of freeloading is most
acute.
1e can2t &no" the specific social rules our remote ancestors li#ed b, or "hen the first came into
e*istence. 1e can, ho"e#er, get a hint of the di#ersit of moral and ethical sstems that must ha#e
e*isted around the "orld b loo&ing at toda2s foraging peoples.The small hunter0gatherer bands of
HhuIt"asi of the ?alahari =esert region ha#e a "ell de#eloped cosmolog and set of beliefs, but
their approach to setting rules of conduct for indi#iduals and the group is based on practical realit,
not di#ine edict. 1hen as&ed about "here their rules of beha#ior come from, a member of the group
"ill ans"er that, 7it2s custom8, or 7that is the "a it has al"as been done.8 There is little concept of
o"nership amongst these desert d"ellers as "e thin& of the term in "estern cultures. Being nomads
"ho carr on their bac&s all their "orldl possessions, the HhuIt"asi do not ha#e a sense of pri#ate
propert 0 of 7mine #s. ours.8 >andcrafted items are e*changed freel and "ith regularit 0 this
open e*change being an important component in cementing cooperation among members of a group
and bet"een groups. A group that inhabits a particular range consists of a famil core, the &8ausi,
that belong to that particular territor. This tpe of o"nership is hereditar. !f one HhuIt"asi group
enters the resource area of another group, custom dictates that the as& permission to gather food or,
especiall, "ater. ;ermission is almost ne#er refused because of &in ties, but reciprocit is e*pected.
Kamil decisions are based on consensus, and more "eight is gi#en to e*perience and "isdom than
to gender "hen ma&ing a decision. Both men and "omen can be healers, going into trances to enter
the spirit "orld "here the see& to dri#e out the source of affliction in a group member ta&en ill.
1omen ha#e the principle role in rearing oung children, but fathers displa great affection for their
offspring, plaing "ith them and la#ishing them "ith phsical attention. Acts of #iolence (e.g.,
murder, rape) bet"een group members, "hile not unheard of, are rare. The e*tended famil group
uses shame and ridicule to &eep indi#iduals from acting in a selfish manner.
Aboriginal Australians tend to"ard patrilocal (male dominated) societies. Their moral sstem is based
on their intimate lin& to the natural "orld "hich supplies all their needs. =ail life for the aborigines is a
continuation of their creation stor. !n the remote past, during a period "hich has been translated into
"estern languages as 7The =reamtime8, the spirit ancestors caused the "orld to come into being and, as
these ancestral spirits mo#ed o#er the face of the )arth the 7sang8 into e*istence all of the natural
features "e see around us toda 0 the roc&s, hills, la&es, ri#ers, plants, animals, and people. 1hen the
1@
time of creation "as complete, the spirits merged "ith the natural forms the created, and d"ell there
still. Krom these stories the aborigines ha#e assumed the obligation to respect and care for the natural
"orld as the respect and care for each other. !n the "ords of Rim Barripang custodian of the +olpa
Tribe2s territor and traditions (Moight and =rur, 1--/)5
7!borigine cant make law. It come from long time ago) from the 5irst +ime. It can never change)
alwas the same. 6ur culture can never change" our 7aw can never change. 6nl people can change.
+he born... the die. #ut the law stas the same. 8ach person is responsible for 7aw) for culture.
,ometimes rules of beha#ior are ascribed to the gods and set out in mths6 sometimes the are the edicts
of rulers and priestesses6 sometimes the origins of an gi#en rule ma be lost to memor. :an
authoritarian religions impose specific rules of conduct on their follo"ers. These include5 the ,haria
(Da") in !slam6 the 7Da"s of :oses8 in conser#ati#e Rudaism and .hristianit6 ;apal decrees for
modern .atholics6 or re#elations of the ;resident of the .hurch of Datter =a ,aints. Tradition and
belief hold that these rules are handed do"n b +od through the agenc of one or more prophetsI
authorities. Along "ith the imposed rules comes the implied or e*plicit threat of punishment for
disobedience. ,ometimes this punishment is meted out immediatel b religious authorities6 at other
times the punishment is deferred to an afterlife, and sometimes a maFor calamit (e.g., a hurricane) is
claimed to be punishment for either indi#idual or group transgressions. 4ther religions and traditions
set more generali9ed e*pectations for beha#ior (e.g., 7the 1a8 of .onfucianism) and lea#e it up to
indi#idual adherents to find their o"n moral path and balance "ithin the conte*t of their social group or
communit.
Bering (200<) reports on a stud of college undergraduates. Three groups of students "ere told that the
"ould be ta&ing a computeri9ed test of spatial intelligence. The "ere also told that, due to a glitch in
the computer program, the correct ans"er to a %uestion might randoml appear on the screen. !f this
happened, students "ere as&ed to press the space bar immediatel to clear the screen. !n addition, one
group "as told a stor about a graduate student in#ol#ed in the stud "ho had died suddenl, and "hoEs
ghost had been seen in the testing room. A second group "as gi#en a simple memorial statement about
the grad student6 "hile the third group "as not told anthing. !n the test, students "ho "ere told the
ghost stor pressed the space bar significantl faster than students in the other groups. ,imilar tests "ith
people of all ages document that if people belie#e the are being "atched, the "ill be less li&el to
cheat on a tas&.. )#en a picture of a pair of ees placed in a room is enough to act as a deterrent to
cheating B and the ees donEt e#en ha#e to be human.
The benefit that belief in an in#ol#ed deit brings in curbing indi#idualsE natural inclination to cheat or
freeload, can easil turn negati#e. !tEs a small step from the belief that 7+od "ill punish me if ! do
"rong8 to 7if ! do no "rong, +od "ill not punish me.8 The problem "ith this apparentl minor
semantic change is that if misfortune does occur, it is ta&en as a sign that someone has done some
un&no"n "rong. The Biblical 4ld Testament is replete "ith stories rationali9ing the recurring con%uests
and defeats of the >ebre"s as a failure to ha#e li#ed up to the e*pectations of their +od.
Ceuropschologist, Rames 1. ;rescott (1-@() e*amined attributes related to #iolence in G- traditional
cultures as "ell as 20th .entur Americans. >e found that societies "hich gi#e their infants the greatest
amount of phsical affection, and those "hich accept or tolerate premarital se*ual freedom for oung
people ha#e less theft and #iolence among adults. .ultures "hich inflict pain on infants and condemn
premarital and e*tramarital se* are much more li&el to5 practice sla#er, polgn, and "ife purchase6
e*perience interpersonal #iolence (including rape)6 demean "omen6 substitute drugs and alcohol for
se*ual pleasure6 and belie#e that pain helps build strong moral character. Rigid #alues of monogam,
1/
chastit, and #irginit strongl correlate "ith high le#els of phsical #iolence in a societ. .ultures
practicing phsical affection tend to ha#e more open and accepting religious beliefs. .ultures "hich
engage in regular phsical punishment of children and shun phsical affection bet"een adults are much
more li&el to "orship an angr, punishing deit. ,ocial net"or&s researcher, Raime ,ettle, and
colleagues at the $ni#ersit of .alifornia at ,an =iego, found that American teens "ith a #ariant of a
dopamine receptor gene, &no"n as +,+--,., "ere significantl more li&el than others to describe
themsel#es as 7liberal8 (2010). This gene #ariant has been associated "ith no#elt see&ing and liberals
are #ie"ed as being more progressi#e and more recepti#e to ne" ideas. A critical mediating factor in
this tendenc, ho"e#er, "as the number of friends a teen reported B loners "ere more li&el to be
politicall conser#ati#e than their no#elt see&ing peers. Thus, there is a suggestion that moral "orld
#ie"s ma ha#e at least a small genetic component.
!n the end, ho"e#er, all moral codes e#er spo&en or "ritten ha#e come from the minds and hands of
human beings. Regardless of the di#ine inspiration "e ma choose to assign to an set of moral
principles, "e ma&e up the rules our societ needs for an set of circumstances. Through pla and
e*ploration, our oung learn aspects of moral beha#ior. Another "a "e learn is to "atch the beha#iors
of the adults in our li#es, follo"ing the adage, 7actions spea& louder than "ords.8
!n a modern, pluralistic societ it is possible to ha#e multiple moral #ie"points and beha#iors 0 all #alid.
There is often broad latitude in interpretation of the rules and their applicabilit to meet the e*pectations
of the culture "ithin "hich the religious communit resides. A set of rules that are #alid and necessar in
one age ma become un"ield or inappropriate as a societ and its composition changes. This means
that our specific moral codes "ill change o#er time as the nature and comple*it of our social
organi9ations changes. Kor e*amples of the e#olution of moral sstems and modern religions from
earlier traditions, see The +reat Transformation b ?aren Armstrong (200<). 4ur globe0girdling
communication and economic entanglements bring challenges to modern human societies that "ere
"holl unanticipated Fust t"o decades ago. :odern technolog "hich brings us cber0"arfare, identit
theft, genetic modification of food, genome mapping and gene therap re%uires that "e constantl come
up "ith ne" rules and means of enforcement that our species is not "ell prepared to do.
A further definition of moralit goes beond the pragmatic and refers to an ideali9ed code of conduct,
one "hich "ould be embraced in preference to alternati#es b all rational people. >o"e#er, people
rarel beha#e rationall, at least not for #er long, nor ha#e "e e#er been able to escape our cultural
imprinting. !nterestingl, all the "orld2s maFor religions of the present da promote a consistent moral
doctrine. 1e &no" this doctrine as +he /olden 9ule 0 7"hat ou don2t "ant others to do to ou, don2t
do to them.8 As the great Rabbi >illel, a contemporar of Resus of Ca9areth, noted5 7This is the entire
Da", all the rest is commentar.8 The +olden Rule neither prescribes nor proscribes specific actions.
Rather, it calls upon indi#iduals to understand ho" their actions affect others, and to determine ho" best
to "or& for the good of the group. The +olden Rule calls for respect, not fear, of others and for the "as
the meet common human needs and aspirations. This ideal moral doctrine, "hile eas to state, has
pro#en incredibl difficult for an societ to implement. $nli&e e#er da moral sstems, the +olden
Rule must be embraced b each indi#idual as an inherentl right form of beha#ior6 it cannot be imposed
or coerced b outside authorit. 1hile the +olden Rule admonishes us not to fear others, our basic
human nature dri#es a fear response to people "ho are not part of our &in group. 4ften, adherence to the
e*plicit rules of a faith tradition conflicts "ith actions that "ould be e*pected under the +olden Rule in
the "orld of di#erse cultures and traditions.
1-
Identity - Indi(idual and )rou
The section on the great %uestions demonstrated the pschological need of all humans for an e*press
identit. !n earl foraging societies, this identit "as pro#ided b the social group, the e*tended famil,
the tribe. The "orld for an indi#idual in these groups "as greatl proscribed B the hills and #alles, or a
strip of coastline "ithin ( or < dasE "al&, and onl those closel related groups of people "ho inhabited
them. :aintaining a tightl &nit group has a strong e#olutionar basis. !ndi#iduals are more li&el to
beha#e altruisticall to"ard those "ith "hom the ha#e the closest ties, thus protecting a common gene
pool. The greater the difference of one group from another in terms of beha#iors and phsical
appearance, the more these 7others8 are percei#ed as a threat. Kor our ancestors, strangers could
destabili9e the close0&nit group structure. The represented competition for the group2s food and "ater
resources. The might also be percei#ed as being a potential threat to phsical safet. .lose &in groups,
those "ith "hom mates "ere e*changed on a regular basis, represented #er little threat, and could e#en
be called upon for aid in times of need (drought, famine, conflict). Danguage, customs, bod adornment
(tattoos, Fe"eler), clothing stle, hair stle, all ser#ed to distinguish friend from foe. ,omeone outside
the &in group "ho spo&e differentl, had different phsical features, "ore different ornaments and dress,
or "orshiped different deities, "as a competitor for food or mates. The simple e*pedient "as to chase
such strangers a"a, or e#en &ill them. This is the "a homo sapiens beha#ed for -(A of our histor.
!n ancient cultures there "as no distinction made bet"een religious identit and social group identit,
because there "ould be a uniformit of beliefs across the local communit or group. 1hate#er the
stories, the legends, the %uestions and e*planations, and beliefs of the famil group, the filled out the
"orld #ie" of each group member and became "o#en into their sense of self. Cor did earl humans
ha#e alternati#e social groups to gi#e them identit, as "e do toda. ,hared rituals, dressIornaments,
incantations, and stories (mths) strongl supported both indi#idual and group identit. 7! am a member
of the Bear .lan.8 71e are the children of the :other +oddess.8 The shaman 0 or intercessor "ith the
spirit "orld 0 ser#ed all e%uall.
;ersonal identit is an indi#idual phenomenon, Fust as group identit is limited to the group. As groups
get larger, the split, often subtl, into multiple groups. These groups ma share broad traits (beliefs,
rituals, dress) in common, but de#elop their o"n uni%ue 7local8 identit b "hich members identif and
interact "ith each other. Coren9aan and ,hariff (200/) in their o#er#ie" of the origin and e#olution of
religious prosocialit, comment that 7stricter8 religious sects tend to ha#e higher le#els of attendance
and greater monetar contributions (e#en if follo"ers ha#e lo"er incomes) than less strict sects. The
also %uote from one stud of religious and secular communes in 1-
th
.entur America. The religious
communes studied imposed t"ice as man costl re%uirements on their members (in social terms) than
secular ones. These re%uirements included5 food taboos and fasts, and constraints on material
possessions, marriage, se*, and contact "ith the outside "orld. !n short, religious communes re%uired
that their members deri#e their indi#idual identities solel from membership in the commune. The
religious communes tended to ha#e significantl greater longe#it, regardless of religious or
philosophical doctrine, than the secular ones. 1hile the results of this stud sho" onl correlation, not
causalit, the are highl suggesti#e of the po"er of identit as a 7glue8 for holding groups together.
,tar& (200/), in his sur#e of religion in America, found that 7strict churches that re%uire members to
li#e according to certain moral rules are popular because their members are more committed to the
churchEs success.8 :embers of strict churches (bans on pornograph, abortion, and premarital se*)
report better attendance, more tithing, and more friends from "ithin the congregation. 1illing
acceptance of these strict rules had to "ith more than Fust the social contract bet"een the group and each
member. !f ou ha#e one dominant source for our personal identit, ou "ill hold a strong allegiance
to that group, regardless of the demands made on ou. !f ou ha#e t"o or more groups to feed our
20
personal identit, then ou are more li&el to mo#e our allegiance to the group(s) "hose social contract
is more fa#orable to ou as an indi#idual.
;eople can also be dra"n together if their chosen beliefs and ritual practices are at odds "ith the larger
communit the li#e in and the are #ie"ed discriminatoril. )uropean Re"s, follo"ing the Roman
period and the final destruction of their temple in Rerusalem, "ere singled out for abuse b both secular
and religious authorities because the refused to gi#e up or modif their rituals and beliefs. B holding
to these beliefs and practices, the Re"s "ere able to retain a strong sense of group and indi#idual identit
in spite of #arious pogroms o#er the centuries that sought their e*termination. Because of this strong
sense of identit, Rudaism toda remains one of the "orldEs great religions. Cati#e American peoples
ha#e also sought recentl to reclaim the belief sstems and practices of their ancestors as a "a of
establishing a uni%ue identit "ithin modern 21
st
.entur American societ.
Ritual is a po"erful tool for maintaining social cohesion and stabilit, and for promoting a strong group
identit. +roups "ith highl rituali9ed practices (churches, the militar, fraternal organi9ations) generate
considerable loalt among their adherents. Kor the better part of a centur, American public school
children ha#e been re%uired to recite the ;ledge to the Klag dail under the assumption that this "ill
inspire loalt to the countr. !n earl .hristian churches, onl members "ho had undergone the long
period of indoctrination and e*orcism leading to baptism could parta&e of the )ucharist meal or enter
;aradise (Broc& and ;ar&er, 200/).
Ritual practices ha#e also been used to e*clude outsiders, those "ho ha#e not been initiated, reinforcing
our innate *enophobia, the fear of people "ho are someho" different from 7us8. ,e#ent millennia
ago, being able to distinguish bet"een group members and outsiders "as highl ad#antageous as it
protected a specific set of genetic characteristics and a finite set of phsical resources. >o"e#er, in an
age of global trade and the abilit to "age global "ar "ith "eapons of mass destruction, this tendenc
to"ard *enophobia is not onl counterproducti#e, it2s do"nright dangerous. >umans ha#e come up
"ith some remar&able sstems for controlling beha#ior so that "e can li#e and "or& together in large
communities (religion being one e*ample) 0 but "e ha#en2t et left our basic primate natures behind.
!n modern times, the shared identit pro#ided b religious affiliation is one of the strongest forces in
peoples2 li#es. !ndi#iduals identif "ith the rituals of communal praer, meditation, fasting, pilgrimages,
liturgical music and art, and the reciting of sacred te*ts. ;raer, not onl in church ser#ices, but before
ci#ic meetings, or at the dinner table, also ser#es to strengthen group identit B a statement that 7"e
share the same beliefs and "ords.8 .on#ersel, religious rituals can also promote *enophobia,
especiall "hen the promote and reinforce the 7us #s. them8 mentalit. The more a faith tradition
defines and clings to a rigid and authoritarian doctrine, then the more other faith traditions 0 "ith
different doctrines and beliefs 0 are #ie"ed as threatening. >o" can one be assured of ha#ing the
absolute truth if ou ha#e to ac&no"ledge the e*istence (and possible #alidit) of competing truths3
Kor centuries, the .atholic .hurch enforced a rigid adherence to orthodo* and absolute authorit of
pope and priesthood. )*ecutions of 7heretics8, defined as anone "ho held theological #ie"s different
than the entrenched leadership, "ere commonplace. )#en "hen the .rusades introduced )urope to the
!slamic "orld, and "hen trade "ith distant lands brought tra#elers into contact "ith 7e*otic8 belief
sstems, the .hristian church authoritati#el declared these beliefs to be false. !n 1G((, ;ope Cicholas
M issued a ;apal Bull, 9omanus :ontife%, "hich ga#e to ?ing Alphonso M of ;ortugal the right 7to
in#ade, search out capture, #an%uish, and subdue all ,aracens and pagans "hatsoe#er, and other enemies
of .hrist "heresoe#er placed8 and to ta&e 7all mo#able and immo#able goods "hatsoe#er held and
possessed b them and to reduce their persons to perpetual sla#er, and to appl and appropriate to
himself and his successors... and to con#ert them to his and their use and profit.8
21
!t "as onl in the mid01(00s ..)., "hen members of the clerg themsel#es became incensed "ith the
secular e*cesses of the church, that centrali9ed church authorit "as finall bro&en. >o"e#er, the
;rotestant Reformation ser#ed onl to replace one authoritarian sstem "ith multiple ones, each see&ing
to control the beliefs and actions of a de#oted group of follo"ers and to denigrate non0.hristians.
,ome cultures chose a path other than proselti9ation. !n the 1(
th
.entur .. )., the .hinese :ing
=nast launched se#en #oages of trade and e*ploration under Admiral Hheng >e "ith the goal of
establishing trade "ith and cataloging the di#erse cultures around the !ndian 4cean and the southern
;acific (Mi#iano, 200(). Kollo"ing these encounters, the :ing imperial courts chose to ta&e their land
into isolation, and most records of these #oages "ere destroed as the empire fell into decline. The
.hinese cultural identit "as preser#ed b closing off contact "ith the outside "orld.
+i#en the plethora of religious traditions, beliefs, and practices that ha#e occurred across the globe o#er
the breadth of human histor, it is clear that there has ne#er been one singular Right 1a or Truth. )ach
culture has defined for itself "hat is meaningful, and the people of that culture ha#e established their
personal identities accordingl.
*ommunity and "ocial "ta+ility
4ne of the most significant benefits of religion for people, regardless of belief sstem, is the sense of
communit cohesion and support. >umans after all are a highl sociali9ed species of animal. 1e thri#e
in association "ith famil and friends, and suffer "hen isolated. Research b staff of the =u&e
$ni#ersit .enter for ,piritualit, Theolog, and >ealth bears directl on this point. ;eople "ith strong
religious beliefs and regular church attendance "ere sho"n in one stud to ha#e lo"er blood pressure,
stronger immune sstems, lo"er mortalit rates from cancer and heart disease, and slo"er mental
decline "hen diagnosed "ith Al9heimer2s =isease. Regular church goers also reco#ered faster from
depression and "ere less li&el to become seriousl depressed (?oenig, 200@). .learl, organi9ed
religion pro#ides measurable benefits in some people2 li#es.
>o"e#er, another stud b this same group of researchers loo&ed at @G/ patients undergoing
percutaneous coronar inter#ention or electi#e catheteri9ation in nine medical centers in the $.,. !n the
stud, '@1 patients "ere praed for and '@@ recei#ed no praer (at least no praer from the assigned
intercessors in this stud). The findings indicated no difference for those praed for (#s. not praed for)
on the li&elihood of in0hospital maFor ad#erse cardio#ascular e#ents. ,imilarl, the in#estigators
concluded that neither distant intercessor praer nor touch therap had discernible effects on5 the rate
of healing after surger6 <0month readmission rates, or death6 or <0month maFor ad#erse cardio#ascular
e#ents (?rucoff, et al., 200() . !n other "ords, unsolicited intercessor praer doesnEt "or&. The true
#alue of religion apparentl lies in the sense of shared communit, and positi#e mental attitude that it
fosters, and not intercession "ith the supernatural.
:an social factors can affect the health of an indi#idual, and institutions beond an organi9ed religion
or church can pla a comparable role in pro#iding a sense of communit. ,e#eral studies ha#e found that
people "ho hold multiple social roles tend to e*hibit better phsical or mental health, although these
effects are not necessaril consistent across different socio0economic or ethnic groups, and can #ar b
gender as "ell. The nature of the #arious roles is an important determinant of an health benefit (see for
e*ample5 >ouse, et al., 1-//). .ertain tpes of emploment also ha#e a strong influence on health, as
does marriage (although to a lesser degree). ;arenthood is not an independent measure of health status
and must be considered along "ith factors such as marriage status or financial securit. The pattern
seems to be, the more connected "e are, the more comfortable "e are in our social roles6 and the more
22
"e feel financiall secure, the less stressed "e are. .ertainl the medical profession &no"s that
reduced stress is an important contributor to good health.
,utting it all Together
Religion seems to be an una#oidable conse%uence of those e#ol#ed traits that pro#ided sur#i#al
ad#antages for modern humans. Belief in supernatural causation of natural phenomena, and assignment
of human (or animal) characteristics to the supernatural forces "ere a logical outgro"th of the increased
si9e and comple*it of the modern human brain. 1ith the de#elopment of comple* smbolic thought
(and speech), imagination, curiosit, pattern see&ing abilit, and agent detection, 7religious8 thought
"ould be a predictable outcome. !t is hard to concei#e that the human brain2s abilit to achie#e a
transcendental state conferred a sur#i#al or reproducti#e ad#antage on our earl ancestors. After all,
going into trances or imbibing pschoacti#e substances is not a normal state of being. Cor "ould all
members of a famil or tribal group participate in the process 0 someone has to stand "atch. Beliefs and
rituals do not sta#e off predators in the night or enhance food gathering abilities. Rather, the abilit of
the human mind to achie#e a transcendental state on occasion must simpl ha#e been a coincidental b0
product of our highl e#ol#ed brains and sensor organs.
The functions ser#ed b religion correspond to needs that define us as human beings. 1e "ouldn2t be
human if "e didn2t %uestion the "orld around us, and our place in it. 1e "ouldn2t be human if "e could
sur#i#e easil "ithout a stable social group. 1e "ouldn2t be human if "e didn2t occasionall push the
en#elope of acceptable beha#ior, or implore the forces controlling the "orld to ma&e our personal
"ishes come true.
Religion pro#ides for man human needs, but often our religious beliefs pre#ent us from confronting
"ho "e reall are. 1e cannot escape our roots. 1e can change our names, our place of residence, our
Fobs, e#en our religious affiliation6 but "e can2t change the realit that "e are Fust an e#ol#ed primate.
Doo& at our closest simian relati#es6 "e differ from them in %uantitati#e, not %ualitati#e, "as. This is
also confirmed b comparison of the human genome "ith those of the great apes. 4ur supposedl
7modern8 thought processes and actions, "hether as indi#iduals or groups, are built on ( million ears
of e#ol#ed beha#iors.
Kor nearl <0,000 of the past @0,000 ears homo sapiens li#ed b follo"ing a foraging lifestle.
Religious beliefs and practices then li&el fell "ithin the range of belief sstems e*pressed b present
da foraging groups. !t can be supposed that the earliest humans regarded the supernatural in much the
same "a that aboriginal Australians, the Hhu T"asi of southern Africa, or the Ba:buti of central Africa
do e#en toda. Kor these people, e#er tree, flo"er, hill, stream, and la&e is inhabited b an ancestral
spirit 0 a deit from the time of creation "ho still &eeps "atch o#er the "orld. Kar from being
7primiti#e8 or un0enlightened, these ancient belief sstems sho" great depth of thought and comple*it.
,peciali9ation of abilities in earl foraging groups "ould ha#e included healers and shamen along "ith
hunters, bas&et ma&ers, potters, etc. The abilit of these shamen to access the spiritual realm through
trances made them the go0bet"eens and intercessors "ith the supernatural forces.
The mo#e from hunting and gathering to an econom based on settled agriculture did not occur
suddenl, but "as affected b a slo" transition o#er the course of se#eral millennia at se#eral centers
around the globe (Balter, 200@). As religions became integrated "ith ci#ic authorit 0 a result of the
gradual de#elopment of to"ns and cities 0 the role of the religious leader changed as "ell. The
intercessor "ith the di#ine became a priest6 the temple priestIpriestess became a guide to ritual practices,
2'
no longer pro#iding a lin&age through their person directl "ith the di#ine (R. .ampbell, 1-//). Rituals
became codified in scriptural te*ts once "riting de#eloped and belief sstems gre" into organi9ed
religions. Ritual practices included5 sacrifice to, and appeasement of, the spirits or gods6 praer and
re%uests for personal intercession6 ritual "ashing6 and communion "ith, or consuming of, the god0spirit
itself. As the si9es of human groups increased, religion as an institution B "ith rituals, specified belief
sstems, and e#en a priest class de#oted to maintaining religious traditions B became ad#antageous as a
tool for enforcing the 7social contract8 bet"een indi#iduals and societ. ,upernatural authorit "as
passed on to secular authorit in the form of a &ing or other ruler. Thus, moral codes in the form of la"s
became e*plicitl associated "ith the "ishes of the di#ine.
Religions are ne#er static6 the e#ol#e and ta&e on the character of the cultures "hich adopt them.
Roseph .ampbell (1-//) also points out the recurrence of mthic elements and themes across time and
across cultures. Rudaism and earl .hristianit dre" mthic elements and themes from other, older
:editerranean and Cear )ast traditions. The creation mth in +enesis 1 dra"s from the ,umerian
Enuma Elish. The tale of :oses in the 4ld Testament parallels the legends surrounding ?ing ,argon of
A&&ad. Mirgin birth, immaculate conception, death and resurrection are found both in the stor of Resus
and in some of the first millennium B...). stories associated "ith the ;ersian +od :ithras. Kigurati#e
consumption of the flesh and blood of the deit is an outgro"th of the idea that eating specific animals
or their organs "ill confer special po"ers and abilities. Throughout most of human histor there "ere
as man different gods as there "ere cultures to concei#e of them. The idea of a singular god is a
relati#e ne"comer on the human scene. 4ne of the earliest conceptions "as the aborti#e #enture into
monotheism b the ancient )gptians under Ce" ?ingdom ;haroah A&henaton, a.&.a. Amenhotep !M
(1'(2 0 1''< B...).). The earl >ebre"s ac&no"ledged poltheism 0 the legends restated in the boo&s
of +enesis and )*odus tal& of 7elohim8 (gods in the plural sense), and of ha#ing 7no other god before
me.8 A trul monotheistic concept does not appear in Biblical te*ts until the <th .entur B...). "ith the
Boo& of ,econd !saiah. !slam incorporated into the rituals of the >aF the icons and practices from earlier
pagan beliefs found in the Arabian ;eninsula. >induism repeatedl has absorbed other belief sstems
into its practices. :on&s sent out to bring .hristianit to the forest peoples of northern )urope "ere
encouraged to reconsecrate pagan hol places and temples as .hristian churches, and to adopt local
deities as .hristian ,aints (e.g., !relandEs ,aint Brigit "as once a .eltic goddess). :an African
.hristians ha#e created a blend .hristian doctrine and traditional ancestor "orship along "ith other
aspects of ancient animist belief sstems. The basic concepts of Buddhism ha#e been modified "ith the
trappings of earlier belief sstems in Tibet and else"here. ,criptural te*ts "ritten to address social
conditions at a specific point in histor ma ha#e little rele#ance to a later era.
Religious smbols and practices onl ma&e sense in terms of the culture in "hich the gro". The
7Damb of +od8 is incomprehensible to people "ho ha#e ne#er seen sheep. The 7?ingdom of +od8 is
meaningless to people "hoE#e ne#er e*perienced a monarch. 7,acred co"s8 mean something different
to >indus and African pastoralists.
Cearl all humans ha#e the capacit to achie#e transcendental states, and indeed, people in man
cultures, from Kirst ;eoples to >indus to Buddhists acti#el see& the e*perience. 4ther religions
discourage their members from practicing msticism and direct contact "ith the di#ine outside of a
controlled group e*perience. These tend to be the authoritarian traditions found in .hristianit, Rudaism,
or !slam. Kor these faith traditions the ideas of personal re#elation 0 of competing interpretations of
scriptural te*ts 0 of multiple possible 7truths8 0 cannot be tolerated. To do so "ould ris& schism and
%uestioning of doctrine. .ertainl it "ould "ea&en centrali9ed authorit and the promises it has made to
its adherents. As )laine ;agels (200') notes elo%uentl "hen commenting on the multiple and
competing sects of earl .hristianit5
2G
7+his act of choice ( which the term heres originall meant ( leads back to the problem that
orthodo% was invented to solve. How can we tell truth from lies? What is genuine" and
connects us with one another and realit" and what is shallow" self(serving or evil? !none
who has seen foolishness" sentimentalit" delusion" or murderous rage disguised as /ods
truth knows that there is no eas answer to the problem that the ancients called discernment
of spirits. 6rthodo% tends to distrust our capacit to make such discriminations and insists
on making them for us. /iven the notorious human capacit for self(deception" we can" to
an e%tent" thank the church for this. ;an of us" wishing to be spared hard work" gladl
accept what tradition teaches.
Rationalists in the 1@th and 1/th .enturies reFected the concept of a personal god and embraced the
pre#iousl heretical notion that the goal of human life should be happiness. B the end of the 1-th
.entur, thought0leaders such as Ciet9sche and Kreud predicted that traditional religion "ould disappear
as the "orld of science unra#eled the msteries of the uni#erse. .learl that has not happened. !n 21st
.entur America -0A of the population professes some form of religious belief. 1hat is the staing
po"er of religion in the human e*perience3 1h is it still such a dominant force in the li#es of people3
The simple ans"er is that the multiple, interconnected functions of religion are as important in peoples2
li#es toda as the "ere to our ancestors. Religion is, at its heart, a response to fear 0 fear of the
un&no"n, fear of death, fear of strangers, fear of uncertaint, fear of loneliness. 1e are bombarded b
electronic images from all around the "orld and across the street "hich, if #ie"ed uncriticall, can
con#ince us that humanit is headed into chaos. The larger "orld "ith its comple*it is a terrifing
place to man.
;eople gra#itate to"ard faith traditions and churches "hich support and promote their learned biases and
#alues. =eism, the idea of an unin#ol#ed god is embraced more b intellectuals "ho see the di#ine as
surpassing human comprehension. Theism is embraced b those "ho "ant a more approachable god
"ith "hom the can ha#e a personal relationship. Those "ho are the most fearful B regardless of the
nature of that fear B "ill gra#itate to"ard the more authoritarian faith traditions. The "ant to &no" that
someone is in charge, that someone cares about them personall, and that someone "ill "atch o#er their
famil and friends, punishing transgressors. !n return, these people "ill embrace "hate#er beliefs,
rituals, and practices are necessar to assure the good graces of the di#ine. Kearful of comple*it and
the pace of modern life3 Donging for simple blac& and "hite rules3 Then a fundamentalist faith
(.hristian, Re"ish, :uslim, or >indu B the fla#or matters less than the fer#or) is for ou. Al"as
%uestioning and searching for our o"n ans"ers3 .omfortable "ith ambiguit and di#ersit of
#ie"points3 Then, ou might "ant to tr Buddhism, the Qua&ers, $nitarian $ni#ersalism, or
.onfucianism. Di&e being part of the right group and "illing to let others "restle "ith the fine points of
theolog3 Xou might feel most comfortable in a mainstream ;rotestant or .atholic congregation.
A problem arises "hen the purposes of religion 0 the functions it ser#es in human li#es 0 get out of
balance. Religion promotes indi#idual and group identit, communit stabilit, and proper norms of
beha#ior. 4n the plus side, belonging to, and being accepted b, a group impro#es health and the %ualit
of life, and also addresses some of our most basic pschological needs as a species. >o"e#er,
identifing strongl "ith one group often ma&es people see themsel#es as 7better8 than others 0 classic
*enophobia. A continuing tension e*ists bet"een strengthening communit and indi#idual identit and
the call to respect all people and their #aried belief sstems. +i#en that e#erthing is about me, "h
should ! ta&e the time to learn about others, their needs and interests3 >o" does that benefit me3 )#en
2(
"hen ! &no" that others are loo&ing out for m interests, isnEt that the "a it should be3 1h should !
reciprocate, especiall "hen ! might be incon#enienced3
Religion is beneficial "hen it5
U promotes %uestioning and imagination 0 in a safe, supporti#e communit6
U recogni9es the importance of ADD rituals in human life, not Fust those of one distinct group6
U recogni9es the needs "hich all humans ha#e in common6
U recogni9es and affirms multiple truths6 and
U promotes common #alues and "as for all people, from all traditions, to come together.
Religion becomes dangerous "hen5
U a set of beliefs become ossified6
U ritual and imposed doctrineIpractice become a primar source of indi#idual identit6
U e*ternal authorit becomes more important than internal reflection and e*ploration6
U differences (beliefs, rituals) are emphasi9ed o#er similarities 0 dri#ing *enophobia6 and
U one faith tradition tries to impose its beliefs and practices on people outside that tradition.
:an faith traditions (e*tinct as "ell as current) ha#e promoted themsel#es as being in possession of the
absolute TR$T>, or of the final re#elation of the di#ine. These traditions consider themsel#es to be the
chosen people of their deit. All others, b e*clusion, are either lost, or heretics, or e#il, or some other
peForati#e. 4f course, if one steps bac& and loo&s at the great panopl of religions that ha#e come and
gone, it is clear that there are no uni#ersal beliefs, and no uni#ersal truths.
>o" does promotion of an absolute truth threaten peace and social Fustice3 As noted earlier in this
discussion, all of the functional elements of religion are interrelated. !f one group considers that the are
in possession of the absolute truth, then all claims to the truth b practitioners of other traditions must be
reFected as false. 7!f ! accept that our truth ma be #alid, then it "ea&ens the absoluteness of m truth 0
and that threatens m #er identit.8 !n this "orld #ie", onl one set of ans"ers to the great %uestions,
and onl one set of rituals for interceding "ith the di#ine can be correct. Thus, onl one set of praers,
rituals, smbols, and te*ts can be accepted. 4nl one e*planation of the natural "orld is correct. This is
one reason "h, in the age of ,cience, a maForit of humans still cling to superstition ("ith some e#en
calling for their superstitions to be taught as science in the public schools). All other practices and
beliefs, to the e*tent that the differ, are blasphemous. Kurther, in conser#ati#e traditions, onl one
interpretation of the sacred te*ts and scriptures can be accepted as correct 0 usuall the interpretation of
the current authorit figure for that faith group. Kor adherents of a strict faith tradition, onl those "ho
demonstrate allegiance to that tradition2s beliefs and practices can be accepted as part of the communit.
=iscrimination against outsiders is tolerated, and ma e#en be promoted 0 this in spite of the fact that the
founders of nearl all the "orld2s maFor denominations called for embracing all people as e%uals.
2<
.ertainl our primate brains often lead us to see& the comfort of a close group identit and the e*clusion
of 7others8. But at the same time, our human brain, "ith its large pre0frontal corte*, the seat of moral
and ethical thought, allo"s us the opportunit to mo#e a"a from these more primiti#e beha#ioral
responses and to embrace the "ondrous di#ersit of the "orld around us. 1e are gi#en a choice as to the
shape religion should ta&e in guiding our li#es. The onl close0to0uni#ersal moral principle (a.&.a.
truth) comes in the form that "e recogni9e as 7+he /olden 9ule. This is the moral &ernel that sits at
the center of all the "orld2s maFor religious traditions. !t is a truth that, if practiced sincerel and full,
"ould result in uni#ersal respect for people, their #alues and traditions, their hopes, and their beliefs.
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