THE LIBYAN PERIOD IN EGYPT

HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL STUDIES

INTO THE 21
TH
24
TH
DYNASTIES:
PROCEEDINGS OF A CONFERENCE AT LEIDEN UNIVERSITY,
25-27 OCTOBER 2007

G.P.F. BROEKMAN, R.J. DEMARE and O.E. KAPER (eds.)

















NEDERLANDS INSTITUUT VOOR HET NABIJE OOSTEN
LEIDEN

PEETERS
LEUVEN
2009




CONTENTS

Contents............................................................................................................................................ v
Introduction .................................................................................................................................... vii

David A. Aston,
Takeloth II, A King of the Herakleopolitan/Theban Twenty-Third Dynasty Revisited:
The Chronology of Dynasties 22 and 23. ......................................................................................... 1

Mariam F. Ayad,
The Transition from Libyan to Nubian Rule: the Role of the Gods Wife of Amun ..................... 29

Susanne Bickel,
The Inundation Inscription in Luxor Temple ................................................................................. 51

Helmut Brandl,
Bemerkungen zur Datierung von libyerzeitlichen Statuen aufgrund stilistischer Kriterien........... 57

Gerard P.F. Broekman,
Takeloth III and the End of the 23
rd
Dynasty ................................................................................. 91

Aidan Dodson,
The Transition between the 21
st
and 22
nd
Dynasties Revisited..................................................... 103

Claus Jurman,
From the Libyan Dynasties to the Kushites in Memphis: Historical Problems
and Cultural Issues ....................................................................................................................... 113

Danel Kahn,
The Transition from Libyan to Nubian Rule in Egypt: Revisiting the Reign of Tefnakht........... 139

Olaf E. Kaper,
Epigraphic Evidence from the Dakhleh Oasis in the Libyan Period............................................ 149

Kenneth A. Kitchen,
The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt: An Overview of Fact & Fiction................................... 161

Eva Lange,
The Sed-Festival Reliefs of Osorkon II at Bubastis: New Investigations .................................... 203

Marc Loth,
Thebanische Totenstelen der Dritten Zwischenzeit: Ikonographie und Datierung ...................... 219

Rita Lucarelli,
Popular Beliefs in Demons in the Libyan Period: The Evidence of the
Oracular Amuletic Decrees........................................................................................................... 231



Jos Lull,
Beginning and End of the High Priest of Amun Menkheperre .................................................... 241

Matthias Mller,
The el-Hibeh Archive: Introduction & Preliminary Information.............................................. 251

Brian Muhs,
Oracular Property Decrees in their Historical and Chronological Context .................................. 265

Andrzej Niwinski,
The Tomb Protection in the Theban 21
st
Dynasty: Unknown archaeological facts
gathered during the excavation of the Polish-Egyptian Cliff Mission at Deir el-Bahari
in the seasons 1999-2006.............................................................................................................. 277

Frdric Payraudeau,
Takeloth III: Considerations on Old and New Documents........................................................... 291

M. Carmen Prez Die,
The Third Intermediate Period Necropolis at Herakleopolis Magna............................................ 302

Robert Ritner,
Fragmentation and Re-integration in the Third Intermediate Period............................................ 327

Troy Leiland Sagrillo,
The Geographic Origins of the BubastiteDynasty and Possible Locations
for the Royal Residence and Burial Place of Shoshenq I ............................................................. 341

Cynthia May Skeikholeslami,
The End of the Libyan Period and the Resurgence of the Cult of Montu .................................... 361

John H. Taylor,
Coffins as Evidence for a North-South Divide in the 22
nd
25
th
Dynasties............................. 375

Anthony Leahy,
Dating Stelae of the Libyan Period from Abydos ........................................................................ 417

Discussions ................................................................................................................................... 441
Richard A. Fazzini,
Addendum to the Discussions on the Chapel of Osiris Heqa-Djet............................................... 446

Index of Place Names ................................................................................................................... 449
Index of Proper Names ............................................................................................................. 451








THE TRANSITION FROM LIBYAN TO NUBIAN RULE:
THE ROLE OF THE GODS WIFE OF AMUN
Mariam F. Ayad

Introduction
In attempting to define the role played by the Gods Wife of Amun Shepenupet I and her
immediate successor Amenirdis I in the transition from Libyan to Nubian rule, the scenes
preserved on a small chapel in East Karnak dedicated to Osiris, Ruler of Eternity (HqA Dt), are
particularly illuminating. Discussion of a few select scenes preserved in the first room of that
chapel, constructed under the Nubian ruler Shebitku (707-690 BC) will demonstrate the
commemorative nature of this chapel and shed light on the dynamics governing the relationship
between Shepenupet and Amenirdis.
The chapel of Osiris, Ruler of Eternity lies to the North East of the temple of Amun proper, 132
meters north of the eastern gate of the Karnak enclosure wall (Fig 1).
1
Abutting the inner
(western) face of the great enclosure wall, the chapel is the earliest of a series of small chapels
constructed by the Gods Wives of Amun of the Twenty-third to the Twenty-sixth dynasties to
the east and north of the temple of Amun at Karnak. The chapels were all dedicated to Osiris in
his various forms or aspects (e.g. Osiris, Lord of Life (nb anx); Osiris-Wennofer-who-is-in- the-
midst-of-the-Persea-tree (wnn-nfr-Hry-ib-pA-iSd) among others).
2
In its current form, the chapel of
Osiris, Ruler of Eternity consists of 3 rooms, a columned forecourt, and a gate. However, as
initially constructed by Osorkon III and Takeloth III, the original Twenty-third dynasty chapel
was a bi-partite structure.
In an interim report published in 1973, Redford remarked on the poor quality of the building
material used in the construction of the 23
rd
dynasty structure, noting the unevenness of the
blocks at the time of their re-use. Weathering marks on the blocks further indicated that they had
been lying on the ground for a considerable period of time prior to their use in the construction of
this chapel. The blocks thus seem to have been scattered on the ground prior to their use in the
chapel rather than taken from an older standing building.
3
The unevenness of the blocks
necessitated the application of thick layers of plaster, both to fit the blocks together and to even

1
Georges Legrain, Le temple et les chapelles dOsiris Karnak I: Le temple dOsiris-Hiq-Djeto, RT 22 (1900): 146-
49 at 146; D.B. Redford, An Interim Report on the Second Season of Work at the Temple of Osiris, Ruler of Eternity,
Karnak, JEA 59 (1973): 16-30, at 16; J. Leclant, Recherches sur les monuments thbains de la XXVe dynastie dite
thiopienne. Bibliothque dtude 36 (Cairo: Institut Franais dArchologie Orientale, 1965), 47.
2
PM I.2, pp. 192-95; PM I.2, 202-207; See Georges Legrain, Le temple et les chapelles dOsiris Karnak III: La
chapelle dOsiris, Matre de la Vie, RT 24 (1902): 208-14; L.A. Christophe, Karnak-Nord III (Cairo: IFAO, 1951),
19-27, for a chapel of Amenirdis; ibid, 29-48 for a chapel dedicated by Nitocris; ibid, 97-112, for a columned
monument built by Nitocris; and ibid, 113-34, for a comprehensive listing of monuments built by Nitocirs and her high
stewards in Thebes. See also P. Barguet and J. Leclant, Karnak-Nord IV (Cairo: IFAO, 1954), 109-27 and pls. XCVI-
CXIII for blocks retrieved from a monument dedicated by Shepenupet and Amenidis; and Jean Leclant, Monuments
thbains, 23-36, for the chapel of Osiris nb-anx, pA-wSb-iAd; ibid., 41-47, for the chapel of Osiris Hry-ib pA iSd; 91-93,
for a reconstructed chapel of Osiris, pA- dd-anx; 93-105, for the chapels in the precinct of the temple of Montu in North
Karnak.
3
Redford, Interim Report 19, n. 3.
MARIAM F. AYAD 30


Fig. 1 Plan of Karnak (after R.A. Schwaller de Lubicz, Temples of Karnak, Diagram 1)




Fig. 2 Plan of the Chapel of Osiris, Ruler of Eternity
THE ROLE OF THE GODS WIFE OF AMUN

31
up the surfaces for sculpture.
4
With the loss of this layer of plaster, much of the original
decoration of the chapel has been permanently lost.

Overview of the Decorative Scheme of the Twenty-third Dynasty chapel
With 15 representations of her own, Shepenupet is the most frequently depicted member of the
Twenty-third dynasty. Osorkon III appears a total of 12 times, while Takeloth III is shown 10
times.
5
The decoration of the chapels innermost room is dominated by representations of
Osorkon III and Takeloth III. Takeloth also appears on the lower register of the northern wall
(PM 14), the upper register of which is dominated by representations of Shepenupet. He likewise
appears on the lower register of the northern half of the eastern wall (PM 12), while Osorkon
occupies the upper register of the same wall. Painted cartouches of Rudamun appear on the
southern and northern walls of the inner room. No representations of Rudamun are preserved in
this chapel (Fig. 2).
6

Throughout the chapel, Osorkon and Takeloth appear in corresponding, parallel, or symmetrically
opposed scenes.
7
The near equal number of representations of both kings implies their equal
status and further confirms that the two kings were co-regents who ruled side by side.
8
On the
door jambs leading into the innermost room (PM 17) Osorkon and Takeloth are represented
opposite one another. Adhering to Old Kingdom artistic convention, both figures share an inward
orientation.
9
There, Osorkon appears on the left jamb, while Takeloth is depicted on the opposite,
right door jamb.
10
This particular placement of the two kings results in a rightward orientation for
Osorkon and a leftward orientation for Takeloth, whose depiction on the right jamb mirrors his
senior co-regents on the left jamb. Leftward orientation, however, was often problematic for
Egyptian artists, whose unease in rendering leftward oriented figures is seen, for example, in
attaching the right arm to the left shoulder,
11
and similar anomalies, or errors, detected in leftward
oriented figures. This meant that in most cases, rightward orientation was reserved for the most
important figure in a scene. Indeed, in two-dimensional art, primacy of orientation to the right
establishes lateral dominance in compositions.
12
In the original Twenty-third dynasty chapel,
whenever Osorkon and Takeloth appear in corresponding scenes, we find that rightward
orientation is exclusively reserved for Osorkon, while Takeloth consistently faces the left-hand
side.

4
Redford, Interim Report 19.
5
Redford, Interim Report, 20, and note 5.
6
PM II, 206, (19) and (21); Redford, Interim Report, 23.
7
E.g. on the inner door jambs (PM 17) or in diametrically opposed scenes as on the eastern wall of the innermost room
(PM 22) and the lintel above the doorway leading into Room II (PM 11).
8
Redford, Interim Report, 20. Suggestion of a co-regency between Osorkon III and Takeloth III also confirmed by
Murnane in: William J. Murnane, Ancient Egyptian Coregencies. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilizations 40
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977), 91-94.
9
PM II, 206; H.G. Fischer, The Orientation of Hieroglyphs Part 1: Reversals (New York, MMA, 1977), 14.
10
Legrain, Osiris-Hiq-Djeto, 129-30; and Redford, Interim Report, 20, n. 5.
11
See, for example, Goyons remarks on the depiction of the left-facing Gods Wife in Parker et al, The Edifice of
Taharqa by the Sacred Lake (Providence: Brown University Press, 1979), 61, where her arms are reversed so that
what appears to be the right arm is really the left and what appears to be the left arm is really the right, though shown
before the body. See also. Edna Russmann, Eternal Egypt: Masterworks of Egyptian Art from the British Museum,
(London: the British Museum Press, 2001), 84, for a discussion of a leftward orientated figure of an offering bearer:
Because the figure faces left, which is the subordinate direction in Egyptian two-dimensional art, there is a
characteristic reversal in her hanging hand, which looks as if it is shown backward. This indicates that, although she
appears to us to be holding the bird in her proper left hand, she is actually holding it in her right, which is the way the
hand has been drawn (cf. cat. No. 20).
12
Gay Robins, Some Principles of Compositional Dominance and Gender Hierarchy in Egyptian Art JARCE 31
(1994): 33-40, at 33.
MARIAM F. AYAD 32

Representation of Shepenupet in the Chapel
Scenes in Room II
Representations of Shepenupet are confined to the outer room and faade of the Twenty-third
dynasty structure. In the outer room, Shepenupet appears on the north, west, and south walls as
well as on the southern part of the east wall. Only one wall in this room is devoid of
representations of Shepenupet: the northern part of the east wall (PM 12). Likewise, she is
completely absent from the program of decoration of the inner room. On the south wall (PM 16),
she shakes two sistra before the Theban triad, Amun, Mut and Khonsu.
13
And on the southern
part of the east wall (PM13), Shepenupet consecrates offerings of fruit and bread loaves.
Appearing on three of the walls four registers, Shepenupet, who is shown in profile, proceeds
towards the doorway leading into the inner room as she presents her offerings. Three columns of
framed inscriptions detail Shepenupets titles and genealogy.
14
She is the Mistress of the Two
Lands, Khnemetimen, the Mistress of Diadems, Shepenupet, Kings Daughter of the Lord of the
Two Lands, the Lord of Ritual
15
the Son of Re, the Lord of Diadems, Osorkon (III), son of Isis,
whose mother is the Chief Royal Wife Karoatjet.
16
On the opposite, west wall two royal figures,
probably her parents look on as a goddess suckles Shepenupet. At the northern end of the wall,
Shepenupet stands, her face shown in profile turned to the left, holding an incense burner as she
consecrates offerings heaped on an offering table before her. Indeed, consecrating offerings
appears to be Shepenupets primary role in this chapel, where on the other three walls of this
room, she is shown consecrating or presenting offerings to the gods.

Scenes on the Original Twenty-Third Dynasty Faade
In a scene preserved on the eastern part of the original faade of the chapel (PM 9), Shepenupet is
shown in profile, her face turned to the left, standing before Egypts three national deities: Amun,
Ra-Horakhty, and Ptah.
17
Turning to face Shepenupet, the three deities are oriented towards the
right.
18
Closest to Shepenupet is Amun-Re, who extends the sign of life towards her, its tip
touching her hip. Amun-Re, who is shown in profile, is represented striding to the right. He dons
his customary double-feathered crown, a curved false beard, a broad collar, a pectoral, and a short
kilt to which is attached a ceremonial bulls tail at the back. A wAs-scepter held vertically in
Amuns left hand separates him from Shepenupet. In his other hand, hanging behind his back, he
holds another anx-sign. Behind Amun-Re is falcon-headed Ra-Horakhty, who is represented in an
identical stance to Amuns. The tip of the anx-sign diagonally held in his hand touches Amuns
back hand. Like Amun, Ra-Horakhty wears a broad collar, and a short kilt to which is attached
the bulls tail. A solar disk rests atop his long wig. Behind Ra-Horakhty is

13
PM II, 206; Legrain, Osiris-Hiq-Djeto, 129-31; Redford, Interim Report, 21-23.
14
Legrain, Osiris-Hiq-Djeto, 131.
15
On the title nb ir-xt, see C. Routledge, Ancient Egyptian Ritual Practice: Ir-xt and nt-a. Ph.D. dissertation,
University of Toronto, 2001.
16
See also the genealogical table in K.A. Kitchen, The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt (c. 1100-650 BC)
(Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1995), 476.
17
Redford, Interim Report, 21 and pl. 20; For the national status of these three deities, see David P. Silverman
Divinity and Deity in Ancient Egypt, in: Religion in Ancient Egypt: Gods, Myth, and Religious Practice. Ed. Byron
E. Shafer (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991), 33; and Leonard H. Lesko, Ancient Egyptian Cosmogonies and
Cosmology in: Religion in Ancient Egypt, 111.
18
H. Schfer, Principles of Egyptian Art, ed. E. Brunner-Traut, trans. John Baines (Oxford: Griffith Institute, 1986),
205.
THE ROLE OF THE GODS WIFE OF AMUN

33

Fig. 3 Faade of Libyan chapel: Shepenupet before three national deities (after D.B. Redford,
From Slave to Pharaoh (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University, 2003), fig. 16)


statuesque Ptah, shown standing on a pedestal, a tight cloak completely enveloping his body.
Only his fists, firmly clenching a wAs-scepter, appear through a small aperture in the upper part of
his cloak.
Facing her divine companions, Shepenupet stands, her face shown in profile, turned to the left.
She wears a long-sleeved, loose fitting, layered dress. A sash tied just above her natural waist
gathers the dresss various layers. The dresss various layers, however, do not hide her voluptuous
figure. Shepenupet also wears a broad collar and an elaborate crown that sits atop her short
cropped wig. In her hands, she holds two naos-sistra, which she shakes for the benefit of three
deities standing before her.
Behind Shepenupet is an elaborate offering table laden with all kinds of fruits, vegetables, and
herbs, including lotus flowers. Four gigantic ornate bread loaves act as supports for the table.
Shepenupet seems oblivious to the table behind her. Instead, the three gods for whom she shakes
the sistrum garner her full attention. To the extreme right of the scene, on the other side of the
offering table, a royal figure in full regalia consecrates the offerings. Shown in profile, his face
turned to left, he extends a mks-scepter toward the offerings. In his other hand he carries a
periform HD-scepter and a staff.
19
He wears the White Crown of Upper Egypt and a ceremonial
tripartite kilt. The inscriptions identify him as Osorkon (III), Shepenupets father.
The offering table seems to divide the scenes in two halves. To the east (=left) of the table, the
Gods Wife is fully engaged in pleasing the three national deities of Egypt by playing music,
while to the west (=right) side, the king consecrates offerings for them. Both acts were performed
for the benefit of the gods, and were intended to nourish and placate them. Shepenupets
depiction nearer the gods than the king is quite exceptional. Her proximity is further heightened
by the distance that separates the king from the three deities, created, in part, by placing the table
between her and the king, rather than between her and the gods. This particular arrangement may
indicate that these are two separate episodes that occurred one after the other in rapid succession
as part of a ritualistic sequence.
20
Alternatively, Shepenupet and her father may be shown
performing simultaneous acts of worship occurring on either of an offering table placed before

19
Geoffery Graham, Insignias in: The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. Ed. Donald B. Redford (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2001), 163-67.
20
As suggested by Professor A. Niwinski in a personal communication on October 27, 2007; see also Schfer,
Principles of Egyptian Art, 227-30.
MARIAM F. AYAD 34
statues of the three gods. The king, who is shown here standing behind the table, would in reality
be on the far side of the table, farther from the viewer. Such an arrangement would be analogous
to the depiction of a couple sitting at an offering table, represented one behind the other, when in
reality they would be sitting next to each other.
21
It should be noted though that in representations
of couples, the wife almost invariably appears behind her husband, and consequently, farther
from the table of offerings.
22
Male precedence was not limited to private couples, but extended
to, and included, royal and divine couples.
23
This pattern of representation is also noticeable for
representations of the 18
th
dynasty ruler Amenhotep I and his mother Ahmose-Nefertary. Both
deified, the son still took precedence over his mother. For all Ahmose-Nefertarys importance,
she does not take precedence over her son.
24
Although this particular example dates to the New
Kingdom, Robins noted that rules of compositional hierarchy according to ownership and gender
were almost certainly current in all periods of pharaonic Egypt.
25
Being closer to the gods, and
thus having precedence over her father, the king, underscored the status of Shepenupet I as a
Gods Wife.
The offering scene described above occurs on the eastern part of the faade. On the other side of
the multi-tiered false door that dominates the decoration of the faade, two remarkable scenes
survive. On the upper register, Shepenupet is suckled by Hathor, while on the lower register
Amun seems to place a crown on her head.
26
With minor variants, the scenes inscribed on the
western doorjamb mirror those inscribed on the eastern jamb.

Suckling Scenes
Two symmetrically opposed scenes occupy the upper register of the jambs. In both scenes,
Shepenupet is shown next to a goddess who stands much taller than Shepenupet. The goddess
right hand cups her breast, holding it firmly in place as she offers it to Shepenupet. With her right
index finger, she touches Shepenupets under-chin in a gesture intended to cause an infant child
to open her mouth to receive her mothers milk. The goddess dons an elaborate crown, a broad
collar, and a tight sheath dress that stops just above her ankles. The crowns depicted in both
scenes are quite similar, composed of a disk flanked by two rearing cobras and surmounted by
two tall plumes. In both scenes the goddess places an arm behind Shepenupets head. In her hand,
she holds an anx-sign. Because her palm points upward, the goddess seems to be supporting
Shepenupets tall, elaborate crown.
In both scenes, Shepenupet wears a long flowing dress, with enormously wide sleeves that
balloon under her elbow. With its flowing layers, Shepenupets dress is quite similar to the dress
she wears when shaking the sistrum before the three deities. Her attire here though seems longer,
with the possible addition of an extra layer. A sash tied just below her breast, and above her
natural waist, gathers her gowns flowing layers. The long streamers of the sash hang loosely in
front of her dress, adorning the full length of her dress, which stops just above her ankles. On her
head, Shepenupet wears an elaborate crown atop a short Nubian wig surmounted by the vulture
headdress. A solar disk surmounted by two tall plumes and framed by Hathors cow horns rest on

21
Schfer, Principles of Egyptian Art, 172-77, especially 172-73.
22
H. G. Fischer, Women in the Old Kingdom and the Heracleopolitan Period, in: Barbara S. Lesko (ed.) Womens
Earliest Records from Ancient Egypt and Western Asia: Proceedings of the Conference on Women in the Ancient Near
East. Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island November 5-7, 1987 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1989), 5-24,
especially pp. 6-13.
23
Robins, Principles of Compositional Dominance and Gender Hierarchy, 36.
24
Ibid.
25
Robins, Principles of Compositional Dominance and Gender Hierarchy, 38.
26
Scenes discussed by R. Fazzini, Egypt: Dynasty XXII-XXV (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1988), 20-21.
THE ROLE OF THE GODS WIFE OF AMUN

35


Fig. 4 Faade of the Libyan chapel: eastern door jamb (after R. A. Schwaller de Lubicz, The
Temples of Karnak, pl. 235)
MARIAM F. AYAD 36
a short, flat platform of rearing cobras (a modius). In this scene though, as in many other two-
dimensional examples, the modius has been stylized so that the cobras are no longer visible.
27
In
the space atop the modius, just in front of the solar disk are the heads of two rearing cobras and a
vulture. One cobra wears the crown of Upper Egypt, the other the crown of Lower Egypt, while
the vulture appears to be wearing a version of the atef-crown on the left jamb and nothing in the
corresponding scene on the right jamb. A vultures leg is visible on the side of the wig, its claws
grasping a Sn-sign. In the hand closer to the viewer (right hand in the scene on the left; and left
hand in the scene on the right), Shepenupet holds a flagellum. The flagellum ends in three finials
and is adorned with one rearing cobra on the left and two rearing cobras on the right.
Scenes of a goddess suckling a king abound. A limestone ostracon from Deir el-Medina depicts
Seti I, wearing the blue crown, being suckled by a goddess.
28
A similar scene is engraved on the
keyhole-shaped counterpoise of a menat-necklace of King Taharqa. A pendant worn at the back,
the counterpoise balanced the considerable weight of the necklace. The scene depicts Taharqa,
wearing the White Crown of Upper Egypt, being suckled by a lioness-headed goddess.
29
While in
this example, the goddess wears a long sheath dress, Taharqa is naked. In fact, while the kings
nakedness was supposed to indicate his infancy, he is typically shown as an adolescent.
Just as the king was often depicted as an adolescent in such scenes, so Shepenupet appears as an
adolescent girl in these two scenes. Scenes showing queens, or royal women, in Shepenupets
attitude are so rare in Egyptian art, that when they do occur, such scenes have been labeled un-
Egyptian.
30
This rarity may be due to the special significance of receiving the milk of a goddess.
In coronation rites, for instance, it was customary to depict the king being suckled by a goddess.
31

In a funerary context, the dead king assimilated with a newborn through receiving the milk of a
goddess. Such assimilation enabled the king to live again. Suckling thus becomes a means of
achieving resurrection.
32
Milk is also among the list of life-giving, or vivifying, products
mentioned in the Pyramid Texts (e.g. PT 707 d). So it may be argued that a funerary context
would justify a woman appearing in such a scene. The context in the chapel of Osiris, Ruler of
Eternity, however, is non-funerary. Protection and nutrition are also associated with milk.
33
In the
Pyramid Texts, a variety of goddesses appear in passages discussing the suckling of the reigning
king. These goddesses include Isis, Nephthys, Selkit, and the goddess of el-Kab in her many
forms, who was sometimes assimilated with Nut, Sekhat-Hor, or Semat-Weret (whose name
literally means Great Cow).
34
In the scenes depicted in the chapel of Osiris, Ruler of Eternity,
Hathor suckles Shepenupet on the western (=right) doorjamb, while Semat-Weret appears in the
corresponding scenes depicted on the opposite, eastern doorjamb.

27
See, for example, Anne K. Capel and Glenn E. Markoe (eds.) Mistress of the House, Mistress of the Heaven :
Women in Ancient Egypt. (New York : Hudson Hills Press, 1996), 130 for a votive limestone stela with Taweret and
Mut in which Muts head, represented in profile turned to the left, is adorned with a flat modius crown. Sculpture in
the round often provides greater detail and illumines two-dimensional art. See ibid., 125-27 (cat. nos. 57 and 59c), for
statues of Isis (winged with Osiris or nursing Horus, respectively) wearing such a modius.
28
The 31.2 cm high and 18 cm wide ostracon is currently at the Cleveland Museum of Art and was included in Capel
and Markoe, Mistress of the House, Mistress of the Heaven, 117-18 as cat. no. 50.
29
MMA 41.160.104 (H. 9.7 cm; W. 4.5 cm; Th. 0.8 cm), included in Dietrich Wildung, Sudan: Ancient Kingdoms of
The Nile (Flammarion, 1997), 174, 195.
30
I. Hofmann, Studien zum meroitischen Knigtum (Brussels, 1971), 37-38.
31
Marie-Ange Bonhme, Pharaon: Les secrets du pouvoir (Paris: Armand Colin, 1988), 85-92, especially 85-86; and
J. Leclant, The Suckling of Pharaoh as a Part of the Coronation Rites in Ancient Egypt. Le rle de lallaitement dans
le crmonial pharaonique du couronnement in: Proceedings of the IXth International Congress for the History of
Religion, Tokyo 1958 (Published 1960), 135-45.
32
Jean Leclant, Le rle du lait et de lallaitement daprs les textes des pyramides, JNES 10 (1951) : 123-27 at 125.
33
Leclant, Le rle du lait et de lallaitement, 127.
34
Leclant, Le rle du lait et de lallaitement,123.
THE ROLE OF THE GODS WIFE OF AMUN

37
Crowning Scenes
On the lower register of the doorjambs two symmetrically opposed scenes depict Amun standing
next to Shepenupet (Fig. 4). His face shown in profile, Amun is orientated away from the
doorway, so that on the western door jamb, he is orientated towards the right (= west), while on
the eastern jamb, he is orientated toward the left (= east). Amun wears his customary doubled-
feathered crown, a curved false beard, and a short kilt to which is attached a bulls tail at the back.
Standing in a striding position, his left foot forward, Amun extends one hand behind
Shepenupets head and places his other hand just in front of her forehead, so that the tips of his
fingers almost touch the uraeus protruding from her tiara. On the right door jamb, an arm-band
adorns his upper arm. His forward extended arm (the right in the scene on the right; and the left in
the scene on the left) obscures most of his beard so that only its top part where it adjoins his chin
is visible. Giving a strong impression of physical proximity is Amuns forward extended foot,
which obscures Shepenupets feet from view. On the right jamb, his leg also partly obscures the
hem of her dress, while on the left the hem of her gown overlaps his ankle. As is typical of
Egyptian artistic conventions, the god is shown walking out of this chapel.
In both representations, Shepenupet wears a long, loose fitting, layered, dress, its multiple layers
gathered by a tied sash. On the right (= western door jamb), the small bow that gathers and ties
the sash is still visible. The sash appears to be very similar to one depicted in the suckling scene,
its long streamer decorating the front of her dress.
On both jambs, Amun is identified as the Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands . . . Karnak (ipt
swt). WAs-scepters frame each of the four scenes.
The propagandistic nature of the peculiar iconographic program of the faade of the Twenty-third
dynasty chapel can only be appreciated if we imagine what it looked like at the time its decoration
was completed. An Egyptian approaching the chapel from a distance would have been
immediately struck by the prominence given Shepenupet on the faade and the frequency of her
representations there. The original faade was dominated by scenes showing Shepenupet shaking
the sistrum before Amun, Re-Horakhty, and Ptah, suckled by Hathor and Semat-Weret, and
crowned by Amun. Such was the decoration of the faade when the Nubians decided to build an
extension to the chapel.

The Nubian Addition to the chapel
The chapels enlargement seems to have occurred after the military success of the Nubians. That
the addition was constructed, or at least its decoration completed, during the reign of Shebitku
(707/706-690 BC) is evident from the inscriptions preserved on the new monumental faade he
erected, where his Horus name, Dd xaw survives. Shebitkus paternal uncle and predecessor,
Shabako, had secured Nubian control of the Nile Valley up to Memphis.
35
Shebitku was thus the
second Nubian ruler to be in control of Egypt up to Memphis, and possibly beyond.
36
Perhaps
signifying new-found prosperity, the Nubian addition was constructed using newly-hewn square
blocks of stone and its dimensions were wider than the earlier structure.
37
When the Nubians
decided to expand the existing structure, they did not modify any of its original architectural
elements. For instance, the torus-molding that decorated the corners and the external walls of the
original faade is still visible. Indeed, the chapels original faade was incorporated into the
newly constructed chamber as its southern wall.

35
Kitchen, Third Intermediate Period, 378-380; T. Eide, T. Hgg, R.H. Pierce, and L. Trk, Fontes Historiae
Nubiorum Volume 1: From the eighth to the mid-fifth century BC (Bergen: University of Bergen, Department of
Classics, 1994), 123-25.
36
Kitchen, Third Intermediate Period, 383-387; Eide et al., Fontes Historiae Nubiorum, 125-29.
37
Redford, Interim Report, 19. Although the rooms dimensions are not specifically mentioned in the text, the
chapels plan, which is drawn to scale in ibid, 18, fig. 2, clearly indicates the wider dimensions of the Nubian addition.
MARIAM F. AYAD 38


Fig. 5. Faade of Nubian chapel (photo M. Ayad)

Decoration of the Nubian Faade
A gigantic representation of Shebitku dominates the eastern half of the faade, where he can be
seen receiving symbols of the sed-festival from Amun-Re. Next to Shebitkus representation,
Amenirdis is shown, on a much smaller scale, before various deities. Her representation is part of
a series of vignettes framing the entrance to the chapel. The small vignettes depict the Gods
Wives Shepenupet and Amenirdis in symmetrically opposed and complementary scenes.
Amenirdis is shown in four vignettes arranged one atop the other on the eastern doorjamb. These
vignettes correspond to four similarly small scenes on the western jamb, which depict Shepenupet
before various deities. Whereas the kings heroic size emphasizes his status, the gods represented
with the Gods Wife in the vignettes are depicted at the same scale as the Gods Wife. One of the
peculiarities of Egyptian art is that the gods could be depicted at the same scale as humans, but
the king was often represented on a much grander scale.
38
Both women share an inward
orientation towards the door, while the deities before whom they stand have an outward bound
orientation and appear to be proceeding out of the chapel. The scenes are not identical in content
though.
On the uppermost surviving vignette of the western jamb, Shepenupet raises her arms in adoration
of falcon-headed Montu Lord of Thebes,
39
while in the corresponding scene on the eastern
jamb, Amenirdis presents Maat to Amun-Re. Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands. Both
women wear a loose-fitting, long-sleeved gown, whose wide sleeves form a semi-circle under the
elbow, while its hem curves upward revealing sandaled feet. The customary tall double-feathered
crown of the Gods Wives adorns their heads.

38
Schfer, Principles of Egyptian Art, 233.
39
The uppermost vignettes on either side of the doorway have been lost.
THE ROLE OF THE GODS WIFE OF AMUN

39


Fig. 6. Shepenupet before Montu
(photo M. Ayad)

Fig. 7 Amenirdis before Amun
(photo M. Ayad)


Her face shown in profile turned to the left, Shepenupet stands raising her arms in adoration to
falcon-headed Montu (Fig. 6). Athletic-looking, with broad shoulders and carefully delineated
muscles, Montu takes a wide stride to the right. On his nemes-covered head rest a double-
feathered crown and a solar disk. Montu wears a short kilt. Hanging behind him and parallel to
his body is his anx-grasping right hand. In his left hand, he grasps a wAs-scepter, to which is
attached an anx-symbol. Shepenupet is about to receive this life-giving symbol in her
outstretched, open palm. To the viewers left, similarly-attired Amenirdis stands arms bent before
her opposite Amun-Re (Fig. 7). Amenirdiss bent arms give the impression that she is represented
in an identical stance to Shepenupets, whereas in fact she holds out a small statuette of the
goddess Maat in her hands. The statue rests on Amenirdiss left palm, while her right hand,
protectively curving upward behind it, seems to support the statues back. Like Montu on the
western jamb, Amun-Re holds a wAs-scepter. Amuns scepter, however, does not end in an anx-
symbol.
On the next register two vignettes depict Shepenupet presenting fields to Horus, the Protector of
his Father on the western jamb, while on the eastern jamb, Amenirdis pours libations over a
goddess, who dons a solar disk set within Hathoric horns on her head. The goddesses depicted
here is Isis whose depiction would balance Horus, shown in the corresponding vignette.
Deliberately paired, Horus, the protector of his father, and Isis evoked the Osirian myth. Lastly,
on the bottom register Shepenupet and Amenirdis are represented before Seshat and Thoth,
respectively. Closely associated with temple foundation rite of the Stretching of the Cord, both
Seshat and Thoth were likewise deliberately paired.

MARIAM F. AYAD 40


Fig. 8. Chapel of Osiris, Ruler of Eternity, Room I,
East Wall, North Wall, western half, lower register,
Amenirdis with Seshat (photo M. Ayad)

Fig. 9. Chapel of Osiris, Ruler of Eternity,
Room I, East Wall (after R.A. Schwaller de
Lubicz, Temples of Karnak, pl. 234)


A band of inscriptions inscribed on the bottom of the eastern jamb reads: the great gate of the
Gods Wife, the Divine Worshipper, Amenirdis . . . beloved of her father Osiris, Ruler of
Eternity.

40
Indeed, a scene preserved on the inner face of the western part of the faade (PM 7)
depicts Amenirdis partnering with a goddess in the ritual of pD Ssr, or Stretching of the Cord
(Fig. 8). Amenirdis, depicted on the left, her face shown in profile turned to the right, stands
opposite a goddess who wears the symbol of Seshat on her head: seven petals, rays, or celestial
orbits, with an ecliptic or two inverted horns on top.
41
Although the name of the goddess does not
survive, her head gear identifies her as the goddess Seshat, the Mistress of Builders.
Alternatively, she may be Sefekhet-Abwy (literally, The Lady of Seven Horns), a goddess who
had been associated with Seshat since the time of Thutmose III.
42
Both Amenirdis and her divine
companion hold a club in one hand and a smooth, rounded pole in the other. A short loop cord
holds the two poles together. The cord is tightly pulled by the two poles such that its two sides
parallel each other.
43
Amenirdis wears her regular costume of a tight sheath dress, vulture
headdress and two tall plumes. Typically, the king as the ultimate high priest of Egypt would
appear next to Seshat in this rite. In partnering with Seshat, the king would act on behalf of Thoth,

40
Legrain, Osiris-Hiq-Djeto, 126.
41
See G.A. Wainwright, Seshat and the Pharaoh, JEA 26 (1940): 30-40, at 33 for a discussion of the object(s)
comprising the goddesss headdress; see also R. Park, Stretching of the Cord in: Proceedings of the Seventh
International Congress of Egyptologists. Cambridge, 3-9 September 1995, ed. C. Eyre (Leuven, 1998), 839-48, at 841
for the view that the seven objects shown on the Seshats headdress refer to the orbital paths of the seven easily
observed planets following the ecliptic.
42
Wainwright, Seshat and the Pharaoh, 30.
43
M. Isler, An Ancient Method of Finding and Extending Direction JARCE 26 (1989): 191-206, at 203.
THE ROLE OF THE GODS WIFE OF AMUN

41
the god of writing and learning. Depicting the ritual measuring and demarcation of the temple
ground, the act of stretching the cord symbolized the surveying of the temple area. This ceremony
was an integral part of the ritual sequence associated with the laying of the temple foundation.
Iconographically, a representation of the ritual Stretching of the Cord often summed up the
entire temple foundation act, symbolically standing for a temples construction or its official
consecration and dedication to its divine inhabitant.
44

Amenirdiss representation on the western half of the north wall of room I complements the scene
depicted on the opposite, south wall. There, Takeloth III is shown performing another aspect of
the temple foundation ritual: the ritual consecration of the monument. Takeloth III, barefoot,
proceeds towards the left, wearing the atef-crown, the tri-partite SnDwt-kilt and holding a mks-
staff and a periform HD-mace in his left hand, such that the two objects cross over each other. The
two objects were traditionally held by the king during the offering ceremonies and are equally
attested in the scenes of consecration of divine edifices entitled Giving the House to its Lord.
45

Not surprisingly, Amenirdis dominates the decorative program of the Nubian annex, where she is
represented as the main officiant on all the walls of room I. Remarkably, however, Amenirdis did
not appropriate any of the scenes depicting Shepenupet, nor did she erase any of her
predecessors cartouches. In fact, Shepenupet is featured prominently on one of the walls added
by the Nubians. On the upper register of East wall, Shepenupet appears as the main officiant
before Amun-Re and Isis. That Shepenupet was still alive when this wall was decorated is clear
from the epithet anx.ti Dt (alive for ever), which consistently appears after the cartouche
containing her name.

Room I, East Wall
Upper Register
Standing at the southern end of the upper register, to the far right of the first scene is Isis Divine
Mother and Mistress of Heaven. Her face shown in profile, Isis turns to the left (=north) to
face Shepenupet to whom she offers a menat-necklace, which still adorns her neck
46
(Fig. 9). Isis
wears a tight sheath dress and a long lappet wig that reaches down to the middle of her back. Her
wig is surmounted by a vulture headdress, and a solar disk set within Hathoric horns. Occupying
the curved space below her wig, created by the small of her back, the menats key-hole-shaped
counterpoise is visible behind Isis back. Isis clutches the menat with her left hand, as she offers it
to Shepenupet. With her other hand, she holds Shepenupets left hand, the two hands meeting in
the triangular space created between their two bodies.
Facing her divine companion, Shepenupet stands, her face turned toward the right (=south).
Shepenupet wears a uraeus-surmounted short curly wig topped by the Gods Wifes customary
tall double-plumed crown with its characteristic solar disk. Shepenupets gown is loose-fitting,
long-sleeved, and multi-layered, similar to the one she wears throughout her representations in
this room. The bottom edge of a shawl draped over her shoulders is visible just below her right
shoulder. Her gowns flowing layers are gathered loosely at her waist. Shepenupet extends her
right hand toward her divine companion to receive the menat-collar from Isis, her finger tips
touching the lower edge of the menat-collar. Identifying Shepenupet and her divine companion
are three columns of text inscribed in the space between her crown and Isiss. Below their joint
hands is a short column of text, recording Isiss speech. It reads: To you, I have given life In
the space behind Shepenupet is the short column of text, which reads: (May) all protection, life,
stability, and dominion surround her like Re forever.

44
A. Badawy, History of Egyptian Architecture (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1968), 63.
45
Parker et al, Edifice of Taharqa, 55.
46
Scene description based on the photographs published in: R.A. Schwaller de Lubicz, Temples of Karnak, pl. 234.
MARIAM F. AYAD 42
Immediately to the north of this scene is a single column of framed inscriptions. The inscriptions
name Shepenupet as the Divine Worshipper, Meryt-Mut (Beloved of Mut), may she live, chosen
one of Re, the good herdsman/shepherd of mankind, the daughter of Amun, the one whom Mut
birthed.
47
The column of inscriptions, which dissects the upper register, goes with the scene
preserved on the northern half of the upper register of the East wall. There, Shepenupet presents a
statuette of Maat to Amun-Re, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands. Amun, who is
represented in profile, his face turned to the left (=north) faces Shepenupet. Amun is represented,
right leg forward, striding towards Shepenupet. He wears his customary tall double-feathered
crown, a curved long ceremonial beard, a broad collar, and a short kilt held in place by a narrow
belt, to which is attached a bulls tail at the back. Amun also wears an upper body garment that
extends from his waist to just below his breast. Two tapering knotted straps hold his shirt in place.
Amun wears a rectangular amulet, suspended from a string that hangs around his neck. In his
clenched fist, hanging loosely behind his body, Amun holds an anx-sign, while in his right hand
he grasps a wAs-scepter. The scepter vertically divides the space between him and Shepenupet.
As in the previous scene, Shepenupets face, shown in profile, is turned to the right to face her
divine consort, Amun-Re. Shepenupet dons a tight long sheath dress and a broad collar. Instead of
the short wig of the previous scene, she wears a long lappet wig surmounted by a vulture
headdress and the tall two-feathered crown of the Gods Wives. Shepenupets two arms are bent
before her. The small statuette of the goddess Maat rests on her open, horizontally out-stretched,
left palm. Behind the statuette, but not touching it, is Shepenupet right hand, which is raised in a
gesture of adoration to Amun. Her hand is far enough from the statuette that, in this instance, it
does not seem to support it. In the space between Shepenupets legs and Amuns wAs-scepter is a
single column of text providing a caption to the scene: Presenting Maat to her father Amun-Re
that he may give her life for ever. Behind Shepenupet in the space created by the curvature of the
small of her back is the inscription: May all Protections, life, stability, and surround her like Re
for ever. A final column of framed inscriptions, behind Shepenupet, provides a caption to the
scene depicted on the adjacent eastern half of the north wall. The inscriptions reads: Amenirdis,
who is alive forever, who appears with the White Crown, chosen one of Re, who has come forth
from his limbs, who appears on the throne of Tefnut like Re forever.
48


Room I, North Wall
Upper Register
The scene to which the inscription provides a caption occurs on the upper register of the north
wall. It depicts Amenirdis offering wine to Amun-Re (Fig. 10). Represented in profile, his face
turned to the left (= west), Amun-Re stands facing Amenirdis. Amun-Re, who is similarly attired
as in the previous scene, extends his right leg forward in a wide stride towards Amenirdis. Amun
carries an anx-sign in his left hand, and grasps a wAs-scepter in his right hand. Traces of blue paint
can still be seen on Amuns arms, legs, chest, neck, face, and his belt, while traces of yellow are
found on his broad collar (gold) and his kilt. The straps were painted red.
Amenirdis, shown in profile, her face turned toward the right (=east) stands facing Amun. Her
arms bent before her, she holds two round red-topped blue nw-jars. The jars, which contain wine,

47
Legrain, Osiris-Hiq-Djeto, 128; for the sign (A 33) as m(i)niw, see Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar
3
, 445.
48
Legrain, Osiris-Hiq-Djeto, 128.
THE ROLE OF THE GODS WIFE OF AMUN

43


Fig. 10 Chapel of Osiris, Ruler of Eternity, Room I, North Wall, eastern half, upper register,
Amenirdis offers wine to Amun-Re (photo M. Ayad)


are offered to Amun-Re, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands.
49
. On her head, Amenirdis
dons a uraeus-surmounted short curly wig. Amenirdis loose-fitting gown, with its long sleeves,
voluminous skirt, and tied sash is very similar to Shepenupets. Like Shepenupet, a shawl is
draped around her shoulders, its bottom edge appearing as a back flap underneath her right
shoulder. Traces of blue paint can still be seen on her wig. Seven columns of framed inscriptions
engraved in front of Amuns double-feathered crown and extending to the space above
Amenirdiss head identify the two figures. Above Amenirdis, the inscriptions read: Words
spoken (by) the Divine Worshipper, the Only One on Earth (wat Hr tA), just like Re is in the sky,
the Gods Wife Kha-neferu-Mut, the Divine Worshipper, Amenirdis, may she live for ever like
Re.
50
In the space between Amenirdis and Amun-Res wAs-scepter, a single column of
inscriptions provides a caption to the scene: Presentation of wine to her father Amun-Re, it is
done for the one who gives life. Behind Amun-Re, a single column of framed inscription reads:
To you, I have given all life and dominion, all stability, all health, and all gladness that you may

49
Hieroglyphic texts given here are based on Legrain, Osiris-Hiq-Djeto, 127 and personal photographs taken in
2003.
50
Legrain, Osiris-Hiq-Djeto, 127:wat m tA mi ra m pt
MARIAM F. AYAD 44
live like Re for ever and ever.
51
Two separate, but short inscriptions occur in the space behind
Amenirdis. Above her shoulders are the sign for a thousand followed by two signs typically
found in representations of the sed-festival: Double Sn-signs surmounted by half sky symbols.
52

The symbols were intended to affirm the kings authority over the extremities of the sky just as
the boundary stela signs represented his dominion over the earthly realm.
53
The other short text,
inscribed behind Amenirdiss skirt is the formulaic: May all protection and life surround her like
Re forever. A single column of framed inscriptions separates this scene from the next. It reads:
Words spoken by the Divine Worshipper, Amenirdis, may she live, may her monument be
established just as the sky is established, while her name is on it <for ever> like Re. Amenirdis
thus evoked Res uniqueness in her epithets and wished his endurance for her monument.

Room I, East Wall
Lower Register
On the bottom register of the East wall, Amenirdis appears next to Amun-Re, and his divine
consort, Mut. The names and titles of Amenirdis are inscribed in three unframed columns above
her head. They are given as: The Divine Worshipper, Khaneferumut, the Gods Wife, Amenirdis,
alive for ever.
Decorating and partially framing the scene is the figure of an anx-holding vulture whose wings
spread horizontally above the columns giving Amenirdiss titles. The vultures two wings frame
the inscriptions and form a corner at the top left hand side of the scene. The bird is identified as
the titular goddess of Upper Egypt: Nekhbet, the mistress of southern Heliopolis. Behind
Nekhbets tail a single short column of unframed inscriptions reads: May she give all life and
dominion like Re forever.
Amenirdis, whose face is shown in profile, turns to the right to face Amun-Re. Wearing a short
curly wig, and a loose-fitting, long-sleeved dress, Amenirdis holds a naos-sistrum in her left
hand. She does not shake the sistrum though, which rests flatly on her left shoulder. She extends
her right arm towards Amun, who is shown at the exact moment of placing three anx-signs in her
open palm. Behind Amenirdis is a short column of unframed inscriptions. It reads: May
protection, life, stability, all dominion, all health, all gladness, surround <her> like Re for ever.
Facing Amenirdis is Amun-Re, whose face, shown in profile is turned to the left. Similarly attired
to his representation on the upper register, Amun wears his customary double-feathered crown, a
short kilt, an upper-body garment and pectoral. In his left hand, he holds three bits of string from
which hang three anx-signs. The three anx-symbols are being placed in Amenirdiss out-stretched
palm. In his right hand, Amun holds another anx-symbol, which he extends towards Amenirdiss
nose, the loop that constitutes the upper part of the anx-sign almost touch her nose. Amuns action
is symbolic of his life-giving powers. It is through this gesture that Amenirdis received life. Three
short columns of texts in front of Amun-Res crown give his speech: Words spoken by Amun-
Re, Lord of the Thrones of Two Lands, who is in Ipet-Swt, to you, I have given

51
Legrain, Osiris-Hiq-Djeto, 127: the wish that you may live is expressed using the stative construction (stative:
anx.ti).
52
Whereas this combination of signs was originally identified with door hinges, Spencer demonstrated that the signs
actually represent half skies and suggested that the location of the sky-symbol was in the broad courtyard. See A. J.
Spencer, Two Hieroglyphs and Their Relation to the Sed-Festival, JEA 64 (1978): 52-55, at 54.
53
Spencer, Two Hieroglyphs and Their Relation to the Sed-Festival, 54.
THE ROLE OF THE GODS WIFE OF AMUN

45


Fig. 11. Chapel of Osiris, Ruler of Eternity, Room I, East Wall; Lower Register (photo M.
Ayad)



Fig. 11. Detail of the sed-signs in Muts hand (photo M. Ayad)
MARIAM F. AYAD 46
all life and dominion, happiness, perfection, and all that the gods like, that you may live
(therewith) forever.
54

Behind Amun is his divine consort, Mut, who wears her customary double crown of Upper and
Lower Egypt, a tight sheath dress and a broad collar. Muts left arm is bent forward, reaching out
for her husband. Mut places her hand, affectionately and protectively, on her husbands shoulder
such her fingers follow the contours of his rounded shoulder. Her other (right) arm, hangs parallel
to her body, not behind her, but in the space between her and Amun. In her right hand she carries
an anx-symbol, which is modeled so that its horizontal arms form the top of the hieroglyphic sign
for a festival hall (O 23). This sign is then followed by the sign for the sed-festival
(O 23E). The entire group in Muts hand is followed by aSAw, and can thus be read as Many
sed-festivals. A single column of text in front of Muts crown reads: Words spoken by Mut, the
Great, the Mistress of Isharu. Above Mut is the name and title of Amenirdis, probably to be
taken here as the vocative: O the Gods Wife, Amenirdis. Muts speech continues in a single
column of framed inscriptions engraved behind her figure and framing the southern edge of the
scene. It reads, as Eternity exist, so shall your name exist . . . [among] the living. To you, I have
given all life and dominion, and all stability that you may appear as a Divine Worshipper and a
Gods Wife upon the throne of Tefnut like Re forever.
55

Framing the scene at its northern end is a single column of framed inscriptions, engraved behind
Amenirdiss voluptuous figure. It reads: The Gods Wife, Amenirdis, alive, she erected her
monument for her father, Osiris, Ruler of Eternity. She erected for him a temple .that her Lord
may receive a chapel of eternity by means of the work of knowledgeable craftsmen, a
construction work of eternity. She acts for the one who has given life.
56


Conclusions
The close association of Amenirdis and Shepenupet in the decorative scheme of Room I in the
chapel of Osiris, Ruler of Eternity and their balanced representations on the chapels faade is
reminiscent of instances of royal co-regency.
57
Yet, within the carefully balanced layout of the
vignettes on the faade, we can detect a subtle assertion of Amenirdis more superior position.

Orientation of the Gods Wives on the Faade
On the Nubian Faade of the chapel, in accordance with Egyptian artistic convention, the deities
depicted seem to proceed out of the chapel, their supposed divine dwelling.
58
Also in line with
Egyptian artistic convention, the officiating individuals, in this case the two Gods Wives, who
face the deities, are shown walking toward the doorway. The particular arrangement of the small
vignettes framing the doorway results in a rightward orientation of Amenirdis, who is depicted on

54
Note that Legrain (Osiris-Hiq-Djeto, 127) reads this line as: di.n.<i> n.t anx wsr rSwt nfrt mrr nTrw anx s Dt.
However, checking the text at the wall revealed that the pronoun used here is t, the second person singular feminine,
not the third person.
55
Legrain, Osiris-Hiq-Djeto, 127.
56
Legrain, Osiris-Hiq-Djeto, 127: Hmt nTr Imnirdis anx.ti ir.s mnw.s n it.s Wsir HqA-Dt ir.n.s n.f Hwt nTr Ssp nb.s
Ha nt Dt m irt n Hmw rx m kAt nt nHH ir.s Di anx.
57
Cf. Murnane, Egyptian Coregencies, 200, where he suggests that buildings decorated by both rulers are one of the
most characteristic traces left by a coregency. . .
58
Dieter Arnold, Wandrelief und Raumfunktion in aegyptischen Tempeln des N.R., MS 2. (Berlin: Bruno Hessling,
1962), 128; H.G. Fischer, The Orientation of Hieroglyphs Part 1: Reversals (New York: Metropolitan Museum of
Art, 1977), 41; Lanny Bell, The New Kingdom Divine Temple: The Example of Luxor, in: Temples of Ancient
Egypt, ed. B.E. Shafer (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997), 127-84.
THE ROLE OF THE GODS WIFE OF AMUN

47

Fig. 12. Orientation of the GWA on the Nubian Faade; (photo M. Ayad)

the eastern jamb, and a leftward orientation for Shepenupet, who is shown on the western jamb.
This arrangement is quite remarkable for, as noted above, primacy of orientation to the right
establishes lateral dominance in compositions.
59
An Egyptian looking at this faade would have
immediately recognized Amenirdis as the more important of the two Gods Wives, her rightward
orientation having established her dominance over Shepenupet.
This representational dynamic is very clear in the layout of complementary and symmetrically
opposed scenes representing Osorkon III and Takeloth III walking into the chapel. Osorkons
consistent rightward orientation served to assert his superiority over his junior co-regent. Thus,
based solely on their orientation, the rightward, more dominant orientation of Osorkon and
Amenirdis indicated their higher status, while Takeloths and Shepenupets less dominant
leftward orientation indicated their less important status in relation to the father of the former and
the successor of the latter. In the case of Osorkon and Takeloth, this arrangement is hardly
surprising: Osorkon was king long before he made Takeloth his co-regent, having preceded him
to the throne of Egypt by at least 23 years.
60
Osorkons seniority justified his more dominant
orientation. However, with regards to the Gods Wives, their particular orientation indicates a
subtle, yet very clear, assertion of Amenirdiss more elevated status as a member of the new
ruling house.

Absence of Lineage
That such a hierarchical arrangement was indeed deliberate is further confirmed by Amenirdis
failure to refer to Shepenupet as her mother in the inscriptions found in this chapel. Indeed, in
this chapel, Amenirdis did not include any information regarding her own lineage. Leclant noted
the oddity of this omission, noting that neither the name of her father Kashta nor those of her
biological or adoptive mothers, Pebatma and Shepenupet, respectively, were included in her

59
See n. 15 above.
60
Kitchen. Third Intermediate Period, 201.
MARIAM F. AYAD 48
inscriptions.
61
Such an omission must have been deliberate. Ritner suggested that suppression of
lineage, particularly of tribal lineage, served to establish state authority.
62
According to Ritner,
such suppression was part of a systematic state policy of Egypts new Nubian rulers. In the case
of Amenirdis, the suppression was intentional, not only to obscure her Nubian heritage, but also
to distance herself from Shepenupet. Acknowledging that Shepenupet was her mother, adoptive
or otherwise, would have forced Amenirdis to cede primacy of representation to her. Doing so
would have outright defeated the propagandistic purposes of the chapels particular iconographic
program. Instead, Amenirdis asserted her divine pedigree, claiming direct descent from Osiris,
whom she gave the epithet ruler of eternity.
63
Indeed, the name of the chapel derives from three
such inscriptions. Dedicatory in nature, they all mention Amenirdiss special connection to Osiris.
Further asserting her Osirian pedigree is a representation of Amenirdis on the western part of the
north wall in Room I, where she is depicted stretching the cord and thereby founding this
chapel for her father Osiris. Just as Shepenupet II, a dutiful daughter, constructed a funerary
chapel for her adoptive mother Amenirdis, so Amenirdis acted in the same capacity toward her
divine father, Osiris, Ruler of Eternity. But perhaps the most striking feature of this chapels
decorative program is the fact that Amenirdis did not appropriate any of Shepenupets scenes nor
did she erase any of Shepenupets cartouches. Indeed, she had her predecessor depicted in the
scenes decorating the newly constructed east wall.

Claiming Legitimacy through Thematic Continuity
The key to understanding the preservation of Shepenupets older scenes and her inclusion in the
new decorative program lies in Amenirdiss need to establish her own legitimacy. There seems to
be a certain thematic continuity governing the selection and layout of the scenes decorating the
wall of the Nubian extension.
Shepenupets striking iconography, seen especially in scenes of suckling and crowning, suggest
her prominent status.
64
Although noting the prominence accorded Shepenupet in the decorative
scheme of the chapel, Redford concluded that the chapel was erected to commemorate members
of the Twenty-third dynasty. While this may have been part of the chapels purpose, it is more
probable that the chapel was built to commemorate Shepenupets appointment as a Gods Wife of
Amun. After a long hiatus, the office was resurrected. The scenes depicted on the chapels faade
served as a declaration, and as a reminder, of Shepenupets elevated status. Scenes showing
Amun and Hathor crowing and suckling her, strategically placed on the jambs of the original
doorway declared her investiture with the necessary insignia and powers to perform her priestly
and ritualistic duties. These scenes may thus be viewed as recording aspects of an initiation ritual
that marked Shepenupets assumption of office as Gods Wife.
Any informed Egyptian, approaching the Twenty-third dynasty chapel, would have immediately
seen those scenes and recognized them as conveying the gods blessings and approval of her
appointment. Through the milk of the goddess, Shepenupet was imbued with the ability to stand
before the gods and consecrate their offerings.
65
Indeed, as suggested by the crowing scenes,
Amuns placement of a special crown on Shepenupets head indicated that her appointment was
not enacted by a mere mortal, but by the supreme deity himself, who by so doing invested her
with the authority to become a Gods Wife. In this way, those scenes unequivocally established
Shepenupets legitimacy. Recognizing their value, Amenirdis sought to incorporate the entire

61
Leclant, Monuments thbains, 53: Les liens de parent dAmnirdis I ne sont pas indiqus dans les parties
subsistantes, ni avec son pre Kachta lEthiopien, ni avec sa mre adoptive, Chepenoupet I, la fille dOsorkon III,
devant laquelle elle a pleine prsance.
62
Robert K. Ritner Fragmentation and Re-integration in the Third Intermediate Period, in this volume.
63
Legrain, Osiris-Hiq-Djeto, 126; Leclant, monuments thbains, 54. PM 205, (4): Left jamb, bottom.
64
As noted for example, in Redford, Interim Report, 21-22; Fazzini, Egypt: Dynasty XXII-XXV, 20-21.
65
See n. 32 above.
THE ROLE OF THE GODS WIFE OF AMUN

49
Twenty-third dynasty faade, with its legitimating scenes, into the decorative program of the
newly added chamber. By adding on and thematically complementing the very scenes that
legitimated Shepenupets claim to power, Amenirdis established her own legitimacy as a Gods
Wife.
Amenirdiss use of Shepenupets own legitimacy is most visible on the east wall of room I. There,
Amenirdis included representations of Shepenupet on the upper register. In one scene,
Shepenupet receives the menat-necklace from Isis. In another, she offers a figurine of the goddess
Maat to Amun. Both rituals declared Shepenupets elevated status and, more importantly,
proclaimed her role in performing the cult. Maat, the deified personification of cosmic harmony
and justice, was the food which the gods desired. By receiving the menat-necklace, an object
sacred to the goddess Hathor, Shepenupet was receiving the essential gear needed for her
ritualistic role in the temple. The noise produced by shaking the menat was particularly pleasing
to the gods. Shaking it was thus an integral role played by temple musician-priestesses. The
menat also served a protective and regenerative function which granted its possessor the
blessings of rebirth and eternal life.
66
But on the lower register of the east wall, it is Amenirdis,
not Shepenupet, who receives life from Amun and symbols of the sed-festival from Mut.
Amenirdis, thus, not only claimed for herself the same kind of legitimacy that was bestowed on
Shepenupet, but also reaped the benefits of Shepenupets cultic activity.

The Priestly Value of Receiving symbols of the sed festival
Receiving symbols of the sed-festival from Mut further confirmed Amenirdiss cultic role. In his
valuable study on Egyptian festivals, Bleeker suggested that the sed-festival was not a jubilee
celebration, but rather a ceremony that conferred on the king his priestly powers. Recurring
celebrations of this festival thus re-affirmed the kings role as the ultimate High Priest of Egypt.
67

In a similar manner, Amenirdiss receipt of sed symbols from Mut asserted and propagated her
right, indeed her duty, to serve as a mediator between humankind and the gods. In other words,
this scene represents her investiture with (high) priestly authority. This investiture coincided with
a gap of 50 years during which the office of High Priest of Amun was left vacant.
68

Indeed, the scenes inscribed on the east wall of the Nubian addition are not only part of a
ritualistic sequence typically found among the rituals legitimating royal authority, but they also
proclaim a certain ritualistic unity between Amenirdis and Shepenupet. Thus one offers and the
other receives.
This unity of purpose and its associated complementary representations suggests that the
iconography of that first room in the chapel of Osiris, Ruler of Eternity was designed to
emphasize the authority of the office of the Gods Wife, rather than the authority of any one
particular person. This authority imbued the incumbent, Libyan or Nubian, with the ability to
serve the gods. It is the harmonious co-existence, and association, of these two women that served
to achieve a smooth transition of power in the Theban region. For it is in their capacity as the
ultimate religious authority in Thebes that the two women were able to negotiate the dynastic
transition from Libyan to Nubian rule. By adding on, and complementing, scenes that legitimated
Shepenupet as a Gods Wife, the Nubians were able to legitimate their own appointee to the
office, and by extension, their hegemony over the Theban region. In this way, the chapels
decoration, which had an immediately recognizable propagandistic value, was appropriated by the
Nubians, not through erasure, but rather by retention.


66
Capel and Markoe, Mistress of the House, Mistress of the Heaven, 136.
67
C.J. Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals: Enactments of Religious Renewal (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1967), 95, 113-23, esp. 121.
68
Kitchen, Third Intermediate Period, 201 and 480.
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Volume 23
THE LIBYAN PERIOD IN EGYPT
Historical and Cultural Studies into the 21
st
-24
th
Dynasties.
Proceedings of a Conference at Leiden University, 25-27 October 2007
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This volume contains the Proceedings of
a conference held in October 2007 at Leiden
University on the Libyan Period in Egypt.

The study of the Third Intermediate
Period, and most notably its chronology, has
become stuck in controversies ever since
publications by David Aston, Anthony
Leahy, John Taylor and others raised doubts
as to the chronology presented in Kitchens
seminal study The Third Intermediate Period
in Egypt (1972). There had been only a
single conference held on the Libyan
dynasties before, organized by Leahy at the
School of Oriental and African Studies in
London in 1986 under the title Libya and
Egypt. There was clearly a need to discuss
the controversial aspects of the chronology
and culture of the period with all the parties
involved.
The timely nature of the conference was
confirmed by the enthusiastic response from
those colleagues who were invited to
participate. In the end, a total of 24 speakers
presented in front of an audience of some
120 scholars and students hailing from
fifteen different countries. It was thought
that the chronological issues surrounding
Dynasties 21-24, the Libyan Period, should
be the principal focus of discussion, because
it is here that the largest uncertainties still
remain. In addition, several scholars were
invited to present recent archaeological finds
from their own field work. Only by
considering new material may we hope to
solve the remaining problems, and new
insights into the Libyan Period are likely to
emerge from the combined study of a wide
variety of sources.

The topics of controversy lie mainly in
the realm of chronology. Apart from this,
several papers deal with the cultural
developments of the period. An interesting
joint theme that emerges from these is the
appearance of archaism in the art of the
second half of the Libyan period. Several
papers include comments on a newly found
interest in the proportions and iconography
from the classical periods of the past,
notably of the Middle Kingdom.