Debate between cosmopolitans and advocates of nationalism is hardly new. Much of it is based on the erroneous assumption that both are opposites of nationalism. Dividing line should not be regarded as signifying distinction between liberals and anti-liberals.
Debate between cosmopolitans and advocates of nationalism is hardly new. Much of it is based on the erroneous assumption that both are opposites of nationalism. Dividing line should not be regarded as signifying distinction between liberals and anti-liberals.
Debate between cosmopolitans and advocates of nationalism is hardly new. Much of it is based on the erroneous assumption that both are opposites of nationalism. Dividing line should not be regarded as signifying distinction between liberals and anti-liberals.
of national identity ARIE M. DUBNOV Stanford University, USA ABSTRACT. The debate between contemporary cosmopolitans and advocates of nationalism is hardly new. Nevertheless, much of it is based on the erroneous assumption that cosmopolitanism should be seen as an outgrowth of liberalism, and that both should be considered as the complete conceptual opposites of nationalism. In this article I focus on two of the post-war Jewish anglophile intellectuals who took part in this debate during the Cold War years: the Oxonian liberal philosopher Sir Isaiah Berlin (190997) and the Israeli historian Jacob L. Talmon (191680). I use their examples to argue that the dividing line between cosmopolitans and advocates of nationalism should not be regarded as signifying the distinction between liberals and anti-liberals; in fact, this debate also took place within the camp of the liberal thinkers themselves. I divide my discussion into three parts. Firstly, I examine Berlins and Talmons positions within the post-war anti-totalitarian discourse, which came to be known as liberalism of fear. Secondly, I show how a sense of Jewish identity, combined with deep Zionist convictions, induced both thinkers to divorce anti- nationalist cosmopolitanism which they regarded as a hollow, illusionary ideal associated with impossible assimilationist yearnings from the liberal idea. I conclude by suggesting that, although neither man had ever developed a systematic theoretical framework to deal with the complex interactions between ethno-nationalism, liberal individualism and multiculturalism, Berlins vision of pluralism provides the founda- tions for building such a theory, in which liberalism and nationalism become complementary rather than conicting notions. KEYWORDS: Berlin, Isaiah (190997); cosmopolitanism; liberal nationalism; pluralism; Talmon, Jacob L. (191680); totalitarianism Oh, how I love humanity With love so pure and pringlish And how I hate the horrid French Who never will be English! The International Idea The largest and the clearest Is welding all the nations now Except the one thats nearest. (Chesterton 1951: 15) Nations and Nationalism 16 (4), 2010, 559578. r The authors 2010. Journal compilation r ASEN/Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2010 EN AS J OURNAL OF THE ASSOCI ATI ON FOR THE STUDY OF ETHNI CI TY AND NATI ONALI SM NATIONS AND NATIONALISM The truest cosmopolitanism goes with the intensest local colour, for otherwise you contribute nothing to the human treasury and make mankind a featureless monotony. (Zangwill 1896: 291) Introduction In October 1960, the Oxonian philosopher and historian of ideas Sir Isaiah Berlin reported to his close Israeli colleague and friend, the historian Jacob L. Talmon, that during his enjoyable summer vacation in Portono, Italy, he had taken the opportunity to nish reading Elie Kedouries recent book on nationalism (Kedourie 1993). This book, developed from lectures Kedourie delivered at the London School of Economics in the late 1950s, was an unparalleled achievement and a landmark in the study of nationalism. It opened with a historical tour de force that plunged into the late eighteenth- century origins of nationalist ideologies, continued with a discussion of nationalism and politics in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and ended with a description of the way in which national self-determination had emerged as the dominant organising principle of international order. Not entirely dissimilar from Berlin himself, Kedourie was also agitated by the way that nationalists abused the idea of freedom, making it a particular condition of the will which [. . .] ensures the lasting fullment of the individual and his bliss, and thereby turning politics into a method of realising superhuman vision (Kedourie 1993: 79). Yet, something troubled Berlin about Kedouries argument. Writing to Talmon, he said that the book is really rather touching: he is as you know an upper-class Baghdad Jew, who lost his status, possessions etc., as the result of the persecution largely induced by Zionism. Consequently [. . .] he thinks that nationalism is the root of all evil . . . Poor Kedourie, I rather like him because of the enemies he makes. His life and marvellously one-sided Panopticonism is a kind of concrete illustration of the thesis that interests present themselves as ideals and views are directly affected by personal experience . . . It is a vigorous, naive, sincere book. Very wrong headed, but hopeful against those who think that ideas can be treated in void . . .(Berlin 1960) 2 No doubt, as Lloyd Kramer once noted, texts about nationalism have always drawn their perspectives and passions from the evolving political and cultural contexts in which their authors lived (Kramer 1997: 525). Berlin understood this when reading Kedouries book. He could not avoid nding in it the unmistakable traces of the authors own traumatic personal experience. As a 15-year-old schoolboy Kedourie had witnessed the farhud, the notorious June 1941 pogrom against Baghdads Jewish community that took place under the noses of the British authorities, who turned a blind eye to the scenes of murder and pillage (Kedourie 1998; Yapp 1995). Although he acculturated perfectly in Britain and never disguised his anglophile disposition, a certain nostalgic longing to return to the lost multiethnic city of his childhood lurked behind much of Kedouries work. The vivid contrast offered by Kedourie, presenting r The authors 2010. Journal compilation r ASEN/Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2010 560 Arie M. Dubnov EN AS J OURNAL OF THE ASSOCI ATI ON FOR THE STUDY OF ETHNI CI TY AND NATI ONALI SM NATIONS AND NATIONALISM the Ottoman empires ethnic heterogeneity as the mirror opposite of the irrational nationalism generated by European imperialism, was a touching eulogy to a delicate human fabric destroyed by the twin evils of imperialism and nationalism (Kedourie 1970, 1987, 1993). Berlin a no less successful acculturated, secular Jew and no sympathiser of empire either felt much empathy. Nevertheless, at the same time he was also irritated. Berlin felt that there was something too harsh about Kedouries categorical condemnation and de-legitimisation of the entire nationalist vocabulary. How could Ke- dourie be so relentlessly anti-sentimental and lacking in empathy towards the nationalist, whom he attacked as having invented a dimly atavistic doctrine? In short, Berlins irritation calls for an explanation: why would a champion of pluralism and toleration in political thought like Berlin nd himself so opposed to Kedourie? Why, despite the fact that he himself dened nation- alism as an essentially irrational, pathological condition of collective con- sciousness and resentment (Berlin 1990), was Berlin unwilling to reject the nationalist idea as a whole? And why did he nd it important to report about Kedouries anti-nationalist creed to Jacob Talmon, the renowned author of The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy (1952), of all people? The turn taken by the mainstream British study of nationalism during the previous generation, as it moved away from the history of ideas towards the social sciences, probably makes it difcult for contemporary observers to understand what this fuss was all about (Breuilly 2000; King 1999). To be sure, Berlins polemical attitude towards Kedourie was not part of a debate on the contents of the history of ideas, nor on the adequacy of its methodology. Nor was it a dispute between a defender of an Oakeshottian-conservative political orientation of the kind with which Kedourie is generally associated, and a more social-democratic strand of liberalism, nding greater afnity with the moderate ideological left. The dispute that surfaced in Berlins letter was inherently connected to the question of cosmopolitanism and universalism and their relation to nationalism, not less than to the personal life stories of all the parties involved in the debate. Both Berlin and Talmon rmly rejected cosmopolitanism. They did not consider it to be a term signifying a certain lifestyle or fashion, nor did they dismiss the cosmopolitan for being, as Roger Scruton described, nothing but a kind of parasite, who depends upon the quotidian lives of others to create the various local avours and identities in which he dabbles (Scruton 1982: 100). Cosmopolitanism was, to them, a political stand and a normative vision, grounded in specic historical realities. And this sort of ercely anti-nationalist cosmopolitanism was regarded by both as a reductio ad absurdum of liberal principles and a dangerous illusion. In their minds, it was inherently associated with an impossible human yearning to resolve the dialectic tension between the universal and the particular, the individual and the collective, the local and the global. Furthermore, both regarded this yearning as the essence of totalitarian thought. Comparing the work of the historian to that of a psychoanalyst who cures by making his patient aware of his subconscious, Talmon r The authors 2010. Journal compilation r ASEN/Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2010 Anti-cosmopolitan liberalism 561 described himself as a social analyst whose aim is to identify the human urge which calls totalitarian democracy into existence, namely the longing for a nal resolution of all contradictions and conicts into a state of total harmony (Talmon 1952: 2445). The very same utopian urge was identied by Talmon in his analysis of Jewish cosmopolitans, whom he considered as suffering from a modern identity neurosis. Although less harsh in his rhetoric, Berlin likewise contended that there was no essential difference between the cosmopolitan utopia and the Orwellian dystopias that he found in dark, authoritative regimes. Cosmopolitanism, Berlin argued, is the shedding of all that makes one most human, most oneself (Berlin 1998a: 255). And what made one most oneself, he contended, was this need to belong to a community of ones own, among other things. Both men concluded that transcending nationalism and entering a post-national order was neither practical nor desirable. The aim of this article is to reconstruct historically this liberal anti- cosmopolitan position. The underlying premise we nd in so many contem- poraneous debates over nationalism and cosmopolitanism, assuming an essen- tial incompatibility between liberalism and nationalism, comes into question once the debate over cosmopolitanism is relocated as taking place within the liberal camp. I will show that the anti-cosmopolitan argument was compatible with the liberal anti-totalitarian discourse, which provided both the platform on which Talmons and Berlins intellectual dialogue was formed and the founda- tions of Berlins famous, but nonetheless very ambiguous, pluralist theory. I The concept of cosmopolitanism enjoys a very long and rich history. Ever since it was coined by the Stoics to denote the idea that cosmos (order) and polis (the site of politics) can, at least in principle, be seen as overlapping (Moles 1996; Schoeld 1991), very different (if not even contradictory) notions and ideas were attached to it. It would be an anachronism to argue that throughout its long history the underlying a priori working assumption employed by those making use of the concept was that cosmopolitanism, in essence, should be regarded as the conceptual antithesis of nationality and nationalism. Neither would it be accurate to argue that this sort of antithetic reading was an outcome of the emergence of national ideas or that it sprang up in reaction to them. Friedrich Meinecke, for example, strongly held that nation-state and cosmopolitanism (Weltburgertum) were twin constitutive ideas rather than opposites, and asserted with much Herderian condence that humanity goal is not harmony, but the development of particular powers (Meinecke 1970: 34). Even in Immanuel Kants Perpetual Peace, which famously promoted the idea that all rational beings are potential members of a single moral community, an underlying vision of a federative league of nations and not that of an a-national or anti-national global r The authors 2010. Journal compilation r ASEN/Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2010 562 Arie M. Dubnov village was promoted (Kant 2006; Kleingeld 1998; Schlereth 1977). While casting a very sceptical eye on the nationalist wave that swept the continental Europe of his time, Lord Actons widely quoted essay on nationality did not encompass at any stage an utter dismissal of the national idea. Although already available to him, Acton found no special conceptual merit in the term cosmopolitanism, and instead took nationalitys existence to be a granted ontological fact, and used it as a theoretical justication for a multinational empire in which nationality functions as a guarantee of freedom, debunking any attempt to restore power to one and only one group within civil society (Acton 1919). It seems, in short, that cosmopolitanism became a handy term to be employed by critics of nationalism only in recent times. It remains however unclear at what exact point in time the new dichot- omous understanding of nationalism and cosmopolitanism as mutually exclusive concepts emerged. One possible line of explanation, suggested by Craig Calhoun, considers contemporary cosmopolitanism as a sort of post- Fukuyamian discourse, developed almost as a direct response to the fall of communism, which led some enthusiastic optimists at the close of the previous millennium to believe that a new brave world was taking shape before their eyes (Calhoun 2007). Others who seek to identify older roots of todays quandary may adopt Michael Howards and James Sheehans theses and regard contemporaneous cosmopolitanism as a post-1945 variation on a much older European battle between pacism and militarism, which re- emerged with greater vigour after the unprecedented destruction brought about by two world wars (Howard 2000; Sheehan 2008). Social and economic historians, less interested in identifying single transformative events and placing greater emphasis on slow and gradual structural processes of change, would probably consider cosmopolitanism as a discourse accompanying the emergence of a global village in which a late or post-industrial economy, new communication technologies, and accelerated processes of transfer of popula- tions, ideas or even diseases (alongside many other additional factors) have erased borders that were previously regarded as uncrossable in a literal as well as a metaphoric sense (Goddard et al. 2003; Shain 2007). As an intellectual historian, there appears to me little doubt that the liberal discourse that emerged immediately after the end of World War II contributed much to our contemporary quite confused (mis)understandings of cosmopolitanism: Cold War liberals practically inaugurated a neo-cosmopolitan discourse as they developed an unprecedented suspicion towards centrally planned statist bureaucracies and, at the same time, towards volkish body politic rhetoric. Very much like the discourse of totalitarianism, this neo-cosmopolitan discourse was successful precisely because it was able to satisfy simultaneously the twin needs to reject the desolation and annihilation brought about by fascism and Nazism and, at the same time, to provide formulas that could be of practical use in the ongoing ideological struggle against communism. It was in this context that we nd a new libertarian voice emerging from traumatic memories and fear of totalitarian central planning systems, leading r The authors 2010. Journal compilation r ASEN/Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2010 Anti-cosmopolitan liberalism 563 Friedrich von Hayek or Wilhelm Ro pke (among others) to associate cosmo- politanism with untrammelled free trade and global markets (Hayek 1960; Ro pke 1996). For example, as early as 1944 Ludwig von Mises began to consider nationalism as a dangerous force that invariably grows to nullify cosmopolitan ideals of free trade and international peace. He regarded German Nazism as an extreme example of the common tendency of govern- ments to intervene in a way that endangers classical liberal ideals (Knight 1947; von Mises 1944). As I argue in the next section, Karl Popper further developed the cosmopolitan imagination in crystallising the notion of a supranational, rationalist and liberal open society. What was new about this type of discourse was not the terminology so much as the new, post-war trajectory adopted by liberalism as it sought to reconstitute itself after a deadly chapter in history that was widely regarded as a tragic moment of liberal collapse. Ironically, ofcial Soviet propaganda, which by Stalins time no longer paid serious attention to the Marxist-inspired ideal of internationalism or, even worse, suspected it to be a form of heretical Trotskyism, also contributed to the turbulent history of the term. Cosmopolitanism was perceived by the Soviets, to use the words of a 1949 columnist in Pravda, essentially as an ideological weapon of American reaction (Yu Pavlov, Mitin and Simonov 1949: 179; see also Vucinich 1984). Studies conducted over the last two decades repeatedly demonstrate the robust anti-Semitic underpinnings of much of the Soviet anti-cosmopolitan campaign (Brent and Naumov 2003; Weiner 1999). It stressed hysterically a presumed ingrained alienation on the part of Jews toward the socialist body politic, turning cosmopolitanism into a pejorative term signifying disloyalty and dangerous rootlessness. Like Wes- tern liberal neo-cosmopolitanism, the Russian anti-cosmopolitan campaign also had its roots in the wartime years if not earlier; but as the mirror opposite to the Western discourse, it portrayed Jewish nationalism as part of the cosmopolitan bourgeois threat. The cosmopolitan thinking of the great part of Jews with a Jewish origin has been forgotten, warned Va clav Kopecky , the Czechoslovak Minister of Information during the Sla nsky Trials, in a speech delivered to the Communist Partys Central Committee. The Party, Kopecky declared, had failed to take seriously enough the struggle against cosmopo- litanism, precisely because it failed to appreciate Zionisms role within it, functioning as an important instrument of American and British imperialism that had transformed into a species of Titoism (Kaplan 1990: 149). In short, by the early 1950s it had become clear that, beyond the Iron Curtain, cosmopolitanism had not only been ofcially juridicised to be used against antagonists of the regime, but had also been turned into a new anti-Semitic prejudice, seen as an inherent part of an imagined collective, non-assimilatory Jewish mentality. One does not need to read between the lines to appreciate how Jacob Talmons magnum opus, The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy, was written under the strong inuence of Cold-War realities. According to Talmons r The authors 2010. Journal compilation r ASEN/Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2010 564 Arie M. Dubnov thesis, Jacobin and Bolshevik oppression did not simply resemble each other, but were in fact causally related. The philosophical foundations of totalitar- ianism had been laid by Rousseau, he asserted, for it was he who had rst legitimated persecution, forced subjection, re-education and terrorist dicta- torship in the name of freedom (Talmon 1975: 122). 3 Therefore, the term totalitarian democracy served not only to explain the novelty of the French Revolution, but also to offer a deeper explanation of the dark roots from which the twentieth centurys ideological clash had evolved. This was a top- down model of political control and coercion, in which the masses were dominated totally by an elite that could present itself as fullling the will of the masses. In the eyes of John Dunn, one of Talmons critics, this was an invented narrative, suggesting nothing but an imaginative prehistory of communist regimes (Dunn 1984: 40). Other commentators, more sympathetic towards Talmons project, regarded this as a merit, praising the young historian for demonstrating an unequivocal sensitivity to the present that informs [the] account of the past (Billington 1984: 56). From the late 1940s onwards, Isaiah Berlin presented a similar thesis to that of Talmons in his numerous lectures and essays. Although, as a young Oxford don, Berlin was associated with the Pink Lunch Club (a gathering of young socialist and Lib-Lab intellectuals orchestrated by G. D. H. Cole) during the 1930s, after World War II he became a erce and uncompromising anti-communist (Dodds 1977; Harrison 1991; Ignatieff 1998; Ayer 1992). 4 Berlins 19456 visit to Russia, during which he met with the persecuted poet Anna Akhmatova, was undoubtedly one of the factors that induced him to adopt an uncompromising anti-communist stand (Dalos and Dunai 1998; Ignatieff 1998). To this one may add Berlins explicit admiration of Winston Churchill, whom he considered after the war to be the most admirable British prime minister in history (Berlin 1998b). Indeed, there is a deep sense in which the political philosophy that Berlin developed in the post-war years corre- sponds with Churchills dramatic depiction of the globe as divided by an Iron Curtain. Even Two Concepts of Liberty, Berlins celebrated inaugural lecture delivered in 1958 as Chichele Professor of Social and Political Thought in which he sought to differentiate between the correct (i.e. liberal) understanding of the words freedom or liberty and the way in which they were, in his opinion, misunderstood, misused and eventually abused by the Nazi and Soviet regimes can be and was read at the time as a Cold War liberal manifesto (Berlin 1969). In the eyes of Leo Strauss, for instance, Berlins comprehensive formula is not of analytical so much as of political use: he believed that the lecture failed to offer much beyond a manifesto designed to rally all anti-communists (Strauss 1989: 1516). The strength of Berlins philosophical argument owed much to the fact that it was backed by historical investigation. And indeed, having producing a narrative strikingly similar to that of Talmon, Berlin argued as early as 1949 that the root of both democracy and communism [is to be found] in eighteenth-century rationalism and that Rousseau formulates the basic proposition of Communism, Fascism r The authors 2010. Journal compilation r ASEN/Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2010 Anti-cosmopolitan liberalism 565 and all other totalitarian orders (Berlin 1949). Berlin contributed numerous pieces to journals such as Foreign Affairs (published by the Council on Foreign Relations, which in those years adopted George Kennans political position) and Encounter (a CIA-funded magazine that sought to provide all anti-communist scholars with a joint platform), in which he defended Western liberalism and decried the Soviet Union as a vast prison characterised by the suppression of original thought, fears, mutual suspicions and the haunting sense of political insecurity (Berlin 1947: 543, 545). The so-called new Soviet man was, he insisted, nothing but the result of so many years of Stalinist conditioning governed by bullying and half-cynical semi-Marxist philistines (Berlin 2004: 156, 165). Those philistines, he maintained, used and abused the noble idea of liberty by offering a twisted positive version of it, speaking of freedom to rather than freedom from, believing rmly in one prescribed form of life which the adherence of the negative notions represent as being, at times, no better than a specious disguise for brutal tyranny (Berlin 1969: 131). To be sure, there is no single coherent theoretical statement of anything called Cold War liberalism. This should be regarded primarily as an umbrella concept or, as Jan-Werner Mu ller noted correctly, as a term signifying a particular sensibility (Mu ller 2008). We nd this sort of sensibility in the work of thinkers who agreed on a very loose set of presuppositions that are best summed up by the well-known expression coined by Judith Shklar: the liberalism of fear. Liberalism of fear is concerned primarily with preventing political violence, cruelty and abuse of power. Its basic premise, she argued, is that some agents of government will behave lawlessly and brutally in small or big ways most of the time unless they are prevented from doing so (Shklar 1998a: 10). This is essentially a negative and highly pessimistic liberalism. 5 It is concerned rst and foremost with avoiding the worst, rather than achieving the best, and seeks the best possible means of minimising conicts that seem almost inevitable. Alluding to Hobbes, Shklar described her position as resting on a summum malum (the supreme evil) argument, and she hailed the anglophone philosophers for replacing utopianism with scepticism as a method of thinking about political philosophy (Shklar 1998b). Finally, she never denied that her view was born out of cruelty and war, and was linked to her personal experience as a Jew living in the twentieth century (Shklar 1996). Building on Mu llers suggestion, we may construct our description of Cold War liberalism using Shklars framework. Indeed, liberal Cold War warriors combined an understanding of two kinds of fear: rstly the fear of utopia, fear of ambitious programmes advanced by those who felt absolutely certain in their convictions and sure about their political prescriptions (Mu ller 2008: 48); and secondly the fear of fear itself, namely the understanding that intimidation and terrorisation of citizens i.e. the creation of a situation in which the masses submit themselves to the yoke of political authority out of panic at the possibility of being sent to a gulag, a concentration camp or such like Kafkaesque penal colony is an extremely potent and dangerous motivating force that should be morally condemned. These liberals of fear r The authors 2010. Journal compilation r ASEN/Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2010 566 Arie M. Dubnov contended that in modern politics many political evils and pathologies ultimately originated in fear itself (Shklar 1998a: 11). 6 None manifest the particular sensibility that characterises the liberalism of fear better than Talmon and Berlin. In fact, they provided the historical and philosophical sides (respectively) of the same coin: while Talmon presented in his book a historical description of the abuse of the idea of freedom and democracy, Berlins Two Concepts of Liberty aimed primarily to identify philosophically and describe the conceptual mutation of the term. Together, they feared Soviet communism precisely because it was seen as an ambitious utopian programme whose planners were willing to justify all evil in the name of a future desired end. The alternative they offered was clearly liberal: if citizens and rulers alike would understand liberty in negative terms that is, as the absence of constraints on the individual (freedom from) they would not fall into totalitarianism, for the totalitarian understood liberty in positive terms as the ability to pursue and achieve desired goals, self-rule and self- realisation (freedom to). The two parallel distinctions that Talmon and Berlin offered liberal vs. totalitarian democracy and negative vs. positive freedom were designed not only to explain the past but also to describe the present. Therefore, the Cold Wars liberalism of fear, and especially its strict anti- totalitarian discourse, provided the intellectual foundation upon which Talmons and Berlins intellectual dialogue was originally based. But the question remains: why were the two so eager to defend nationality rather than rejecting it as a dangerous, metaphysical and positive abuse of the ideas of freedom and democracy? In seeking an answer to these questions, I contend, we must take into consideration the neo-cosmopolitan discourse especially the sort developed by other Cold War liberals, who were often Berlins and Talmons direct interlocutors. II The majority of scholarly discussions aimed at explaining and formulating the category of Cold War liberalism tend not to address the question of the response of Cold War Jewish intellectuals to Zionism, or alternatively to assume that sooner or later all major post-war Jewish intellectuals absorbed the politics of exile, becoming erce critics of all forms of nationalism. A more careful and nuanced approach is undoubtedly required. In fact, the very thin common thread tying Cold War liberals together tears when it comes to the question of Jewish nationalism. Put otherwise: what we nd among Cold War liberals is a cacophony rather than a symphony, or at least an internal division separating vocal liberal cosmopolitans, who largely set the tone in the debates of organisations such as the Congress for Cultural Freedom, from liberals who were unwilling to reject the national idea tout court. These were, to be sure, divisions within the liberal and anti-totalitarian camp. r The authors 2010. Journal compilation r ASEN/Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2010 Anti-cosmopolitan liberalism 567 Cosmopolitan Cold War liberalism did not express itself only in a Hayek- ish libertarian call for an uncoerced free-market economy. Karl Poppers understanding of the division between open and closed societies is probably the best known formula of Cold War cosmopolitanism. Popper was a erce critic of the national idea: he demanded that ideas such as self-recognition or self-determination be removed from the lexicon of political and international planners and looked for inspiration to Kant, whose cosmopolitanism he admired and sought to transplant to post-1945 Europe (Popper 1968). 7 Zionism, he argued, was a petried form of Jewish racialism that was both stupid and wrong (Popper 1992: 120). This was not an expression of Jewish self-hatred but part of a deep cosmopolitan conviction. As Hacohen says, to Popper [n]ational identities were false, reactionary and utopian. Individual, imperial and cosmopolitan identities were true, progressive and possible (Hacohen 2001: 266). National sentiments were no different from primitive feelings of clannish pride, and were associated with the dogmatic, irrational thinking of closed societies. Not all Cold War liberals accepted this Popperian vision. Even Michael Polanyi, who very much like Popper was a quintessential Austro-Hungarian Bildungsburger and admirer of the natural sciences and the Enlightenment, did not go as far as Popper, and was not only willing to associate himself with Zionism at a certain stage of his life but also wrote an important essay on the subject. In the post-war years, having distanced himself from the Zionist movement, Polanyi was still unwilling to dismiss the entire discourse and sentiment of nationalists as primitive, but simply declared that although national life is a deep source of strength [. . .] it is not all; there is plenty outside it (Knepper 2005; Polanyi 1943: 12). Typologically speaking, then, we must distinguish cosmopolitan liberals from non- or anti-cosmopolitan ones. Historically speaking, this was not an abstract question. The foundation of the state of Israel in May 1948, which coincided with the onset of the Cold War and symbolised, together with the independence of India, the complete and nal breakdown of the British empire, rendered the questions of nationalism and cosmopolitanism almost existential ones for so many participants in this debate. The issue was not only whether the new country would fall under the Western or Eastern sphere of inuence, but also how Jews should dene themselves collectively in this new world. In other words, the existence of a Jewish nation-state was one of the prime triggers of the cosmopolitan dilemma among the liberals of fear, and this was for them a time of self-questioning and not only of abstract theorising. It was in this context that Talmon and Berlin, at the zenith of their intellectual careers and at the height of the Cold War, wrote their essays in defense of Zionism. As I have shown elsewhere, the similarity between the ideas of the two men is not coincidental, but bears evidence of extensive collaboration and a prolonged intellectual dialogue between the two (Dubnov 2008). Their rejection of cosmopolitanism found its way into their historical writings. In these works, they examined Jewish dissident gures such as Rosa r The authors 2010. Journal compilation r ASEN/Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2010 568 Arie M. Dubnov Luxemburg, Karl Marx and Moses Hess. Not afraid to employ psychological terminology, Talmon considered Rosa Luxemburg to be the best example of the essentially pathological condition of the assimilated Jew. The dening feature of this neurosis, Talmon asserted, was that the Jew dreams that emancipation would give rise to a cosmopolitan society in which he would no longer be treated as a guest or an outsider. This aspiration was then translated into the internationalist cravings of Jews, who became enchanted by revolu- tionary illusions. According to this thesis, Luxemburg suffered from a painful self-deception that was itself a product of distress and dangerous repression. Most importantly, by arguing that Luxemburgs contempt towards national- ism was one of the symptoms of her disease, Talmon was able to connect his anti-communist liberalism with his Zionist historiographical reading. Cosmo- politanism appeared to him as a modern neurosis, and anti-nationalism a product of a fundamental uncertainty on the part of the Jew about his identity, a distressing result of a cosmopolitan rootlessness, which came from not being instinctively anchored to a stable tradition and xed mode of life (Talmon 1981: 90 [my emphasis]). Berlins essay on Moses Hess exemplies a similar move aimed at inter- nationally minded Jews who rationalise their own anomalous situation instead of admitting to themselves that they belong to an ethno-national minority group. Berlin was fascinated by the miraculous transformation of the communist rabbi who became disillusioned with the Marxist ideals of his youth. Hess was read as a sober thinker resisting the temptation of the Jew, a member of a persecuted minority who transcended his misfortune by speaking more enthusiastically than others about humanity with a capital H, imagining a utopian world in which his hardship would miraculously fade away (Berlin 1980c). 8 Hints of Berlins rejection of communism as a form of articial cosmopolitanism can be identied in his rst book, which depicted Karl Marx as a dislocated person, frustrated by his incapacity to assimilate into bourgeois society, who produced his communist utopia partly as a result of this unfullled craving for a sense of belonging (Berlin 1939). In Jewish Slavery and Emancipation (1952), probably Berlins boldest pro-Zionist manifesto, he further developed his analysis of Jewish assimilationist yearn- ings. Arguing against this assimilationism, Berlin presented Judaism in ethno-national terms, as an immanent and inescapable aspect of ones identity (Berlin 2001). The essay on Hess, written around 1957, constitutes a closure in this sense. One detects the admiration Berlin felt towards the Red Rabbi. In Berlins account of Hesss story, Marx was once again cast in the role of villain, who employed false cosmopolitanism as a mask to cover the Marxists crude anti-Semitic prejudices. The young Hess, like Marx, believed that the real emancipation [of Jews] would occur only when all hatred and contempt for them on the part of others disappeared. In short, he repeated the noble common places that have formed the staple doctrine of liberal assimilia- tionists everywhere and at all times (Berlin 2001: 226). But the mature Hess, Berlin asserted, understood to what degree this notion was erroneous and r The authors 2010. Journal compilation r ASEN/Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2010 Anti-cosmopolitan liberalism 569 superstitious. Berlin hailed Hesss conversion to Jewish nationalism, not yet termed Zionism at that time. Unlike Marx, Berlin argued, Hess did not suffer from a self-hatred that made him wish to commit acts of violence against his nature. He did not try to cut the traces of his origins out of himself because he did not feel it as a malignant growth that was suffocating him and of which he was ashamed (Berlin 1980c: 225). Berlin used Hess to castigate the pre- tentious liberal idea that conditioned the emancipation of Jews by treating their national collectiveness as a primitive, strange quality, of which they should rid themselves through education: Hess did not accept the Marxist doctrine of the unreality of nationalism as a basic factor in history. He condemned cosmopolitanism as the deliberated and unnatural suppres- sion of real historical differences which enrich mankind [. . .] [H]e sharply rejected the Hegelian distinction between historic nations and those unfortunate submerged nationalities, which the more bellicose nations, chosen to play a historic role in virtue of their superiority, had a historic right to absorb and dominate.(Berlin 1980c: 230) More than a decade later, in Benjamin Disraeli, Karl Marx, and the Search for Identity (Berlin 1980a), Berlin once again returned to the same ideas, producing another bold apology of Zionism. He felt no compunction in employing the highly pejorative notion of juedischer Selbsthass (Jewish self- hatred) against Marx, this time compared to Disraeli, the Jew who was presumably the greatest champion of empire. Political struggles and ideology were read in this essay through a new prism that of identity politics provided by the 1960s. But the core of the argument remained the same: The baptised Jewish intellectual, still regarded as racially a Jew by his fellows, could not hope to be politically effective so long as nationalism remained a problem for him. It had somehow to be eliminated as an issue. This, Berlin continues, explains why Marx identied himself with a social force, the great international class of the disinherited workers, in whose name he could thunder his anathemas (Berlin 1980a: 2801). Put otherwise: Marx idealised the highly abstract category of the proletariat, but could never really be part of this class because he lacked any real roots and a sense of belonging. It is clear, then, that both Talmons and Berlins anti-communist outlook was linked to their rejection of assimilationism, as they mobilised to defend both Jewish ethno-nationalism and anti-cosmopolitanism alike. The psycho- logical desire to solve identity dilemmas and overcome marginality by dissolving into semi-abstract and universalistic entities endowed this assim- ilationism with its fundamental nature. This is where liberal cosmopolitanism and Marxist internationalism found common ground. Browsing carefully through Berlins other writings, one nds him defending the theory that Jews were drawn towards liberalism by desires similar to those that motivated their brethren who found communist revolution so attractive. Both groups derived their beliefs from false Enlightenment assumptions regarding the nature of critical rationalism and the way in which it presumably requires people to overcome their irrational particularity and understanding of distinct group identity. This was an accusation that offended classic liberals. It recognised an r The authors 2010. Journal compilation r ASEN/Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2010 570 Arie M. Dubnov assimilationist drive within liberalism yet another emancipation philoso- phy that linked liberty with the idea of enlightening people away from their primordial ethno-nationality. Popper was probably most displeased to nd that his progressive liberal cosmopolitanism, when viewed from this perspec- tive, was not the diametric opposite of communist utopianism but merely the other side of the same internationalist coin. Talmon and Berlin reconstituted their identity as Jews and as liberals as the mirror image of Luxemburg and Marx, seeking to retain their particularity by returning to the nineteenth- century liberal idea of a general humanitat that is subdivided into ethno- national subgroups. Clearly, this was an attempt to rehabilitate the national position. Yet it should not be mistakenly confused with the idea of defending the nation-state theory. The quintessential argument of this anti-cosmopolitan liberalism was the call to overcome an illusion of civilising people by inducing them to abandon their sense of ethno-national belonging. Cosmopolitan liberalism could not regard ethno-national sentiments as anything but symp- toms of atavistic tribalism. But the very idea that liberalism requires ethno- national groups to dissolve peacefully into their environment was precisely what both thinkers regarded as repellently wrong about cosmopolitan liberalism. Much of Berlins and Talmons argumentation is based on classic Zionist arguments, used throughout the history of the nationalist movement against its Jewish foes, who were frequently accused of absorbing an assimilationist mentality typical of emancipated Jews. What was originally new about their move is the conscious attempt to incorporate this sort of argumentation within a liberal framework rather than turning it into an anti-liberal argu- ment. Their liberalism of fear merged with their erce Zionist anti-cosmopo- litanism, rather than creating false either/or alternatives. The result was not only a different historical narrative depicting the origins of the twentieth centurys catastrophes, but also a new understanding of a liberalism that is friendly toward and compatible with moderate forms of nationalism. Post- war liberalism could not allow itself to make the mistake of offering a haughty philosophy that failed to satisfy emotional needs for cementing social bonds in the name of abstract universalism. Neither Berlin nor Talmon systematically developed a theory of liberal nationalism. Nevertheless, we can nd in Berlins writings on pluralism some elements that may provide the cornerstones for the construction of a theory by those wishing to nd a middle way between nationalism and cosmopoli- tanism. Such a theory requires a far lengthier elaboration than the one I am able to present here. I shall now devote my brief conclusion to sketching the contours of Berlins outlook on the subject. III The debate between Cold War liberals regarding cosmopolitanism, Zionism and nationalism informed Berlins later writings. Like the Zionist thinkers he r The authors 2010. Journal compilation r ASEN/Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2010 Anti-cosmopolitan liberalism 571 wrote about, Berlin also contended that self-elimination because of an excessive hunger to assimilate could result in denial of ones identity. He considered this to be not only psychologically harmful, but also hopeless. Towards the late 1960s and throughout the 1970s, as detente replaced the Iron Curtain as the popular emblem of the day, Berlin began to place a greater emphasis in his writings on the importance of individuals membership in larger collectives, including nations. This shift in emphasis, I would argue, testies to the fact that Berlin, the arch-Cold War warrior, was far more attentive than it may seem to the new political language that emerged from the generation of 1968 and to the post-colonial atmosphere in the international realm. When generalised, this psychological insight that no man is an island became part of what we may describe, following Richard Wollheim, as Berlins philosophical anthropology (Wollheim 1991: 64). 9 On the whole, I consider Berlins philosophical anthropology to be based on two central theorems. While these may seem at rst glance contradictory, they are, in fact, complementary. The rst theorem contends that the incredibly colourful diversity that one nds when studying human societies is, in principle, an irreducible diversity. The plurality of modes of behaviour, customs, languages and so forth is discovered empirically, Berlin believed, and is therefore a basic, indisputable fact. Nationalism was attractive as a sort of comparative anthropology, showing how different from each other human groups can be. To this phenomenological layer Berlin added an epistemolo- gical and normative claim, according to which this pluralism could not and should not be put into rationalised iron cages and formulised in a way that would make it appear secondary or epiphenomenal to a universal or essential common human nature. Nevertheless, the second theorem asserts that although this diversity exists, we may yet speak intelligibly of a common human nature in a narrower sense, precisely because the same empirical observations prove to us that all humans share several common features (e.g. cognitive-psychological features such as the ability to empathically under- stand a different culture or a different age), as well as common needs. To be sure, what Berlin came to defend is not a multi-cultural right to cultural distinctiveness. He was thinking, in classic liberal manner, in strictly indivi- dualistic terms. The individuals need to rise above loneliness, to associate himself voluntarily with a collective that renders him a member in what Yael Tamir, Berlins former disciple, described as a meaning-giving group (Tamir 1998: 280) is a basic, common and in this sense universal human need. Berlin preferred to simply call it the need to belong (Berlin 1980b: 338): The need to belong to an easily identiable group had been regarded, at any rate since Aristotle, as a natural requirement on the part of human beings: families, clans, tribes, estates, social orders, classes, religious organisations, political parties, and nally nations and states, were historical forms of the fullment of this basic human need. In other words, identity matters: people long for a feeling of rootedness, for having roots in some culture, soil or collective. Berlin believed that moral and r The authors 2010. Journal compilation r ASEN/Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2010 572 Arie M. Dubnov political philosophers tend to forget this basic commonsensical fact. The need for identity is universal, but each individual longs to have a particular identity, and not to merge with an abstract, shapeless whole. The historical essays that Berlin dedicated to thinkers such as Vico and Herder promoted the view that he formulated in a more abstract and formal style in his philoso- phical essays, and as years passed it became clear that the need to belong had become no less signicant to Berlin than the need of any individual for a certain minimum liberty. Rising above his own narrow and highly individua- listic conception of negative liberty, the later Berlin described humans as essentially paradoxical creatures, who in order to remain individuals need an afrmation of their uniqueness, and at the very same time derive the meaning of their own identity from their belonging to a larger collective. Time and again Berlin found himself forced to explain to students and critics, who were accustomed to reading his work only through the prism of Two Concepts of Liberty, that the need to dene ones identity by belonging to a community was, in his view, constitutive of the way individuals dene themselves, and was part of a shared human nature. Expressions such as shared core of quasi- universal values or, in other cases, a more Gadamerian metaphor of a common human horizon suddenly appeared in his writings (Berlin 1990: 11, 80; Berlin 1997: 30). 10 Berlins meticulous editor, Henry Hardy, argued that the addition of these metaphors resulted, paradoxically, in adding more ambiguity to Berlins discussion (Crowder and Hardy 2007; Hardy 2007). This ambiguity aficts both Berlins own writing and that of some of his major commentators and interpreters, who make a great effort to offer a coherent Berlinian legacy. However, there were cases in which Berlin simply offered a list of basic human needs, in which this particular need the need to belong was included: I think that it is true to say that there are certain basic needs, for example for food, shelter, security and, if we accept Herder, for belonging to a group of ones own which anyone qualifying for the description of human being must be held to possess. These are only the most basic properties; one might be able to add the need for a certain minimum of liberty, for the opportunity to pursue happiness or the realisation of ones potentialities for self-expression, for creation (however elementary), for love, for worship (as religious thinkers have maintained), for communication, and for some means of conceiving and describing themselves, perhaps in highly symbolic and mythological forms, their own relationship to the environment natural and human in which they live.(Polanowska-Sygulska 2006: 41) Alluding to the famous psychological theory of Abraham Maslow (1954), we can term this Berlinian conviction that the need to belong is an essential, universal good in all human beings using the label Berlins hierarchy of needs. What I earlier identied as Berlins philosophical anthropology, as well as the conviction that a hierarchy of needs exists universally, was intrinsically connected to the way Berlin understood value pluralism. Value pluralism is, rst and foremost, a moral theory that assumes that, given the plurality of human values and ends, there may be cases in which some of these r The authors 2010. Journal compilation r ASEN/Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2010 Anti-cosmopolitan liberalism 573 values might contradict one another, and that some (but certainly not all) conicts between values can never be resolved. A classic example used frequently by Berlin and his commentators is the conict between liberty and equality. Like Talmon, Berlin believed that history had proved beyond doubt that the attempt to resolve this conict had turned too quickly into an authoritarian nightmare. Berlins strong conviction that liberal regimes should not resolve conicts of this type was connected inherently to his anti-totalitarian beliefs. Berlin was regarded as having produced an impossible conceptual Gordian knot when he defended these quasi-communitarian ideas while, at the same time, defending negative liberty. But it is relatively easy to understand why he considered himself part of the liberal family: he never abandoned his commitment to a conception of freedom and of respect for the capacities and the agency of individuals, and it was individuals not cultures, nations, communities and certainly not nation-states whom he always considered to be the building blocks of any political theory. He regarded himself as a liberal pluralist, not an advocate of relativism or multiculturalism. When accused by Leo Strauss, Arnaldo Momigliano and others of yielding to such a position, Berlin made a clear distinction between pluralism and relativism, arguing that the two were not only distinct, but even contradictory to each other (Strauss 1989; Momigliano 1976). 11 For relativists, cultures are morally incommensur- able, each having its own unique and incomparable ethical perspective. However, Berlin described values, and not cultures, as incommensurable. In Berlins view, cultures cannot be wholly incommensurable because part of what makes us human (q.v. Berlins philosophical anthropology) is our capacity for inter-cultural understanding and the fact that we have a very similar hierarchy of needs. A common human horizon of moral experience unites even members of different cultures, a fact denied by extreme multi- culturalists and relativists. Members of different cultures and nations pursue many different goods, but these are often divergent interpretations of fundamental values that are common to all human societies. The very fact that we are able to understand a remote society whether as historians or as anthropologists supports this view. Using the label anti-cosmopolitan liberal does not, perhaps, resolve all the theoretical problems I have described, but it surely adds to our understanding of the connection between Berlins liberalism and pluralism. Berlins pluralism helped him to strike a ne balance between the universalist assumptions that rational cosmopolitans hold dear and the almost nihilist a-moralism em- bedded in extreme versions of cultural relativism and multiculturalism. The idea of the nation played a central role in the background of this theoretical construction. As a sceptic liberal of fear, Berlin always feared those who would reify this entity and turn the individual into an insignicant component within a much greater collective whole. Nevertheless, unlike the cosmopolitan, he was unwilling to render nationality irrelevant and epiphenomenal. The illusion lay not in the feeling of belonging to a nation, he believed, but in the r The authors 2010. Journal compilation r ASEN/Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2010 574 Arie M. Dubnov yearning to transcend it and become a citizen of the world, a political realm that is an entirely virtual entity and that requires tormenting self-denial from the individual. Therefore, Berlins pluralism points to the cultural diversity that characterises the global age without falling into multiculturalism. The chief value to individuals of membership in larger collectives is that they provide a context within which the individuals can make sense of their life choices. The commu- nity, the culture and the nation remain valuable in this framework; neither epiphenomenal nor reied. They are not considered valuable as an end in themselves but only instrumentally, as a means of facilitating individual choice. A somewhat similar view has been offered by Julia Kristeva: ercely local nationalism and free-oating cosmopolitanism, Kristeva argues, offer us nothing beyond pernicious dualism. This dualism can only be transcended by facing up to our origins, thinking our way through them and then positioning ourselves at the crossing of boundaries (Kristeva 1993). On this subject, Kristeva may be coupled with Berlin. This is the essence of anti-cosmopolitan liberalism. Notes 1 I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers of Nations and Nationalism for their scrutiny of and suggestions on the previous version of this article. I am also grateful to Hedva Ben-Israel, Malachi H. Hacohen, Adi Gordon and Alexander Joffe for some stimulating conversations on the issues raised in this article. 2 The term Panopticonism in Berlins letter alludes to Jeremy Benthams idea of Panopticon, a perfect architectural form for a prison that would allow the guards to observe (-opticon) all (pan-) prisoners, without the prisoners being able to tell whether they were being watched. 3 Compare with Talmons reading of Rousseau in his Origins of Totalitarian Democracy, especially pp. 468, 286, 3901 and 405. 4 Also associated with this grouping, besides Cole, Berlin, Dodds and Ayer, were John L. Austin, Geoffrey F. Hudson, Alfred L. Rowse, Christopher Hill, Richard Crossman, James E. Meade and Roy F. Harrod. 5 I put negative in quotation marks to distinguish it from Berlins negative freedom. Shklar nds a resemblance between her liberalism and Berlins formulation, arguing that the very clear demarcation of negative liberty is the best means of avoiding the slippery slope that can lead us to its threatening opposite, but adds that [i]t is not a sufcient condition, but it is a necessary prerequisite and that the liberalism of fear does not rest on a theory of moral pluralism (Shklar 1998a: 1011). 6 Systematic fear and institutionalised cruelty were the terms used by Shklar to describe this sort of fear. 7 Popper summarised his Kantian convictions when asked to prepare a lecture for a radio broadcast (which was subsequently published) in honour of the 150th anniversary of Kants death in 1954. 8 For a historiographical overview of the (Zionist and non-Zionist) assessments on Moses Hess, including that of Berlin, see Vago (2007). 9 We must use this term cautiously: A belief in common nature, Wollheim writes, has this character: it is at once part of the science of man and part of the philosophy of mind. The inquiry to which it belongs used to be called philosophical anthropology, and that is a revealingly hybrid term (Wollheim 1991: 64). r The authors 2010. Journal compilation r ASEN/Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2010 Anti-cosmopolitan liberalism 575 10 Gadamer used the metaphor fusion of horizons (Horizontverschmelzung) in a very different sense, to explain his hermeneutical system (Gadamer 1989). 11 For the Berlinian distinction between pluralism and relativism, see Berlin (1955). References Acton, J. 1919. Nationality [Orig. July 1862], in J. N. Figgis and R. V. Laurence (eds.), Lord Acton: The History of Freedom and Other Essays. London: Macmillan. Ayer, A. J. 1992. My Mental Development, in L. E. Hahn (ed.), The Philosophy of A. J. Ayer. La Salle, Ill.: Open Court. Berlin, I. 1939. Karl Marx: His Life and Environment. London: Thornton Butterworth. Berlin, I. 1947. How do you do, Tovarich?, Listener 543545. Berlin, I. 1949. Democracy, Communism and the Individual, in H. Hardy (ed.), The Isaiah Berlin Virtual Library. Available at: hhttp://berlin.wolf.ox.ac.uk/lists/nachlass/demcomind.pdfi. Berlin, I. 1955. Montesquieu, Proceedings of the British Academy 41: 26796. Berlin, I. 1960. unpublished letter to Jacob Talmon, MS. Berlin 286, fol. 31, Sir Isaiah Berlins Papers. Bodleian Library, University of Oxford. Berlin, I. 1969. Two Concepts of Liberty: Four Essays on Liberty. London: Oxford University Press. Berlin, I. 1980a. Benjamin Disraeli, Karl Marx, and the search for identity, in H. Hardy (ed.), Against the Current: Essays in the History of Ideas. New York: Viking Press. Berlin, I. 1980b. Nationalism: Past Neglect and Present Power, in H. Hardy (ed.), Against the Current: Essays in the History of Ideas. New York: Viking Press. Berlin, I. 1980c. The Life and Opinions of Moses Hess, in H. Hardy (ed.), Against the Current: Essays in the History of Ideas. New York: Viking Press. Berlin, I. 1990. The Bent Twig: On the Rise of Nationalism, in H. Hardy (ed.), The Crooked Timber of Humanity: Chapters in the History of Ideas. London: John Murray. Berlin, I. 1998a. The Counter-Enlightenment, in H. Hardy and R. Hausheer (eds.), The Proper Study of Mankind: an Anthology of Essays. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. Berlin, I. 1998b. Winston Churchill in 1940, in H. Hardy (ed.), Personal Impressions. London: Pimlico. Berlin, I. 2001. Jewish Slavery and Emancipation, in H. Hardy (ed.), The Power of Ideas. London: Pimlico. Berlin, I. 2004. Soviet Russian culture, in H. Hardy (ed.), The Soviet Mind: Russian Culture under Communism. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press. Billington, J. H. 1984. Rival Revolutionary Ideals, in Y. Arieli and N. Rotenstreich (eds.), Totalitarian Democracy and After: International Colloquium in Memory of Jacob L. Talmon, Jerusalem, 2124 June 1982. Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, Magnes Press, Hebrew University. Brent, J. and Naumov, V. P. (2003). Stalins Last Crime: the Plot Against the Jewish Doctors, 19481953. New York: HarperCollins. Breuilly, J. (2000). Nationalism and the History of Ideas, Proceedings of the British Academy 105: 187223. Calhoun, C. J. (2007). Nations Matter: Culture, History, and the Cosmopolitan Dream. London: Routledge. Chesterton, G. K. 1951. The World State [orig. 1927], In The Collected Poems of G. K. Chesterton. New York: Dodd, Mead and Company. Crowder, G. and Hardy, H. 2007. Berlins universal values core or horizon?, In G. Crowder and H. Hardy (eds.), The One and the Many: Reading Isaiah Berlin. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books. Dalos, G. 1998. The Guest from the Future: Anna Akhmatova and Isaiah Berlin. Trans. Antony Wood. London: John Murray. r The authors 2010. Journal compilation r ASEN/Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2010 576 Arie M. Dubnov Dodds, E. R. 1977. Missing Persons: An Autobiography. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Dubnov, A. (2008). A Tale of Trees and Crooked Timbers: Jacob Talmon and Isaiah Berlin on the Question of Jewish Nationalism, History of European Ideas 34, (2): 22038. Dunn, J. 1984. Totalitarian democracy and the legacy of modern revolutions explanation or indictment?, In Y. Arieli and N. Rotenstreich (eds.), Totalitarian Democracy and After: International Colloquium in Memory of Jacob L. Talmon, Jerusalem, 2124 June 1982. Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, Magnes Press, Hebrew University. Gadamer, H. G. 1989. Truth and Method. New York: Crossroad. Goddard, C. R. et al. (eds.), 2003. International Political Economy: StateMarket Relations in a Changing Global Order. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Hacohen, M. H. 2001. The Limits of National Paradigm in the Study of Political Thought: The case of Karl Popper and Central European Cosmopolitanism, in D. Castiglione and I. Hampsher-Monk (eds.), The History of Political Thought in National Context. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hardy, H. 2007. Taking Pluralism Seriously, In G. Crowder and H. Hardy (eds.), The One and the Many: Reading Isaiah Berlin. Amherst, NY: Prometheus. Harrison, B. 1991. Oxford and the Labour Movement, Twentieth Century British History 2, (3): 22671. Hayek, F. A. 1960. The Constitution of Liberty. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Howard, M. 2000. The Invention of Peace: Reections on War and International Order. London: Prole. Ignatieff, M. 1998. Isaiah Berlin: a Life. London: Chatto & Windus. Kant, I. 2006. Toward Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Sketch [orig. 1795], In P. Kleingeld (ed.), Toward Perpetual Peace and Other Writings on Politics, Peace, and History. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Kaplan, K. 1990. Report on the Murder of the General Secretary. Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press. Kedourie, E. 1970. Minorities. The Chatham House Version, and other Middle-Eastern Studies. New York: Praeger. Kedourie, E. 1987. England and the Middle East: the Destruction of the Ottoman Empire, 1914 1921. London: Mansell. Kedourie, E. 1993. Nationalism. Oxford: Blackwell. Kedourie, S. 1998. Elie Kedourie CBE, FBA, 19261992: History, Philosophy, Politics. London, Portland, OR: Frank Cass. King, C. 1999. Nations and nationalism in British political studies, In J. E. S. Hayward et al. (eds.), The British Study of Politics in the Twentieth Century. Oxford: Oxford University Press for the British Academy. Kleingeld, P. 1998. Kants cosmopolitan law: world citizenship for a global order, Kantian Review, 2, 7290. Knepper, P. 2005. Polanyi, Jewish problems and Zionism, Tradition and Discovery: the Polanyi Society Periodical 32, (1): 619. Knight, F. H. 1947. Freedom and Reform; Essays in Economics and Social Philosophy. New York, London: Harper and Brothers. Kramer, L. 1997. Historical Narratives and the Meaning of Nationalism, Journal of the History of Ideas 58, (3): 52545. Kristeva, J. 1993. What of Tomorrows Nation? Nations Without Nationalism. New York: Columbia University Press. Maslow, A. H. 1954. Motivation and Personality. New York: Harper. Meinecke, F. 1970. Cosmopolitanism and the National State. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Moles, J. L. 1996. Cynic Cosmopolitanism, In R. B. Branham and M.-O. Goulet-Caze (eds.), The Cynics: the Cynic Movement in Antiquity and Its Legacy. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. r The authors 2010. Journal compilation r ASEN/Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2010 Anti-cosmopolitan liberalism 577 Momigliano, A. 1976. On the Pioneer Trail, New York Review of Books 1, (November): 338. Mu ller, J.-W. 2008. Fear and freedom: on Cold War liberalism, European Journal of Political Theory 7, (1): 4564. Polanowska-Sygulska, B. 2006. Unnished Dialogue. Amherst, MA: Prometheus. Polanyi, M. 1943. Jewish problems, The Political Quarterly 14: 3345. Popper, K. R. 1968. Kants Critique and Cosmology in Conjectures and Refutations: the Growth of Scientic Knowledge. New York: Harper and Row. Popper, K. R. 1992. Unended Quest: an Intellectual Autobiography. London: Routledge. Ro pke, W. 1996. The Moral Foundations of Civil Society. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers. Schlereth, T. J. 1977. The Cosmopolitan Ideal in Enlightenment Thought, Its Form and Function in the Ideas of Franklin, Hume, and Voltaire, 16941790. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. Schoeld, M. 1991. The Stoic Idea of the City. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Scruton, R. 1982. A Dictionary of Political Thought. New York: Harper and Row. Shain, Y. 2007. Kinship and Diasporas in International Affairs. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press. Sheehan, J. J. 2008. Where Have All the Soldiers Gone? The Transformation of Modern Europe. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifin. Shklar, J. N. 1996. Appendix: a life of learning, In B. Yack (ed.), Liberalism Without Illusions: Essays on Liberal Theory and the Political Vision of Judith N. Shklar. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Shklar, J. N. 1998a. The liberalism of fear, In J. N. Shklar and S. Hoffmann (eds.), Political Thought and Political Thinkers. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Shklar, J. N. 1998b. What is the Use of Utopia? In J. N. Shklar and S. Hoffmann (eds.), Political Thought and Political Thinkers. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Strauss, L. 1989. Relativism, In T. L. Pangle (ed.), The Rebirth of Classical Political Rationalism: an Introduction to the Thought of Leo Strauss. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1326. Talmon, J. L. 1952. The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy. London: Secker and Warburg. Talmon, J. L. 1975. The wish to be free. society, psyche and value change. Fred Weinstein; Gerald M. Platt, History and Theory 14, (1): 12137. Talmon, J. L. 1981. The Myth of the Nation and the Vision of Revolution: the Origins of Ideological Polarisation in the Twentieth Century. London: Secker and Warburg. Tamir, Y. 1998. A strange alliance: Isaiah Berlin and the liberalism of the fringes, Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 1, (2): 27989. Vago, R. 2007. Moses Hess from Marxism to Zionism, Revista Studia Judaica [BabeS-Bolyai University, Romania]:, 3746. Von Mises, L. 1944. Omnipotent Government, the Rise of the Total State and Total War. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Vucinich, A. 1984. Empire of Knowledge: the Academy of Sciences of the USSR (19171970). Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Weiner, A. 1999. Nature, nurture, and memory in a socialist Utopia: delineating the Soviet socio- ethnic body in the age of socialism, The American Historical Review 104, (4): 111455. Wollheim, R. 1991. The idea of a common human nature, In A. Margalit and E. Ullmann- Margalit (eds.), Isaiah Berlin: a Celebration. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Yapp, M. E. 1995. Two great British historians of the modern Middle East, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 58, (1): 409. Yu Pavlov, R. S., Mitin, M. and Simonov, K. 1949. Some materials on the recent attacks against cosmopolitanism, Soviet Studies 1, (2): 17888. Zangwill, I. 1896. Without Prejudice. London: T. Fisher Unwin. r The authors 2010. Journal compilation r ASEN/Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2010 578 Arie M. Dubnov