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I
156
him Esmounos because of the warmth of life. Others, again, interpret Esmounos
as "the eighth", explaining that he was the eighth child of Sadykos.
(Damascius, Vita fsidori 302)
2
It is clear that this passage, late as it is, contains some information that
receives striking confirmation from earlier sources relating to the Esh-
mun cult Esmounos is said in our text to be a native Phoenician god,
the eighth son of Sadykos, and born after the seven Kabeiri or Dioscou-
ri. All this we recognize from Philo Byblius, who speaks of "the seven
sons of Sydyk, the Kabeiri, and the eighth son, their brother Ascle-
pius".3 Sydyk is obviously a Semitic word, from the root for ''righteous-
ness", $-d-q. The final part of our passage in Damascius gives two
alternate Semitic etymologies for the name of the god Eshmun: either
from Northwest Semitic 's, "fire", or from Northwest Semitic tmn,
"eight", though, as we shall see, it is more attractive to a modem scholar
to derive the name of the healing god from the word for "oil", that is,
from the root smn.
Esmounos is described as a young god, a category that we know
from Northwest Semitic religion, with the goddess Astronoe at his side,
a goddess whom we recognize as Ashtart in earlier Phoenician-Punic
contexts.
4
Moreover, Eshmun and Ashtart are known as the divine
couple of Sidon (KAI 14:14-18, fifth century B.C.E.). The hunting ac-
tivities of Esmounos in our text are to be seen against the background
of the hunting scenes found in the temple of Eshmun at Bostan esh-
Sheikh outside Sidon.
5
Besides, in both Late Bronze Age Emar and
Ugarit we find Ashtart having an inclination for the same avocation.
6
A
detail that might seem surprising is the connection of Esmounos with
Berytus (against expected Sidon), but this is no real difficulty, as Lipin-
ski has pointed out? There is thus in Damascius' description a number
of genuine Semitic features .
2
My translation. Text: Zintzen (1967: 307f. 302). A text is also available in PG 103: cols.
1304ff. German translation in Asmus (1911: 124f.). Discussion in Baudissin (1911: 339-344)
and Ribichini (1985: 55-60).
3
Philo Byblius, Eusebius, Praep. Ev. I, I 0, 38. Text and translation in Attridge and Oden ( 1981:
58-59).
4
See Bonnet (DCPP: 48b; 1996: 30-37) and Lipinski (1995: 137, 153), and see above Chap.
III.2.3 at the end.
5
For these hunting scenes, see Dunand (1983).
6
See Emar VI.3 no. 452: 21 on the monthly liturgical order: "The hunt of Astart is on the 16th
day." For the collated text and translation, see Fleming (2000: 280-289), and for comments on
the hunting motif, ibid. (pp. !82-183). For Ugarit, see KTU 1.92, on which see de Moor (1985).
Lipinski (1995: 131) called attention to the Emar text.
7
See Lipinski (1995: 160), referring to a place name that points to Eshmun cult in this area, see
below under section 2 .
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157
Let us then consider the formulations in our text that might claim
special interest in a discussion about dying and rising deities, namely,
those describing the steps taken by the goddess to restore the young god
to health and vigour. Baudissin, in his discussion of our text, takes these
formulations to imply that Eshmun was a dying and rising deity,
8
while
Notscher finds no reference whatsoever to a resurrection of the deity in
this passage: Eshmun is not depicted as dead but only as mutilated. Not-
scher therefore speaks of mutilation and restoration.
9
It is true that there
is no clear reference to the death of the deity. One must ask, however,
if Notscher's interpretation does justice to the wording of the Greek in
one ofthe final lines: 'tOV VWVLCJKOV 'tij 't swoyOV(!) avasw:n:up-f]-
oaoa 8ov :n:oiYJOEV, "and rekindled [the life of] the young man by
means of life-bringing heat and made him a god". It seems to me that
the passage refers to resuscitation, but the question is whether what is
said is relevant to Phoenician Eshmun of much earlier times or, rather,
to some other deity.
The passage is very late and the depiction of Esmounos is here one
which combines features of various origins. It is immediately obvious
that Attis looms in the background. The motifs of self-emasculation and
of the goddess as the mother of the gods certainly derive from the
Cybele-Attis cult.
10
Is the resuscitation of Esmounos in our text a re-
flection of the same tradition? Is Attis a dying and rising deity? If he is,
then the passage cannot be used for conclusions about the possible death
and resurrection of the Phoenician Eshmun.
It seems increasingly clear that Attis was not originally a god of this
type. There is no reference to a resurrection in Pausanias' treatment of
Attis; here the god becomes a living corpse (VII, 17, 10-12). Nor does
Catullus (Poem LXIII)
11
refer to a resurrection of Attis. A passage in
Firmicus Matemus, in a work dated to ca. 345-350 C. E.,
12
has some-
times been taken to refer to a resurrection of Attis, but seems on further
analysis rather to refer to Osiris.
13
8
Baudissin (1911: 339-344).
9
Notscher ([1926 =]1980: 95-96, quotation from p. 96): "Versti.immelung und Wiederherstel-
lung".
10
Most of the extant material for the Attis cult was assembled and published by Hepding ( 1903:
5-97) and by Verrnaseren ( 1977-1989). For the features just mentioned, see e.g. Pausanias VII,
17, 10-12. On Attis, see Cumont (1931: 43-67), Colpe (1969: 33-40), Vermaseren (1977: esp.
pp. 110-124), Mornigliano (ER 4, 1987: 185-187), Podernann S0rensen (1989a: 23-29), and
Turcan (2000: 28-74).
11
On this text, see Nasstrorn ( 1989).
12
Firrnicus Matemus. De errore profanarum religionum XXII. Text in Hepding (1903: 50),
translation in Forbes (1970: 93-94 ).
13
See especially Podemann S0rensen (1989b: 73-86).
I
--
158
While the mythological material is broadly silent on a resurrection
of Attis, the situation is slightly different when we tum to ritual. It
seems that the original cultic cycle, culminating in the Day of Blood (24
March), had been expanded by the addition of the Day of Joy or Hilaria
(25 March), the references to which are perhaps as late as the third and
fourth centuries.
14
While Gasparro denies that there are any ideas of
resurrection connected with Attis,
15
Lambrechts argues that the celeb-
ration of Hilaria was due to the circumstance that some sort of resurrec-
tion ideas had found their way into the Attis cult.
16
This was, however,
a very late development according to Lambrechts.
17
What makes me believe that Lambrechts is right is the circumstance
that at least some texts contain references to an escape from death.
Thus, Damascius relates in another passage about a visit to the sanctu-
ary of Hierapolis in Phrygia, which had a subterranean cave underneath
it, the well-known Plutonium of Hierapolis.
18
Dangerous odours made
access to the cave life-threatening. Two men made a visit together and
successfully survived the adventure. One of them tells that he slept and
had a dream: "I thought in the dream that I was Attis and that the mother
of the gods celebrated, in my honour, the feast of the so-called Hilaria.
This dream revealed to me our escape from Hades [cl]v kl; 9-oou ycyo-
vu1av YJftWV oun:YJpi.av ]."
19
This passage sheds light on some lines in
1 Macrobius (from the beginning of the fifth century C.E.) in which the
writer says that the Hilaria was celebrated after the catabasis had been
performed and the mourning had been completed.
20
The visit in the
cave in Damascius seems to be the clue to the catabasis in Macrobius:
it was a ritual descent into Hades. Though not expressly referring to the
Hilaria, another passage, found in Firmicus Matern us, says that after the
14
See Lambrechts (1952: 141-170, esp. pp. 142-143, 159ff.). On this development, see also Ver-
maseren (1977: 110-125, esp. pp. 119ff.), who is inclined to assume an earlier date.
15
Gasparro (1985: 31 n. 18; 59, 82).
16
"Certes, le nombre de textes qui attestent indubitablement Ia resurrection du dieu n'est pas tres
eleve, mais ils existent. ... Tout cela,je crois, s'explique tres bien par !'introduction tardive dans
le culte phrygien de Ia croyance en Ia resurrection annuelle du dieu", Lambrechts ( 1952: 159).
17
Lambrechts (1952: 159-168, esp. 160-161).
18
On this, see Kreitzer ( 1998a and 1998b ). For references to the intense discussion of this passage
in Damascius, see Kreitzer (1998b: 229, n. 14).
19
Damascius, Vita lsidori 131 (Zintzen 1967: 176, 131), translation in Asmus (1911: 78, lines
ISff.). On this passage, see Hepding (1903: 167-168) and Kreitzer (1998a; 1998b). My thanks
to Larry Kreitzer for an offprint of his 1998b essay. The identity of the visitors is not quite clear:
perhaps Isidorus and a historian whom Damascius then used as his source.
20
Macrobius, Saturn. l, 21, 10 (text in Hepding 1903: 63): catabasifinita simulationeque luctus
peracta, "when the catabasis is over and their feigned mourning has come to an end" (transla-
tion Jerker Blomqvist, p.c.) .
It
)4
laria
.nd
of
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and
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clear:
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159
symbolic burial of the god the participants in the cult asserted that the
god was alive again.2
1
Isidorus' visit to the cave is thus seen in analogy
with the fates of Attis: the catabasis was followed by the celebration of
the Hilaria, which implied the resurrection, the ascent. This all amounts
to show one specific point of certain interest to our argument: though
the notion of Attis' resurrection is a late one, it is certainly prior to the
passage in Damascius about the revivification of Esmounos.
My conclusion from these observations is as follows. Our passage
from Damascius contains a description of Esmounos with a number of
features reflecting Phoenician Eshmun. The description of the resus-
citation of the god, however, comes as the conclusion of a description
of his self-emasculation. This is a feature which obviously derives from
the Attis cult, and the reference to the goddess as the mother of the gods
points in the same direction. Since the time of Damascius, Attis seems
to have been believed to die and return. It is then impossible to decide
whether the resuscitation of Esmounos in Damascius derives from the
cult of Attis, who was by then clearly a dying and rising god, or from
genuine Eshmun tradition from the Phoenician mainland. The latter al-
ternative could apply. Whether it is probable that this is so shall now be
investigated.
2. Other Indications for Eshmun as a Dying and Rising God?
The passage in Damascius must thus be judged a blind alley. Are there
other pieces of evidence suggesting that Eshmun was believed to die
and return from death? In pondering the pros and cons, the following
points deserve our attention.
A Lebanese toponym, Qabr Smiin (ca. 15 km SE of Beirut) should
not be overlooked.
22
As Lipinski points out, this seems to preserve the
memory of a cult place of Eshmun, called "The Tomb of Eshmun".
23
Whether it was a cult place or not, the minimum requisite for the forma-
21
Firmicus Matemus, De errore profanarum religionum III: "quem paulo ante sepelierant revix-
isse iactarunt", " ... they advanced the claim that he whom they had buried a little while earlier
had come to life again." Text in Hepding (1903: 48), translation in Forbes (1970: 47-48).
Gasparro ( 1985: 47f.) comments on this formulation, saying that the verb revivere was bor-
rowed from Christian theology and that there was no resurrection faith in the Phrygian version
of the Attis myth. I find the first statement questionable .
22
Wild ( 1973: 202-203). My thanks to Robin Gull strand, head of the Geo Library at Lund Uni-
versity, for helping me identify the location. Edward Lipinski informs me that there is a forth-
coming Oslo dissertation in the field of Semitics on Lebanese place names by Elie Wardini.
23
Lipinski (1995: 160). I have not found any details about the historical context of this place
name.
I
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.
4
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160
tion of this place name is the idea that Eshmun was a god who was
thought to die.
Another detail that is usually overlooked in modern scholarship is a
reference to the heroization of Asclepius (Eshmun?). In al-Biruni's In-
dia, Galenus (second century C.E.) is quoted as saying that, "It is gen-
erally known that Asclepius was raised to the angels in a column of fire,
the like of which is also related with regard to Dionysos, Heracles, and
others ... ".
24
The value of such a formulation is hard to assess. We are reminded
of what we know about Heracles/Melqart, and the formulation may in-
deed be a result of the close relations between Eshmun and Melqart.
Thus, in two treaties between Assyria (Ashur-nirari V; Esarhaddon) and
cities to the west, we find Melqart and Eshmun together.
25
What is
probably a genitive relation, 'smn mlqrt, is found on Cyprus (Kition)
during the fourth century B.C.E.
26
This double name may be under-
stood in different ways. In any case, it seems to testify to a cultic prox-
imity or even fusion of the gods Eshmun and Melqart. This cultic
proximity could indicate that the two gods are of broadly the same type.
The fact that both have Ashtart as their spouse supports this assump-
tion.
27
What we know of Melqart as a dying and rising deity might then
shed light on Eshmun. But, admittedly, this last possibility is highly hy-
pothetical.
I It is worth noticing that attempts have been made to draw a direct
line from Phoenician Eshmun back to Late Bronze Age Baal as we
know him from U garit. Xella has argued for a close connec-
tion between Baal and Eshmun.
8
To Xella, Eshmun is the city god of
Sidon (KAI no. 14 ), and precisely in this capacity he is a late descendant
of Baal: "[T]here are hardly any doubts that, in every aspect, we may
24
Sachau, ed., Alberuni's India, 2 p. 168. al-Biruni died in 1048 C.E.
25
See SAA 2, 2, VI: 22 (the treaty between Ashur-nirari V and Mati'ilu of Arpad) and SAA 2, 5,
JV:l4 (the treaty between Esarhaddon and Baal ofTyre). In the second text, Melqart and Esh-
mun are able to take away the food, the clothes and "the oil for your anointing".
26
See Guzzo Amadasi and Karageorghis (Kition III: A 3: 8; A 5: B; A 10; A 11; A 15; A 25). In
A 10 Xella finds Eshmun and Melqart (see Xella, 1988: 61 n. 89, following Teixidor), but this
reading is disputed by Bonnet (1988: 325-326) and Lipinski (1995b: 438 n. 17). On Eshmun-
Melqart, see Baudissin (1911: 275-282), Bonnet (1988: 324-327) and Xella (1990: 167-175).
27
For Melqart and Ash tart, see above Chap. Ill.2.3 (at the end). For Eshmun and Ashtart, see KAI
14:14-18 and note the role of Astronoe in the passage cited above from Damascius.
28
Notably in his paper on Eshmun, Xella (1993: 496). However, Xella stresses also lines that take
us back to a different deity connected with oil and known from Ugarit and Ebla, see below.
was
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161
consider Baal as the historical precursor of the Phoenician city gods. "
29
Baal is the patron of the state, but he is also the eponym and leader of
the rpum, the beneficent dead; in his capacity as rpu, he is healer/sa-
viour, says Xella. He then goes on to describe Eshmun's function as a
healing deity as a secondary development.
30
It is easily seen that if there
is such a close diachronic continuity between Baal and Eshmun, then
this is an indication-but no proof-that the latter may be a dying and
rising deity. How are we to envisage the development of Eshmun, and
how close are his relations to Baal?
It is tempting to believe that the city god of Sidon acquired his heal-
ing capacities only at a second stage of development. Could it also be
that this characteristic of his is due to his identification with Asclepius?
The interpretatio Graeca of Eshmun as Asclepius must have taken
place some time during the fifth through second centuries B.C.E.
31
It is
presupposed in a Punic trilingual inscription from the second century
B.C.E. (KAI 66). As we shall see, however, Eshmun's role as a god of
healing was not the result of influence from the Asclepius cult but be-
longs to his characteristics from early on.
Prior to the time of the Eshmun-Asclepius equation, Melqart and
Eshmun appear together as the city gods of the Phoenicians in the state
treaties of Ashur-nirari and Esarhaddon.
32
In the latter context Melqart I
and Eshmun are said to be able to take away the food, the clothes and
"the oil for your anointing".
33
Of course oil may here appear as a com-
modity for everyday use, but the medical use of oil may be included as
well.
29
My translation of Xella (1993: 496): " ... es bestehen kaum Zweifel, dass wir im ugaritischen
Baal in jeder Hinsicht den historischen Vorlaufer der phOnizischen Stadtgi:itter sehen ki:innen."
Xella finds a basic continuity from Haddu, Baal of Ugarit, to Melqart, Baal of Tyre. and Esh-
mun, Baal of Sidon.
30
Xella (1993: 496).
31
On this development, see Baudissin (191!: 219-230), Xella (!988: 62-63; 1993: 482-488) and
Lipinski (1995: 155-156), all with ample references to literature about Asclepius. Note the col-
lection and interpretation of the testimonies about Asclepius by E.J. Edelstein and L Edelstein
( 1945) and for a recent treatment see Graf and Ley (Der Neue Pauly 2: 94-100). On Asclepius
and the ancient Near East, see Burkert (1992: 75-79), who notes the cultic role of dogs as a con-
nection with Mesopotamian Gula.
32
See SAA 2, 2, VI: 22 (the treaty between Ashur-nirari V and Mati'ilu of Arpad) and SAA 2, 5,
IV: 14 (the treaty between Esarhaddon and Baal ofTyre). Text in Parpola and Watanabe (1988).
In the treaty between Hannibal and Philip of Macedonia, we find Heracles and lolaus (Polybius,
Hist. VII, 9, 2), the latter seemingly replacing Eshmun. Baudissin (1911: 282-310) and Barre
( 1983: 77-78) identify Iolaus in this treaty with Eshmun. Note then Iolaus' role in healing
Melqart (above Chap. III.!).
33
SAA 2, 5, IV: 14ff. Text in Parpola and Watanabe (1988).
' .
i
162
It is worthwhile considering the probable etymology for the name of
Eshmun. Lipinski ( 1973) made a strong case for an etymology of the
name that takes the aleph in 'smn as a prosthetic and connects the name
with the root for "oil" (smn). Lipinski suggests that the background of
the name lies in the medical use of oil for the anointing of the sick. How
far back can we trace a deity with a name based on the Semitic word for
"oil"? Let us follow the tracks.
Pedanius Dioscourides, the great pharmacologist during the reigns
of Claudius and Nero, lists a herb that the "Africans" (Punics) call
acrnpOflO'UVLfl,
34
which should probably be understood as "herb of the
eshmunim", the first element being a cognate of Hebrew l a ~ i r and the
second one an appellative for "healers", as suggested by Lipinski.
35
If
this is correct, Eshmun' s connection with healing was then known to the
Punics in North Africa.
The healing capacity of Eshmun may also be inferred from inscrip-
tions from Amrith (ca. fifth century B.C.E.) and Kition (fourth century).
In both these contexts we find the votive formula "for he had heard their
voice" in connection with Eshmun( -Melqart).
36
But, admittedly, there
is no explicit reference to healing here. This, however, does occur in a
Punic inscription (KA/ no. 66).
In Isaiah 59:10, lQisa has the reading b>smwnym kmytym, which is
I obscure but has been understood by Lipinski as meaning "among
healers we are as dead men".
37
The earliest attestations of Eshmun were long supposed to be in the
state treaties of Ashur-nirari and Esarhaddon (discussed above). How-
ever, we have now access to a much earlier source mentioning Eshmun,
one which is moreover in a context where the medical abilities of the
god must have been of vital interest. This is in The London Medical Pa-
pyrus, published by Wreszinski in 1912. Here we find, transcribed into
Egyptian hieratic syllabic script (group writing), a number of short
Northwest Semitic magical texts. In a contribution from 1992, Steiner
called Semitic scholars' attention to these texts.
38
In text no. 28 there
is a clear reference to Eshmun ([>j-5-m-n) and probably also to Ashtart
( >-s-t+r), known as Eshmun's spouse in Sidon.
39
Text no. 33 contains
34
Pedanius Dioscourides, De materia medica IV, 70 RV (ed. Wellmann, vol. 2: 228).
35
Lipinski (1973: 167-170). I would like to suggest that the first part of the word may be due to
an adaptation of the Semitic word to the phonotactic properties of Greek.
36
See Bordreuil (1985: 221-230), Puech (1986), and Lipinski (1995b), and note Kition; see Guz-
zo Amadasi and Karageorghis (Kition Ill: A 24).
37
Lipinski (1973: 179 a"Id 1995: 161).
38
See Steiner ( 1992) and his translation and notes in COS (I: 328-329).
39
Steiner (1992: 194). Steiner comments on the initial aleph in note 27.
te of
the
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163
a reference to an unnamed deity, denoted as "my healer" (r-p-y). These
texts-dated to some time 15etween the fourteenth and twelfth centuries
B.C.E.
40
-present Eshmun in a context where he appears in his capa-
city as a healing deity. The suggested etymology from the root for "oil"
thereby receives confirmation.
From broadly the same period, the Late Bronze Age, there are refer-
ences in the Ugaritic ritual texts to a deity smn.
41
What we have here is
a reference to a god whose name is from a root that is probably the same
as the one in the name of Phoenician Eshmun but without the prosthetic
aleph. In KTU 1.41: 44-45 this deity is preceded by Baal, Sapan, Baal
of U garit and Ilish, deities belonging to the Baal circle of gods. In KTU
1.164: 3-9 he occurs together with Ilib and El.
While being aware of the wide margins of uncertainty, I am inclined
to see a degree of continuity here. If this is correct it is worth noticing
the possibility that this line may be traced back as early as Ebla. As Xel-
la has reminded us in several contributions, there appears in Eblaite the-
ophoric personal names a god whose name is written zi-mi-nu/na.
42
This name is possibly, but not necessarily, a formation from the same
root as the name of Eshmun. As Pomponio and Xella point out: "One is
... strongly tempted to recognize in this designation the term for 'oil'
(smn), even if this hypothesis meets with phonetic obstacles and cannot
be confirmed by prosopographical observations."
43 1
Tracing the background of Eshmun we thus find that he is attested
as early as the Egyptian New Kingdom (The London Medical Papyrus,
above). A god with a name based on the root for oil may occur in Ugarit
and perhaps also in Ebla. The nature of the deity in Ugarit and Ebla re-
mains unknown. We are not able to adduce any textual evidence that
brings Eshmun in express connection with Baal in his surmised capacity
as the chthonic Healer, rpu. One should also remember that the evidence
adduced for Baal precisely in this capacity has been interpreted in dif-
ferent ways (see above, Chap. II.3)
It is true that we know from Kition on Cyprus an inscription refer-
ring to a god b<J mrp), "the healing Lord", who would seem to be ident-
4
For this date, see Steiner (1992: 191 note 5).
41
See KTU 1.41: 44-45; 1.87: 48-50 (translation of these two texts in COS 1: 299ff.. Pardee);
1.164:9 (translation in TO 2: 229ff., de Tarragon). Xella (1983b: 403-404) called attention to
these occurrences.
42
See Xella (1983a: 290: 1988: 58-59; 1993: 497), Ribichini (1985: 56-57) and Lipinski (1995:
155). For the material, see now Pomponio and Xella (1997: 523).
43
My translation, Pomponia and Xella (1997: 523-524): "La tentation d'y reconnaitre le tem1c
pour 'graisse' * ~ m n ... ) ... est forte, meme si cette hypothese se heurte a des obstacles phone-
tiques et ne peut ctre confirrnee par I' etude prosopographique."
i-'
, I'
F
,;:. :,
l
164
ical with 'smn mlqn (on whom see above).
44
I regard the reference as
an epithet of this Eshmun. The word b'l is here rather an appellative
than a proper name, pointing back to Late Bronze Age Baal. It therefore
does not seem obvious to me that this can be used to connect Eshmun
with Late Bronze Age Baal in his surmised capacity as rpu.
Where does all this take us for the understanding of Eshmun? The
suggested etymology that Eshmun's name derives from the well-known
Northwest Semitic word for "oil" and the line that traces Phoenician
Eshmun back to an earlier god smn, known from U garit, together con-
siderably weaken the strength of the claim made for a continuity from
Late Bronze Age Baal to Eshmun. The only possible indication of Esh-
mun as a dying and rising god prior to the time of Damascius may be at
hand in his close relations with Melqart, attested in some Neo- Assyrian
vassal treaties and in Phoenician material from Cyprus.
3. Conclusions
(1) Eshmun was the city god of Sidon. Some scholars have drawn a
line from the Late Bronze Age Baal, as we know him from U garit, to
the Phoenician Eshmun: Baal in his surmised capacity as the healer/sa-
viour par excellence (rpu), as a result of his descensus to the Nether-
/ world (see above, Chap. II.3), is supposed to stand behind the
Phoenician god who developed healing capacities and became identi-
fied with Asclepius. Our analysis has led us in a slightly different direc-
tion. Using the etymology of Eshmun's name to trace his ancestry we
found that another Ugaritic god (smn) is a possible candidate for the po-
sition of Eshmun's progenitor. There are no obvious indications of a
line of continuity from Baal to Eshmun.
(2) Contrary to what others have argued, Eshmun's healing capa-
cities are not due to a secondary development. His name is connected
with a Semitic root for "oil", and oil was important in the treatment of
the sick from earliest times. At present, the earliest attestation of Esh-
mun's name is found in an Egyptian medical papyrus, dated to some
time between the fourteenth and twelfth centuries B.C.E.
(3) The passage in Damascius that scholars have used as the point of
departure for conclusions about Eshmun as a dying and rising deity con-
tains certain features that derive from the Attis cult (e.g. self-emascula-
tion, the mother of the gods). It is then impossible to determine whether
the resuscitation of Esmounos in this context derives from the cult of
44
See Guzzo Amadasi and Karageorghis (Kition lll: A 26).
s
:tve
e
n
r'e
n
:tan
. n
t> !it
. n
, ...
a
0
I sa-
lf'f-
te
lill-
'e
i-J-
)f a
l,- .1-
;ted
)f
1-
>me
)f
on-
l-
t of
165
Attis, who was by then a dying and rising god, or from genuine Eshmun
tradition from the Phoenician mainland.
( 4) The question whether Eshmun was a dying and rising deity is dif-
ficult to answer. There is a place name that refers to "the Tomb of Esh-
mun". We find in al-Biruni a reference to the heroization of Eshmun in
fire. But these two data may be due to the close relationship between
Eshmun and Melqart, documented in Neo-Assyrian vassal treaties and
in Phoenician material from Cyprus. One could here argue in either of
two directions: (a) That Eshmun was a god of precisely the same type
as Melqart, a dying and rising deity, and that this provided the impetus
to pair the two gods together on Cyprus. (b) That the process was the
reverse: that the pairing of the gods gave the impetus to a Melqart influ-
ence on Eshmun so that Eshmun's heroization was described in the
same terms as that of Heracles-Melqart. The latter seems to me the more
probable alternative. It is then possible, but not proved, that Eshmun
was a dying and rising god already during the centuries before the
Christian era.
I
-jli
..jl
:L
.
j.'
-I
lji
,,
:1:
1\
\
!r
'
I
!J
CHAPTER VI:
Comparative Perspectives: Osiris and
the West Semitic Gods
167
After our perusal of the material for Baal, Adonis, Melqart, and Esh-
mun, it is now time to bring Osiris and Dumuzi into the general picture
and to raise two questions: (1) Is either of these deities to be understood
as a dying and rising deity? and (2) Are there traces of an influence from
either of these two on the West Semitic gods?
A plethora of facts seems to reinforce the superficial impression of
an Egyptian fixation with death. Thomas Mann once coined the expres-
sion that Egypt is a country where the dead are gods and the gods are
dead.
1
Thus, "gods" was a common designation for the inhabitants of
the other world, and the necropolis could be referred to as the place
where the gods are.
2
Erik Hornung, in his classic Der Eine und die Vie-
len: Agyptische Gottesvorstellungen, devotes an important chapter to
the characteristics of the gods, in which he notes that gods may grow old
and die.
3
Hornung here makes an important observation: "Like men, the
gods die, but they are not dead. Their existence-and all existence-is
not an unchanging endlessness, but rather constant renewal." And he
adds that, for the Egyptians, constant regeneration was part of duration:
"The blessed dead and the gods are rejuvenated in death and regenerate
themselves at the wellsprings of their existence."
4
1. Osiris: His Festivals and His Relation to Corn
Throughout the history of ancient Egyptian religion we can notice the
growing importance of Osiris.
5
Egyptian religion is marked by a pecu-
liar lack of attestations of narrative forms of religious discourse. This
1
Thomas Mann, Joseph und seine Bruder: Joseph in Agypten, at the end of the chapter "Drei-
facher Austausch": "Euere Toten sind Giitter und euere Giitter sind Tote, und ihr wisst nicht,
was das ist: der lebendige Gott."
2
Hornung (1983: German ed. p. 149; English ed. p. 156)
3
Hornung (1983: German ed. pp. 143-159; English ed. pp. 151-165). On otiose deities in Egypt,
see Hollis ( 1998). Our primary concern in the present context, however, is not such otiose de-
ities. My thanks to Lana Troy (p.c.) for the reference to Hollis.
4
Hornung ( 1983: English ed. p. 160; German ed. p. 153 ). On constant regeneration, he refers to
a work by S Morenz which is not available to me (Religion und Geschichte, p. 222).
, I
I
1 I
I
168
has led some scholars to argue for a real lack of coherent myths in an-
cient times (a Mythendeji"zit).
6
John Baines, on the contrary, prefers to
explain this as being due to the character of the source material: the pre-
dominance of ritual in the written records and the preference for oral
tradition in the production and preservation of mythological material.
7
The situation thus does not warrant conclusions e silentio as to the non-
existence of myths before the Late Period. Though as late an author as
Plutarch, in De /side et Osiride (ca.lOO C.E.),
8
gives us the fullest ac-
count of Osiris' mythology, the main outlines nevertheless seem to be
clear already in the Pyramid Texts.
9
Lichtheim finds the most complete
Egyptian account extant in the Great Hymn to Osiris on the stele of
Amenmose (eighteenth dynasty).
10
1.1. The Festivals of Osiris
Two festivals should be particularly mentioned. The "Great Proces-
sion" at Abydos, an eminently local festival to which people neverthe-
less came from all over the country, took place at the time of the rising
of the inundation of the Nile (that is, the middle of the summer).
11
There
were three central events on this occasion: (a) A great procession that
brought the statue of Osiris to the necropole area Poker, (b) the god's
staying over night in his tomb, and (c) the return of the god to the temple
under jubilation. Abydos was a place where the early kings were buried;
Osiris was celebrated like a dead king. There is, as Frankfort underlines,
no question of a return of Osiris to the land of the living.
12
The ritual
burial of Osiris is known since the Middle Kingdom, and Ptolemaic
temples had rooms called the "tomb of Osiris".
13
5
On Osiris, see especially Frankfort ([1948=]1962: 181-212, 286-294), Helck (1962), Chassinat
(1966-1968), Griffiths (1980 and LA 4: 623-633, with references), Beinlich (1984), Assmann
(1984: 117-124, 149-177), and Koch (1993: Chaps. 7, 10, 14, 26). I have found the surveys by
Griffiths especially helpful.
6
Assmann (1977: 7-43; 1984: 117-124, 149-177) and K. Koch (1989: 28-33 with references).
Koch uses the word Mythendefizit. For a compact presentation of the phenomenon of myth in
ancient Egypt, see Emma Brunner-Traut (LA 4: 277-286).
7
Baines (1991). I owe this reference to Lana Troy (p.c.).
8
On this text, seeS. Herrmann (1957: 48-55) and Griffiths (1970).
9
Griffiths (LA 4: 626) and Koch (1993: 162).
10
Lichtheim (AEL 2: 81).
11
On this festival, see Frankfort ([1948=]1962: 192f., 203-207) and Koch (1993: 212-214). See
also Kees (1926: 348-375).
12
Frankfort ([1948=]1962: 204).
13
See Podemann S!l)rensen (1989: 82 with references) and Koch (1993: 151-170). On the tomb
of Osiris, see also Griffiths (LA 4: 630) .
n-
~ l
1...,
as
:te
:s-
:re
)ee
169
The other festival, or series of festivals, took place at the end of the
period of inundation (3-lJt), in the month of Khoiak (roughly December).
It is known to us from a long inscription in Denderah (Ptolemaic).
14
The
Osiris celebrations took place during the month of Khoiak, more pre-
cisely Khoiak 18-30 (New Kingdom) or Khoiak 12-30 (Late Period).
After various preparations, the funeral took place during Khoiak 24-30
and ended with the erection of the Djed pillar on the 30th of the month
as an emblem of Osiris' resurrection.
15
From the New Kingdom and on-
wards there was a close connection between the Djed pillar and Osiris.
The Djed pillar was even anthropomorphized as Osiris, as clearly ap-
pears from Amann's study.
16
The celebrations during the month of
Khoiak were followed by the season denoted as prt, "the coming out (of
the seeds)".
Two important features of the Khoiak festivals should be noted here:
(a) The central role of so-called Osiris gardens or Osiris effigies, with
sprouting com that symbolized the resurrection of the god (see below).
These com mummies seem to represent the reunification of the mem-
bers of the murdered Osiris. (b) The use of what Assmann has denoted
as "Erhebe-dich-Litaneien" ("raise-yourself litanies"). About a hundred
occurrences of the expression Js Jw, "raise yourself', are known already
in the Pyramid Texts; the genre then becomes increasingly important in
1
mortuary literature.
17
Burkard has edited a good example which derives
from the Book of the Dead (no. 168), with lines beginning anaphorically
with Js Jw, "raise yourself'.
18
The dead Osiris, on lit de parade, is sum-
moned to rise again. The context is probably the Khoiak celebrations.
1.2. Osiris and Corn
Osiris is not from beginning a genuine god of vegetation and never de-
velops into one. Vegetation is for him a sort of "side task".
19
He thus
had a close connection with com.
20
Osiris was linked with Orion and
14
On the Khoiak festival(s), see Chassinat (1966-1968), Daumas (Lii 1: 958-960, with refer-
ences). Altenmtiller (Lii 2: 175-176). and Koch (1993: 560-563).
15
See Koch (1993: 561) and see also Frankfort ([1948=]1962: 128, 193, 374 n. I).
16
Amann (1983: 46-62).
17
See Assmann (1984: 151-156, esp. p. 155).
18
See Burkard (1995: 23-46 and his comments on pp. 8-10).
19
Thus Klaus Koch (p.c., November 2000).
20
See Griffiths (1980: 151-170) and Frankfort ([1948=]1962: 185-190). A work that I have not
had access to but that may be relevant in the present context is P. Koemoth, Osiris etles arb res.
Contribution a l 'etude des arb res sac res de I'Egypte ancienne (Aegyptiaca Leodiensia 3 ).
Liege 1994.
I
j
I
170
Sothis (Sirius or the Dog Star) already in the Pyramid Texts. "Sothis
was the harbinger of the annual inundation of the Nile through her ap-
pearance with the rising sun at the time when the inundation was due to
begin. The bright star would therefore naturally become, together with
the conjoined constellation of Orion, the sign and symbol of new veget-
ation which the Year then beginning would infallibly bring with it",
says Griffiths.
21
The Khoiak festival took place four months after the
beginning of the inundation of the Nile.
Focussing more narrowly on Osiris and corn, Griffiths calls attention
to three points.
22
(a) He finds the earliest association of Osiris with corn
in a reference in line 31 of the Dramatic Ramesseum Papyrus from the
time of Sesostris I (Middle Kingdom). This line ends: "beating Osiris:
hacking the god to pieces: barley .'.23 (b) He also notes an express iden-
tification of Osiris and Neper, a divine personification of the growing
corn, in the Book of the Dead (Chap. 142, line 7).
24
As a corollary of
this we find references to Osiris as the maker of corn.
25
(c) Finally, he
notes the importance of the so-called corn mummies.
26
The corn mummy-which has also been designated with other mod-
ern names, such as "Osiris bed", "Kornosiris", "Osiris vegetant", etc.-
is a roughly made mummy-shaped image of Osiris, consisting of soil
and seeds (fig. 6.1).
27
With Frankfort we may distinguish between two
aspects of this phenomenon:
(a) Osiris beds that are known from the funerary ritual, and
(b) Osiris beds in temples, especially in the context of the Khoiak fest-
ival, a phenomenon with clear attestations only from the Late Period.
28
The early phenomenon in funerary contexts is known as a funerary
gift for kings and nobles already during the New Kingdom.
29
The equa-
21
Griffiths (1980: 157, 159). See also L. Kakosy (Vi 5: 110-117).
22
For the following, see Griffiths (1980: 163-170).
23
Griffiths (1980: 163).
24
Griffiths (1980: 166). Addition to the proofs: This identification occurs already in the Coffin
Texts, II, 95e (J. Podemann Sfl)rensen, p.c.).
25
For instance, in the Contendings of Horus and Seth, see ANET (14-17, p. 16 col. b, top [Wil-
son]) and Lichtheim (AEL 2: 214-223, pp. 221-222) and note Blackman (1938: 1-3).
26
Griffiths (1980: 167-170).
27
On these, see Scharff (1947: 38-39), Frankfort ([1948=] 1962: 290-291), Bonnet (RAR 391-
392), Chassinat (1966-1968 vol. 1: 4lff., 53ff., 69ff.), Griffiths (1980: 167-170), Seeber (Vi 3:
744-746), and Beinlich (1984: 272-289). Fig. 6.1 is from Budge (1911: vol. 1:58).
28
Frankfort ([1948=]1962: 291).
29
See Griffiths (1980: 167-169).
1is
~ .
tth
~ t
I
he
lu
he
1g
L_
>i1
ry
il-
1-
3:
171
6.1. Mummy of Osiris with sprouting corn. Bas-relief from the roof temple of Philae.
tion that the deceased = Osiris = germinating com is attested already in
1
the Coffin Texts.
30
The small three-dimensional Osiris effigies in Ptolemaic temples
had a place of prominence in the Khoiak celebrations. "In the Osirian
Festival of Khoiak the mould ( btj) in the shape of the Osiris-figure with
sprouting plants (implying life after death) was placed in a trough called
a 'garden' (i)spt) .. .''
31
The vessel used could be of stone or gold or sil-
ver.
32
The Khoiaktext from Dendara gives us a proper glimpse of the
production of such a com mummy.
33
The two halves of a mould of
metal, the interior of which was Osiris-shaped, were spread with cloth
and then filled with earth and grain seeds. The seeds were watered from
12th to 21st Khoiak, after which the two halves were taken out from the
mould, plastered with a substance, and joined together to form a three-
dimensional Osiris figure. On the 24th Khoiak of the following year,
this com mummy was laid in a coffin and was buried on the 30th of
30
Seeber (Lii 3: 744).
31
Griffiths (LA' 4: 630). On the Egyptian term i)spt, see Erman and Grapow, Wiirterbuch (3: 162,
9).
32
See Seeber (Lii 3: 745) and Frankfort ([ 1948=] 1962: 291 ).
33
See Bein1ich ( 1984: 272-289, esp. p. 272).
I
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if
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172
Khoiak. When thus a com mummy of the preceding year was buried at
the festival, we may infer that this com mummy lived through the ve-
getation cycle of a whole year and was looked after the whole time.
34
2. Osiris: A Dying and Rising God?
Frazer in The Golden Bough concludes that Osiris was a dying and
rising god of essentially the same nature as Adonis, that he was origin-
ally a human who died, and that basically he was a personification of
the com.
35
There are fascinating temple scenes depicting the resurrec-
tion of Osiris in the Ptolemaic-Roman Osiris temple at Dendara (fig.
6.2-4).
36
Nevertheless, Egyptologists have not failed to put on record
fundamental disagreement with Frazer about this understanding of Os-
iris. Though there may be points of contact on the ritual level between
Osiris and Adonis, to which we shall return below, there is a fundamen-
tal difference on the level of myth. Assmann notes as the most important
point that the myth of Osiris comprised two generations: Osiris rose to
new life in his son, Horus; Osiris himself remained as the "dead father"
in the Netherworld.
37
Frankfort, who devoted particular attention to the
issue,
38
elaborates on a critique of Frazer voiced already by Gardiner,
39
and concludes that,
Osiris, in fact, was not a "dying" god at all but a "dead" god. He never returned
among the living; he was not liberated from the world of the dead, ... On the con-
trary, Osiris altogether belonged to the world of the dead; it was from there that
he bestowed his blessings upon Egypt. He was always depicted as a mummy, a
dead king, ..
40
34
Beinlich (1984: 281).
35
Frazer (especially GB
3
vol. 4:1 p. 6; 4:2 pp. 96-114, esp. pp. 96-107). Heick revived Frazer's
theory, though in a modified form: Osiris and Adonis had a common background in an east-
Mediterranean myth about a dying shepherd, see Heick (1962: 472-473).
36
Mariette ( 1870: vol. 4, pl. 90). My thanks to J0rgen Podemann S0renscn (p.c.) for the reference
to these temple scenes.
37
Assmann (1984: !57).
38
Note the excursus in Frankfort ([1948 =]1962: 286-294) and note also Frankfort (1958: 145-
148).
39
Gardiner (1915: 121-126, esp. p. 123): "[T]he resurrection of Osiris ... was not that of a young
and vigorous god of vegetation, but that of a dead king recalled in the tomb to a semblance of
his former life" (p. 123).
4
Frankfort ([1948=]1962: 289; see alsop. 185).
j :::tt
r -
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1 of
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ant
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the
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ned
( -
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nee
45-
173
6.2. Osiris, mourned by Isis and Nephtys. The picture also shows how Isis, in the
shape of a falcon, approaches Osiris to receive his semen. From the Osiris temple at
Dendara.
6.3. Osiris rising from his bed to a floating position. From the Osiris temple at Den-
dara.
I
Frankfort further notes that "at every ceremony Osiris appeared as a god
who had passed through death, who survived in the sense that he was
not utterly destroyed, but who did not return to life. His resurrection
meant his entry upon life in the Beyond, ... "
41
Osiris, thus, was not a
"dying god" but a "dead god", says Frankfort.
42
41
Frankfort ([1948=] 1962: 185).
42
Frankfort ( \1948=] 1962: 1 85).
I :
I
174
6.4. Osiris' resurrection completed. From the same group of pictures in Dendara as
6.2-3.
Osiris was and remained the god of the dead, and it has been sug-
gested that it was this capacity of his that accounts for the non-occur-
rence of his name throughout the Old and Middle Kingdoms as a part of
a personal name.
43
Alternatively, this may be explained from the fact
that everyone (originally only the king), after his transfiguration, be-
came Osiris-so-and-so, so that his personal name became Osiris-N.
44
This transformation could not be anticipated, and thus the lack of theo-
phorous personal names with the element Osiris.
45
The ritual identi-
fication of the dead person with Osiris purported to make him an Osiris
for his family, a source of life for his near family and kin.
46
The above quotation from Frankfort about Osiris as a "dead god"
needs some qualification. When saying that Osiris remained in the
Netherworld, we should remember that his life there was not the life of
a dead person and should not be judged from modem Western scepti-
cism over against the possibility of post-mortal existence.
47
Moreover,
we recall Hornung's statement, quoted above, to the effect that the gods
die, but they are not dead. Osiris was a most active character in his
Netherworld life. He was as little dead as the Mesopotamian Nether-
world gods Nergal and Ereshkigal.
48
43
Griffiths (1980: 159) with a reference to Heick's study of theophorous personal names of the
Old Kingdom, see Heick (1954: 27-33). The situation changed in the 21-22 dynasties.
44
On this process of democratization, see R.B. Finnestad (1989: 89-93). I owe this reference to
Lana Troy (p.c.).
45
This is the explanation Klaus Koch suggests (p.c., November 2000).
46
See Erman (1934: 217-218) and Podemann S!ilrensen (2001: 116-117).
47
This was pointed out to me by Klaus Koch (p.c., November 2000).
48
On these as being not dead, see Bottero (1995: 277).
a as
sug-
:cur-
l of
.act
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be-
1
44
L.)-
enti-
t:
'IS
e
f,
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is
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1ce to
'
.1
...
:
.;;j
175
Weighing the evidence for and against understanding Osiris as a
dying and rising god, comparable to the West Semitic gods, we arrive
at the following conclusions: Osiris was a real god, whether or not he
was from beginning a human being. He was no proper vegetation god
but was involved with the major seasonal changes in nature. This was
manifested in rite. He both died and rose. But, and this is important, he
rose to continued life in the Netherworld, and the general connotations
are that he was a god of the dead.
3. Osiris and the West Semitic Gods
Egyptian gods must have been known in the Levant during the Late
Bronze Age, the time of the Egyptian empire, and probably already dur-
ing the latter part of the Early Bronze Age. During later periods, names
of Egyptian deities even occur as theophoric elements in Phoenician
and Punic personal names This testifies to the continued importance of
cultural contacts between Egypt and the rest of the Mediterranean
world.
49
Thus, Isis occurs as an onomastic element from the eighth cen-
tury and onwards and Osiris as early.
50
An inscription from Cyprus
( C/S no. 46) mentions a married couple, the husband carrying the name
(bd >sr and the wife the name >mt(strt, thus one with Osiris as the thed-
phoric element of the name, and the other with Ash tart. The similarities
between Osiris and the Levantine gods Adon(is) and Melqart makes it
imperative to consider the possibility of syncretistic developments.
3. I. Osiris and Adonis
Possible connections between Osiris and Adonis have often been
noted. 5
1
However, express identifications are rare and all of them are
late. The main testimonies are those of (Pseudo-)Lucian, Damascius,
49
On such theophoric elements, see Lemaire (1986: 87-98 with references). On the over-arching
issue of Egyptian influence in Syria and Palestine during the Bronze Age, see Heick ( 1971 a).
Specifically on Egyptian temples in this region, see the literature mentioned in Mettinger
(1995: 54, note 89). On the Egyptian influence on Phoenician religion, see G. Scandone Mat-
thiae (1981: 61-80).
50
Lemaire ( 1986: 93-98).
51
For previous discussions, see Baudissin (1911: 185-202), Gressmann (1923: 15-17, 22-23), de
Vaux ([1933=]1967: 379-405), Frankfort ([1948=] 1962: 286-294), Heick (1962: 472-473).
Soyez ( 1977: 53-75), and Ribichini (1981: 176-181)
I
176
and Stephanus of Byzantium. Stephanus, in his entry on Amathonte
(Cyprus), thus notes that there was a cult of Adonis-Osiris at this
place.
52
Damascius speaks about worship in Alexandria and refers to
"the mystical syncretism [8wKpaoiaJ" of Osiris and Adonis.
53
The au-
thor of De Dea Syria notes that "[t]here are some inhabitants of Byblos
who say that the Egyptian Osiris is buried among them and that all the
laments and the rites are performed not for Adonis but for Osiris."
54
One would of course like to know how old such an association be-
tween Osiris and Adonis is, particularly at Byblos which was a major
cultic centre of Adonis, and what the effects were of this association on
the worshippers' understanding of Adonis. The answers, regrettably,
can only be highly tentative and approximate.
Plutarch tells about Osiris and Isis in Byblos.
55
Of this story, how-
ever, there are no traces at all in the early Osiris myth.
56
Moreover, it
contains several features which are aptly explained as resulting from the
influence of the Homeric Hymn to Demeter. 5
7
Nevertheless, the con-
nections between Egypt and Byblos are, indeed, of a special kind and
very old. The local ruler uses Egyptian language and writing, recog-
nizes Pharaoh as his right lord, and carries the title of an Egyptian offi-
cial, b3ty- ', "nomarch", "mayor".
58
In the Amarna letters, the ruler of
Byblos says that Byblos is like Memphis to the king (Pharaoh).
59
How-
ever, no extant Egyptian or Semitic information contains an explicit ref-
erence to an official cult of Osiris in Byblos.
Even so, Osiris must have been k11own at Byblos long before the
days of Plutarch. I assume with Griffiths that there was a Byblite cult of
Osiris at least during the New Kingdom, a conclusion that Griffiths
draws on the basis of finds of Osirian statuary in Byblos and indications
of a syncretism between Hathor and Ashtart.
60
Attempts have been
made to date such an Egyptian cult in Byblos still earlier. Scholars have
adduced certain references in the Pyramid Texts, but the exact import of
52
Stephanus of Byzantium says in the entry about this place:' Af!afloil<;": ... v 1] "Aowvu; "Ompu;
rnwho. ov Atyt)rrnov ovta KunpLOL Ka'c <!>oivLKE<;" .LOLOJIOLOUVtal, quoted after Baudissin ( 1911:
185).
53
Damascius, Vita lsidori (German translation R. Asmus 1911: 64; Greek text quoted in Baudis-
sin 1911: 185).
54
De Dea Syria 7; the translation quoted is by Attridge and Oden (1976: 15).
55
Plutarch, De !side et Osiride 357 A-D( 15-16).
56
Griffiths (1980: 28).
57
See especially S. Herrmann (1957: 48-55).
58
See Heick (197la: 246). See also Scandone Matthiae (1991: 401-406; 1994: 37-48) and Heick
(1994: I 05-111 ).
59
EA 84: 37; 139: 8.
60
Griffiths (1970: 321-322 with references).
honte
t this
to
1e au-
yblos
1 .he
n be-
I JOT
l .. on
ably,
1_ IV-
er, it
[
1e
(
n-
and
(
g-
c 1-
~ r of
I
v-
f-
1e
'
')f
I
'iths
0'1S
>(
n
ave
t of
npu;;
911:
I -
~ l k
~
]
4
1
/;
j
177
these loci is contested.
61
However, an interesting archaeological find
from Byblos was brought into the discussion by Gabriella Scandone:
the text on a torso of a statuette, with a possible date from the Middle
Kingdom, mentions in juxtaposition "Hathor, the Lady of Byblos, and
Osiris, the Lord of Busiris".
62
In addition, it is worth noticing that in
Egyptian texts Hathor has from very early times and onwards, as a stock
epithet, precisely the designation "Lady of Byblos".
63
As a late corol-
lary of this we find on the Yehawmilk stele (fifth century B.C.E.) a men-
tion of b (It gbl, "the Lady of Byblos", depicted with the Hathor
emblem.
64
Against this background, we should calculate with the possible pres-
ence of a cult of Osiris at Byblos from the Late Bronze Age and onward,
and perhaps even earlier.
65
The date for an Osiris-Adonis syncretism in
the eastern Mediterranean is more difficult to assess, but we should note
that Egyptian gods were generically open to ever new combinations.
Let us then consider the possible implications of the presence of Os-
iris at sites with Adonis cults, both at Byblos and elsewhere. Both sim-
ilarities and differences are to be taken into consideration.
(I) Let us begin with the former. These are found on the ritual level.
(a) A distinct similarity is that both cults have recourse to verbal and
ritual language expressing notions of resurrection. We cannot disregard/
the possibility that there was here an exchange between the two cults.
Saying this, I am not implying that the Adonis cult owes the resurrection
motif to Osiris; I am only suggesting that there was the possibility of
contact here.
(b) Notably, the Adonis gardens lend themselves to comparison
with the com mummies of the Osiris cult. It is not clear, however, if one
phenomenon owes its existence to inspiration from the other, and still
less in which direction such a traffic would have gone.
66
At Alexandria,
the use of precious metal (silver) for these baskets reminds us of the use
of such metal for the moulds of the com Osiris, while we otherwise hear
of vessels of clay used for the Adonis gardens.
67
61
See Montet ( 1928: 288-289) and Heick ( 1962: 506), referring to the Pvramid Texts (590a, 634c,
903a, 21 07b). Griffiths ( 1980: 28-34) doubts the validity of the evidence adduced.
62
Scandone (1994: 44). The item is reproduced and described in M. Dunand (1937: pl. 43, no.
1051 and 1939: 18-19, no. 1051).
63
On this, see G. Scandone Matthiae (1991: 401-406).
64
See ANEP no. 477 or Gibson (TSSI II, pl. IV; text, ibid. pp. 93ff).
65
Those scholars assuming an earlier date for Osiris in Byblos include de Yaux ([1933=] 1967:
388). Heick (1962: esp. col. 506), Hani (1976: 62-79), Ribichini (1981: 178-179), Lemaire
(1986: 95 with further references), and G. Scandone (1994: 44).
66
See de Vaux 0 1933=]1967: 379-392) and Frankfort ([1948=]1962: 291)
.n
I
r:
I
i
I
i
i
,,!
I
178
(c) Another point of similarity is the treatment of the Adonis effigy
in the rites at Alexandria. Though not quite clear on the matter, Theocri-
tus (Idyll XV, 133) is generally understood to have referred to throwing
Adonis in effigy into the waves of the sea as the final part of these cel-
ebrations.68 This lends itself to comparison with the mythological tra-
dition about Osiris' drowning.
69
This feature might well be due to the
association of the two gods in the minds of the worshippers.
70
This is
especially so, since there are no traces whatsoever in Theocritus of the
idea of bilocation in connection with Adonis.
(2) The similarities between Osiris and Adonis, however, do notal-
low us to disregard the essential differences. These are especially tan-
gible in the following points:
(a) Their status in relation to the goddess: Osiris is not dependent on
Isis. Adonis, on the contrary, takes the role of "Prince Consort" in rela-
tion to his spouse. In Byblos, the Adonia thus take place in the great
sanctuary of Aphrodite of Byblos.
71
(b) Their relation to kingship: The royalty of Osiris was a feature of
great importance to the Egyptians. "The firm bond which links Osiris
and kingship is one of the outstanding differences that demark the
Egyptian myth from those of Mesopotamia and Syria relating to Tam-
muz and Adonis respectively."
72
(c) Relation to the Netherworld: This is the major point of differ-
ence, as we have already noticed. Osiris rises in his son, Horus. He him-
self remains as the "dead father" in the realm of the dead. Osiris does
not rise from death in order to return to this world. In stark contrast to
this, the notion of bilocation is an outstanding characteristic of the myth
of Adonis, and we have also found ritual expressions of the notion of
Adonis' return to the realm of the living.
(3) As for Byblos, we should take into account the possibility of the
early presence of Osiris at this site, known for its long-standing contacts
with Egypt. Nevertheless, there are two important points that should not
be overlooked.
67
For the use of silver, see Theocritus, Idyll XV, 113-114.
68
According to a scholion to XV: 133, Adonis was thrown into the sea together with the Adonis
gardens, see Atallah (1966: 129).
69
On Osiris' death by drowning (as an alternative to his death by murder), see Griffiths (1980: 9,
75, 108-111, 160-163).
70
See de Vaux ([1933=]1967: 392) and Heick (1971b: 184).
71
De Dea Syria 6, at the beginning. On Osiris as taking precedence over Isis, see Frankfort
([1948=]1962: 289).
72
Griffiths (1980: 3-4, quotation from p. 3). See also Frankfort ([1948=) 1962: 292-293).
tgy
t .. g
:el-
L=
;; is
t =
al-
' -
on
( t
l ;;
the
rn-
er-
Jn-
: ;
LU
yth
f
the
( ;
l:'J,
j t
179
(a) Until the first millennium B.C.E. Hathor alone is understood as
the Lady of Byblos, and not Isis. Isis comes into the picture in this role
only during this late period.
73
(b) The existence of a proper Adonis-Osiris syncretism at Byblos
may hardly be assumed even as late as the tum of the era. As Ribichini
noticed, the author of De Dea Syria keeps Adonis and Osiris apart; he
does not connect the two personalities. His description in 6 is of "the
rites of Adonis", and only in 7 does he report that "some inhabitants
of Byblos" hold these rites to be performed for Osiris. Ribichini aptly
suggests the hypothesis that there were in Byblos worshippers of Osiris
who celebrated the Phoenician adventures of their god at the same time
as the Adonia took place.
74
( 4) On the other hand, a profound Osiris influence on Adonis may be
involved where Adonis appears as a chthonic deity. This seems to be the
case in the Adonis cult at Alexandria. Theocritus implies that Adonis'
visit was only a temporary one (and not a real case of bilocation).1
5
In
the defixiones found at Kourion Adonis is among the chthonic
powers who are able to inflict evil.
6
Note, however, that Dumuzi also
seems to exert an influence in the chthonic direction in Egypt.
77
We may then summarize our conclusions about Osiris and Adonis.
Outright identification of the two deities is a very late phenomenon, at-
tested in writers like Damascius and Stephanus of Byzantium. The
Adonis cult at Alexandria may have been influenced by Osiris. Byblos
had long-standing and close contacts with Egypt. Influence is therefore
certainly a possibility as far as the Adonis cult is concerned. It is diffi-
cult, however, to adduce concrete evidence that such a process actually
took place. Isis does not adopt the role of Lady of Byblos until the first
millennium. When all is said and done, one is inclined to conclude that
Osiris hardly had any formative influence on Adonis. Osiris is a god
who remains in the Netherworld.
73
See Scandone Matthiae (1991: 403ff., esp. p. 405).
74
Ribichini ( 1981: 179).
75
See above Chap. IV.2.
76
For Adonis and Adonia at Kourion with probably chthonic connotations, see Mitford ( 1971,
references in the indexes, pp. 411 and 415).
77
On the display rite (of the corpse or the grave goods) in connection with Adonis and Dumuzi.
see Chapters IV .2 and VII.l.2.
I
... ..
,.
li
r
180
3.2. Osiris and Melqart
That there were tendencies to associate Osiris and Melqart is clear from
various observations. Thus, in the third Phoenician inscription from
Lamax tes Lapethou on Cyprus (LL no. 3), the high cultic functionary
of Melqart who carried the title mqm '1m, "the raiser/resuscitator of the
god" (line 1 ), tells that he set up a votary of himself(?) "in the presence
of my lord Melqart" (line 2) and one of his father "in the temple of the
goddess Ashtart" (line 6) and offered a lamp of gold "to my lord Osiris"
(line 5).
78
This takes place on different occasions, but we should note
that the high cultic functionary of Melqart feels free to denote Osiris as
his Lord. The date of this inscription is during the latter half of the
fourth century B.C.E.
Similarly, KAI no. 47 (Malta) offers the votive text dedicated to
Melqart, "the Lord of Tyre", by two brothers, both having names com-
pounded with the Osiris element, just as their father and grandfather
also had. The palaeography is Phoenician (not Punic), and the date is
second century B.C.E.
79
At Tyre itself a statue from the Roman period of an Osiris priest has
been found.
80
If we consider the Melqart mythology, there is one particular feature
that would seem to be an obvious result of influence from the notions
1 connected with Osiris: the myth of the death of the Phoenician Heracles
in Libya at the hands of Typhon. Athanaeus has this tradition from Eu-
doxus of Cnidus (fourth century B.C.E.).
81
Typhon is the interpretatio
Graeca of the Egyptian Seth, who murdered Osiris.
82
If therefore Ty-
phon equals Seth, then Melqart's fate comes close to that of Osiris.
Another point where a connection could be considered is in the use
of express resurrection terminology for Melqart. I am thinking of the
title of his leading cultic functionary, the mqm )lm, "the raiser/resus-
citator of the god".
83
It seems worthwhile to ask whether there is a con-
nection between this language and the central formula of the "raise-
yourself litanies" in the Osiris cult. The assumption of a connection is
not necessary, since we know of Semitic resurrection language that is
78
Text and translation in Honeyman (1938).
79
On these two stelae, see Bonnet (1988: 244-247).
80
SeeP. Dils (DCPP: 335 b), referring to zAS 31 (1893), 102 (no author stated by Dils), which
was not available to me.
81
See above, Chap. Ill.l.
82
See Plutarch, De !side et Osiride 41 and 49 (3670 and 371B). See also Herodotus II, 144
and 156. On Typhon, see Bonnet (1987a: 101-143), and on Typhon killing Heracles, Bonnet
(1988: 188).
83
See above, Chap. III.2.3
('J.
c 1
ary
t h ~
tne
c ~
as
the
m-
1 .
l
Ire
~ u -
IS-
, ....
IS
1"
44
181
probably independent of the Osiris cult.
84
However, since the title of the
cult functionary of Melqart is the only case of express resurrection lan-
guage in the sources for gods who die and return, and since there is evid-
ence for close contacts between Melqart and Osiris, I am strongly
inclined to explain the expression as due to Osirian influence. If there
was such a connection between Melqart and Osiris, however, we should
remember that the resurrection of the Egyptian god was a resurrection
to continued life in the Netherworld, and not a return to full and unim-
paired life on earth.
Certainly, we should not think of the bones of Melqart, mentioned
by Pomponius Mela in connection with Gades,
85
as something closely
parallel to the bones of Osiris among the so-called Osiris relics.
86
I
would rather see here a Greek motif, comparable to the bones of Orestes
and the bones of Theseus.
87
Nevertheless, Philostratus' description of the Melqart/Heracles cult
at Gades contains a feature that could perhaps be seen in the light of a
connection between Melqart and Osiris. Apollonius speaks of a dual
cult at Gades of "both of one and the other Hercules" and goes on to dis-
tinguish between "the Egyf,tian Hercules" and "the Theban".
88
The lat-
ter is the Greek Heracles.
9
De Dea Syria speaks of the sanctuary of
Heracles at Tyre, who is not "the Heracles whom the Greeks celebrate"
( 3). The Egyptian Hercules at Gades is then, presumably, the Tyrian
Melqart. If so, there must be some reason for describing the Tyrian
Melqart as the Egyptian Hercules.
90
If he had become associated with
Osiris, we would understand this way of referring to him. Note that
there is a reference to the Tyrian Heracles as "a Tyrian heros".
91
We may then summarize the relationship between Osiris and
Melqart. There is evidence for contact between the cults of Osiris and
Melqart on Cyprus and Malta from the centuries before the tum of the
era. There is also evidence for a mythological combination of the two
84
See above Chap. IIL2.3.
85
Pomponius Mela, De Chorographia Ill, 46. Further references are found in Bonnet ( 1988:
21 1).
86
On the "Osiris relics", see Beinlich ( 1984: esp. the references on p. 3 I 9 under "Knochen").
87
On the bones of Orestes and Theseus, see Richardson ( 1996: 56). The bones of Orestes are
mentioned by Herodotus l, 67-68.
88
Philostratus, Vita Apollon. Tyan. V, 5.
89
Hesiod refers to Heracles as born at Thebes, Greece, see Theogonv 530 and Shield of Heracles
42-56.
90
In this context. note also Herodotus II, 44. Note, however, that Heracles also appears as the in-
terpretatio Graeca of Egyptian Harsaphes, a god who merged with Osiris. On Harsaphes, see
Altenmi.iller (LA 2: 1015-1018). I owe this point to J. Podemann Sii!rensen (p.c.).
91
De Dea Svria 3.
I
I
;\
~
~ I
!.'I
.,
I
I
t t
i
II
182
gods: the Phoenician Heracles died at the hands of Typhon (Seth), and
Osiris was killed by the same god. The circumstance that at Gades the
Tyrian Heracles!Hercules is referred to as the Egyptian Hercules in dis-
tinction from the Heracles of Thebes in Greece is worth noticing.
Against the background of these observations it seems to me that at least
during the latter half of the first millennium there was at Tyre and else-
where a sort of symbiosis or even syncretism of Osiris and Melqart.
This symbiosis seems to me to provide the explanation for the use of ex-
press resurrection language in the Melqart cult (mqm '/m).
4. Conclusions
In comparison with the Semitic cultures, the culture of ancient Egypt is
sui generis. This peculiarity of Egypt, however, made it no less imper-
ative to present the major characteristics of Osiris and to consider his
potential importance for the developments of the West Semitic gods we
are investigating. We have arrived at the following conclusions.
( l) Whatever his original identity was, Osiris appears through the
whole recoverable history of Egyptian religion as a real god.
(2) Osiris is a god who spends his life in the Netherworld. His life
there, however, is not the existence of a dead person and is not to be
judged from a modern Western scepticism about the possibility of post-
mortal existence. Osiris' life in the Netherworld is highly active. He is
the ruler of the dead.
(3) Osiris is not a god of vegetation, but he is deeply involved with
the seasonal changes. The important complex of festivals in the month
of Khoiak (roughly December) concurs with the end of the period of the
inundation of the Nile.
( 4) The death and resurrection of Osiris are the most central features
of this festival. Osiris' burial takes place during Khoiak 24-30. It ends
with the erection of the Djed pillar as a visible emblem of Osiris' resur-
rection. From the New Kingdom and onwards there is a close connec-
tion between Osiris and the Djed pillar; the Djed pillar is even
anthropomorphized as Osiris. The motif of resurrection is also symbol-
ized by the Osiris gardens or Osiris effigies that were produced during
the Khoiak festival. These corn mummies serve to express the reuni-
fication of Osiris' scattered members. A further feature of similar im-
port is the use of the so-called "raise-yourself litanies" ("Erhebe-dich-
Litaneien") during the Khoiak celebrations. By and large, the death and
resurrection of Osiris are closely linked with the seasonal changes in na-
ture.
t), and
lt the
i :lis-
tieing.
tl
i lse-
elqart.
c
is
r >er-
i( his
ds we
the
life
be
post-
He is
l with
nonth
c the
1tures
: nds
nnec-
,ren
, JO!-
iuring
. llli-
l tm-
dich-
l md
1 na-
183
(5) We discussed the possible influence of Osiris on the West Sem-
itic gods here under consideration.
(a) As for Adonis, express identifications are very late (C.E.). On-
surprisingly, there are some indications of an Osiris-Adonis syncretism
at Alexandria in pre-Christian times. Byblos is more difficult to assess.
One must reckon with the presence of the Osiris cult at Byblos from the
time of the New Kingdom and onwards. However, it is Hathor that
holds the rank of Lady of Byblos; Isis takes her place in this capacity
only during the first millennium B.C.E. Even so, De Dea Syria keeps
Adonis and Osiris apart.
The similarities between Osiris and Adonis comprise especially the
Osiris and Adonis gardens and the cause of their respective deaths: Os-
iris' drowning recalls the throwing of an Adonis effigy into the sea or
into a well. There are also clear differences between Adonis and Osiris.
These are related to the god's connection with kingship, his position
vis-a-vis the goddess, and his relation to the Netherworld.
(b) As for Melqart, the indications of a close connection are more
tangible. We know of persons appearing in the temples of both gods (in
Cyprus). There is a clear case of mythological interconnection: the story
about Phoenician Heracles (Melqart) who was killed by Typhon (i.e.,
Seth, the killer of Osiris). Tyrian Melqart could be referred to as the 1
Egyptian Hercules. Against the background of all this, one must ask if
the designation mqm >Jm, "the raiser/resuscitator of the god", may not
have its background in the express resurrection language (verbal and rit-
ual) in the cult of Osiris. But there is also Semitic resurrection language
that may have been the resource for this formation.
:I
CHAPTER VII:
Comparative Perspectives: Dumuzi-
Tammuz and the West Semitic Gods
185
Unsurprisingly, Dumuzi-Tammuz
1
has been a major figure in the de-
bate about dying and rising deities. There is a vast literature on this
god.
2
Around the middle of the last century there was a consensus that
previous conclusions about a resurrection or return of Dumuzi were
mistaken. It was argued that these had been based "on nothing but in-
ference and surmise, guess and conjecture" (thus Kramer), and that
"there is no trace in the Sumerian mythology of a poem about Dumuzi' s
resurrection" (thus Gumey).
3
The situation is no longer as simple as
that, and the reasons for this change will be presented in the following.
The discovery of a new ending of Inanna 's Descent is especially im-
portant for this reorientation (see below). Nevertheless, we should note
from the outset that there is a tension between the mythological and the
ritual material as we know it: We find very little of ritual underpinnings
for any notion of a return of the deity from the Netherworld.
4
In generaf
terms, Dumuzi appears as a tragic hero, noi as a god who defeats death.
As for Dumuzi's general character, we should note that he is not
originally a god of vegetation but a god of shepherding. There was later
a syncretism between Dumuzi and Darnu, who was actually a vegeta-
tion god. The date for this Dumuzi-Damu syncretism is difficult to as-
sess. It has been taken to be Old Babylonian, but this is controversial.
5
1
The form of the name is dd u m u- z i in Sumerian, generally understood as "right child", "right
son", thus Falkenstein (1954: 42), but by Jacobsen as "he who quickens the young ones" (1970:
57, 73, 322f., n. 6, 338f., n. 23). Oberhuber (1976: esp. p. 268) in the same vein understands
the name as "Sohn, Wiederbeleber", "zum Leben erweckender Sohn". This is partly based on
a questionable comparison with the title of Melqart's functionary, mqm '1m, on which see
above Chap. III.2.-The form Tammuz, used among present-day scholars is, of course, known
from the Hebrew Bible (Ezek 8:14), but Tamiizu is indeed attested already at Nuzi as the name
of a month, see Cohen (1993: 262).
2
See especially Zimmern (1909), Falkenstein (1954), Gurney (1962), Yamauchi (1965), Jacob-
sen (1970: 25-30, 73-103 and 1976: 25-73), Alster (1972: 9-15), Kutscher (1990), Alster
(DDD: 1567-1579), and M.S. Smith (1998: 272-277).
3
Quotations from Kramer (1961: 10) and Gurney (1962: 153). Note also Yamauchi (1965). For
a survey of research, see above (Chap. I.l.3). Kramer later changed his mind, see below and
see Kramer (1966).
4
This was stressed by M.S. Smith (1998: 272-277).
I I
I
186
The questions we shall study are: (1) Is Dumuzi a dying and rising
god? and (2) Are there traces ofDumuzi influence on the West Semitic
notions of deity? In what follows, we should be aware of local and tem-
poral variations. There is always a risk of hypostasizing a god, "Dumu-
zi", and artificially constructing a picture of this god that is mistakenly
supposed to be valid for all times and places. In reality, Dumuzi is what
he was at the respective cult site, as portrayed in rite and myth.
An essential feature of the Mesopotamian notions of the Nether-
world is that this is a place from which no one returns ( er$et/asar/mat
la tari
6
). This is also a stance generally taken in the Hebrew Bible? In
Nergal and Ereshkigal, Anu says to Ereshkigal that, "We cannot come
down to you, I Nor can you come up to us."
8
Divine messengers, how-
ever, are capable of crossing the boundary between the world of the liv-
ing and the Netherworld, as we learn from lnanna's/Ishtar's Descent
and from Nergal and Ereshkigal, to mention some examples.
In the following, we shall move forward in three steps. First, we shall
look at Dumuzi's role in the descensus myths. Then, we shall focus on
other material for Dumuzi and arrive at a e n e r ~ evaluation of this deity
as a dying and rising god, and, finally, we shall relate Dumuzi to the
West Semitic gods we have been studying.
5
The only indication which I know of for an Old Babylonian date is a god list in which Damu,
Geshtinanna, and Ninedara occur en suite. See Th. Richter (1999: 263-264 with note 1047).
Geshtinanna is Dumuzi's sister; Ninedara has a close connection to Dumuzi in Nippur. Richter
comments: "Die vorliegende Stelle weist dieser 'Gleichsetzung' [Damu=Dumuzi] ein hohes
Alter zu" (1999: 264, n. 1047). Michael Fritz, however, is of the opinion that Dumuzi and
Darnu here belong to different circles of gods (p.c.). If so, the document in question does not
testify to a Damu-Dumuzi syncretism.-Jacobsen's interpretation of the Dumuzi mythology
along the lines of natural allegory (1970: 73-101; 1976: 62) is very difficult to maintain. See
the critique in Alster (fc., Chap. 16).
6
See CAD and AHw, the corresponding entries. On the Netherworld, see especially The Under-
world Vision of an Assyrian Prince (Livingstone, SAA 3: no. 32) and the scholarly surveys of
the topic in Sladek (1974: 58-70), Tsukimoto (1985: 6-19), Hutter (1985: 156-165), S. Paul
(1995), and Horowitz (1998: 268-295, 348-362). On the notion of "revivifying the dead", see
Hirsch (1968).
7
SeeS. Paul (1995: 223), who refers to 2 Sam 12:23; Job 7:9-10; 10:21; 16:22; Ps 88:13; Eccl
9:5.
8
Nergal and Ereshkigal, the Middle Babylonian version, EA 357: 4-5, translated by Foster (Be-
fore the Muses, vol. 1: 414), and the Sultantepe version col. 1: 31-34, Gurney (1960: 110-111),
translated by Foster (Before the Muses, vol. I: 418). Translations are also found in Dalley
(Myths from Mesopotamia, pp. 178-182, 165-177).
;;ing
emitic
:I tern-
) mu-
U\.enly
i what
L.aer-
lr/mat
I
7
In
how-
liv-
:ent
'1all
on
deity
t the
1047).
r 'hter
1 ohes
L.. and
oes not
1- logy
:1 See
Under-
of
Paul
see
:> Eccl
' 'Be-
)-111),
flolley
187
1. Dumuzi's Role in the Descensus Myths
When discussing the descensus material, we should keep two important
points in mind. (a) A particular myth may not be identical with a certain
text. The myth as a narratological construct may receive different mani-
festations on the textual level. There are variants. The abstract narrative
(the fabula or story) may manifest itself in various discourses (plots).
The myth is a sort of "geno-text" that surfaces in various "pheno-
texts".9 The descensus mytheme may surface in different discourses. As
for the descent of Inanna/Ishtar, the Akkadian version is not a transla-
tion of the Sumerian one, and is not even necessarily dependent on it.
10
(b) We shall discuss materials, some of which were written in Sumerian,
and some in Akkadian. Note then that the difference in language does
not indicate a difference of ethnicity, and that "Sumerian and Akkadian
texts are witnesses of one and the same, namely Babylonian culture";
we should "understand Sumerian and Akkadian myths as equal sources
of Babylonian mythology".
11
A handful of myths tells about gods descending to the Netherworld.
The most important are: Inanna's and lshtar's Descents, Ningishzida's
Descent, Enlil and Ninlil, and Nergal and Ereshkiga/.
12
I shall not deal
here v.;ith the last two texts in this list, since they are less relevant to our
project.
1.1. The Sumerian Inanna 's Descent
The widely distributed copies of Inanna 's Descent
13
take us back to Old
Babylonian times. Falkenstein dates the creation of the composition al-
ready to the twenty-first century B.C.E.
14
This text tells about an at-
tempt of Inanna to seize power in the Netherworld. The attempt failed:
the Annunaki look at her "with the look of death" (11. 167 -168) and she
becomes a dead corpse. She is able to escape from Ereshkigal' s domain
only by means of Enki's cunning. Enki creates two rescuers and pro-
9
See above, Chap. 1.2.2.2. For an orientation about intertextuality. see Mellinger (1993 ).
10
Heimpel (RLA 8: 544).
11
Heimpel (RLA 8: 544).
12
See Heimpel (RLA 8: 547-549), and for the latter myth, see esp. Lambert (1990a: 289-300).
13
For a discussion of the Sitz im Leben of the mythological material, with close attention to the
origin of the various tablets, put together and presented as a coherent myth in modem studies
and translations, see Arne Nykvist (forthcoming PhD diss. in Comparative Religion at Lund
University).
14
Falkenstein (1968: 100). For the texts, editions and translations, see Romer (TUAT III:3, 459-
460). Note especially Sladek (1974). In my references I have retained Sladek's line counting,
as does also Romer (seep. 460). I cite Sladek's translation. A narrative analysis of the myth is
found in Evers (1995: 65-98).
I
" I
.,
I
.. ,
..
. \r
lj
<!
'!',
ll I
I
I'
11:
!j.
Ji,
j\
lj
,,
II
II
II
I!
,,
I!
II
., .
:I
I
188
vides them with the herb of life and the water of life (ll. 210-225). They
sprinkle lnanna with these and she arises. She is released from the Neth-
erworld only on the express condition that she provides a substitute (ll.
286-289).
15
The rest of the narrative deals with the finding of the ne-
cessary substitute (ll. 306-412). The galla demons claim various per-
sons for this role, but lnanna refuses to give them up since they have
been mourning her disappearance and death. Dumuzi, however, shows
no signs of grief, and lnanna, in anger, gives him into the hands of the
galla demons (ll. 347-358). A passage here (ll. 383-393) surprisingly
deals with lnanna's mourning over Dumuzi and her search for him.
16
After a broken passage, the text ends with the judgement spoken by In-
anna (or Ereshkigal)
17
to the effect that,
You [Dumuzi will spend] one half of the year and your sister [Geshtinanna will
spend] one half of the year [in the Netherworld]. (I. 407)
18
The two crucial names are only supplied from the context, but there is
hardly any doubt about the identity of the acting characters.
As for genre, the composition contains the characteristic features of
myth.
19
Its main function is hardly a ritual one-although there are fea-
tures that point to a cultic connection
20
-but rather one of entertain-
ment.21 The composition in its final shape combines two different
stories, that of lnanna' s descent and that of Dumuzi' s death. They may
have been joined together around 2000 B.C. E.
22
On the discourse level
we may now note a striking feature: Inanna's descent to the Nether-
world has its final result in Dumuzi' s death. In Kirk's words: "Inanna' s
imprudent visit to the Netherworld might be said to motivate Dumuzi's
removal there ... "
23
With regard to our questions, two points are important in the Sume-
rian version: (a) the revivification of Inanna with its notion of three
15
On this, see Afanasieva (1980).
16
This passage was made available by Alster in his edition of the text, Alster (1996).
17
See Romer (TUAT III:3: p. 494, note 407a). Both Romer (p. 494) and Alster (1996: 15) take
the speaker to be Inanna.
18
Sladek (1974: 181). See also Jacobsen (The Harps that Once p. 232) and Romer (TUATIII:3:
p. 494). Text (UETVI.l.lO: rev. 10-12) as reconstructed by Falkenstein (1965: 281 with n. 15).
19
See above, Chap. 1.2.2.2. I thus disagree with Alster (1996: 16 with n. 2), though this disagree-
ment is not fundamentally about the nature of our Sumerian composition but rather arises from
a wider definition of myth than the one Alster has chosen.
20
See Alster (1983: 1-16, esp. p. 12).
21
This feature was stressed by Alster (1996: 16 with n. 2 and especially in fc., 2001). Unlike Al-
ster I find entertainment a possible function of myth. See above Chap. 1.2.2.2.
22
Thus Alster (p.c.).
23
Kirk (1973: 112).
hey
I.
ne-
)WS
the
I y
1. 6
In-
will
f s
; -f
I -
llll-
f'"t
) v
vel
.f'T-
i s
r -
ake
'
5).
:ee-
AI-
189
days, and (b) the idea that Dumuzi is to spend only half the year in the
Netherworld, which I will refer to as the notion of "bilocation". Let us
consider these two points.
First the revivification of the goddess. When the goddess has entered
the Netherworld and has been killed by the Anunnaki, three days and
three nights pass (l. 173
24
) without Inanna's return before Ninshubur
takes action and finally convinces Enki to bring about the return of the
goddess. One should be aware of the fact that our myth does not speak
of the elapse of three days and nights between death and resurrection
but between the death and the beginning of the mourning rites.
The verb used about the revivification of Inanna in lines 285-288 is
"to rise", written with Sumerian E
11
, the standard equivalent of Akka-
dian eJU.
25
Then there is the divine decree about the partition of the year. This
notion of Dumuzi's bilocation is closely linked with the idea of substi-
tution. The claim for a substitute and the long search for one are thor-
oughly integrated parts of the narrative. In an article on the idea of
substitution in Sumerian mythological poetry, Afanasieva argues that
there was a notion of equilibrium, of harmony. In the myth Enlil and
Ninlil, three beings are to serve as substitutes for Enlil, Ninlil and their
first-born, the moon god Nanna.
26
When Inanna hands Dumuzi over to
the Kalla demons as her substitute, the substitution becomes part of a
cyclical, seasonal arrangement: Dumuzi and his sister Geshtinanna will
each spend half the year in the Netherworld. It was Falkenstein's recon-
struction of the text that led to this understanding (see l. 407, quoted
above). Falkenstein's insights
27
led Kramer to admit that he himself had
been wrong: "If Falkenstein's interpretation is correct-and it seems to
me most convincing-my conclusion that Dumuzi dies and 'stays dead'
forever ... was quite erroneous: Dumuzi, according to the Sumerian
mythographers, rises from the dead annually and, after staying on earth
for half the year, descends to the Nether World for the other half."
28
In
a special study devoted to the conclusion of Inanna 's Descent, Bendt
24
A variant tradition has "seven [years], seven months [and] seven days", see Romer (TVATIII:3:
p. 473, n. 173a) and Sladek (1974: 204).
25
As noted by Paul (1995: 225). See CAD, E, vol. 1: liSa. The Akkadian verb occurs frequently
in Nergal and Ereshkigal.
26
Afanasieva (1980: esp. pp. 165-166).
27
Falkenstein (1965: 281 with n. 15).
28
Kramer (1966: 31). Kramer adds inn. 3: "Note the obvious parallel to the Adonis myth." Kram-
er's erroneous conclusion, which he thus revoked in his 1966 study, was formulated in Kramer
(1961: 10)
I
',,,,.,.,.
J
;j
J
'
I
190
Alster comes to the same conclusion.
29
The situation seems clear: the
Sumerian myth ends up in a divine decree about the bilocation of Du-
muzi and his sister.
In this divine decree, we find a seasonal aspect surfacing in the myth.
The concept of the alternation of the two deities in the Netherworld was
to a large degree based upon the alternation of the barley and wine-
growing seasons: Dumuzi embodied the grain, Geshtinanna the vine.
30
There is now a growing awareness that the Sumerian myth contains
allusions to ritual procedures. Buccellati (1982) argued that the text re-
flects a ritual journey bringing the statue of Inanna from Uruk to Kutha,
the cult centre par excellence for Nergal and other deities of the Neth-
erworld. The beginning of the text tells that lnanna abandons one city
after another as she goes in a generally northward direction (11. 7 -13).
Though Kutha does not appear in the Sumerian text, it is found at a de-
cisive juncture in the Akkadian version (Nin. 1. 40). The way back goes
via Umma (ll. 322-346, see especially 1. 328). Buccellati strengthens his
case by pointing out that one passage of the text looks like a description
of a cult statue (11. 44-46).
31
The use of garments for cult statues is well
known. The disrobing of Inanna (ll. 117-164) should be seen in the light
of this.
1.2. The Akkadian lshtar's Descent
As for the Akkadian Ishtar's Descent, the lion's share of the extant ma-
terial is Neo-Assyrian.
32
The beginning of a Middle Assyrian version,
however, is preserved, which means that written material takes us back
to the end of the second millennium B.C.E.
33
The Akkadian form of the
myth may be centuries older.
29
Alster (1996: 15).
30
Jacobsen (1976: 62). See also Cohen (1993: 262-263).
31
On this passage, see now George (1985: 109-113, esp. p. 112) who is of the same opinion.
32
For a transliteration of the Nineveh and Assur recensions arranged as the score of a piece of
music, see Borger (1979: vol. I: 95-104, with introductory references to the tablets that contain
these recensions). Translations are found in: Sladek (1974: 251-262), Dalley (Myths, 1991:
154-162), Foster (Before the Muses, vol. 1, 1993: 403-409; literature ibid. p. 409), and TUAT
(3:4: 760-766, G.G.W. Miiller). In the following I cite Foster's translation.-In a series of
works, S. Parpola has presented an interpretation of Ishtar as the central figure in Mesopotami-
an religion with far-reaching potential consequences both for the understanding of Mesopota-
mian religion in general and for the appreciation of possible notions of resurrection. See
especially the synthesizing presentations in Parpola (1997b: the introduction; and 2000) with
references to previous studies by Parpola. As will appear from what follows I am not yet ready
to follow Parpola on this path. On these issues, see the critical discussion by J. Cooper (2000).
33
See TUAT(3:4: 760-761).
::.a.i: the
ofDu-
~ .. lyth.
rid was
1
line-
' _le. 30
mtains
, .t re-
I ttha,
Neth-
- city
' 13).
t a de-
l ;oes
~ ; his
iption
f vell
; i.ght
~ ~ na-
r on,
back
:-+the
ieee of
: Lain
191:
JAT
ries of
r ~ ~ m i -
' )ta-
t.. See
')with
""idy
; JO).
191
The contents are as follows (the line numbers refer to the Nineveh
recension). After a classical description of the gloomy life in the Neth-
erworld, the text tells about Inanna' s threat to release the dead if she is
not allowed into the Netherworld (ll. 14-20). When she is let in, the
gatekeeper greets her welcome to Kutha, a name otherwise well-known
as that of the cult centre of the Netherworld gods.
She passes the seven gates, and each passage means that she is being
stripped of one item of her attire (ll. 40-62). At the fifth gate, she loses
the girdle with birthstones. Finally, she stands naked, robbed of her di-
vinity, before her sister Ereshkigal. Namtar, the vizier of the Nether-
world, releases upon her sixty illnesses (11. 68-75). Then follows a
description of the sterile condition of life on earth, now that Ish tar is ab-
sent: procreation among people and animal ceases (11. 76-80).
34
Now
Papsukkal, the vizier of the great gods, dressed in mourning with hair
unkempt, goes to Ea. Ea forms a plan and creates Asushunamir who is
to trick Ereshkigal to swear the oath of hospitality
35
and then sprinkle
Ish tar with the water of life. The order is carried out. Ishtar is sprinkled
and then brought out through the seven gates, regaining her lost divine
apparel (11. 115-125). The final section (11. 127-138) displays a very dif-
ferent genre. As we shall see, it alludes to the coming up of Dumuzi and
to the mourning rites for this god. 1
A comparison with the Sumerian version shows that there are many
similarities and also numerous differences.
36
It is quite clear also from
the Akkadian myth that the goddess does not descend to the Nether-
world in order to save Dumuzi. On the contrary: she is released from
there only on condition that she will be able to provide a substitute. In
the Sumerian text, Inanna' s apparel consists of the seven me , a notion
that does not figure explicitly in the Akkadian version.
37
The galla de-
mons and their search for a substitute for the goddess are mentioned
only in the Sumerian version. The judgement about the division of the
year and the two gods succeeding each other in the Netherworld, result-
ing in the bilocation of Dumuzi, is also specific to the Sumerian text. It
is then important to note that the idea of substitution is nevertheless at-
tested in both the Sumerian and the Akkadian versions. Moreover in the
latter we find it in both text forms, the Nineveh text (naptim, 1. 126) and
the As sur text (iptim, rev. 1. 36). The notion of substitution is found also
in a myth where bilocation is not presupposed (Enlil and Ninlil). When
34
For lshtar and erotics, see e.g. the hymn "!star-Louvre" 1: 41-46 (Groneberg, 1997: 24-25).
3
5 On this, see Kilmer (1971 ).
36
See esp. Sladek (!974: 34-51), Katz (1995: 228-233), and Heimpel (RLA 8: 556-557).
37
On this concept, see Farber(-Flilgge) (1973 and RLA 7: 610-613).
~ '.
I
192
we find it in the Akkadian myth, lshtar' s Descent, its presence there is
probably due to the combination substitution-bilocation, attested al-
ready in the Sumerian myth, lnanna 's Descent. Thus, bilocation-
though not mentioned expressly-surfaces in the reference to the sub-
stitute, the ransom, in the Akkadian version.
A passage that deserves particular attention is the ritual conclusion
(ll. 127-138) with its mention ofDumuzi "coming up" (from the Neth-
erworld) in line 136, because of its potential reference to a "resurrec-
tion" of Dumuzi. The presentation here makes a transition from
narrative to ritual. This ritual section consists of three parts. The first
few lines contain a speech with imperatives and precatives giving or-
ders about Dumuzi (ll. 127 -130), verb forms that point to a different
genre than the mythological corpus of the text, a change of genre that
could indicate that the ending is a later addition. The following lines
contain a description of Belili (Geshtinanna) when she hears the ritual
wailing for her brother Dumuzi. She then reacts in dismay (ll. 131-135).
The final lines contain a statement about what will happen when Dumu-
zi rises (ll. 136-138).
This ritual conclusion of the myth is properly preserved only in the
Nineveh version, but there are sufficient traces in the damaged Assur
text for us to conclude that it was once found also there.
38
We should
note one specific difference bct;.veen the ~ ~ i n v h and .t-\ssur versions of
1 the sections immediately preceding the ending. The Nineveh text has
the reference to the substitute after the passage through the gates, while
the Assur text refers to the substitution before the passage through the
gates takes place, which is a more logical place in the plot.
39
It is tempt-
ing to take the reference to the substitute as an allusion to the role of Du-
muzi as a replacement for lshtar in the Netherworld. The fact that the
Nineveh version seems to have moved this reference to a place imme-
diately before the ritual conclusion confirms this assumption. Besides,
this manoeuvre also strengthens the suspicion that the ritual ending is a
secondary constituent of the text as we have it. The addition of lines
127 -138led to the relocation of the reference to the substitute, from line
118 (where it is found in the Assur parallel) to line 126.
40
Due to the
supposed connection between substitution and bilocation in our myth
38
See von Soden (1967: 192-195, esp. p. 193).
39
As was pointed out by Sladek (1974: 43).
40
Lresse (1955: 13-15) calls attention to a number of Assyrian linguistic features in the passage.
These, in connection with the circumstance that the passage reflects a ritual practice that may
be specifically Assyrian, leads him to assume that the epilogue is an Assyrian addition to the
myth.
is
1 al-
r-
sub-
1 on
1 ,m
!Irst
! 0r-
Lnat
lines
i al
_,j),
mu-
I . le
ssur
: !d
I )f
has
le
te
npt-
r 1-
e
me-
;age.
l y
> .e
193
(above), one could speculate whether an ending with a divine decree
about the partition of the year was lost when the ritual ending was added
to the text.
Adopting von Soden's analysis of the syntax in the final lines, these
may be translated as follows:
When Dumuzi rises [elliinni ], and when the lapis lazuli pipe
and the carnelian ring rise with him,
When male and female mourners rise with him,
Then let the dead come up [liJanimma] and smell the incense.
(II. 136-138)
41
There is then a clear reference to the ascent of Dumuzi, but what is the
import of this formulation? Is it a reference to Dumuzi's coming up to
be succeeded by his sister and to his inauguration of the renewal of life
in nature? I have arrived at the conclusion that this is not the case, that
we are here not concerned with a reference to Dumuzi's resurrection but
only to a momentary interruption in his sojourn in the Netherworld as
Ishtar's substitute. My reasons are as follows.
The passage in Ishtar's Descent is best understood not against the
background of a joyous Dumuzi festival to celebrate the arrival of
spring but rather against the background of the mourning rites for Du-
muzi at the end of the month that is named after this god. I
These mourning rites are known from a group of texts of which I
would like to call attention to two in particular: SAA 3: no. 38: rev. 3-
1942 and SAA 10: no. 19.
43
They take place in the month ofDu'uzu, the
month whose name derives from the name of the god Dumuzi.
44
In a
study of the mourning rites for Dumuzi, Scurlock
45
concludes that the
26th ofDu'uzu was the day of uproar, a day when the (funerary) display
(the taklimtu rite)
46
was carried out in Assur and Nineveh. The 27th
41
Von Soden (1967: 194), translation quoted from Sladek (1974: 262). See also Dalley (Myths,
1991: 160). The word elliinniin line 136 is a ventive of the verb eli1, "to rise", and is listed un-
der this verb in CAD E, p. 122 top. Foster's analysis and translation is highly improbable, Foster
(Before the Muses, vol. I, 1993: 409).
42
This text, VAT 10 099 with duplicates, is edited and translated in Livingstone (Court Poetry,
1989: 95-98) and discussed by Livingstone (1986: 130-131, 136-141 ).
43
This text is edited and translated by Parpola (Letters from Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars,
1993, p. 16). Note also SAA 10: 18 (ibid. p. 15).
44
For intervocalic rn developing into ',see von Soden (GAG 31d). My thanks to Michael B.
Dick for a discussion of this point.
45
For the following, see Scurlock (1992: 53-67, esp. pp. 58-61).
46
The word taklimtu is a term derived from the verb kullumu, "to show, display". It was probably
a display of the grave goods, not of the corpse, see Scurlock (1991 ). That the ending of lshtar 's
Descent belongs to the context of the taklirntu rite was pointed out long ago by L:essl')e ( 1955:
13-14) and Yamauchi (1966: 10-15).
::,.11
,
194
was the day of releasing (pasaru) and also a day for further funerary dis-
play. The 28th of the month was the day of Dumuzi when still another
funerary display was enacted. The 29th seems to have been the last day
of the rites. Scurlock concludes that, "[t]he 27th of Du'uzu was the day
of releasing, 000 that is, the day when Dumuzi was given a furlough from
his Netherworld prison (where he was serving as !Star's substitute) so
that he could be present in the upper world for his festival."
47
Since the
month of Du'uzu was the "month of the captivity of Dumuzi", the
month when "the shepherd Dumuzi was bound" and the month of "the
opening of the grave", Scurlock concludes that "we are probably safe in
assigning the 'day of the captivity of Dumuzi', 000 to the end of the rite,
that is, to the 29th of the month."
48
Three aspects of this material are
important to us:
(1) These rites culminate in Dumuzi's death, and his death is closely
linked up with the demise of plant life. Thus in SAA 3: no. 38 we read
that, "[h]is [de]ath is when they burn the roasted barley, which they
were casting on Tammuz, on the stones", and then the text goes on to
describe Dumuzi as the very embodiment of vegetation: "Tamarisk is
his topknot. Cypress is [his] trunk. [C]annabis is his bristle. Juniper is
[his] thighs. Cedar is his knees 00."
49
(2) In the ritual conclusion of Ishtar's Descent and in the texts refer-
/ ring to the taklimtu rite, Dumuzi is firmly allocated to the Netherworld;
his corning up is only a brief, temporary release, and he returns at the
end of his month. An allusion to this may be at hand in the words to
Ereshkigal in Nergal and Ereshkigal: "Not [once] in a year can you
come up before us.''
50
Ereshkigal is not as happy as Dumuzi is.
(3) The two texts about Inanna's and Ishtar's descents were not ori-
ginally composed as ritual myths. The addition of the ritual ending to
the Akkadian text, however, is explainable on the assumption that the
narrative about Ish tar's descent becomes the hieros logos of the Dumuzi
celebrations during the month of Du'uzu.
51
The evidence adduced by Scurlock is Neo-Assyrian. A similar com-
ing up and returning to the Netherworld may be attested for two god-
47
Scurlock (1992: 59).
4
8 Scurlock (1992: 60).
49
SAA 3: no. 38: rev. 6-17 (Livingstone, Court Poetry, 1989: 98). See also no. 39: obv. 1-18. On
the god-description texts, see Livingstone (1986: 92-112).
50
The Sultantepe version (C) I: 32, text in Gurney (1960: 11 0), translation in Foster (Before the
Muses, vol. 1: 418). ~ is this an allusion to a kispu celebration?
51
I am surprised to find that Parpola (1997c: 55) understands the final part of Ishtar's Descent as
containing "a promise of salvation".
'u!S-
>ther
ay
-.lY
rom
~ :>O
~ 1e
the
' 1e
f in
rite,
~
sely
.. d
J :y
n to
Jr 1s
: 'S
fPr-
1 l;
me
; to
' u
; )
' >
l..t..&V
uzi
the
195
desses from Eshnunna around the tum of the third and second millennia
B.C.E.52
The taklimtu rite was received into the Adonis celebrations, as we
know them from Egypt, as Stol has demonstrated.
53
We noted above the seasonal implications of the Sumerian text (the
partition of the year). These are present also in the Akkadian form of the
myth. The references to the loss of the birthstones, 5
4
to the ensuing in-
fertility on earth and to the mourning rites for Dumuzi touch upon the
related themes of the seasonal cycle.
55
1.3. Ningishzida's Descent
Ningishzida 's Descent is a new Akkadian descensus myth that was
edited and discussed by Lambert, whose overall interpretation I here
follow.
56
Over against the other two descents, there is here a difference
in the means of achieving the release of the victim. In the former it is
Enki's trickery, brought about by the entertainers sent to the Nether-
world. In this new text, the victim's mother bribes the guard and so
overrules Ereshkigal' s normal principle to allow no victim to escape.
57
The final part of the text may be taken to tell how Ningishzida left the
Underworld with his helper (rev. 11-23). I
Ningishzida belongs to a group of chthonic gods connected with
vegetation (agriculture).
58
"Most commonly he is an underworld offi-
cial and would neither need nor want to be released," says Lambert,
who nevertheless concludes that this chthonic god makes a descensus
and also leaves the Netherworld.
59
The death of vegetation and the
Netherworld travel of the god who embodies it, is thus the subject of our
Akkadian myth. The return ofNingishzida hinted at in our text may also
be vaguely referred to in a Sumerian lament.
60
The time of Ningishzi-
52
See Cohen (1993: 252-253, 475).
53
See Stol ( 1988).
54
Sladek (1974: 84, 86) relates the sibbu a ban aliidi (NA
4
.TU), "girdle of birthstones", "stones
of[= that cause] birth", to aban ere (NA
4
.PES
4
, "stones of[= that cause] conception".
55
As was pointed out by Katz (1995: 230).
56
See Lambert (1990a: 289-300). The cuneiform tablet is from Ur, U 16 889, published in C.J.
Gadd's hand copy in UET VI, 395, see Lambert p. 290.
57
Lambert (1990a: 295).
58
See Wiggermann (RIA 9: 368-373, esp. pp. 369-370), and idem (1997: 39-42).
59
Lambert (1990a: 289-300, quotation from p. 295; on resurrection p. 300).
60
See TCL 15,8, translated by Jacobsen (1976: 68-73), and see Wiggermann (RIA 9: 370b). Note
that Alster ( 1986: 27) fails to find a reference to the return of Ningishzida in the Sumerian la-
ment, a conclusion contested by Wilcke ( 1988: 245-250, esp. p. 248) but maintained by Alster
in Jacobsen and Alster (2000: 331 note 33).
..
,,ld'' r.rl
[: I
,,.
H
[:
ill
II
il
:I:
I
II
';
'i
I
i
. I
196
da' s absence from earth coincided with that of Dumuzi: from midsum-
mer to midwinter.
61
His name means "Lord of the true tree", a name that
reflects the reliability of the natural phenomena that he embodies.
62
We should note that Ningishzida is closely related to Dumuzi. He is
the husband of Geshtinanna, Dumuzi's sister. In Adapa and the South
Wind, Dumuzi and Ningishzida (under the name Gizzida) appear to-
gether as guardians at the gate of heaven.
63
Ningishzida is identified
with Damu and Ishtaran, "the Ishtar-like [god]".
64
Against the background of what has been said, I am inclined to con-
clude that the well-known pattern of Dumuzi's descent and return fig-
ures in the background of the Old Babylonian Ningishzida 's Descent.
1.4. U rnammu 's Death
Urnammu was the founder of the third dynasty of Ur. The text in ques-
tion65 tells how, after Urnammu's death, lnanna and com-
plains to Enlil that she wants the dead king back. This is resembles
closely her intervention for Dumuzi in two laments. The negative an-
swer implies that Urnammu will no more come to her as Dumuzi.
66
The
dead kings participate "sacramentally" in the cult of the dying gods and
in the return of the vegetation brought about by these deities.
67
Dumu-
zi's death and return are here presupposed as the pattern for king Ur-
nammu's death and his hoped-for return. This all means that an Ur III
text presupposes the mythological idea of Dumuzi's return. It could
even be that we should understand the reference as an allusion to the rit-
ual celebration of his return in the hieros gamos, but here we are perhaps
on less certain ground.
61
See Wiggennann (1997: 41 with references.).
62
See Wiggennann (RIA 9: 369, 371).
63
B: lines 24, 31, 49, 56. Text: Picchioni, Il PoemettodiAdapa (1981: 116-119); translation: Fos-
ter (Before the Muses vol. 1, 1993: 431-432).
64
See Jacobsen (1976: 68-73). Note in this connection the final section of Urnammu 's Death, see
Wilcke (1970: 79-92; 1988: 245-250, and idem, RIA 5: 84). For the above interpretation of the
name "lshtaran", see Lambert (1969: 103). The type of noun formation is that of GAG 56r.
65
On this text, see Wilcke (1970 and 1988: 245-250).
66
See Wilcke (1970: 86-92; 1988: 245-246).
67
See Wilcke ( 1988: 250). In line with this, we find in another text Umammu' s son and successor
Shulgi departing to heaven after his death, and a statement that recalls a later formulation in
Adapa and the South Wind about Dumuzi and (Nin)Gizzida at the gate of heaven, see Wilcke
(1988: 250-255).
l!Yl-
1 ~
~ i s
tu-
ied
Ig-
m-
l
l ..
he
Jr-
1
it-
:ee
ke
197
We may then summarize our findings so far. New and important ma-
terial has become available in recent decades, including the new ending
for Inanna 's Descent with the partition of the year. The scholarly con-
sensus reached by the 1960's, namely that Dumuzi dies and remains
dead, does not survive the acid test of a perusal of the relevant mytho-
logical material now at hand. Inanna 's Descent from about 2000 B.C.E.
attests to the notions of substitution, bilocation and seasonal arrange-
ment of the year. Dumuzi is to spend half the year on earth and half in
the Netherworld. The Akkadian Ishtar's Descent may have been com-
posed during the latter half of the second millennium. The ritual ending
is probably a later addition, and moreover an addition that may have re-
placed an original reference to bilocation. This ritual ending does not
speak of Dumuzi's resurrection at the tum of the year when vegetation
receives new life. The god here returns to earth only to participate in the
mourning ceremonies in the month ofDu'uzu in the middle of the sum-
mer. The body of the text, however, has seasonal implications. What is
more, the addition of the ritual conclusion, focussing as it does on Du-
muzi, favours the assumption that Ishtar's Descent now in its Neo-As-
syrian context served as the hieros logos of the Dumuzi celebrations at
the end of the month that bore his name. Ningishzida 's Descent is an 1
Old Babylonian myth that was probably structured on the pattern ofDu-
muzi's descent and return. A similar relation to the Dumuzi myth is
found in Urnammu's Death, an Ur III text in which Inanna complains
that the dead king will no more come to her as Dumuzi.
2. Dumuzi: A Dying and Rising God?
After the preceding perusal of the descensus myths we shall now pose
our specific question: Is Dumuzi a dying and rising deity in the sense
defined above in Chapter I?
In a recent contribution, MarkS. Smith arrives at the following con-
clusion: "It is most important to emphasize that even if 'resurrection'
were the proper term to characterize Dumuzi's half-year on earth every
year, it appears to be a concept without ritual context; this seems to be
a 'theology' designed to provide intelligibility for Dumuzi's annual
death."
68
Smith also lays a certain stress on Dumuzi's quasi-divine sta-
tus.69 Let us once again, then, consider the four cardinal points referred
68
M.S. Smith ( 1998: 275). See also Alster (DDD: 1578). A markedly different stance was taken
by Parpola (SAA 9. 1997b: p. xciv) who brings together various pieces of evidence.
69
Smith (1998: 273).
~
, :I
. r:l
,.
'
I
I
,,1
"
I
I
198
to in Chapter 1: divine status, death and return, ritual embeddedness, and
seasonal connections.
2 .1. Divine Status?
For the Mesopotamians themselves, the distinction between mortal and
divine was somewhat fluid. Our perspective at this moment of our dis-
cussion is rather extrinsic, or etic: the following remarks are made prim-
arily in the interest of a comparison with Adonis, since the Greek
Adonis was a heros, and in the interest of our conversation with Mark
S. Smith.1
Falkenstein underlined, in his Dumuzi contribution from 1954, that
Dumuzi and Amaushumgalanna did not originally belong to the Sume-
rian pantheon.
71
Both were names of mortal men. In the later figure of
Dumuzi, two different characters had coalesced, according to Falken-
stein. We find them as mortals at two different places in the Sumerian
King List: an older Dumuzi from Bad-tibira, and a younger one from
Kuara or Kullab.
72
Dumuzi's life of shepherding and his prayers to the
deities suggest his human status?
3
"Dumuzi as husband of Inanna ex-
emplifies the pattern of a mortal ruler who became the husband of a
goddess", writes Alster, and refers to Dumuzi's Dream, line 206: "I am
not [just] a man, I am the husband of a goddess!"
74
Dumuzi, then, is
semi-divine. He was originally a divinized ruler. This explains certain
features of the development, e.g. that Inanna could extradite him to
serve as her substitute in the Netherworld; a similar death sentence
would hardly have been spoken over one of her equals among the
gods.
75
Nevertheless, the conscience of Dumuzi's original status may well
have vanished among the people of Mesopotamia during his long life in
myth and rite. Whatever his origin, however, Dumuzi must be said to be
a god, just as Gilgamesh was a god, although given a human origin. It
is not without reason that he always appears with the divine determin-
ative.76
70
Daniel Fleming and Jack Sasson are sceptical about the benefits of making a distinction "di-
vine" and "semi-divine" (p.c.).
71
Falkenstein (1954: 62-65); see also Alster (DDD: 1570-1571).
72
See ANET (pp. 265-266).
73
For prayers, see Kramer (1990: 143-149).
74
Alster (DDD: 1570). For the passage cited, see Alster (Dumuzi's Dream, 1972: 76-77).
75
Thus Falkenstein (1954: 63).
76
Heimpel (RLA 8: 542).
1U
s-
n-
n
a
n
e
n
f'
I-
199
2.2. Death and Return and Ritual Embeddedness
Dumuzi went down to the Netherworld. He was then mourned by the
goddess, who is described as his deprived spouse or bereft mother. The
mourning goddess, searching for her lost husband or son is a salient fea-
ture of the Mesopotamian Dumuzi myth as we know it from the vast lit-
erature of lamentations.
77
In our perusal of the descensus myths, we found indications to the
effect that Dumuzi was believed both to go down to the Netherworld
and to return from there. In Inanna 's Descent, the notion of substitution
and the partition of the year testify to his return. In Ishtar's Descent
there is no divine decree, but the notion of substitution suggests that
some bi-annual arrangement figures under the surface of the text. The
myth of Ningishzida 's Descent concerned the descent and release of a
god closely related to Dumuzi; the outline probably reflects the pattern
of Dumuzi's death and return. Similarly, the final section of Urnam-
mu 's Death alludes to the fates of Dumuzi.
We may then proceed to the issue of a possible cultic and ritual em-
beddedness of the idea of Dumuzi' s return. In his study of the Dumuzi
cult, R. Kutscher emphasized two aspects. (a) It was an unofficial affair
on the popular level of religion.
78
Two Dumuzi temples are known from
Early Dynastic times, but none is known after the Old Babylonian
period. This dichotomy, official vs. popular religion, may, however, be'
open to some doubts. We shaH reiurn io ihis issue below. (b) There was
a development so that "in the late second millennium, Dumuzi's char-
acter as the young bridegroom, hero of the sacred marriage rite, had
been forgotten, and he was known only as the tragic hero."
79
The mourning rites to celebrate Dumuzi's death or "binding" in the
month of Du'uzu (around July) are well attested.
80
They figure in a pas-
sage in Gilgamesh: "for Dumuzi, the beloved of your youth, ~ u de-
creed an annual wailing [satta ana satti bitakka taltemessu]."
1
They
are also known from the Hebrew Bible (Ezek 8: 14).
82
Moreover, the
very death of Dumuzi seems to have been acted out in ritual perform-
ance. That this is so, at least in first millennium Assyria, is suggested by
77
See Kramer (1983: 76-79; cf. 1982) and Jacobsen (1976: 47-73).
78
Cf. Jacobsen (1970: 90f.) who speaks of a cult practised by women.
7
9 Kutscher ( 1990; quotation from p. 30).
80
See Cohen (1993: 315-319).
81
Gilgamesh VI: 46-47. Text in Parpola (1997a: 91), translation in Kutscher (1990: 42). The verb
is emedu, "impose", in the St-stem. On this passage and its context, see Abusch (1986). The
section VI: 15-61 was known at Emar, see Toumay and Shaffer (1994: 145).
82
On this text, see Dijkstra (1996).
200
a Neo-Assyrian text: "His [d]eath is when they bum the roasted barley,
which they were casting on Tammuz, on the stones."
83
It is quite clear that the possible evidence for a cultic celebration of
Dumuzi's return from the Netherworld is far from overwhelming. I
would like to call attention to two cases, however, namely late third mil-
lennium Umma and Old Babylonian Mari. For Umma, there are entries
of expenses for a Dumuzi celebration in the 12th month, referring to the
return of Dumuzi.
84
Cohen comments on the Umma celebrations in his
study of the cultic calendars: "The festival of Dumuzi at Umma oc-
curred in the last month of winter. Therefore, it is likely that this import-
ant festival in Umma may have been related to the mythologized belief
that Dumuzi alternated with his sister, Gestinanna, in the netherworld.
This festival may have marked Dumuzi's return, the onset of spring."
85
The reference in two texts toDumuzi's wedding gifts, probably to In-
anna, may be a hint at his reunion with his spouse and the celebration of
the sacred marriage rite.
86
At Mari, Dumuzi was known already in pre-Sargonic times.
87
There
are indications that Sumerian cult songs were sung at Mari.
88
From the
Old Babylonian period, a couple of references to cultic celebrations are
of special interest to us. An administrative document refers to "3 ugar
[3600 sila] of grain for the female mourners" on the ninth day of the
month of A bum.
89
This fourth month, A bum, corresponds to the month
1 of Du'uzu of the standard Mesopotamian calendar.
90
The female
mourners (bakkitu) were probably engaged in a kispum celebration on
83
Text and translation in Livingstone (SAA 3: no. 38, rev. 6-7). On this text, see Livingstone
(1986: 130-131, 136-141).
84
See Heimpel (RIA 8: 563) and Kutscher (1990: 33-34).
85
Cohen (1993: 186-188; quotation from p. 188). On the Umma celebrations in the twelfth
month, see also Sallaberger (1993, vol. 1: 257-264 ). Sallaberger does not refer to resurrection
except indirectly on p. 263.
86
Cohen (1993: 186 with n. 3; 188).
87
See Edzard (1967: 53 with note 2). For Dumuzi during the time of the Shakkanakkus, see Lam-
bert (1985b: 530 line 20).
88
See the Ishtar ritual (A. 3165), now published by Durand and Guichard (1997: 52-58), previ-
ously published by Dossin (1938: 1-13), where we find references to the incipits of Sumerian
songs (II: 19; III: 8-16; IV: 18-19), and see the remarks of Edzard (1967: 67), Cohen (1981:
40ff.), and Cavigneux (1998). My thanks to Daniel Fleming and Jack Sasson for the reference
0 _;to D}t(and and Guichard.
'-
8
~ B i i ~ ~ R M IX: 175)). See also Kutscher (1990: 40).
90
See.Ktiisther (1990: 40) and Cohen (1993: 289-290, 315-319) .
.... \ 0
;.
1
I
~
e
t-
:s
re
lfth
liD-
ian
1
81:
I :
-== ~ : ; ; ; ~ -- ~ - - -- ---;:;;;-.;:;;--
201
the ninth of Abum, perhaps somehow connected with the mourning rites
for Dumuzi in the summer.
91
Now, there is one particularly interesting reference in a letter found
at Mari (letter A.ll46) and published by P. Marello.
92
This text is a let-
ter from one Yaminite king to another. It was written in north-eastern
Syria, in the Euphrates region. How it found its way to Mari is a matter
not yet clarified. What is interesting to us is that the speaker here takes
Dumuzi' s fate as a metaphor for his own difficult experiences. In Flem-
ing's translation, the crucial lines run:
As for me, look at me. Not yet [?] ... I escaped from death, and from the midst
of Ahuna [I escaped] ten times during uprising[s]. Why, now, [am I not] like
Dumuzi? They kill him [idakkilsu],
93
at the [time of] counting the year [muniit
sattim]. [In the spring (?),] he always comes back [it-ta-na-a[r]] to the temple
of Annunitum [ ... ].(lines 39-44)
94
Annunitum is here Dumuzi' s consort, a goddess similar to Ishtar. What
I find important in this letter is that the formulations are most easily un-
derstood as alluding to ritual procedures that served to express both the
death and the return of Dumuzi. The reference to a specific time of the
year, the formulation that "they kill him" (an act carried out by cultic
agents?), and especially the statement that "he always comes back" (it-
tanar, Gtn of tam) to the temple of his consort-all these features uni-
formly point to ritual activities. Moreover, these ritual activities
91
See Sasson (1979: 124) who refers to ARM XII, 437 and points out that the amount of grain in
ARM IX, 175 indicates that a great number of female mourners were present. Note, however,
the remark by Sasson: "My hesitation about considering these women as ritual criers is that
they do not appear in the vast harem lists," (p.c., March 2001 ). The normal dates for the kispum
in Mari are the first and sixteenth days of every month, see Tsuk.imoto (1985: 58).
92
SeeP. Marello (1992). Parpo1a was one of the very first to refer to this text in a discussion of
Dumuzi's resurrection, see Parpola (SAA 9: p. xciv, note 127). I am grateful to Simo Parpola
for having sent me a photocopy of this article, which was not available in Lund. My thanks to
Daniel Fleming and Jack Sasson for discussing this important text with me (p.c., spring 2001 ).
I was not able to get hold of Mander and Durand ( 1995).
93
If the form in the text is from dfiku, "to kill", then it is irregular. Over against the form in the
text idakkilsu, one would expect idukkilsu, as Marello points out (1992: 120). Sasson thinks it
is as possible to interpret the form in the text as from dakiisu, "to press in= pierce?" and to read
idakkusilsu, "they push him in" (p.c., April 2001). In both cases, it is obviously a reference to
the killing of Dumuzi.
94
Translation by Daniel Fleming (p.c., March 21, 2001). Fleming lectured on this text at the 2000
AOS meeting and handed out a full translation of the text, where the above rendering appeared.
Jack Sasson has brought my attention to another interesting reference in which Dumuzi enters
a temple (p.c. February 2, 2001). Itur-asu writes from Mari: "On the day I conveyed this letter
to my lord, the pudum [expiation] of my Lord was offered in the temple of Annunitum of Sheh-
rum. I have had Dumuzi enter in the temple of Annunitum in Mari." The text is A.S 12:7-15,
cited in Durand CEO 8, 1995: 206. One wonders whether the pudum may be a hint at the act
of substitution, as we know it from the descensus myths. Compare Hebrew padfi, "to ransom".
'
"'
.
.,:!--;,"* : - ' ..
I
I
I
202
comprise not only Dumuzi's death but also his return.
95
And, notably,
the material is Y aminite. As we shall see, this circumstance is important
when it comes to the issue of possible cultural contacts between Meso-
potamia and the West in the Middle and Late Bronze Age.
In my opinion, the return of Dumuzi to the temple should be seen in
the light of what we know of ritual journeys of cult statues. Just as In-
anna was found to make a ritual journey to Kutha (see above), so Du-
muzi' s descent could be symbolized by a journey of his statue, and his
revival by the return of his statue to the temple. What we have found
above about Dumuzi's return to Umma and to Mari would seem tore-
flect such cultic procedures.
Two further remarks should be appended to our discussion of this
Y aminite letter. First, there are indications from later times that the kill-
ing of Dumuzi is a rite connected with the treatment of grain. In a Neo-
Assyrian text, which speaks of the Dumuzi rites at the end of the god's
month, we hear that, "His [de]ath is when they bum the roasted barley,
which they were casting on Tammuz, on the stones."
96
At still a very
much later date we meet a related(?) rite among the Sabeans of Haran
during the latter half of the first millennium C.E. Our source is here a
month-by-month survey of the cult, preserved in an Arabic text. The
section for the month of Ta'uz, that is Tammuz, relates that the god
T a ~ u z i.e. Dun1uzi, was n1urdered by his master, ;.vh9 ground his banes
1 in a mill and winnowed them. Dumuzi is here undoubtedly identified
with the grain:
In the middle of the month is the festival of the biiqat, that is, of the wailing
women. It is also called Ta'uz, as it is a festival performed for the god Ta'uz.
The women lament for him, and that his master murdered him, ground his bones
in a mill and winnowed them in the wind.
97
Secondly, there is the issue of official vs. popular religion and the usual
allocation of the Dumuzi cult to the latter level. The Y aminite letter
deals with one Y aminite ruler talking to another with reference to a
95
A human being comparing his fate to that of Dumuzi is, of course, unique. Contrast the aware-
ness of the finality of death, succinctly expressed as follows in a Mari text: "Is a man who dies
of thirst ever resurrected [ib/uf] when thrown in a river? Once (he/the gods) finish taking ac-
counts, a dead man never comes to life" (ARM XXV, 171:14-15). English translation by Jack
Sasson, who called my attention to this text (p.c., April2001) and who also referred me to Zieg-
ler and Wasserman (1994).
96
SAA 3: no. 38: rev. 6-7 (text and translation in Livingstone, Court Poetry p. 98). Discussion in
Livingstone (1986: 130-131, 136-141).
97
En-Nedim, text I, chap. 5 4. Arabic text and German translation in Chwolsohn (1856, vol. 1:
27). The English translation quoted above is that by Livingstone (1986: 162). On the Sabeans
of Haran and on the source-critical problems involved, see especially J. Hjarpe ( 1972).
.bly,
lt
)-
I n
1-
Du-
t..;s
l d
re-
t s
J.Il-
eo-
'( s
ty,
ery
[ .1
t..d
'he
ied
ing
uz.
r ;
tal
t
m
203
temple and public cult. The material connected with the Umma celebra-
tions of Dumuzi deals with herds under the administration of the ens i.
This raises questions about the overall applicability of Kutscher's thesis
that the Dumuzi cult was a phenomenon on the popular level of reli-
gion.98
2.3. Seasonal Connections
Dumuzi is the young shepherd who undergoes a development from an
assumed status as divinized king to a general god ofvegetation.
99
There
is some disagreement about when this development took place.
100
There are some indications that the connection between Dumuzi and
vegetation is early and that it was fully developed at least during the sec-
ond half of the second millennium B.C.E.:
( 1) The motif of the partition of the year and of Dumuzi' s bilocation,
which is present already in the Sumerian Descent of Inanna, is, indeed,
closely connecte'd with the seasonal changes between the dry and fertile
periods of the year.
101
(2) Dumuzi gradually enters into close relations with original gods
of vegetation, such as Ningishzida and Damu. As for Ningishzida, Ur
III material such as U rnammu 's Death seems to presuppose Dumuzi 'A>
connection with this god.
102
Cultic connections between the two gods
are present in Ur III Umma.
103
The Old Babylonian myth Ningishzida 's
Descent seems to be patterned on the myth of Dumuzi and thereby test-
ifies to the Dumuzi-Ningishzida connection. The relation with Damu,
in turn, is more difficult to assess. Is it Old Babylonian or not?
104
I feel
inclined to regard the reference to Damu in the Amarna letter no. 84, a
letter from Byblos, as a potential testimony to this Dumuzi-Damu con-
nection. If Dumuzi already had a connection with a vegetation god,
98
On Umma, see Sallaberger (1993, vol. 1: 262). My thanks to Daniel Fleming for calling my
attention to this aspect of the Yaminite letter (p.c.).
99
Thus Falkenstein (1954: 64-65).
100
Alster (DDD: 1568, 1574, 1576) stresses that Dumuzi was not originally a vegetation deity and
plays down his assumed connection with plant fertility. For scholars of a different opinion, see
the following notes.
101
See Bottero and Kramer (1989: 328-329). The period of drought lasted from Dumuzi to Kis-
limu (July- December) and then followed the period of verdure from Tebetu to Simanu (De-
cember- June). See also Cohen (1993: 3-8, 262-263).
102
On Urnammu's Death, see Wilcke (1970: 89 and RLA V: 84).
103
There were offerings for Ningishzida at Ur III Umma in the twelfth month in connection with
the Dumuzi festival, see Sallaberger ( 1993, vol. I: 262).
104
See above, in the introduction to the present chapter.
I
I
'
'
!
I
204
Ninigishzida, why then did he not also have a connection with Damu
who was of the same type? That Damu equals Dumuzi makes sense in
the milieu of Byblos, later known for the cult of Adonis (see Chap.
IV.3.4.3).
The evidence then suggests that Dumuzi was seen quite early on as
a god of vegetation, regardless of his original character. That his role as
a god of vegetation received added emphasis in texts from the first mil-
lennium is a different matter. Thus, SAA 3: no. 38 contains a passage
belonging to the god-description genre, with an express identification of
various parts of the body of the god with various types of vegetation.
105
The Mesopotamian year began in the spring. Dumuzi descended in
the fourth month, Du'uzu (July). Sladek and others assumed that his re-
turn was thought to take place in the month Kislimu (November-De-
cember), but there is no explicit evidence for this that I know of.
106
The
passage adduced actually refers to Nergal's descent and return, placing
his descent on the 18th of Du'uzu and his return on the 28th of Kislimu
(about December).
107
The only piece of evidence known to me that links Dumuzi's return
with a specific season is the case of Umma, where we find the twelfth
month, i.e. at the end of the winter, given as the time for this (see above).
We may then summarize our results. M.S. Smith's conclusion that the
mythological reference to Dumuzi' s bilocation is "a 'theology' de-
signed to provide intelligibility for Dumuzi's annual death"
108
seems
slightly premature, and this for two reasons. (1) However scanty, the
evidence from Umma and Mari points to the ritual celebration of Du-
muzi's return. This return may be seen in the light of what we know
about ritual journeys of statues. (2) There is evidence to the effect that
Dumuzi-though not himself a vegetation deity from the outset--early
on took up connections with such vegetation gods, notably Ningishzida
and perhaps Damu. Seen in this light, the mythological motif of biloca-
tion has a more positive function than just providing a theological ra-
tionalization for the annual death of Dumuzi: it serves to give the
etiology for the reawakening of plant life.
105
Livingstone (SAA III: no. 38: rev. 9ff.).
106
Sladek (1974: 27, note 1).
107
Epping and Strassmaier (1891: 244, lines 52-54); see also von Weiher (1971: 82-83), whore-
fers to still another text for Nergal's return in Kislimu.
10
8 M.S. Smith (1998: 275).
J '1S
; \S
mi-
a ~ e
, >f
; 5
i in
:-
rhe
l g
LJ
l .1
I 1
e).
I ~
de-
1 >
>u-
ra-
:he
I
205
3. Dumuzi and the West Semitic Gods
It is a commonplace that close cultural contacts existed in the ancient
Near East.
109
Akkadian was the lingua franca during the Late Bronze
Age. The Amarna texts contain copies of Adapa and the South Wind and
Nergal and Ereshkigal (EA nos. 356-357). A fragment of Gilgamesh
was found at Megiddo.
110
In a study of the Middle Babylonian poetry
of U garit and Emar, Kammerer ( 1998) was able to demonstrate that we
are here concerned not only with reception but also with what he calls,
with a German term, "Induktion"
111
, i.e. the new, creative production
of Middle Babylonian poems. The Akkadian poetry from these sites
shows a remarkable competence in the handling of the Mesopotamian
divine names: these are provided with the correct epithets and cultic-
theological statements.
112
The use of the subjunctive as a marker of
subordinate clauses shows that the scribes had more than just a super-
ficial knowledge of Akkadian.
113
It is thus not surprising that we hear
of contacts, e.g. between Mari and Ugarit and between Mari and Byb-
los.114
A find that has been taken to prove that there was knowledge of the
Dumuzi myth in Canaan already in the Early Bronze Age is the stele
from Arad, published by Ruth Amiran: she takes the two vegetal fig-
ures, one lying and one standing, to represent Dumuzi at two decisivf
steps in the myth.
115
This would, however. be a completely isolated
case. On the other hand, there is evidence for connections between Arad
and Egypt (the pottery). The pictorial representation should therefore
rather be interpreted against an Egyptian background. Nepri, the Egyp-
tian com god and one of the aspects of Osiris thus seems a preferable
alternative to Dumuzi.
116
Alternatively, if one still prefers a Mesopota-
mian background, the figures may represent a hieros gamos.
117
109
There is a long history of research on this. Note the collections of essays edited by Nissen and
Renger (1982) and by Dalley (1998). In the first work, note the essays by Kupper (pp. 173-185)
and Xella (pp. 321-338).
110
See Toumay and Shaffer (1994: 12, 174-177).
111
Kammerer ( 1998: 99-100 with note 275).
112
Kammerer (1998: 83-84).
113
Kammerer (1998: 125-126).
114
See Loretz (1994: 113-124). On Mari and Ugarit, see also Bordreuil (1985).
115
Amiran (1972a; 1972b). The picture is reproduced in NEAEHL I: 82.
116
My thanks to Irit Ziffer, Eretz Israel Museum, Tel Aviv. for calling my attention to this aspect
(p.c.).
117
Thus Othmar Keel (p.c.). Such bed scenes have a first floruit in contemporary Mesopotamia
(Keel, p.c.).
I
206
A more promising avenue is opened up by a Middle Bronze Age
item, the Mari text A.ll46, which mentions Dumuzi being killed and
coming back (discussed above). This is a letter from one Y aminite king
to another. It was written in north-eastern Syria, in the Euphrates region.
How it came to Mari is not yet clarified. Fleming recently called atten-
tion to an unpublished text that refers to the pasturage of the Simalite
"Northerners" at the upper Habur, while that of the Yaminite "South-
erners" encompassed Yamhad, Qatna and Amurru. Y amhad and Qatna
were major western kingdoms, and the latter governed territories that
reached south into what are now southern Syria and Lebanon.
118
The
range of movement of the Y aminites shows how the lines of commun-
ication worked. Dumuzi may thus well have been known in the Byblos
area as a god who both dies and returns.
Before we focus on the questions of a possible Dumuzi influence on
Baal and on Adonis and Melqart, we shall first notice, on a more general
level, the proliferation of references to Ishtar and Ashtart in Syrian
sources from the second millennium B.C.E.
119
These two probably rep-
resented originally independent deities. Ishtar plays a prominent role in
Ebla. Ashtart has a noticeable connection with Mari, as appears from
the mention of an Ash tart of Mari in a U garitic text.
120
As for Emar,
Fleming argues that the storm god under the name Baal was there
coupled with AshtHrt. He refers to the personal names with the form Zu-
DN, Zii-Ba (I a and Zii-Astarti, to the paired temples for the storm god
and Ashtart, and to the association of the cults of the storm god and of
Ashtart in Emar' s two installation festivals. These festivals with parallel
structure and offering procedure, put in office the priestess of the storm
god and the priestess of Ashtart.
121
In U garit, we find that Anat had a
close relation to Baal.
122
Anat is also known from Mari, where the same
name is also the name of a town.
123
Anat of Ugarit is obviously a very
lshtar-like character (sex and violence). Even so, the name "Ashtart"
118
See Fleming (1998: 61-62). My thanks to Daniel Fleming for calling my attention to this piece
of evidence (p.c. May 2000).
119
See the survey in Bonnet (1996: 135-153).
12
KTU 1.100. The passage on the goddess was first overlooked by the scribe, but he afterwards
added in the margin a formulation that may be translated: "Insert after the paragraph on Rashap
the one on Ashtart ofMari", thus Pardee (COS!: 296 n. 15). See also Parker (UNP: p. 221) and
Dietrich and Loretz (2000: 309), and on this goddess especially Bordreuil ( 1985b ).
121
See Fleming (1992: 214-227; and esp. 1993: 90-91; 1994). Contrast Schwemer (2001: 558, n.
4443).
122
Note, however, the difficulties in defining the relations between Anat and Baal, see Walls
(I 992: chap. 3) and Schwemer (2001: 543-544).
123
See Edzard (1967: 64). See also Lambert (1985b: 526, item no. 14; 1988: 132). On Anat in the
Ugaritic texts, see Walls (1992).
lg
r
r
te
!1-
):,
L
n
n
:1
- -, - ~ . : - - --"'--
- ~ -- . _ . ~ . 7
- - y - ~
207
occurs a number of times in other texts, sometimes closely linked with
Anat.
124
Ashtart is, of course, known later on above all as the pan-Phoe-
nician goddess.
125
The proliferation of Ishtar and Ash tart cults is an im-
portant phenomenon. Its evidential value for conclusions about an
import of Dumuzi concepts to the West is, however, limited. What it
does show is that such an import would not stand out as a complete sur-
prise, and that northern Syria had plenty of cults where Dumuzi would
play a natural, although not a necessary, part.
3.1. Dumuzi and the Ugaritic Baal
Baal has a pre-history as appears from the pre-Ugaritic documenta-
tion.126 He is a storm god, and we should be aware that storm gods
(weather gods) are not generically gods who die.
127
Although we have
some very old, pre-Sargonic evidence for the storm god, Ishkur, being
imprisoned in the Netherworld,
128
it seems that the motif of dying and
rising, so well-known from the Baal-Mot myth ofUgarit, is a rare phe-
nomenon among these deities.
While the Baal-Yam myth has a long history of tradition, the Baal-
Mot myth is a different case, with no obvious precedents in Syria or up- 1
per Mesopotamia.
129
M.S. Smith, comments on the pre-history of the
Baal myth.
130
Single episodes are from the Middle Bronze Age. Here
belongs the Baal-Yam conflict, attested in a Marl text and on a seal
from Tel Asmar.
131
The transformation of the material at Ugarit may
have included the creation of Mot and the patterning of this character in
KTU 1.4- 1.6 after that of Yam in 1.1- 1.2.
132
124
See KTU 1.92: 2; 1.100: 20; 1.114: 9-11, 22-23, 26; and in lists of gods: 1.47: 20, 25; 1.118:
19, 24.
125
See conveniently Rollig (DCPP : 46-48) and especially Bonnet (1996).
126
See Pettinato (1980), M.S. Smith (1994: 15-19, 29-36}, and Schwemer (2001: Chap. 6).
127
This important circumstance was pointed out to me by Daniel Fleming (p.c.).
128
See Schwemer (2001: 179).
129
See Schwemer (2001: 536-537). On the background of the Baal-Yam myth, see Schwemer
(2001: 226-237).
130
See M.S. Smith (1994: 15-19, 29-36).
131
For the Mari text (A. 1968: rev. 2-3), see Durand (1993: 45). For the seal, see ANEP no. 691
and M.S. Smith (1994: 346-347). As Schwemer points out (2001: 119). the dragon battle
mytheme is probably very old, attested already in Old Babylonian Halab (2001: 226-236).
Fronzaroli (1997) argued for its presence already in certain curse formulas at Ebla, but this
seems questionable, see Schwemer (200 1: 118-119). For another potential piece of very early
evidence, see the reference in Durand (1993: 43). My thanks to Daniel Fleming and Jack Sas-
son for the reference to Fronzaroli.
132
M.S. Smith (1994: 17-19). Smith's analysis is accepted by Herr (1995: esp. p. 51).
I
208
Thus, a connection between Baal and the descensus motif is by no
means a matter of course before the Ugaritic Baal appears on the West
Semitic scene. That the Ugaritic Baal actually appears as a dying and
rising god stands out as an innovation, and one that demands an ex-
planation.
Let us therefore look for the background of the descensus motif ap-
plied to Baal. Disregarding Mot as aU garitic creation, the structure and
actants of Baal's descent to the Netherworld strikingly resemble the Du-
muzi myth: a young male god goes down to the Netherworld, the god-
dess laments his departure and carries out a search for him, and the
narrative structure is related to the change of the seasons.
133
In the Baal-Mot myth there is a striking metaphor that serves to ex-
press Anat' s bereavement and longing for her lost spouse: "like the
heart ofthe c[ow] for her calf ... so is the heart of An[ at] for Baal" (KTU
1.6.11: 6-9). This metaphor is remarkable in the Ugaritic context, since
there are no other traces that the goddess was the mother of the god who
descended. Precisely this, however, is well-known from Mesopota-
mia.134 The cow-and-calf metaphor is there found in a descensus pas-
sage
135
but occurs also in other contexts with the broad motif of the
weeping goddess, where we find the formulation: "the cow for the calf
... the cow-its calf had disappeared" .
136
The motif thus does not per se
point to a connection with the Dumuzi myth but seems nevertheless best
understood as due to influence from the East. Saying this, I am aware of
the fact that in general terms there is surprisingly meagre evidence for
Mesopotamian influence on the religious life of U garit.
137
Conclusion: The correspondences between Ugaritic data and Meso-
potamian counterparts do not require for their explanation a genetic re-
lation with the Dumuzi concepts. Independent, indigenous development
is a theoretical possibility. The nature of the correspondences and the
133
These similarities have been pointed out by M.S. Smith (1994: 18-19). As far as I can see,
Smith does not comment on genetic relations between Dumuzi concepts and Baal notions.
134
See for instance Jacobsen (1976: 63-73).
135
See Jacobsen (1976: 64).
136
Gaster (1969: 605f.) connected the Anat passage with other ancient Near Eastern material from
Mesopotamia and Anato1ia. See also M.S. Smith (1985: 313). For the Sumerian text that Smith
here referes to, see Kramer (1982: *142), who speaks ofthemater-dolorosa motif. On the motif
of the weeping goddess in Mesopotamia, see Kramer (1983: 69-80), and on the Phoenician-
Punic Venus lugens, see Ronzevalle (1930). Note the suggestion, made by Lipinski (1995:
199), that the name Tnt derives from a root tny, "to mourn", which he assumes in Judg 11:40,
and understands this goddess as "the mourning one". This goddess has her origin in the Orient,
and is no Punic innovation, see KAI 81:1 and Bordreuil (1987: 79-85). For a general presenta-
tion ofTannit!finnit, see Lipinski (1995: 199-215 with references).
137
Note Pardee's remarks (2000, vol. 2: 935).
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209
circumstantial evidence, however, make such a connection an attractive
possibility. We should not overlook the differences between Baal and
Dumuzi: "Dumuzi is no great god like Baal, nor a storm god, nor does
he engage in mortal combat as part of the description of the struggle be-
tween life and death."
138
These differences, however, are no counter-
argument. Dumuzi is not a storm god, but already during the Late
Bronze Age he has developed the features of a god of vegetation, and
vegetation is a major responsibility of Baal. The possible absorption of
Dumuzi motifs such as the descensus does not necessarily transform
Baal into a West Semitic Dumuzi but rather enriches the Ugaritic storm
god with features that he did not have prior to the time when the influ-
ence took place. There was a change, and change is always a prime cri-
terion of influence.
139
Baal changed from being a common storm god
to being a storm god who descended into the Netherworld and returned.
The very mytheme of the descensus may then well be due to influence
from Mesopotamia.
3.2. Dumuzi and Adonis and Melqart
With regard to Adonis, let us first consider some indications of rathef
obvious Mesopotamian influence. These are found in material relating
to Adonis in Egypt and Adonis in Greece.
In the first place, there is some striking evidence for Mesopotamian
influence on the Adonis rites of Ptolemaic Egypt, which we dealt with
above (Chap. IV.2). In Theocritus (Idyll XV), there is a formulation
about Aphrodite as "playing with the gold" (I. 101) that has been seen
in the light of Inanna's/lshtar's jewellery in the descensus myths.
140
Stol (1988) gave a striking demonstration that the word OELK"tfjpwv, oc-
curring in one of the Petrie papyri (3, no. 142, from Fayoum), is a calque
on Akkadian taklimtu, referring to a display rite in connection with the
mourning rites for Dumuzi. This display rite was either the lying-in-
state of the dead body, or rather the display of the grave goods.
141
Against this background, the shortness of Adonis' visit on earth in
Theocritus' poem may receive its explanation. Could it not be a visit of
138
M.S. Smith (1998: 276).
139
On change as a criterion for influence in art and literature, see Hermen\n (1975: 239-262).
140
See Vollgraff (1949) and Atallah (1966: 114-121 ). The jewellery is referred to in lnanna 's Des-
cent 11. 19-20 and fshtar's Descent 11.48-52. Note, however, that gold is not referred to in these
passages.
141
See Scurlock (1991). For the rite in connection with the mourning for Dumuzi, see Scurlock
(1992: esp. pp. 58-61). And see above Chap. VII. 1.2.
I
210
the same brevity as that of Dumuzi' s visit on earth in the Neo-Assyrian
texts, made in order just to participate in the mourning rites, after which
he returns to the Netherworld? If so, the Adonis of Egypt was a chthonic
character, similar to the one we found on Cyprus, at Kourion, and sim-
ilar to the Adonis of the Greek magical papyri (cf. above Chap. IV.l.3).
Secondly, we note that the Greek Adonis tradition knows about the
bilocation of the dying god. We find it in the mythological passage that
Apollodorus cites from Panyassis.
142
Penglase sees this motif of the
myth in the light of the Sumerian descensus myth.
143
There is a divine
decree in both. Note, however, that there is also a difference: the Sum-
erian myth connects the motif ofbilocation with that of substitution.
144
Dumuzi and Geshtinanna each spend half of the year in the Nether-
world. In the Greek myth, the year of Adonis is divided into three dif-
ferent periods, one to be spent with Persephone, one with Aphrodite,
and one to be spent alone (but which is subsequently added to Aphro-
dite's share). Nevertheless, it seems reasonable to conclude that the di-
vine decree on the partition of the year is indeed due ultimately to
Mesopotamian influence.
What we have in Egypt and in Greece in terms of traces of influence
may be due either to direct Mesopotamian influence, perhaps via Ana-
tolia in the case of Greece, or to influence mediated via e.g. Byblos. We
simply do not know. We should remember that the bilocation mytheme
is also present in the Demeter-Kore myth.
Let us then tum to the Levant and the Adon(is) cult at Byblos. Here
our discussion must suffer from the deplorable lack of know ledge about
the mythology linked with the Levantine Adon(is).
We discussed above the possible implications of the reference to the
male god ofByblos as "my Darou" (EA no. 84) and "my living god" (EA
no. 129), and as "the Living One" in a much earlier context, in a Pyr-
amid text (518d). We should notice that the god of Byblos is never re-
ferred to in the Amama letters as a storm god (diSKUR). When all is
said and done, we should not dismiss the possibility that the male god
of Byblos was from very early times, well before the Late Bronze Age,
a dying and rising deity. Whether or not there is already here a formative
influence from the Dumuzi concepts is beyond the realm of historical
tangibles. Historical contacts are certainly possible.
142
Apollodorus, The Library III, 14, 4, and see above Chap. IV .1.2.
143
Peng1ase (1997: 139).
144
The notion of redemption from death is present in some texts in the Hebrew Bible: Ps 49: 8-10.
16 (English vv. 7-9, IS); Job 33: 24, 28.
syrian
'''"'lich
t )nic
d sim-
, 1.3).
the
that
of the
c 1ine
..lllm-
on_l44
1er-
dif-
odite,
I. lfO-
di-
ely to
1 nee
tAna-
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t
. 1ere
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'the
I (EA
a Pyr-
fPr re-
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le god
t tive
:uri cal
I 8-10.
211
The name of the goddess of Byblos may be worth noticing. Her des-
ignation as "Lady of Byblos"
145
is now known to equal "Ashtart". The
two designations occur on a small throne model, published by Bor-
dreuil. On the back of it we read in Greek letters: 8EA ME-
fiLTH, and underneath this in Phoenician writing: lbclt gbl. The
Phoenician writing is close to that ofByblian coins of the fourth century
B.C.E.
146
The identification of the goddess ofByblos with Aphrodite is
suggested by De Dea Syria 6. This throne model, however, offers the
first epigraphic attestation of a formal correspondence, long suspected,
between the Lady of Byblos and Ashtart. Note that the designation
"Lady of Byblos" looks like an epithet. Ashtart may well be the actual
name of the deity, the full name being Ashtart, Lady ofByblos. The use
of the name "Ash tart", however, should not without further ado be taken
as a sign that there is a Dumuzi influence. Ashtart seems to have been a
fairly ubiquitous designation in the Late Bronze Age as we have already
seen.
One point of striking similarity with Dumuzi is found on the ritual
level: The Adonis festival took place in the middle of the summer,
147
probably at the same time that the mourning rites for Dumuzi took place
in Mesopotamia. We must also note a difference: The Adonis celebra-
tions, as we know them from De Dea Syria, comprise both the death and
the resurrection of the god. The Dumuzi celebrations in the summtr
seem to be reserved for the mourning for the absem god, while his return
may have been celebrated just after winter.
This last observation brings us to Melqart. We happen to know that
Melqart' s "awakening" took place in the month of Peritius, which is
mid-February to mid-March. This is broadly reminiscent ofthe time for
the celebration of Dumuzi's return at Umma and ties in with the calcu-
lation of half a year in the Netherworld for Dumuzi, counted from the
celebration of his death in late July. If the Pyrgi inscription refers to
Melqart, and if our interpretation of a difficult name of a month in this
text is correct, then Melqart's burial may take place during high sum-
mer. Adonis and Melqart then have festivals that broadly harmonize
with the terms for the celebrations for Dumuzi.
Our observations about Adonis and Melqart may then be summar-
ized as follows. There are clear traces of Mesopotamian influence on the
Adonis concepts in Greece and Egypt. Given the present state of our
145
Note Beltu sa Gubla in the Amarna letters, survey in Hess (1986: 151) and b'lt gbl in a Phoe-
nician inscription, see Bordreuil (1977).
146
Bordreuil (1985a: 182-183).
147
On the date, see above Chap. lV .1.1.
I
I
il
::1
i
I I
)
212
knowledge, however, it is impossible to say anything about the date for
this influence and the channels that mediated it. Turning to the Levan-
tine Adon(is) of the cult at Byblos, we found one characteristic feature,
paralleled by the Dumuzi cult: just as the mourning for Dumuzi oc-
curred in midsummer, so the Adonia took place in the middle of sum-
mer, during the latter half of July. The reference in an Amarna letter (no.
84) to the male god as "Damu" does not per se require the conclusion
that Dumuzi was known at Byblos. Due to the close syncretistic links
between Dumuzi and Damu, however, the reference to Damu is cer-
tainly in good harmony with such an inference. As for Melqart, we
called attention to the date for his festival in the month of Peritius, a date
which converges with the inferred date for the celebration of Dumuzi' s
return.
4. Conclusions
Due to the potential interest of Dumuzi for our project, it was necessary
to submit the variegated Dumuzi material to an extended discussion. I
draw the following conclusions.
(1) According to some scholars, Dumuzi was not originally a god.
The name Dumuzi occurs in the Sumerian l(ing List as the name of two
1 different rulers. Our Dumuzi is perhaps a divinized king, and as such he
may be said to exemplify the motif of a mortal ruler who becomes the
husband of a goddess. It would seem difficult to argue, however, that
Dumuzi throughout his long history was experienced by the Mesopota-
mians as only quasi-divine. Whatever the origin and background ofDu-
muzi, he is a real god.
(2) The general picture we have of Dumuzi is that of the tragic hero.
His festival in the middle of the summer, at the end of the month
Du'uzu, is one of weeping and mourning.
(3) There is a certain tension between the picture we find in the ritual
material (human mourning) and in the myth (the god's return from the
Netherworld). Thus, in the Dumuzi myth as we gather it from material
focussed on the descensus of the goddess, we find a complex of mytho-
logical motifs comprising substitution, partition of the year and biloca-
tion (with Dumuzi and his sister interchanging in the Netherworld). The
partition of the year has obvious seasonal implications. This set of
mythological motifs is most clearly attested in the Sumerian Inanna 's
Descent. The Akkadian Ishtar's Descent lacks explicit references to a
partition of the year and to bilocation. Since, however, the motif of sub-
stitution is explicitly mentioned, these may be assumed to be implicitly
e for
: .n-
':"e,
1 oc-
; n-
'0.
tsion
I' ks
~ r
f ry
I
!"d.
1
'0
hne
the
f
lt
ota-
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l .. ..tl
the
tl
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.f
a's
a
l -
itly
I
~ j
j
213
present here as well. The final part of this text was found to make up an
addition of a ritual nature that created a connection between the mytho-
logical corpus of the text and the ritual mourning for Dumuzi at the end
of his month in the summer. The context is that of the taklimtu rites for
Dumuzi. Dumuzi's stay on earth in this passage is only a brief furlough
from his confinement in the Netherworld.
( 4) What we could perhaps call a "Dumuzi pattern" -descent and
return-may also be seen in at least two other compositions, namely,
Ningishzida 's Descent and the Urnammu 's Death.
(5) From the end of the third millennium B.C.E. there is thus narrat-
ive, mythological evidence for Dumuzi as a god who dies and returns.
(6) While the ritual material very much gives the picture of Dumuzi
as the tragic hero, mourned and bewailed, there are also traces of a ritual
celebration of his return. These, however, are sparse and difficult to in-
terpret. In late third millennium Umma there is evidence for the celebra-
tion of Dumuzi's return in month XII, which is at the end of winter
(spring reckoning of the year). At Old Babylonian Mari, a Yaminite text
was found (A.1146) attesting a celebration among Yaminite tribes of
the death and return of Dumuzi ("they kill him ... he always comes
back"). This new and important piece of evidence shows that the idea
of Dumuzi's death and return may well have been known in southern 1
Syria and pa..rts of Lebanon where these tribes moved.
(7) Dumuzi is not originally a god of vegetation. It is clear, however,
that he contracts relations and even develops a syncretism with such
gods. Thus, the Dumuzi-Ningishzida connection leaves traces already
during the first half of the second millennium. The relation with Damu
is more difficult to assess. Since the dying and returning Dumuzi is
known among theY aminites, and since the god of B yblos is later known
to be a dying and rising god (Adonis), I am inclined to see the reference
to Damu in an Amarna letter (no. 84) in the light of an already existing
Dumuzi-Damu connection that is later amply attested. When all is said
and done I think we should regard Late Bronze Age Dumuzi as a god of
vegetation.
(8) We studied the potential influence of Dumuzi on the West Sem-
itic gods. Our present know ledge about the ancient Near East shows that
such influence is an obvious possibility, though specific channels and
procedures still escape our curiosity .
(a) Ugaritic Baal belongs to the category of weather gods. The Baal-
Yam myth has a long pre-history. The Baal-Mot myth, however, lacks
obvious precursors. It represents an innovation that demands an ex-
I
214
planation. I am inclined to seek the explanation by assuming a reception
of Dumuzi concepts in U garit.
(b) As for Adonis, the mythology as we know it from Greece shows
obvious connections with the Dumuzi motifs (partition of the year and
bilocation). There are also traces of such influence at Alexandria.
Whether the Levantine Adon(is) of Byblos was influenced is more dif-
ficult to say. If it is correct that the Adonia took place in the middle of
summer also in the Levant, then there is a striking similarity, since this
is also the time for the Dumuzi festival that comprised the mourning for
the god. From De Dea Syria we gain the picture, however, that the Ado-
nia comprised both the mourning for the dead god and joy over his re-
turn from the tomb. The scant traces of a celebration of Dumuzi' s return
indicate that this took place in the spring.
(c) As for Melqart, I called attention to the date for his festival in the
month of Peritius, a date in good harmony with the inferred date for the
celebration of Dumuzi' s return.
5. Excursus. Triduum: A Notion of Return after Three Days?
The idea of a three-days span of time between death and return, a tri-
duum, seems to be at hand in Hosea 6:2 in a context where the imagery
ultimately draws upon Canaanite ideas of resurrection: "After two days
he will revive us; on the third day he will raise us up." Apart from Hosea
6:2 one should remember also Jonah 2:1 (Engl. 1: 17) where Jonah is in
the belly of the fish three days and three nights.
148
I understand the belly
of the fish as a metaphor for the Netherworld. The following points
should be noted:
(1) Formulations about three days, or the third day, may well be a
way of indicating a short period of time. Gradwohl has assembled a
number of Hebrew occurrences of this nature, and Barre has called at-
tention to the use of the Akkadian expression in the context of medical
prognosis to refer to a quick recovery from illness.
149
(2) We should note, with Notscher, that the expression in Inanna 's
Descent does not refer to the span of time between death and resurrec-
tion but rather to the time that passes before Ninshubur incites Enki to
148
In line with the passages in Hosea and Jonah are the passages in the New Testament about the
resurrection of Jesus on the third day, a notion that had formulaic firmness (I Cor 15:4; Matt
16:21; 17:23; 20:19 with par.; Luke 24:21,46, cf. Luke 13:32 and John II :17, 39).
149
Gradwohl (1997) and Barre (1978). However, Barre is unconvincing when he understands Hos
6:2 as a reference to "the healing of the sick rather than the resurrection of the dead" (p. 140),
see J. Day (2000: 118-122).
shows
!:lr and
< dria.
>re dif-
idle of
1 this
for
l ; re-
the
the
tri-
t..,;ery
) days
( sea
l sin
:belly
l ints
I be a
d a
at-
1 a's
Irrec-
l-j to
lOUt the
4: Matt
Hos
). 140),
215
take action.
150
On the other hand, an Emar text seems to refer to death
on the first day and resurrection on the fourth day.
151
But this is a text
that deals with a different deity, Ninkur, and there is no seasonal con-
nection.
(3) We nowhere hear about a third-day resurrection of Baal.
152
Note, however, that the crucial passage in the Baal myth was damaged,
so that we should perhaps not rush to conclusions from silence.
( 4) It is possible but not proved that a triduum is referred to in the
iconography of the Sidon vase depicting Melqart's (or Eshmun's) death
and resurrection (see above Chap. III.3).
(5) Hosea speaks of "the third day", while Jonah refers to "three days
and three nights", thereby hinting at a departure from the belly of the
fish on the fourth day? The difference in counting, however, may be due
to whether the day of death, or only the following one, is counted as the
first day.
Baudissin juxtaposed the formulation in Hosea 6:2 with similar
ideas related to Adonis, Osiris etc.
153
He found it a valid possibility that
there was in Phoenicia an idea of a three-day span between death and
resurrection. Baudissin refers to the Adonis rituals in De Dea Syria 6
as a possible case of a three-day cycle. I am prepared to subscribe to this
1
aualified ooinion.
154
He also refers to Osiris in Plutarch, who dies on
the 17th o(Athyr and is found again on the 19th of the same month.
155
Note, however that Osiris is hardly a dying and rising deity in the sense
in which we use the term in the present investigation. Nevertheless, the
probable presence of such a notion of a triduum in Byblos is not void of
interest.
The question before us, of whether there was in the ancient Near East
a firm notion of a triduum, must finally be left open. We would be wise
to admit the possibility that this was the case, but this is still far from
being an established fact.
150
Notscher (1962: 231-236).
151
Emar VI.3: 385: lines 5 and 21. English translation in Cohen (1993: 353). See the discussion
in Fleming (1992: 169-172).
1
5
2
As was pointed out by Day (2000: 121).
153
Baudissin (1911: 407-416).
1
5
4
See above Chap. IV.3.3.
155
See Plutarch, De !side et Osiride 356C ( 13) and 366F ( 39).
'
t
I.
217
Epilogue
In our first chapter, we surveyed the past century of research on the
issue of "dying and rising gods". After the first decades with the major
works of Frazer and Baudissin, the research of the century was marked
by a gradual dismantling of their claims that the dying gods not only
died but also returned. One sometimes notes in the research certain
evasive strategies designed to avoid the conclusion that the notion of
dying and rising deities might be a pre-Christian phenomenon. Ancient
Near Eastern gods are freely granted the privilege of rising or return-
ing-as long as they behave like gentlemen and do not do so before
Christ. A special case is one scholar who suggested that there was never
a resurrection of Adonis, but that such ideas in our sources are due to a
Christian misreading of the evidence.
Our perusal of a wide array of material has benefited from sources
that either have received little attention from scholars interested in the
overall issues (e.g. the Ugaritic texts) or were not available until the last
few decades (e.g. the concluding section of Inanna's Descent to the
Netherworld, the Yaminite letter found at Mari, Ningishzida's Des-
cent).
On the basis of our new perusal of the material, I would like to stress
the following points of overarching interest.
(l)The world of ancient Near Eastern religions actually knew a
number of deities that may be properly described as dying and rising
gods. The language used for this varies, of course. Only in the case of
Melqart-Heracles do we have express terminology of resurrection (the
Semitic root qwm in the participle mqm, "the raiser/resuscitator of the
god", the Greek i::ycpou::, "the awakening [of the god]"). In other cases,
we hear of Dumuzi "returning" (taro, Gtn) or have found reason to infer
that there was a return to life (thus in the case of Baal). The participants
of Adonis' cult at Byblos after the god's burial recited the myth about
the god's revival. For Osiris, there are evocative expressions for his re-
surrection on the levels of language and rite. The dying gods are gods
that rise or return to new life.
(2) Moreover, this is the case long before the turn of the era, in pre-
Christian times. As for the attempts to hypothesize about a late, post-
Christian date for the notion of the return/resurrection of Adonis in par-
I
-0
i'l
:\
r
F
I
t.\
\.
I
I
I
I
I
i
II
I
I
218
ticular, we have seen that there are other gods who both die and return
long before the Christian era: Dumuzi, Baal, and Melqart. Osiris may
also be mentioned here, though he is a special case. For Eshmun, the
clear evidence for his death and resuscitation is from Damascius (fifth
century C.E.). However, it is possible but not provable that already in
pre-Christian times Eshmun had also developed these characteristics.
Similarly Adonis: the clear evidence is from De Dea Syria (second
century C.E.) and later. Prior to this, Adonis' resurrection is possible but
not proved. Whether the male god of Byblos was originally or only
eventually became a dying and rising god is not clear; nor can we state
when this may have happened. The presence of the descensus mytheme
in Greek Adonis cults is either due to a separate borrowing from the
East (Mesopotamia), and was then only secondarily connected with
Adonis in Greece, or it is a borrowing that found its way to Greece in
connection with the reception of Adonis and is then an indication that
Levantine Adon(is) was already in the Iron Age a dying and rising god.
This is still a moot point. On the whole I am inclined to think that the
circumstantial evidence favours the conclusion that Levantine Adon(is)
was a dying and rising god already in pre-Christian times, rather than
the contention that he was at that time only a dying god as we know
Adonis from Greece.
(3)0ne should not hypostasize these gods into a specific type "the
dying and rising god". On the centra..;', the gods mentioned !l.re of very
different types, although we have found tendencies to association and
syncretism.
Dumuzi was by no means a weather god. He seems originally to
have been a god of shepherding (and perhaps even earlier a deified
king), but eventually he developed links with gods of vegetation (Nin-
gishzida, Damu) and was presumably a god of vegetation from the Late
Bronze Age on.
Baal is a very clear case of a storm or weather god. Though there is
a disturbing lack of mythological material for the storm gods of north-
em Mesopotamia and Syria, it seems that storm gods are not generically
gods who die and rise. Baal ofUgarit was here an exceptional case. The
Baal-Mot myth shows that Baal had developed into a god who des-
cended into the Netherworld and later returned. In order to account for
this change in Baal's character, I pointed to the probability of a recep-
tion in U garit of the descensus mytheme from the cults of Mesopotam-
ian Dumuzi.
Adon(is) of Byblos has no documented storm god characteristics. He
is not presented in the sources as a descendant of Canaanite Baal.
cl return
1
may
mn, the
lJ<: (fifth
., <iy in
isdcs.
(second
; ?. but
01 only
"Ale state
1eme
L,.a the
with
;e in
1, . that
ng god.
t t the
c n(is)
er than
pe "the
c" very
and
r
11
y to
c 1fied
1 (Nin-
lP Late
here is
north-
: :ally
>t. The
odes-
L t for
>otam-
'.He
Baal.
219
Rather, he is an independent god, whose grandfather we probably meet
in the Amarna letters (EA nos. 84; 129) and perhaps already in the Pyr-
amid texts.
Tyrian Melqart, in turn, has a genealogy that connects him with
Baal, but he is not identified as a storm god in the sources. He has close
connections with Osiris, but nevertheless he dies a death in flames. The
manner of his death seems to mirror the transition from inhumation to
cremation in the Phoenician burial practises. There is no descensus, but
he is obviously a dying and rising god.
Eshmun, finally, is a god of healing without obvious relations to
Baal. The earliest reference is found in a New Kingdom Egyptian med-
ical papyrus. He is eventually associated with Melqart.
From what has been said, it appears that Frazer's work suffered from
undue simplifications. The gods in question cannot be lumped together
in the way he did-just as we cannot take the deities concerned as
simply being deities of the Baal type. The present work profits from a
century's worth of research on the ancient Near East and from important
finds from U garit and the rest of the Levant, which were not available
to Frazer. Even so, one should not deny Frazer the honour of having had
an intuition about the return and resurrection of the deities studied that;
finds substantial confirmation from the present work.
( 4) The gods that die and rise have close ties to the seasonal cycle of
plant life.
1
The summer drought is the time when their death may be
mourned ritually. The time after the winter rains and floodings may pro-
vide the occasion for the celebration of their return. The festivals are
distributed over the year as follows:
Dumuzi:
Baal:
Adonis:
two festivals: mourning at the end of the month of Dumu-
zi; scant evidence for the celebration of his return in the
spring (Umma).
no explicit information available from U garit; circumstan-
tial evidence for water libations in the autumn (KTU 1.12).
Byblos: one festival expressing both aspects; date prob-
ably in midsummer.
1
On cultic calendars in the ancient Near East. see Cohen (1993) and Fleming (2000). Note that
there is no fixed correlation between the Mesopotamian calendar and the solar cycle. Regular
intercalation was not put in effect until Achaemenid times (Cohen 1993: 5 with references).
However, even prior to that we must calculate with the insertion of an intercalary month in re-
action to natural events (harvest, rain, flooding) that were out of phase with the cultic calendar,
see Cohen (1993: 5-6). Against this background, the equation of Mesopotamian months with
ours is of course. only relative.
'
f:
' I
;I !
. I i
I
I
220
Melqart:
Osiris:
Greece: festival in midsummer; possibly also a spring fest-
ival.
one of possibly two festivals is known: the celebration of
Melqart' s "awakening" at the end of winter. The Pyrgi in-
scription may be taken to refer to a celebration of
Melqart's burial during high summer.
a series of connected festivals in the month of Khoiak (De-
cember).
Finally, a few words should be said about ancient Israel and early Chris-
tianity. A proper discussion of these issues would require separate
monographs. YHWH has sometimes been taken to be a dying and rising
god. Jesus has been discussed by modern scholars in the light of the data
for these gods.
First YHWH. I have argued elsewhere that important elements of the
symbolical language utilized by early Israel for YHWH are otherwise
known from the context of West Semitic weather gods (the Baal type).
2
As far as I can see, the Hebrew Bible offers no evidence that YHWH was
a dying and rising god.
3
In this respect, "canonical" YHWH offers a
striking contrast to Canaanite Baal. At the same time, it should be noted
that weather gods are not, as such, gods who die and rise. Baal seems to
be exceptional. Lacking this characteristic, YHWH is simply similar to
other Northwest Semitic deities.
Finally, there is the resurrection of Jesus in the New Testament.
Dying and rising gods were known in Palestine in New Testament
times. There are references to a Baal type of deity; note the mourning
for Hadad-rimmon (Zech 12: 11). Adonis seems to figure as "the one be-
loved by women" in Daniel (Dan 11:37; cf. Ezek 8:14). The Melqart-
Heracles cult at Tyre with the annual celebration of the "awakening" of
the god was hardly an unknown phenomenon. Moreover, Jesus re-
portedly visited the area ofTyre and Sidon (Mark 7:24-30; Matt 15:21-
28).
The question that thus presents itself is what the ultimate results
would be of a study of the New Testament material on the resurrection
of Jesus in the light of our investigation of the dying and rising deities
of the ancient Near Eastern world. Such deities were obviously known
2
See Mettinger (1990: esp. pp. 409-413 with references).
3
See Mettinger (1988: Chap. 5). Note also Kreuzer (1983) and Hvidberg (1962: esp. p. 136).
Note the interesting observations by Jeppesen on Hosea's presentation of the Bethel cult,
Jeppesen ( 1996): the calf image in Hos 10:5 is a YHWH symbol that represents a deity abducted
to the Netherworld and who is therefore mourned by the people.
. of
gi in-
of
(De-
,:'-lte
. ng
:data
, he
WiSe
pe).2
r as
toted
t to
<... to
'! lt.
ning
: e-
.t-
of
1-
'ts
ities
It,
.
221
in Palestine in New Testament times. That study cannot be undertaken
here, but I would like to call attention to the following points .
(l)The figures we have studied are deities. In the case of Jesus, we
are confronted with a human (for whom divinity was claimed by him-
self and by his followers). For the disciples and for Paul, the resurrec-
tion of Jesus was a one-time, historical event that took place at one
specific point in the earth's topography. The empty tomb was seen as a
historical datum.
4
(2) The dying and rising gods were closely related to the seasonal
cycle. Their death and return were seen as reflected in the changes of
plant life. The death and resurrection of Jesus is a one-time event, not
repeated, and unrelated to seasonal changes .
(3) The death of Jesus is presented in the sources as vicarious suffer-
ing, as an act of atonement for sins. The myth ofDumuzi has an arrange-
ment with bilocation and substitution, but there is no evidence for the
death of the dying and rising gods as vicarious suffering for sins.
There is, as far as I am aware, no prima facie evidence that the death
and resurrection of Jesus is a mythological construct, drawing on the
myths and rites of the dying and rising gods of the surrounding world.
While studied with profit against the background of Jewish resurrection
belief, the faith in the death and resurrection of Jesus retains its unique 1
character in the history of religions. The riddle remains.
The fact that elements related to dying and rising gods-termino-
logy, mythemes, rites--could be utilized post eventu by early Christians
to describe the fact and import of the death and resurrection of their
master is a different matter. I am here thinking of the mytheme of the
descensus to the Netherworld, which does not appear in the New Testa-
ment until 1 Peter 3:18-22; 4:6,
5
and of the use of "converted Adonis
gardens", the nenneri, in the Easter celebrations of the early Church in
the Mediterranean world (see above Chap. IV.3.5). The notion that the
resurrection occurred "on the third day" is difficult to derive from a
fixed pre-Christian concept of a triduum. As we have seen, the evidence
for such a concept is still too scanty for any conclusions (see Chap.
VII.5).
4
For a recentAuseinandersetzung over the empty tomb, see S.T. Davis (1993: 77-100) and AJ.
Collins (1993: 107-140). Collins fails to convince me that the empty tomb was Mark's inven-
tion. See the valid points made by Davis. For a basic orientation about the resurrection of Jesus
in the NT, see Lehmann (1968). I owe this reference to Birger Gerhardsson (p.c).
5
Though Rom 10:7 might contain an allusion of earlier date.-On the notion of descent to the
Netherworld in Jewish and Christian Apocalyptic and in the Early Church. see Bauckham
(ABD 2: 154-158, with references). The Christian use of the motif should probably be studied
primarily against the Jewish background.
~ ''
I
222
Our overall project, the study of the dying and rising gods of the an-
cient Near Eastern world, has been a contribution to the basic goal of all
historical study: to widen the realm of what we know about the past of
humanity. Even so, we have constantly been reminded of the limits of
our knowledge, of the necessity of exercising the virtue of ars nescien-
di.
the an-
: f all
r st of
nits of
ien-
223
Abbreviations. Technical Remarks
ABD
ACFP1
ACFP2
AEL
AfO
ALASP
ALGHJ
An Or
AOAT
AR
ARM
ARTU
AT ANT
BA
BAS OR
BBB
BETL
BK
BO
BWANT
BZ
CAD
CBQMS
CEO
CIS
ConBOT
cos
CRAI
CRRAI
CT
DanskTT
DCPP
DDD
DNWSI
Anchor Bible Dictionary
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Alter Orient und Altes Testament
Archiv fiir Religionswissenschaft
Archives royales de Marl
An anthology of religious texts from Ugarit. J.C. de Moor. Leiden 1987
Abhandlungen zur Theologie des Alten und Neuen Testaments
Biblical Archaeologist
Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research
Bonner Biblischer Beitri:ige
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Biblischer Kommentar
Bibliotheca orienta/is
Beitri:ige zur Wissenschaft vom Alten und Neuen Testament
Biblische Zeitschrift
I
The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of
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Catholic Biblical Quarterly Monograph Series
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Comptes rendus de l'Academie des inscriptions et belles-lettres
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HSM
HSS
HTR
HUCA
IEJ
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JAAR
JANES
lAOS
JCS
JHS
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LCL
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LSJ
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MIO
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2
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L -H.
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~ t y
.ollig.
'Jther
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cker-
h ed.
MUSJ
NABU
NEAEHL
OBO
OLA
OLZ
PG
PL
PN
PW
RA
RAJ
RAR
RB
REg
RES
RGG
RHA
RHR
RLA
RSF
RSO
RTU
SAA
SEA
SEL
SIDA
SlOT
SPUMB
StPhoen
TCL
ThZ
TRE
TRS
TSSIIII
TTK
TUAT
UBL
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I
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il
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[,
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!
:
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226
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Zeitschrift fiir Agyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde
Zeitschrift fiir die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft
Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paliistina- Vereins
Brackets have been used as follows:
( ] restoration of the text or explanatory addition.
[ ..... ] damaged or unintelligible passage.
< > later glosses, etc., to be deleted from the text.
(without brackets) to indicate that part of the quotation has been left
out.
1 ?ren
~ left
227
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350. Miinster.
Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, U. von. 1925. Reden und Vortriige. Berlin.
Wilcke, C. 1970. "Eine Schicksalsentscheidung fiir den toten Urnammu." In A. Finet,
ed., Actes de la XVI/e rencontre assyriologique internationale, pp. 79-92. Ham-
sur-Heme.
1976-1980. "Inanna!lstar (Mesopotamien). A. Philologisch." RIA 5: 74-87.
1988. "Konig Suigis Himmelfahrt." In Miinchner Beitriige zur Volkerkunde. i:
245-255.
Wild, S. 1973. Libanesische Ortsnamen (Beiruter Texte und Studien 9). Beirut.
Wildberger, H. 1978. Jesaja (BK 10:2). Neukirchen-Vluyn.
Will, E. 1975. "Le rituel des adonies." Syria 52: 93-105.
Winkler, J.J. 1990. The constraints of desire: The anthropology of sex and gender in
ancient Greece. New York and London.
Wissmann, H. 1979. "Auferstehung I. Auferstehung der Toten Ill Religionsgeschicht-
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Woodward, M. See under Petersen.
Wright, D.P. 2001. Ritual in narrative: The dynamics of feasting, mourning, and retali-
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Wyatt, N. 1999. "Degrees of divinity. Some mythical and ritual aspects of West Semitic
kingship." UF 31: 853-888.
Wyatt, N., eta!., eds. 1996. Ugarit, religion and culture (Fs J.C.L. Gibson; UBL 12).
Miinster.
Xella, P. 1976. Problemi del mito nel Vicino Oriente antico. (Supplemento n. 7 agli
Annali [AION?] vol. 36, fasc. 2). Napoli.
1982. "L'influence Babylonienne a Ougarit ... "In Nissen and Renger, eds., 1982,
vol. 1: 321-338.
1983a. "Aspekte religiOser Vorstellungen in Syrien nach den Ebla- und Ugarit-
texten." UF 15: 279-90.
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401-407. Rome.
1984. "Sui nome punica 'bdkrr." RSF 12: 21-30.
1987. Archeologia dell' inferno: L'aldila nel mondo antico vicinorientale.
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1988. "D'Ugarit a Ia Phenicie: Surles traces de Rashap, Horon, Eshmun." WO
19: 45-64.
1990. " 'Divinites doubles' dans 1e monde phenico-punique." Semitica 39: 167-
175.
1991. Baal Hammon: Recherches sur l'identite et l'histoire d'un dieu phenico-
punique (Collezione di Studi Fenici 32). Roma.
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1994: 195-214. Rome.
:t,
1:
t-
I.
257
1995a. "La religione fenicia: parametri cronologici e tipologia storica." In Anon-
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M. Dietrich and 0. Loretz, eds., 1995: 239-266. MUnster.
See also under Pomponio, Ribichini and Scandone respectively.
Yamauchi, E.M. 1965. "Tammuz and the Bible." JBL 84: 283-90.
1966. "Additional notes on Tammuz." ISS 11: 10-15.
Yon, M. 1988. "$i)rmt, la chaleur de Mot." UF 21:462-466.
Zadok, R. 1977-78. "Historical and onomastic notes." WO 9: 35-56.
Ziegler, N., and N. Wasserman. 1994. "Qatum baJtum--a check-list." NABU 1994:
2, no. 29.
Zimmerli, W. 1969. Ezechiel (BK 13:1). Neukirchen-Vluyn.
Zimmem, H. 1909. "Der babylonische Gott Tamuz." In Abh. der konigl. Siichsischen
Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften 57, Phil.-hist. Kl. 27), pp. 699-738. Leipzig.
1918. Zum babylonischen Neujahrsfest. Zweiter Beitrag (Berichte tiber die Ver-
handlungen der Sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig. Phil.-
hist. Klasse 70:5). Leipzig.
Addition to the proofs:
Fritz, M. fc. 2002. Die Gotter Dumuzi-Ama-ushumgal-anna und Damu. Ph.D.-diss.
Jena. Unpublished. Not seen. Forthcoming in 2002 (p.c. from the author).
Ribichini, S., M. Rocchi, and P. Xella, eds. 2001. La questione delle injluenze vicino-
orientali sulfa religione greca. Atti del Colloquia Intemazionale, Roma 20-22
maggio 1999. Rome. I
Smith, M.S. 2001. The origins of Biblical monotheism: Israel's polytheistic back-
ground and the Ugaritic texts. Oxford.
259
List of Illustrations
3.1. The vase from Sidon. Reportedly found in the vicinity of Sidon. Kept in the Berlin
Museum (VA 569) but now lost. Drawings from Pietschmann (1889: 225). Photographs
of the item are found in Barnett (1969: pl. IV), Delcor (1976: 69ff), and Bonnet (1988:
pl. I, fig. 1).
4.1. Praenestine mirror, found at Orbetello. The coffin, supposedly containing young
Adonis, watched by Venus, Jupiter, and Proserpine-Persephone. Louvre 1728. Here re-
produced after D. Emmanuel-Rebuffat (1997: fig. 7). Courtesy: L'Errna di Bretschnei-
der.
6.1. Mummy of Osiris with sprouting corn. Bas-relief from the roof temple of Philae.
Here reproduced from Budge (1911: vol. 1: 58).
6.2-4. Osiris' resurrection, depicted on reliefs from the Osiris temple at Dendara. Ori-
ginally published by Mariette (1870, vol. 4: pl. 90). Reproduced by me after Podemann
~ r e n s e n (2001: 117, figs. 4-6).
I
l,(
,,
i,l:
i
261
Indexes
1.
Ancient Near Eastern Sources (including the Bible)
1.1. Biblical Sources
Numbers
Hoseah
10: 35
93n.
6
21
!!
6:2
93,94, 214
Deuteronomy
10: 5
220n.
5:26
41n.
Jonah
Joshua
2: 1
214
3: 10
41n.
Zephaniah
1 Samuel
1: 5
128n.
17: 26
41n.
Zechariah
I
1 Kings
12: 11
220
18: 27
94
20:31
135n.
Psalms
49: 8-10, 16
210n.
'1
:
2 Kings
50:2
102
.-I
19:4, 16
41n.
88: 11
94
23: 12
128n.
I
II
Job
I
I
Isaiah
14: 12
94
h
15: 3
128n.
33:24,28
210n.
II
17: 10-11
128
'I
26: 14, 19
94
Daniel
:lj
59: 10
162
I 1: 37
220
Jeremiah
2 Maccabees
II
19:13
128n.
4: 18-20
106
48: 38
128
Sirach
Ezekiel
48: 5
94
8: 7-14
130n.
8: 14
129,199,222
Matthew
28: 18
87
15:21-28
220
37
21
16: 21
214n.
17:23
214n.
20: 19
214n.
262
Mark
Acts
7: 24-30 220 17: 31-32 45
Luke
Romans
13: 32 214n. 10:7
221n.
24: 21. 46 214n.
I Corinthians
John
15: 35-49
148
2: 19-22 89 15: 4
214
11:37,39 214n.
12: 24 148 I Peter
3: 18-22
221
1.2. Other Ancient Near Eastern Sources
Adapa and the South Wind 143n., 196 84: 33 126, 138, 148, 150
Amman Inscription (Maphtan) 90 84: 37 176n.
ARM
129
210
IX,175 200, 201n. 129: 49-51 70n., 139, 148, 150
XII, 437 201n. 132: 53-55 138
XXV, 171: 14-15 202n. 139: 8
176
Astrolabium B 147 357:4-5 186
Book of the Dead
EmarVI, 3
142 170 370: 41ff. 128n.
168 169 385-388 65n.
CIS I,
385:5 215n.
I
46 175 385:21
215n.
92
105n. 385: 23 107n.
227 92n. 388: 57 107n.
260-262 92n. 446:47-57 147
377 92n. 452:21
156n.
3351-3352 92n. Enlil and Ninlil 189, 191
3788 92n. En-Nedim, text I, Chap. 5 4 202n.
3921 94 Gi1gamesh
4863-4872 92n. VI: 46-47 199
5903 92n. IX: 37-45 61
5950 92n. X:91, 155,156,185 101
5953 92n. Inanna's Descent 24, 150, 187ff.
5979-5980 92n. Ishtar's Descent 24, 25, 190ff.
5980:2 91, 94n. 11. 127-138 (Nineveh
Coffin Texts II, 95e 170n. version) 192ff.
Contendings of Horus and Seth 170n. KAI
Dramatic Ramesseum 4
91
Papyrus, 1. 31 170 4:3-4 140n.
Dumuzi's Dream, 1. 206 198 13: 8 73
EA
14 160
84 137ff., 203, 210, 212 14:8 73
263
14:14-18
155, 156 1.5- 1.6
38
5
32
126 1.5.II: 3-6
60
41
126 1.5.V: 5-17
61
43
93n., 105n. 1.5.V: 6-8
58
I.
43 See also under Larnax tes 1.5.V: 17ff.
35, 58, 61n.
Lapethou, LL no. 2
1.5.VI- 1.6.I
62
44:2 95n. 1.5.VI- 1.6.!: 8
58
47 126, 180 1.5.VI: 3-10
61
63 126 1.5. VI: 9-10
74n.
64
126 1.5.VI: 10
74n.
66 126, 161, 162 1.6.!: 7-9
63
70 91, 92n. 1.6.!: 8-31
58,63
77 94 1.6.!: 15-31
62
77: I
95 1.6.!: 32-67
58
81:1 208n. 1.6.!: 41-43
74n.
90 91, 92n. 1.6.II: 6-9
208
93 91, 92n. 1.6.II: 13-23
61
93:4 95n. 1.6.II: 24-25
60
99 126 1.6.II: 30-35
58
117: 1 73 1.6.III - IV: 24
58
159 105n. 1.6.III
58
161: 4 92 1.6.III: 2-3
63
162: 1 144n. 1.6.III: 8-9
63, 74n.
202 A: lines 3, 13-14 93n. 1.6.III: 20-21
63, 74n.
214: 2-3 93n. 1.6.IV: 1-3
6ol
215:2 93n. 1.6.IV: 5
74n.
277 38, 96, 103ff., 105n., 1.6.IV: 12-14
60
108, 114n., 211, 220 1.6.IV: 16
74n.
KAR 143 23 1.6.V
63
KBo XXXII, 13 (Hurrian-Hittite 1.6.V: 8-9
58, 59n.
bilingual) 79 1.6.VI: 16-22
58
,'!<
Kition III 160n., 162n, 164n. 1.6.VI: 42-53
75
KTU
1.6.VI: 58
126
1.2.!: 17 l25n. 1.12
38,67,80,219
1.2.!: 34 125 1.12. II: 44-45
59n.
1.3.!: 3-4 74n. 1.16.!:22
59
1.3 .III: 31-32 56n. 1.16.II: 43
59
1.3.V: 9 125 1.17.VI: 26-33
68ff.
1.3.V: 17-18 60 1.19.IV: 63
56n.
1.4.V: 6-7 59 f. 1.22.!: 8
74
1.4.V: 41-42 56n. 1.41: 44-45
163
1.4.V:42 56n. 1.47:20,25
207n.
1.4.VII: 39 85n. 1.78
63
1.4.VII: 42- 1.6.VI 57 1.87: 48-50
163n.
1.4.VII: 42ff. 57 1.92: 2
207n.
1.4.VII: 49-52 57 1.100
206n.
1.4.VIII: 21-24 60 1.100:20
207n.
1.4.VIII: 47-48 56n. 1.108
75
I
264
1.113
1.114:9-11
1.118: 19.24
1.161
Ll61: 20-23
Ll64: 3-9
73, 127
207n.
207
38f., 63, 64ff., 73, 75
62
163
Lamax tes Lapethou (abbrev. LL)
2 (KAI no. 43) 93n., 105
3 (Honeyman 1938) 91, 93n., 94n.,
103n., 105, 180
London Medical Papyrus,
nos. 28 and 33 162
Mari
A. 512:7-15
A. 1146
A. 3165
Nergal and Ereshkigal
Ningishzida's Descent
Pyramid Texts
518d
590a
634c
903a
2107b
20ln.
15ln., 201,206
200
45, 186, 194
195f.
169
145, 148
177n.
177n.
177n.
177n.
2. Greek and Roman Sources
Ammianus Marcellinus
XXII, 9, 15 113n., 117n., 131
Antoninus Liberalis,
Metam. no. 34
Apollodorus, The Library
124n.
III, 14, 4 118n., 127n., 210n.
Apuleius, Metam. XI, 23 117n.
Aristophanes, Lysistrata
387-396
389
395
116
127n.
Arrian, Anabasis Alex. II, 24, 5
127n.
106n.
Athanaeus, Deipnosoph. IX,
392d-e 86n., 106n.
Bion, Lament for Adonis,
53
64-66
Catullus, Poem LXIII
Cyril of Alexandria,
In Isaiam 18:1-2
114, 150n.
127n.
157
123n.
State Archives of Assyria (abbrev.
SAA)
2, no. 2, VI: 22
2, no. 5, IV: 14ff.
3,no. 32
3,no. 38
3, no. 38: rev. 3-19
3, no. 38: rev. 6-17
3, no. 38: rev. 6-7
3, no. 39: obv. 1-18
10,no.l8
10, no. 19
Sumerian King List
TCL 15,8
TSSI (Gibson)
3, no. 6: 3-4
3,no. 36
3,no. 39
3,no.42
Tyre, Stele TT 9l.S2
Umammu's Death
Damascius, Vita Isid.
131 (Zintzen)
302
160. 16ln.
85n., 160, 16ln.
186
194,204
193
194
200n., 202n.
194
193
193
198
195
140
93n., 105
91
103ff., 114n.
96n.
196
176n.
158
155f.
28
De Dea Syria
3
6-7
6
7
84n., 18ln.
19, 179
131ff., 148, 178n., 211
8
Diodorus Siculus
IV,38
XIII, 108,4
XX, 14,2
176n.
70n.
86n.
106n.
106n.
Dioskurides Pedanius, De materia
medica IV, 70 162n.
Eudoxus of Cnidus 86
Firmicus Matemus, De errore
prof. rei.
III
XXII
159n.
134n., 157
265
Herodotus I, 10,27
85n.
I, 199
135 1,10,31
99
'
II, 44
84, 181n. I, 10, 38
156n.
II, 144 180n. Philostratus, Vita Apollon. Tyan.
106
II, 156 180 V,4
107n.
204
Hesiod V,5 84n., 181n.
J
'
Carmina, Fragm. 32 (Rzach) 127n. VII, 32 146
' ;!
Shield of Heracles, 42-56 18ln. Plato, Phaedrus, 276 B 118n.
12n.
Theogony,530 181n. Plutarch,
JQ4
Theogony, 775-806 114n. Alchibiades XVIII, 2-3 117n.
I I
Homeric Hymn to De !side et Osiride 168
l )
Demeter 119n., 151, 176 De !side 356C ( 13)
215n.
198
Jerome De !side 3578 ( 15)
126n.
Ep. 58,3 125n., 130 De !side 366F ( 39) 215n.
Explan. in Ezech. III, 8, 14 129 De !side 3718 ( 49)
180n.
'+V
Josephus De !side 375A-D ( 15-16)
176n.
05
Ant. VIII, 5, 3 (144-146) 88ff., 108 De !side 376D ( 41)
180n.
Contra Apionem I, 116-119 89 Nicias XIII, 7
117n.
Livy XXII, 1, 10 104n. Polybius
5n.
Lucian, Pseudo Lucian, VII, 9, 2
16ln.
96
see De Dea Syria XXXI, 12
106n.
Macrobius, Saturn. I, 21, 10 158 Pomponius Mela
Menandros, Sarnia, 35-50 127n. Ill,46 86n., 107n., 18ln.
Nonnos, Dionys. Porphyry, De Abst. IV, 9
94
XL 87 Pseudo-Clem. Recogn. X, 24
87
""f.;l
XL, 411-422 102n. Sappho, Frag. 140a (LP)/152 I
- ~
XL, 469-492 102n. (Reinach)
116n.
~
Origen, Selecta in Ezech. Scholia in Theocritum
to 8:12 113n., 129 lll,48 13ln.
Ovid, Metam. XV, 102
150n.
if.
X, 215 116n. Silicus lta1icus, Punica III, 32-44
107
~
X, 708ff. 118n. Sophocles, Thrachin. 119ff.
87n.
X, 725-739 127n. Stephan us of Byzantium 176n.
X, 725-727 116n. Strabo
Papyri Graecae magicae (Preisendanz) XVI, 2, 7
86n., 95n.
r
IV, 336-339 121n. XVI, 2, 19
124n.
IV, 2900-2907 121n., l50n. Suda 118n., 124n.
Papyri Petrie 3, no. 142 122,209 Tertullian, Apol. XV, 5
87n.
1.
Pausanias Theocritus, Idyll XV 19, 21, 28, 33,
VII, 17, 10-12 157 114n., 122, 150n., 178,209
XI, 41, 2-3 125n. Zenobius, Cent.
Pedanius Dioskurides, see Dioskurides I, 49 118n., 122n.
l.
Philo Byblius, Eusebius, Praep. Ev. V,56 86n., 93, 106n.
266
3. Oriental, Greek, and Latin Words
AKKADIAN
mtn
103
bakkltu(m) 200
mtrb <stmy 95f.
beltu sa gubla
211
<bd'sr 175
dakiisu(m)
201
diiku(m)
201 UGARITIC
eJO(m) 24, 189, 192
b<J r ~ 74
iptim(m)
191 dmm
85
kislimu
204 byy/bwy
69
kispu(m)
45,119,200 knkn
61
naptim(m)
191 mdl
57
pasiim(m)
194 m!
58
pudu(m)
201 mt
62
salamtu(m)
45
n<mn 70, 125f.
taklimtu(m) 25, 123, 193, 195,209
<dn 60
tiim(m)
201,217 rpu
76
ziminu/na
163
rpu mlk <Jm 76
rpum
64ff., 73, 161
ARABIC
biiqiit
202 WEST SEMITIC
Nahr Nu<mein 127 Adiinf-ib 'a 136
Na<miin 127 'dn
125, 137, 140f.
QabrSmiin
]59 'dny
126
saqii'iq an-Nu<miin 127
's
156
GAM-Mil-qar-te 97
I
EGYPTIAN
damu
139
3!Jt
169 smn
156
btj
171
prt
169 GREEK
bspt
171 ' AowvLaO!!O<:;" 116
ij- <-y-t-3-w 145
aim"AOOJVLV 116
aval; 1t'Up6<:;
87, 102
HEBREW
aanpO!!O'UVL!!
162
piidii
201 OELKt'llpwv
123,209
qwm
94 ycpocL'tT]<:;"
90,91
f:ycpOL<:;
37,88, 89,217
PHOENICIAN Em!!cATJ'trJ<:;
92
'mt<strt 175 YJf.l.L8W<:;
122
'rs
96, 103 'LaA!!0<:;"
122
'smn
162 omoA.oyia 86
'smn mlqrt
160 =pLaA.w'to<:;
87
'st 'lm
96
b(l kr 101 LATIN
b<J mrp' 163 catabasis 158
b(l gbl 140, 177 curator fani 92
krr
105, 108 ritu veteri 117
mqm 'lm
37, 71, 88ff., 180, 185, 217 ritu vetusto 117
75
)
i7
i8
,Q
F
s
sacerdos Adonis
125
4. General Index
Abydos
168
Adonea fragment
Adonia
146
29, 30, 116ff.
16, 17ff., 26ff., 40, 68,
113ff., 209, 215, 218
Adonis
Adonis, the name
125
Adonis cult, geographical
distribution
Alexandria
Amathus
124ff.
Amman-Philadelphia
Anat
12lff., 176, 177
125
90
206,208
98
anch sign
anchor, symbol of hope
anemone
anthropomorphism
Antioch
Aphqa
A pis
Aqhat
Apollo
101
70,128
43,47
125
125
135
69f.
85
205f.
Arad stele
Asclepius
Ashkelon
Ash tart
Astarte
102, 155ff., 160, 161
91
96, 104, 156, 206, 211
43
Astronoe 155
Attis 27, 157f.
awakening of Melqart-Heracles 88ff.
Baal 33, 34ff., 85, 86, 144,
161, 164, 207ff., 218
144
57ff.
58,202
155
Baal Hamon
Baal-Mot myth
barley, roasting of
Berytus
Bethlehem
bilocation
125, 130
119, 150, 152, 178, 179,
89,190,192,197,203,
204,210,221
145
birthstones
boar
bones of Hercules
bones of Melqart
118, 130
86
181
breast-beating
bridegroom, Asthtartean
bridegroom
267
133
96
105
burial, of the god
Byblos
calendar
Carthage
catabasis
cheating
Christ
113ff., 125, 137ff.,
151, 177,210
42,219
91, 107
157
35
Christ, see also under Jesus
Christian writers
chthonic features
com
20, 147
136
121, 179
167ff.
com mummies 169ff., 1 77
cow-and-calf metaphor 208
cremation 84, 87, 111, 133,219
cult of Adonis,
geographical distribution
cult of Melqart,
geographical distribution 108
Cyprus 91, 104, 107, 160, 175, 181
Damascius 155ff.
Damu 137ff., 14lff., 186, 196,
203,210,212
death
death of the god
death, hymns in honour of
defixiones
Demarous
45
!10f.
107f.
179
85
30
!51
Demeter
Demeter-Persephone myth
Denderah
169, 172
42,51,64,66, 74,80, Ill,
158, 186, 187ff., 209, 218
!56
descensus
Dioskuri
discourse
discourse, fabula/story
Djed pillar
Dog days
Dog Star
drought
167
50
169
116
170
78
:,I
I
I
I
268
drought formula 60 Isis 178, 179
drowning, of Osiris 178 Jerome 128ff.
Dumuzi 21, 23ff., 142, 185ff., 218 Jesus 20, 220f.
Dura Europos 125 Jesus, see also Christ
dying gods 16 Josephus 88ff.
Easter 20,147,221 Kabeiri 156
Ebla 163 Khoiak 169,220
Egypt 121ff., 167ff. killing of Dumuzi 201f.
Elkunirsha 72 king, kingship, defunct kings 18,26,
Emar 206 32, 38, 64ff., 73, 178
equinox 34 Kition 102, 160
Ereshkigal 79 Kore 119
Erichthonios 118 Kouri on 121, 179, 210
Eshmun 98ff., 102, 155ff., 215 Kutha 190,191,202
essentialism 49 ladders, in Adonis iconography 127
euhemerismus 18 Lady of Byblos 138,177,211
festivals 219 Laodicea 125, 146
Gades 86, 87 Lamaka tes Lapethou 104f.
gardens, of Adonis 18, 26f., 33, 35, Lebanon 124f.
117f., 146f., 177, 181,221 Levant 124ff.
gardens, of Osiris 169 libation 67
genre 46 "living God" 21,41, 70,144,210
Gilgamesh 205 lotus 98
Gizzida 143 Maasai 46
goddess 43 Malta 181
I
Greece 44, 115, 116ff., 149, 210 Marduk 23,40
Hath or 176f. Mari 200ff.
healing 161 mater-dolorosa motif 208
Heracles 83ff., 97, 181 meaning 48f.
Heracles, the Egyptian 181 Megiddo 205
Heracles, the Theban (Greek) 181 Melqart 27, 37, 83ff., 180f.,
heroization 73,97,160 211,215,218
heros 31, 76, 84, 114, 116ff., Melqart stele 97
121, 149, 150, 152, 160, 181 Mot 68,207
Hi era polis 158 mourning, mourning
hieros gamos 96,103,196,199,205 rites 62,116,133,193,208
Hilaria 27, 158, 159 myth 46, 49, 50ff., 118ff.,
Hiram 89 167f., 187ff.
Hittite religion 77ff. myth, the concept 50ff.
Horus 178 mytheme 50f.
hunting 156 narrative, narrative form 167f.
hymns, in honour of death 107 Negaw, god of 145
iconography 97ff., 119f., 127, Nemanous 126
171, 173f. nenneri 147,221
intertextuality 50 Neper, Nepri 205
Iolaus 86,93,161 Nergal 84, 175
Ishkur 79,207 Ningishzida 143,203
Ishtaran 96, 196 Ninkur 215
179
f.
l!;/4'1'
5
Olf.
1 l
1oO
119
2 )
2
127
211
I I
) .. -
..
98
40
)ff
05
)"
07
f.,
ff
t
'f.
)
-1
l5
5
Netherworld 45f., 64, 72ff., 113f.,
172, 174, 178
New Year festival, Babylonian 23
New Year festival, Ugaritic 68
Numan 127
Oeta, Mt. 86
official vs. popular religion 199, 202
onomastics, see personal names
Origen 128ff.
170 Orion
Osiris
Osiris N
33, 86, 124, 167ff., 215, 218
174
Osiris, in personal names 17 4
Panyassis 118
paramythological texts, Ugarit 56
Persephone 118
personal names 206
-Adonis in 136
- Me1qart in 97
-Osiris in 175
Pishaisha 79
Pluto 144
Plutonium
Poker
158
168
130
63
107
Porphyry
psychopompos
Punic, vs. Phoenician
pyre
Pyrgi inscription
86, 99, 111
38, 96, 103ff., 105n.,
108, 114n., 211,220
quails 86, 93, 102
raise-yourselflitanies, Egyptian 169
Ramleh 91
recital 56
relics of Melqart 107
relics of Osiris 181
resurrection, the term
resurrection
- Christian r. faith
42
22
36 - Israelite r. faith
Rhodos 91, 107
47ff., 66ff., 88ff., 106ff.,
116ff., 127f., 168, 177,
rite/ritual
190, 192, 199,219
rite/ritual, the concept 47ff.
ritual journeys: see statues
Rome
roof, as location of
116ff.
sacral activities
Sabeans
269
128
202
sacred marriage, see hieros gamos
sarcophagi, Roman 119
search, goddess's for lost husband 199
season, seasonal connection 34,42,
serpent symbolism
Seth
Shapsh
Shiur Qomah
Sidon
59ff., 67ff., 106ff.,
190, 197,203,221
102
86, 180
63, 75
43
97ff., 155ff.
Sidon vase, see vase from Sidon
Sirius 116, 170
sociology of knowledge 52
solstice 34
Sothis 170
statue, ritual journey of 190, 202
storm gods 78, 79, 85, 207, 218
substitute, substitution 24, 191, 192,
210,221
suffering
symbolic universes
syncretism
- Damu-Dumuzi
- Melqart-Eshmun
-Osiris-Adonis
- Osiris-Melqart
Tertullian
Thesmophoria
throne, of Astarte of Byblos
221
52f., 11}
44
142
103, 160
175ff.
180f.
87
30
211
Tammuz, see Dumuzi
Telepinu 38, 55, 61, 76ff.
tomb
-of Adonis 134f.
-ofEshmun 159
221 -of Jesus
-ofMelqart
tonsure
trial sowing
triduum
Typhon
Tyre
Ugarit
Umma
87
135
147
102, 123, 135, 214ff., 221
86, 180
83ff., 180, 181,220
27, 55ff.
200
vanishing gods
vase from Sidon
16, 76ff.
97ff., 108, 215
II
I.,
I
270
weather gods, see storm gods
women
YHWH
149, 199
20,26,144,220
5. Author Index. Selective
Abel, F.
Abusch, T.
Ackerman, R
90
199
20
Afanasieva, V. 188
Alster, B. 8, 25, 143, 185, 188, 195,
198,203
Amann, A.-M.
Amiet, P.
Amiran, R.
Anderson, G.A.
Asan,A.N.
Assmann, A. and J.
169
8, 100
205
62
77
50
Assmann, J.
Atallah, W.
Baines, J.
Barnett, R.D.
51, 168ff., 172
29, 113, 116, 122, 123
168
98ff.
Barre, M.L. 214
Barstad, H.M. 16, 55, 80
Bartha, W. 47
Bauckham, R. 221
Baudissin, W. Graf 20ff., 116, 155,
156, 157, 160, 161, 175, 215
Baudy, G.J. 33, 118, 146f.
Baumgartner, W. 147
Beinlich, H. 168ff., 171, 181
Bell, C. 47ff.
Benichou-Safar, H. 45, 97
Berger, P.L., and T. Luckmann 52
Bemdes, L. 8, 114, 118, 136
Beskow, P. 8
Bilde, P. 8
Black, J.A. 23
Blomqvist, J. 8, 44, 126, 158
Bonnet, C. 8, 43, 73, 83, 88, 90, 92, 98,
103,106,128,160,180,206
Borger, R.
Bordreuil, P.
Brown, M.L.
Buccellati, G.
Burkard, G.
Burkert, W.
190
162, 205, 208, 211
74
190
169
30f., 44., 50, 114,
Yaminites
Zeus
Byrskog, A.
Cagni, L.
Carstens, P.
Cassin, E.
Chassinat, E.
Chwolsohn, D.
201,206
119
Clermont-Ganneau, C.
128,161
32
23,25
77,80
45
168, 169, 170
202
83,88,95
29
Colpe, C.
Cohen, M.E.
Cooper, J.
Cross, F.M.
42,199,200,219
190
144
Cumont, F. 116, 157
Dalley, S. 44, 85
Day, J. 85, 214
Del Olmo Lete, G. 39f., 45, 56, 73
Detienne, M. 29f., 117
Dick, M.B. 8, 193
Dietrich, M., and 0. Loretz 45, 67, 95
Dijkstra, M. 8, 62, 79, 199
Dijkstra, M., and J.C. de Moor 68, 71
Dirven, L. 131 f.
Dochhom, J. 135
Dunand, M 156, 177
Durand, J.M., and M. Guichard 200
Edsman, C.-M. 86,87
Edzard, D.O. 143
Ehnmark, E. 114
Eissfeldt, 0. 20
Ekroth, G. 114
Emmanuel-Rebuffat, D. 119
Engnell,I. 26
Evers, J.D. 187
Falkenstein,A. 187, 189, 198
Finnestad, R. B. 174
Heming, D.E. 8, 42, 128, 139, 147,
198,200,201,203,206,207,219
Frankfort, H. 168, 169, 170, 175
Frazer, J.G. 15ff., 32, 37, 70, 83,
147, 172,219
Fritz, M. 142, 186
271
206
Fronzaroli, P. 207 Kraus, F.R. 24
119
Garbini, G. 97, 98, 103f. Kreitzer, L.J. !58
Gardiner, A. 172 Kreuzer, S. 41, 220
Gasparro, G.S. 158 Kutscher, R. 185, 199
Gaster, T.H. 34,48,59 Laesse, J. 192, 193
George, A.R. 190 Lambert, W.G. 85, 195f.
Gerhardsson, B. 8,221 Lambrechts, P. 27, 133, 158
lvi
Gerho1m, T. 47ff. Langdon, S. 23
32
Gese, H. 73 Lehmann, F. 221
Gibson, J.C.L. 35,36,59,62 Lemaire, A. 175
G1otz, G. 122f. Levine, B.A. 64f.
4)
Goedicke, G. 145 Lewis, T.J. 45, 64f., 75
l70
Gortz-Wrisberg, I. 9 Lightfoot, J. 132
! '
Gonnet, H. 77 Lindstrom, F. 9
Gradwohl, R. 214 Lipinski, E. 33, 83, 87, 88, 97, 98ff.,
29
Greenfield, J. 91 136, 144, 146, 159, 162, 166, 208
~ 1 0
Gressmann, H. 175 Livingstone. A. 202
Griffiths, J.G. 168ff., 176 Loretz, 0. 57,60,62,205
Gruber, M.I. 62, 133 Mannhardt, W. 19, 115
57
Gullstrand, R. 159 Marcus, D. 69f.
r--
Gurney, O.R. 23ff., 185 Marcus, R. 89
Haas, V. 77 Marello, P. 201
'tj
Healey, J.F. 58 Masson, E. 78,80
17
Helck, W. 168, 172, 175 Mettinger, T. 41,50,53, 84,98,220
Hermeren, G. 209 Mitford, T.B.
179/
Herr, B. 76,80 Modeus, M. 47ff.
)9
Herrmann, S. 168, 176 Montet, P. 145
71
Hidal, S. 9, 130 Moor, J .C. de 8,35,56,57,58,59,
Hjlirpe, J. 8,202 61,62, 70, 71, 74, 75,156
l
Hoffner, H.A. 77 Moortgat, A. 23
77
Hoftijzer, J., and K. Jongeling 92 Moran, W.L. 137ff.
~
Honeyman, A.M. 92, 95 Mi.iller, H.-P. 17, 83ff., 88, 92ff., 96
Horowitz, W. 62,63,186 Na'aman, N. 128, 138
.)
Hubert, H., and M. Mauss 49 Niehr, H. 45,56, 73
4
Husser, J.-M. 75 Nilsson, M.P. 42, 87
Hutter, M. 51, 186 Notscher, F. 22, 157, 214f.
Hvidberg, F.F. 220 Norin, S.I.L. 9
9
Jacobsen, T. 25, 185, 186 Nykvist, A. 187
6
Jeppesen, K. 220 Oberhuber, K. 185
Kammerer, T.R. 205 Oden, R.A. 132
Katz, D. 205 Olsson, T. 8, 46ff.
4
Kellermann, G. 78 Pardee, D. 45,56,60,61,65, 208
Kilmer, A.D. 101 Parker, S.B. 77
Kirk, G.S. 188 Parpola, S. 190, 194, 197,201
Knoppers, G.N. 103f. Paul, S.M. 186
Koch, K. 8, 168, 169, 174 Pedersen, 0. 8
Koortbojian, M. 119 Penglase, C. 210
Kramer, S.N. 24, 185, 189, 208 Peter, H. 8
272
Petersen, D.L, and M. Woodward 51 Starr, J. 9
Picard, G. 97 Stein, H. 9
Pietschmann, R. 98 Steiner, R.C. 163
Pitard, W.T. 61 Stieglitz, R.R. 103, 105
Podella, T. 62 Stol,M. 123, 195
Podemann Srensen, J. 8, 47, 134, Stolz, F. 50
157, 168, 172, 181 Sulze, H. 146
Potscher, W. 43 Tarragon, J.M. de 55, 64f.
Poole, F.J.P. 53 Taylor, J.G. 64f.
Pomponio, F., and P. Xella 142, 163 Teixidor, J. 73
Popko, M. 77 Thackeray, St.J. 89
Rappaport, R. 47ff. Toom, K. van der 45, 75
Redford, D.B. 145 Troy, L 8, 168
Ribichini, S. 8, 31,44, 73,114,115, Tsukimoto, A. 43,45,185
121, 135, 156, 175, 179 Vanden Berghe, L 24
Richter, T. 142, 186 Vaux,R.de 7, 15,26,40,95, 175,177
Robertson, N. 116, 133 Verbanck-Pierard, A. 84
Rollig, w. 94,96 Vermaseren, M.J. 157, 158
Romer, W.H.Ph. 188 Vemant, J.-P. 43
Ronzevalle, P.S. 208 Vollgraff, W. 122,209
Roux, G. 133 Wagner, G. 27
Sallberger, W. 200 Walls, N.H. 206
Sand, E.R. 49 Waterston, A. 36
Sasson, J.M. 8,198,200,201 Watson, P.L. 58
Scandone, G. 177 Weill, N. 127
Scandone Matthiae, G. 145, 175, 179 West, D.R. 44
I
Scharbert, J. 22 West, M.L. 44
Scharff, A. 170 Widengren, G. 26
Schmidt, B.B. 45,63 Wikander, C. 119
Schmidt, W.H. 35 Wikander, 0. 8
Schmitz, P.C. 103f. Wilcke, C. 195, 196
Schretter, M.K. 44 Wild, S. 159
Schroeder, 0. 137f. Will, E. 28, 40, 136
Schwemer, D. 8,55,58,59,206,207 Wiman, I. 119
Scurlock, J.A. 193f. Wright, D.P. 49
Seters, J. van 88 Wyatt, N. 67
Seyrig, H. 84, 135 Xella, P. 8, 43, 44, 73ff., 103,
Sjoberg, A.w. 142 104, 105, 160, 161
Sladek, W.R. 151, 186, 187, Yamauchi, E.M. 25, 185, 193
188, 190, 192 Ziffer, I. 205
Smith, J.Z. 15ff., 40, 55, 76, 80 Zimmem,H. 23, 185
Smith, M.S. 7, 8, 17, 35, 37ff., 42, 43,
55, 60, 64ff., 75, 76, 77, 80, 83,
88, 147, 185, 197,204, 207f., 208
Soden, W.von 192, 193
Soyez, B. 116, 134, 175
Sperber, D. 48
Spronk, K. 45, 75
9
U::J
95
~ f .
~ f
I
~
'5
4
7
~
3
9
273
CONIECTANEA BIBLICA
OLD TESTAMENT SERIES
Present editors Tryggve N.D. Mettinger (Lund) and Stig I.L. Norin (Uppsala)
1. *Albrektson, Bertil, History and the Gods. 1967.
2. Johnson, Bo, Die armenische Bibeliibersetzung als hexaplarischer Zeuge 1m
I. Samuelsbuch. 1968.
3. *Ottosson, Magnus, Gilead. Tradition and History. 1969.
4. * Erlandsson, Seth, The Burden of Babylon. A Study oflsaiah 13:2-14:23. 1970.
5. *Mettinger, Tryggve N.D., Solomonic State Officials. A Study of the Civil Govern-
ment Officials of the Israelite Monarchy. 1971.
6. *Hidal, Sten, Interpretatio syriaca. Die Kommentare des heiligen Ephram des
Syrers zu Genesis und Exodus mit besonderer Beriicksichtigung ihrer auslegungs-
geschichtlichen Stellung. 1974.
7. Tengstrom, Sven, Die Hexateucherzahlung. Eine literargeschichtliche Studie. 1976.
8. Mettinger, Tryggve N.D., King and Messiah. The Civil and Sacral Legitimation of
the Israelite Kings. 1976.
9. Norin, Stig, Er spaltete das Meer. Die Auszugsiiberlieferung in Psalmen und Kult
des A! ten Israel. 1977. I
10. *Hyvdrinen, Kyosti, Die Ubersetzung von Aquila. 1977
11. Kronholm, Tryggve, Motifs from Genesis 1-11 in the Genuine Hymns of Ephrem
the Syrian. 1978.
12. Ljung, Inger, Tradition and Interpretation. A Study of the Use and Application of
Formulaic Language in the so-called Ebed YHWH-psalms. 1978.
13. *Johnson, Bo, Hebraisches Perfekt und Imperfekt mit vorangehendem we. 1979.
14. *Steingrimsson, Sigurdur Orn, Yom Zeichen zur Geschichte. Eine literar- und
formkritische Untersuchung von Ex 6,28-11,10. 1979.
15. *Kalugila, Leonidas, The Wise King. Studies in Royal Wisdom as Divine Revela-
tion in the Old Testament and Its Environment. 1980.
16. Andre, Gunnel, Determining the Destiny. PQD in the Old Testament. 1980.
17. *Tengstrom, Sven, Die Toledotformel und die literarische Struktur der priester-
lichen Erweiterungsschicht im Pentateuch. 1982.
18. Mettinger, Tryggve N.D., The Dethronement of Sabaoth. Studies in the Shem and
Kabod Theologies. 1982.
19. Stromberg Krantz, Eva, Des Schiffes Weg mitten im Meer. Beitrage zur Erfor-
schung der nautischen Terminologie des Alten Testaments. 1982.
20. *Porter, Paul A., Metaphors and Monsters. A Literary-Critical Study of Daniel 7
and 8. 1983.
21. Lindstrom, Fredrik, God and the Origin of Evil. A Contextual Analysis of Alleged
Monistic Evidence in the Old Testament. 1983.
22. Wiklander, Berti!, Prophecy as Literature. A Text-Linguistic and Rhetorical
Approach to Isaiah 2-4. 1984.
I
274
23. *Haglund, Erik, Historical Motifs in the Psalms. 1984.
24. Norin, Stig, Sein Name allein ist hoch. Das Jhw-haltige Suffix althebraischer Per-
sonennamen untersucht mit besonderer beriicksichtigung der alttestamentlichen
Redaktionsgeschichte. 1986.
25. Axelsson, Lars Eric, The Lord Rose up from Seir. Studies in the History and Tradi-
tions of the Negev and Southern Judah. 1987.
26. *Jonsson, Gunnlaugur A., The Image of God. Genesis 1:26--28 in a Century of Old
Testament Research. 1988.
27. Aurelius, Erik, Der Fiirbitter lsraels. Eine Studie zum Mosebild im Alten Testa-
ment. 1988.
28. Kartveit, Magnar; Motive und Schichten der Landtheologie in I Chronik 1-9. 1989.
29. Bostrom, Lennart, The God of the Sages. The Portrayal of God in the Book of
Proverbs. 1990.
30. Olofsson, Staffan, The LXX Version. A Guide to the Translation Technique of the
Septuagint. 1990.
31. Olofsson, Staffan, God is my Rock. A Study of Translation Technique and Theo-
logical Exegesis in the Septuagint. 1990.
32. Eriksson, LarsOlov, "Come, children, listen to me!" Psalm 34 in the Hebrew Bible
and in Early Christian Writings. 1991.
33. Laato, Antti, Josiah and David Redivivus. The Historical Josiah and the Messianic
Expectations of Exilic and Postexilic Times. 1992.
34. Viberg, Ake, Symbols of Law. A Contextual Analysis of Legal Symbolic Acts in the
Old Testament. 1992.
35. Laato, Antti, The Servant of YHWH and Cyrus. A Reinterpretation of the Exilic
Messianic Programme in Isaiah 40-55. 1992.
36. Cheney, Michael S., Dust, Wind and Agony: Character, Speech and Genre in Job.
1994.
37. Lindstrom, Fredrik, Suffering and Sin. Interpretations of Illness in the Individual
Complaint Psalms. 1994.
38. Svensson, Jan, Towns and Toponyms in the Old Testament with Special Emphasis
on Joshua 14-21. 1994.
39. Hagelia, Hallvard, Numbering the Stars. A Phraseological Analysis of Genesis 15.
1994.
40. Winther-Nielsen, Nicolai, A Functional Discourse Grammar of Joshua. A Com-
puter-assisted Rhetorical Structure Analysis. 1995.
41. Laato, Antti, History and Ideology in the Old Testament Prophetic Literature. A
Methodological Approach to the Reconstruction of the Proclamation of the Histor-
ical Prophets. 1995.
42. Mettinger; Tryggve N.D., No Graven Image? Israelite Aniconism in Its Near East-
em Context. 1995.
43. Eidevall, Goran, Grapes in the Desert. Metaphors, Models, and Themes in Hosea
4-14. 1996.
44. Laato, Antti, "About Zion I will not be silent." The Book of Isaiah as an Ideological
Unity. 1998.
45. Axskjold, Carl-Johan, Aram as the Enemy Friend. The Ideological Role of Aram in
the Composition of Genesis-2 Kings. 1998.
46. Haeffner Blomquist, Tina, Gates and Gods. Cults in the City Gates of Iron Age Pal-
estine. An Investigation of the Archaeological and Biblical Sources. 1999.
di-
:a-
of
)-
It
c
c
275
47. /destrom, Rebecca G.S., From Biblical Theology to Biblical Criticism: Old Testa-
ment Scholarship at Uppsala University 1866- 1922. 2000.
48. Oredsson, Dag, Moats in Ancient Palestine. 2000.
49. Hagelia, Hallvard, Coram Deo: Spirituality in the Book of Isaiah, With Particular
Attention to Faith in Yahweh. 2001.
50. Mettinger, Tryggve N.D, The Riddle of Resurrection: "Dying and Rising Gods" in
the Ancient Near East. 2001.
* Out of print.
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I
The Riddle of Resurrection
. "l)ying and fuswg Q;oqs" in the Ancient East
_by Tryggvy N;D;
' l. '
. .
A'reconsideratiol.} c.lassical problem in the of the biblical world.
Eyer' since the publicat\on of Thi Gol4en Bough by J.G; Frazer, "dying and ris-
ing g<:>ds" has been -a disputed issue. According .to the consensus opinion, these
gods die but do not rise to life. N.D. Mettinger challenges this
Ns an<i perusal of all the. important sources, in-
cluding new, significant evidtmce; The book discussestopics such as:
' ' 1 ' . ' .
The development of the scholarly from Frazer to the present day.
- Baal in the myth and :rite of ancie"I1h.Jgarlt. The validity of recent sugges-
- tiop,s tQat adeity.ofthe type: _
l'bqelticiru;J. ,,gQd_s. A4qnis (Ado11); .lilld a disc\lssion
"" th<>roqghly the use of somces :(rom the Greek and Roman
worlq arid the icQnQgraphy,ofthe yase fromSic;lon .. - -
: , .. . , ' -.' t r ' ' "" ' . . : -' ' ' ' '
-- Egyptj.ari Osiris SY:fllbolism of the corn mummies. The con-
- and the West Semitic- gQds.
Duwqii--Tammuz diSc.J.isSe.d 'oi:t' the basis of fresh. material
, . . . to the and. n:tumofDl!-muzi. The ctOn-
. ....
in the light of religio-historical research.
. New Classical
Studies, the anc_ient Reliiion, Comparative Liter-
ature.
,. ,. '
Tryggve N;D. Mettinger, is Bi.ble at L1,1nd University,
'!lld is .the The De-
thronement of Sqbaoth .(Lund 1.98f), -;fJi',arew(!llto t!J.e-Servant Songs (Lund
.1983)., In Search ofGod;.,(rize of the Names
(Philadelphia- i 988), Aniconism in its Ancient
Near Eastern Context (StqPfljQlm He is a member of-the Royal Acade-
my 9f 1,-etters, History and Antiquities, Stockholm.
' .
Almqvist & Wiksell International
StocKholm, Sweden '
ISBN 91'-22-01945-6
' ' ." '
.._;I
/