The Language of Education in Africa: The Key Issues

The Language of Education in Africa:
The Key Issues

by Seyoum Hameso
This article was published in Language, Culture and
Curriculum, Vol. 10. No. 1, 1997, pp.113.
Language of Education in Africa by Seyoum Hameso
The Language of Education in Africa: The Key Issues .......................1
The Language of Education in Africa
i
The Language of Education in
Africa: The Key Issues
by Seyoum Hameso*
The use of African languages in complementary and equitable fashion,
alongside other languages, will be part of the full development of Africa's
own genius and of the continent's search for its own path of
development. (Robinson, 1996: 180)
1. Introduction
Whether our concerns are about the everyday lives of people and their
social interaction, or about social change and education, the issue of
language is as vital as it is complex. The complexity is best demonstrated
by its inextricable links with a society's cultural, economic and political
life. It also has inevitable historical embodiments. Thus any inquiry into
contemporary Africa takes us to the pastthe colonial past. In one way or
the other, that past had been one of conquest and domination, one of
suppression by alien rule facilitated by alien languages. Except in a
handful of cases, like Kiswahii in Tanzania, most colonies were run in
colonial languages.
Independence came, promising hope, freedom, improved living standards
and progress. The promises made by nationalist politicians following, in
some cases, a protracted struggle, seemed to warrant change of
circumstances. In the midst of high expectations, those who inherited the
political kingdom took over diverse population groups with distinct
The Language of Education in Africa: The Key Issues 1
languages and cultures alongside alien and haphazard territorial
boundaries. At the time, the rule was simple: to wrest authority from
colonial powers, as Julius Nyerere boldly hinted. But no one other than
Kwame Nkrumah said it all in the most remembered phrase: 'Seek ye first
the political kingdom, and all else will be added unto you'. That grand
seizure implied the need for consensus and reduction of diversity. At one
extreme, one central government was envisioned along with one
language and probably one leader for the whole continent. The vision
belonged to another millennium and the idea was shortly rejected. The
same preoccupation with the kingdom also seemed to engender
permanent relegation of all other issues, including the people, their
cultures, their languages, and above all their diversity, to a lesser degree
of priority.
In those heady days of the late 1950s and 1960s, informed leaders were
influenced by the vogue ideas of the day: modernization and
nationbuilding either through capitalism or socialism. While the most
aggrieved of the leaders opted for radical socialism, the less aggrieved
went along with their uncomfortable legacy. Either way, the means and
the destinations were never mutually unintelligible. For all found comfort
in centralism and stubborn singularity in their national policies. Contrary
to historical precedents in Europe, where nations were, by and large,
formed on the state's ethnic and linguistic congruity, Africa's leaders
found it fit to build states by destroying the real nations: the Ewes, the
Ibos, the Hausas, Oromos, etcetera. For the word nation has become so
attractive that, to be modern, they named their project: nationbuilding.
The task was pretty daunting. It was one that took Europe centuries of
blood and toil. For the newly formed African states, it meant a lot of
things. It required enlightenment and reformation following the
wellknown and welltrodden path taken by European empires and
nations. It required Weber's rationalregal state driven by a Marshallian
rational economic man. It seemed to entail expansion of education, i.e.,
literacy. The economy was to be transformed from agricultural to
industrial, and the process was named 'industrialisation' along the lines of
the Industrial Revolution in England in the nineteenth century. The
societies 'needed' transformation from 'primitive' and 'tribal' to the
'modern', whatever that meant. This implied physical migration away
from the 'idiocy of rural life', and away from the curse of Babylonian
multiple tongues to the promised landthe townwhere you speak one
pidgin. And pidgin, it was.
All this was needed to be done in the matter of a decade or so. After all,
the UN Secretary General, Dag Hamerskjold announced the year 1960 as
'The Africa Year'. Economists, (one among them was Arthur Lewis, later
Sir, who advised Nkrumah's government in Ghana), the most notorious
social engineers of the modem age, were called upon to manufacture the
infamous Five Year Development Plans. And so they accomplished the
task with remarkable speed, calculating how quickly 'unlimited supplies
of labour'unfortunately stuck in the zero marginal productivity
sectorcould move to shanty towns blackened by scorched earth mining
and the loading and unloading of foodstuffs. With only the remotest
relevance to the African beyond the villages of Timbuktu, the most
revolutionary resolutions (full of physical targets never to be achieved)
were passed, promising a balanced 'big push'. And because of their
remoteness, these blueprints were left to gather dust on the shelves of
planning agency warehouses, just like a bible does in a secular Western
family. In the meantime, political leaders, at the height of their political
power in the newly inherited kingdoms, made their choices on behalf of
the public as a matter of urgency with costly and massive outcomes,
some intended and some not. One, among the many public choices,
impinged on the language of education.
2. The Language of Education: Choice and Policy
Language performs different functions including a means of
communication, expression and conceptualisation. It can also be used as
a means of domination and discrimination; an instrument to give or block
access to economic and political processes. It is the latter aspect that
brings the issue of language to the centre stage, and that is partly our
concern here. Once the functions and importance of languages are
recognised, the choice of languages of education is often made on
historical, political (nationalistic) and cultural grounds as much as on the
basis of pedagogical and linguistic ones.
For historical reasons, the determination to keep indigenous languages
from the public domain was a favoured option by many of Africa's
nonnation states. It so happened that in the hazy atmosphere of early
1960s, given the artificial nature of boundaries, the new leaders signed, in
the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) formation in 1963, to respect
'the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each state' endorsing the
borders that do not, by and large, coincide with sociolinguistic
boundaries. By that endorsement, speakers of one language were
fragmented across artificial boundaries. In West Africa, for example,
Mansour (1993: 67) states that out of 15 million Pulaar speakers, Guinea
accounted for 40% in 1986. The respective figures for the same language
in Guinea Bissau, Senegal, Gambia, Mali, Niger, and Nigeria are 23%,
21%, 18%, 14%, 14%, and 9%, respectively. Similar cases hold true for
Manding, Wolof, Hausa, Yoruba, and other speakers. In this inconvenient
arrangement, the choice or imposition of one ethnic group's language for
official and educational purposes, as it happened in Ethiopia, was a cause
for deep social conflict. The very fact of historical mischance that diverse
groups are put together under one political roof, meant that the choice of
one group's language serves a defacto declaration of war on the others.
3. Nation and Nonnation States
Even though the general pattern throughout much of Africa is the same,
one should account for country specificity. With reference to the choice
of languages and policy parameters related to this, there are slight
variations. Where the idea of nation and state is coterminous, as in
Somalia, the Somali language was accorded a national status. It was also
developed as the medium of instruction in 1972. In the case of Kenya and
Tanzania, an indigenous language in Kiswahili has been in use as official
or second official language and medium of instruction. As a 'neutral'
languageat least it does not belong to any one particular ethnic group
in both Kenya and Tanzaniait was positively encouraged. In the case
of Tanzania in particular, the language issue is approached with
conscious, and to some extent, autonomous understanding; but the
professed intentions failed to materialise. By 1967, the Arusha
Declaration recognised that education was vital for selfreliance. Among
African languages, Kiswahili has an unusual history. The fact that it was
widely used by the Germans and later by the British colonial powers
helped its status. At the same time, the use and promotion of Kiswahii
was viewed in terms of the overthrow of colonialism, furtherance of its
linguistic development, and a means of ensuring unity in Tanzanian
society. Despite these broad political intentions to make Kiswahili the
language of instruction beyond primary school level, there has been
reluctance to pursue the policy to its logical conclusion.
In many other African countries, informed language policy was
forestalled by the choice of foreign languages (mainly English, French or
Portuguese) as they constituted a 'neutral' solution. (Yet, this language
neutrality is debatable, since different languages and cultural frameworks
impart different world perceptions.) Assuming sovereignty over
population groups, cowed and confused by alien rule, inheriting an
economic base best suited to exports of raw minerals and cash crops, and
controlling the political system that is often alien (hence authoritarian),
the nonnation states of Africa faced a stark reality. Some leaders, in a
vain attempt of pretending to shy away from the colonial legacy, went to
the opposite extreme, making more mistakes than would be warranted by
common sense. In one way or the other, what took root was a perverse
scenario of inorganic states, artificial boundaries, and artificial languages
and cultures that were only remotely relevant to the people's daily needs.
The urge to communicate and to train the messengers required a quick
decision and the only readily available media were the languages of
former colonial administrations. Soon these languages were 'enshrined' in
constitutions that were to be easily discarded following every other
violent change of regime. In the case of Cameroon, as elsewhere,
Robinson (1996) states that no provisions were made in reference to
indigenous languages. Therefore, most of these countries settled on
inconvenient compromise, often choosing the languages of former
colonial powers for official and educational purposes.
On the basis of this mooted agreement went the legacies of the
postcolonial alien state machinery, an acceptance of authoritarian and
repressive political methods, the perpetuation of economically dependent
centrism, and the socially pervasive assimilationism of the past. With
these, Africa's own institutions, nations, and nationalisms were
denigrated as backward, tribal and narrow in contrast with the
progressive, modern, civilized and universal ethos of capitalist
nationalism. These meant modernization of state structures of control
(mainly the military and the bureaucracy) and the system of education
aimed at bolstering them.
The superimposed, floating state, found it easy to push aside the issue of
indigenous languages, even for educational purposes. The debate over
cultural and linguistic diversity was muted for the sake of the overriding
need to build a political kingdom on the premise of unity. While a nation
by definition is based on linguistic, cultural and ethnic affiliation and
homogeneity, the way African states were programmed to operate was
quite different. In this conflict, a number of factors militated against
indigenous languages. In the following section, therefore, we will ask to
what extent the determination of language policy and choice should take
account of the advantages and disadvantages of both foreign and
indigenous languages as media of education.
4. The Use of Foreign Languages in Education
4.1 Advantages
Foreign languages are used in different countries in business, diplomacy,
media and scholarship. Inability to understand these languages costs
resources while knowledge of them can only be an asset.
Secondly, they have become prerequisites for acquiring science and
technology. Thus, Western education, scholarship, business, and science
and technology were rendered impossible without acquiring those
languages, mainly English and French, but occasionally German and
Japanese. Linguistic dependence such as this, and lack of vision as to
what to do about it, engendered a scenario of arrested development. In
the case of Tanzania, Judith Barrett (1994: 610) details the reasons why
English was retained and defended as a way of preventing Tanzania
being isolated from the rest of the world, as well as a means of keeping
abreast of technological and scientific achievements in international fora.
Thirdly, foreign languages are viewed as symbols of power and a means
of securing good, secure jobs. As far as members of the elite are
concerned, the use of such languages is a sign of prestige, and a higher
competence in them is known to entitle the speakers to a legitimate claim
to power.
Yet while learning and knowing these languages is beneficial, there is no
prima facie case for them to serve as the media of instruction. They could
as well be taught as subjects in schools like mathematics or economics.
Apart from this, there are a number of reasons why foreign language
would be ineffective as the medium of instruction. TrappesLomax
(1990: 967) details such reasons.
4.2 Disadvantages
Firstly, foreign languages are foreign and lack authenticity. They are not
the people's language. Being uncomfortably foreign, they remain the
language of the few, namely, the elite who are a class of their own and
are also alienated both from their own society and from their counterparts
elsewhere with whom they are also unable to merge. Therefore, foreign
languages remain languages of academia, languages of university
education, languages of research and scholarship. This foreignness of the
language of instruction has been a major force in making education a
culturally alienating process. Whereas language is supposed to help in
bringing education close to the learner, and therefore in motivating
learners to invest energy and time 'in the intrinsic excitement and
selfregenerating dynamo of learning' as Samof (1993: 213) says, the
lack of integration of educational goals with the cultural context and
African values has contributed to the present educational crisis in Africa,
in which education is geared mainly to the (re)production of ruling elites.
That is also partly how education has made itself increasingly irrelevant
to the real issues of the masses and to Africa's development. This further
indicates the elitist nature of education where students are forced to
receive education in foreign languages beyond primary schools in many
African countries.
Secondly, foreign languages are not teachable in the sense that it is
difficult to ensure language proficiency of teachers in foreign media. The
case is pronounced when the teachers are not native speakers themselves.
As far as learners are concerned, a foreign language is hardly ever
experienced outside the educational environment. In pedagogic terms, it
is noted that foreign languages remain secondary for pupils (they are only
rarely used outside classrooms with poorly trained and equipped
teachers). Worst of all, they are foreign to young pupils who have been
brought up in their own mother tongue and find them completely
unintelligible.
It is for these reasons that UNESCO has been in the forefront of
promoting the idea of education in indigenous languages.
YahyaOthman (1990:46) points out that students enter secondary
education without adequate understanding and knowledge of the medium
of instruction. Such a system results in 'individuals hampered by
linguistic deficiencies in their thinking, in their critical observation, in
their questioning of ideas and facts, and in the interpretation of what is
communicated to them'.
Last but not the least, by perpetuating cultural and linguistic dependence,
the use of a foreign medium saps nationalist energy. Exorbitant national
costs need be incurred to possess knowledge materials produced in the
chosen medium. Policy adjustments and broad conditions need to be
fulfilled to acquire the most valued and expensive raw materials of the
twenty first centuryrelevant information. Yet the corollary of these
arguments is not that foreign languages are an obstacle per se to national
growth and hence should be banned. On the contrary, they are extremely
useful and should be learned. What is in dispute is making these
languages the medium of education. Looking into the vitality of
indigenous languages better makes this point.
5. The Use of Indigenous Languages in Education
Education through the medium of mother tongue ensures that a 'child's
educational development is rooted in his own cultural heritage ...' (Criper
and Widdowson, 1975, quoted in TrappesLomax, 1990:94). It is also
pointed out (e.g. by Rugabumya, 1990; Robinson, 1996: 173) that
evidence from international research shows that use of the first language
is a factor in educational achievement and that the educational process in
any society ought to be conducted through a language that both learner
and teacher command well. Moreover, in situations where students learn
best within learning institutions, Barrett (1994: 910) maintains that this
can be done by starting where the pupils 'begin with their experience and
existing knowledge and thus position them as "knowers" ... and by
allowing them 'to use their own language within the classrooms'. This
indicates the need for the cultural contextualisation of education.
Otherwise, if the shift from one language of instruction to the other
continues, as it often does, education turns out to be a constricting and
restricting factor. This argument is made by YahyaOthman (1990: 51),
based on observations made on Tanzanian children, who, upon finishing
primary schools in the medium of Kiswahili, shift to the English medium
in secondary schools.
5.1 Obstacles
The adoption, use and promotion of indigenous languages faces a number
of obstacles. It is already noted that African history is burdened with
pervasive legacies. One of them is linguistic, and it is reflected in
selfdenial, part of which is rooted in despising African languages as
'tribal' and 'primitive' and nothing but vernaculars. The position is
adopted by both 'educated' natives and external apologists. This very fact
was raised by Robert Armstrong (1963: 69) who said, 'If we are ashamed
of our own language, then we must certainly lack that minimum of
selfrespect which is necessary to the healthy functioning of society'. The
same author further argued that:
if the young people come to despise their father's language, the
chances are that at the same time they will reject their father's
wisdom. The emotional importance of a language lies in the fact
that it contains the choices of one's mother, father, brothers and
sisters, and one's dearest friends. (Armstrong, 1963)
The general tendency to favour foreign languages as official languages
and as the media of instruction is the major obstacle to the use of
indigenous languages. It is a tendency that is reinforced by political and
economic constraints.
Politically, one notes the desire of the bureaucratic elite to reproduce its
own class through the medium of education in international languages.
On the basis of Tanzanian experience, Barrett (1994: 1314) is of the
opinion that the retention of foreign languages best serves the interest of
the elite who use these languages as screening devices to higher
positions, and hence maintain their position.
The above position is reinforced by arguments based on the cost
associated with changes. Economically, that is, the initiative to replace
African languages as the media of instruction requires resources in terms
of teacher training, developing grammars and orthographies, producing
and translating textbooks and supplementary materials. Where written
scripts are not developed, they should be designed. The cost issue is one
of the arguments used against development of indigenous languages,
namely that education in different mother tongues is not affordable. In
particular, a poor country with meagre resources can hardly pay for the
additional expenses of teacher training and materials production
associated with instruction through the medium of indigenous languages.
But the argument does not take into account the educational needs that
can be met only through the indigenous languages, and the fact that
ability in these languages already exists without cost.
None of these arguments is intended to be decisive. The matter is
complex, and it is conceded that there are also cases in which the use of
foreign languages is beneficial. In order to explore the complexity still
further, we now look at the case of Ethiopia.
6 Ethiopia: Language Policy and Practice
Whereas the general patterns that prevail elsewhere in Africa are also to
be found in Ethiopia, there are some unique scenarios. Ethiopia was an
empire, and hence the imperial imposition of dominant power (Amhara)
on other ethnic groups occurred. The history of domination began in the
1880s when Emperor Menelik, a Shoan Amhara, expanded his domains
beyond the traditional feudal Abyssinia. The effects of territorial
expansion was soon matched by linguistic, political and cultural
influence. With the centre's approval, imperial soldiers were settled in the
South, taking over land and property, reducing the indigenous people to
mere serfs and peasant labourers. Most of the settlers were from the
northern highlands, and were mainly, but not exclusively, Amharic
speakers. There were Guraghes, a few Tigreans and others, most of
whom were assimilated to the politically dominant culture. Thus the
southern nations, most of whom had their own languages, cultural
symbols and sociopolitical institutions, came under Amhara rule. The
process of conquest, bloody, and in places disastrous, as it had been, was
followed by a consolidation of imperial power which brought about the
need for training and education.
That being the case, the presentday Ethiopia is home for three major
language groups, Cushitic, Semitic, and Nilotic Omotic. Under this broad
category, no precise numbers of languages and dialects can be given,
since the relevant studies are lacking. Mention however, could be made
of the main languages as including, Agaw, Amharic, Afar, Hadiya,
Guraghe, Kembata, Oromo, Sidama, Tigre, Wolayta, and others. The
Oromo language is by far the most common being spoken by all Oromo
people who constitute about 40% of the whole population. But then,
Amharic dominance meant that other languages were not to be accorded
national status and they were often referred to as 'minority' languages.
6.1 The Position of Amharic
On this basis, taking over an empire, Emperor Haile Selassie and his era
saw continued Amhara dominance that was momentarily interrupted by
Italian colonial occupation (193541). The latter introduced new
initiatives, not the least of which was replacement of Amhara domination
by Italian colonial rule. When the Italian army surrendered to Allied
powers, the Emperor was accorded a favourable image and generous
support from the outside world, mainly the West. Then in an attempt to
'modernise' absolutist feudal autocracy, he undertook initiatives for
change, but these 'modernisation' drives primarily served the purpose of
defending the empire.
Accordingly, new measures were introduced including a constitution,
formation and training of professional military service, establishing
schools and a university (in the 1950s, named after the Emperor, and now
the Addis Ababa University) and improving the system of tax collection.
These measures were accompanied by the policy of assimilation into
Amhara culture and the imposition of the Amharic language. That was
how a language of one ethnic group became the medium of instruction
for all in primary schools, and the sole official language, seconded by
foreign languages. The same imposition also secured the dominant
position of the Amhara elite in all walks of life for almost a century. At
the same time the Emperor's advocacy of Western governments (which in
turn brought about economic and military support) promoted the use of
English as the medium of instruction in secondary schools, in addition to
being the second official language.
Given an absolutist feudal system, the very demands of modern
education posed, sooner rather than later, a threat to imperial monarchy,
and the whole system crumbled in the face of devastating famine and oil
price hike of the early 1970s. Accordingly, a military junta replaced the
ageing emperor in 1974. To many it sounded like a revolution, but it is
best compared with what followed the Russian Revolution in the Soviet
Union, in the sense that there was no fundamental change in the imperial
nature of Ethiopia. In the guise of socialism, policies of proletarian
internationalism and aggressive militarism, centrist and assimilationist,
were pursued to their extremes. Although a mass literacy programme was
pursued in the spirit of mass mobilisation, for which purpose indigenous
languages were used, the script was Amharic and all formal education
continued to be delivered in Amharic. At secondary and university levels,
English continued to be used as the medium of instruction.
This imposition of Amharic in a country where the majority of
peoplemost of whom live in the countrysideneither speak nor write
Amharic, had an influential role in higher education. According to
Edmond Keller (1991: 140) the status given to the Amharic language as
the medium of education in primary schools in the majority
nonAmharic speaking areas was fiercely resisted as unfair and unjust, as
it favoured some indigenous speakers at the expense of others in the state
sector. The Oromos, Eritreans, Somalis (i.e. Somalis in Ethiopia),
Sidamas and other nations within the Ethiopian empire resented the use
and imposition of the Amharic language 'not only because it
disadvantaged them in the competition for university places, but also for
the implication it had for the destruction of their own languages and
cultures', not to mention its implications for jobs and other social and
political activities. This, coupled with the centrist, authoritarian policies
of the military, known as the derg, wreaked havoc in whole societies; the
economy was overwhelmed by shortages and economic crisis; and the
war in Eritrea and other parts worsened an already precarious existence
for the majority of the poor, who were caught in the margins of
impending disasters (most of which were manmade), such as drought and
concomitant famine.
6.2 The 1994 Constitution
All these issues led to a change of regime from military dictatorship to
military insurgency led by a Tigrean elite. The transitional charter and
arrangement has introduced some changes. Initially, it was a process
where different ethnic groups participated, although the dominant
position was claimed by a northern Tigrean ethnic group and the Tigrean
People's Liberation Front (TPLF), which formed the Ethiopian Peoples
Democratic Revolutionary Front (EPRDF). Such predominance
notwithstanding, participants to the transitional government agreed on an
interim education and language policy. Accordingly, in 1992, new
measures of primary education in ethnonational languages were
introduced as opposed to the policy of the ancien rgime. Moreover, most
languages became working languages of the respective, socalled
administrative zones. Apart from this minor achievement, the political
process was fraught with problems, eventually leading to the withdrawal
of almost all opposition parties from the transitional government. This
enabled the EPRDF to draft and approve a constitution, and to design
language and education policies, not to mention broad, farreaching
economic and political guidelines.
The 1994 Constitution states, in Article 5, that Amharic shall be the
'official language of the Federal Government'. It also states in Articles 2
and 3 respectively that 'all Ethiopian languages shall enjoy equal state
recognition' and that 'the member states of the Federation shall determine
their respective official languages' (Ethiopian Constitution, 1994).
Whereas the practice of such broad constitutional provisions is yet to be
seen, the direction of language of education has no constitutional
reference, and it is not clear how indigenous and foreign languages are to
be treated in the future. Except for the brief interlude of transitional
arrangements in 199192, there has been no positive and open discussion
on language policy in Ethiopia. Secrecy underpins language policy
discourse. The fact that Amharic is still the official language of the
central government carries all the weight, and makes it in practice the
medium of instruction in schools in the north and centre of the country.
As far as the south is concerned, for the sake of administrative
expediency, more than ten language groups are forced to form one
'Federal Administrative Region', which makes it difficult for this region
to use any of the constituent languages other than Amharic. And this
makes it likely that the previous policy will revive, in effect forcing a
switch to Amharic at secondary schools. This would exhibit what the
conflict between Kiswahili and English did in Tanzania; namely that the
language of education instead of becoming a liberating, dooropening
agent ... becomes constricting and restricting factor, where basic concepts
which should grow with a child, and be added constantly as the child
learns more, are shaken midway by an ineffective change of medium'.
(YahyaOthman, 1990: 51)
Currently at least, primary schools in most of the southern areas use
indigenous languages and Latin scripts that are found to be more suitable
than the Sabean (Semitic) scripts often used for Amharic and other
northern languages.
But problems still abound. There is a lack of education materials. This
was particularly so regarding the lack of supplementary books other than
text books, where students need to develop further their analytical
understanding of the text. Yet the most serious problem regarding
language policy is the lack of political commitment, and the severely
authoritarian nature of the political leadership, which lacks political
opposition. When Eritrea reclaimed its independence in 1993, Amharic
was replaced with Tigrinya and Arabic as the media of education and as
official languages.
The events in Ethiopia and Eritrea have common precedents in recent
developments across the world and in Africa, to which we now turn.
7. Contemporary Developments
'Transition' is the word that comes and goes relating to Africa's
sociopolitical landscape. Once it was the 'wind of change'. Later on, those
disenchanted with the first wind wished for 'the second liberation'. A
number of social experiments were tried in the name 'revolution', 'African
socialism', 'apartheid', 'kleptocracy', and gunloaded insurgency. Today,
with the end of the cold war, another experiment is on its way, if it has
not already expired: multiparty democracy. Being one reflection of the
unidirectional process of changes along Western lines, democratization
was equated with concepts such as party competition and liberal
economics to mention but a few. Most of these are forced on Africa
where the Western realities are a long way from being obtained.
Of all of these, 'multiparty politics' is a much bandied about term, which
at least has the advantage of referring to initiatives that have been tried
and are still being tried. It is beyond dispute that if handled with
sensitivity and care, genuine democratisation presents a number of
opportunities. It gives people the chance for change, in particular the
chance to change unyielding, unwanted authority. It enables societies to
look for alternatives in place of social and political decay. It makes
public officials accountable to the people and to their express needs.
The possibilities are diverse; but the brief experience so far is by no
means encouraging. While few governments were willing to be voted out
of office peacefully, in many cases incumbent regimes remained in place
by using all the means at their disposal, such as harassing opposition,
creating surrogate parties and manipulating the political procedure. There
is also a clash of perception as to how democracy comes into being and
functions, irrespective of the sociopolitical environment. That is, it is less
clear what strictly constitutes a democratic process. The outcome of
competitive party rule, in an environment where ethnic domination has so
far been concealed in single party system, is not necessarily that which
one would expect from American or British elections where, by and
large, two main parties compete for a share of votes, and where issues
and interests are clearly articulated through 'free' and informed media (the
Fourth estate). But these models are hardly the ones African regimes
have followed, often curbing, if not circumscribing the freedom of the
media. Due to a constellation of historical and political conditions,
African democracy will take shapes that are not precisely the same as
Western liberal thinking. For example, if true democracy prevails in an
African village, people will choose as their representatives those who
share their own languages, address their concerns and grievances, and
who support local initiatives. These scenarios would serve as distinctive
features of African democracy.
On the economic front, the trend has continued of 'opening up' the fragile
economies to market forces, to multinationals, as a precondition to
getting 'adjustment' loans and access to external capital. The effect of
globalisation and the trend in technology and information are yielding
diverse outcomes, sometimes eroding the economic and political base of
Africa's nonnation states.
The transborder flow of electronic data and 'electronic' capital in the
information age, is rapidly crossing the artificial boundaries, where and
when men failed to cross them. It is not as of yet known what precise
impacts these phenomena will have on African economies. But one thing
is certain: the illconceived rush to statebuilding at the cost of genuine
nationbuilding was never warranted. Alternatives ought to be sought
along the lines of peopleoriented development and political
participation, all of which will require the revival and activation of
indigenous languages and cultures. This might also require ever more
regional cooperation among the states. In stipulating this grassroots
alternative, Robinson (1996: 171) reckons that nongovernment
organisations (NGOs) are well poised to undertake contextual
development activities, and to choose appropriate strategies so as to
support local initiatives and build capacity (though, like their
governmental counterparts, they also may be prone to waste of resources
through corruption). He further argues that these institutions would
strengthen respect for local cultures, and they are 'more likely to use the
local language in their communication, since their actions are premised
on the participation of the people'.
Socially and culturally, the trend of Westemisation embodies elements of
cultural and linguistic imperialism. Positive attitudes are created towards
using foreign languages with incentives attached, such as a good job for
those educated through them. On the other hand, there is a defence of
cultural and linguistic autonomy manifested in the proliferation of
identity movements. One only has to note the protracted struggle for
independence in different countries. The central issue is popular
participation, redressing past injustices and changing or reversing
prevailing ethnic domination. In this equation, the vitality of ethnicity in
the language debate is notable. As Robinson (1996: 168) puts it:
since language is readily available as a symbol of ethnicity, any
promotion of African languages can be interpreted as a desire to enhance
the political power of these speakers [and that] genuine pluralistic
policies must make space for communities to choose their own language.
Furthermore, due to the move towards pluralism and democratisation,
parties may support policies that yield popular support which means
development that is suited to the local needs and means of
communication, (see Mansour, 1993:87).
8. Conclusions
History is replete with the legacies of the past. In the case of former
colonies, this meant the use of foreign languages as the media of
education and of government. These languages are beneficial in that they
are international and serve as the means of transferring modern science
and technology. The problem is that they are foreign and difficult to
teach and that they may fail to equip the students well for adult life.
On the other hand, indigenous languages do reflect learners' backgrounds
or address their needs while positively influencing their educational
achievement. In that sense they are relevant, practical, and necessary for
the revival of Africa's institutions. Yet there are a number of obstacles,
most of which emanate from historical, political and economic reasons.
That is precisely why one recommends that language policy ought to take
all these broad considerations into account at design and implementation
levels. The consequences of failing to reckon with Africa's own
background has come back to haunt entire societies. And people have
become increasingly aware of the need to revive African cultures and the
use of African languages in the revival of African economic and political
institutions. To this end, African policy makers and opinion formers need
to look into the possibility of using indigenous languages in education
and government and, in order to do so, they will also need a
multidisciplinary research agenda to inform the development of new
language policies.
References
Armstrong, R. (1963) 'Vernacular languages and cultures in modern
Africa', in John Spencer (ed.) Language in Africa. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Barrett, J. (1994) 'Why is English still the medium of education in
Tanzanian secondary schools?' Language, Culture and Curriculum 7 (1),
316.
Keller, E. (1991) Revolutionary Ethiopia: From Empire to People's
Republic. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.
Mansour, G. (1993) Multilingualism and Nation Building. Clevedon:
Multilingual Matters.
Robinson, C. (1996) 'Winds of change in Africa: Fresh air for African
languages? Some preliminary reflections', in H. Coleman and L.
Cameron (eds.) Change and Language. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
Rugabumya, C. (1990) Reflections in recent developments in language
policy in Tanzania. InC. Rugabumya (ed.) Languages in Education in
Africa. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd.
Samof, J. (1993) 'The reconstruction of schooling in Africa'. Comparative
Education Review 37 (2), 181222.
TrappesLomax, H. (1990) 'Can a foreign language be a national
medium?' in C. Rubagumya (ed.) Languages in Education in Africa. (pp.
94104). Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
YahyaOthman, S. (1990) 'When international languages clash: The
possible detrimental effects on development of the conflict between
English and Kiswahili in Tanzania', in C. Rubagumya (ed.) Languages in
Education in Africa. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd.
Reference Style: The following is the suggested format for referencing
this article:
Hameso, Seyoum. The Language of Education in Africa: The Key Issues
[online] URL:
http://www.sidamaconcern.com/hameso/language_of_education_in_africa.htm
This article was published in Language, Culture and Curriculum, Vol. 10.
No. 1, 1997, pp.113.

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