Managerialism Kritik CODI 2012

Managerialism Kritik
Shell
[Insert Specific Link]
The affirmatives view of the environment and capitalism is not as innocent as it
appears--it represents a subjective knowledge of the world infused with a managerial
ethos--this approach maintains the view that the environment as a natural resource
for consumptionThey legitimate capitalist consumption-- plan only strives for
creative ways to maintain resources to consume.
Luke in 2k2 (Timothy W., [Program Chair of the Government and International Affairs Program, School of Public and International Affairs at
Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University], eco-managerliasim: Environmental Studies as a Power/Knowledge formation,"
http://web.archive.org/web/20030802005346/http://aurora.icaap.org/2003Interviews/luke.html, kdf)
http://aurora.icaap.org/2003Interviews/luke.html, kdf]

Before scientific disciplines and industrial technologies turn its' matter and energy into products,
nature must be transformed by discursive processes into natural resources. Once nature is rendered
intelligible through such practices, it is used to legitimize many political projects. I think one site for
generating, accumulating, and circulating such knowledge about nature, as well as determining which
human beings will be to society, is the modern research university, where we sit. As a primary structure for
credentialing individual learners and legitimating collective teaching, universities help to construct our
understanding of the natural world. Over the past generation, advanced study in environmental
sciences on many university campuses, especially in the United States, has become a key source of key
representations for the environment, as well as the home base of those scientific disciplines that
generate analyses of nature's meanings. These educational operations also produce eco-
managerialists, or those professional technical workers with specific knowledge as it has been
scientifically or organizationally validated, and the operational power as it is institutionally constructed
in governments at various levels, to cope with "environmental problems" on what are believed to be
sound scientific and technical grounds. Professional technical experts working on and off campus create disciplinary
articulations of various knowledge to generate performative techniques of power over, but also within and through, what is
worked up as nature in the managerial structures of modern economies and societies. These institutionalized attempts
to capture and contain the forces of nature underpin the strategies of eco-managerialism. Techno-
scientific knowledge about the environment, however, is and always has been evolving with changing
interpretive fashions, shifting political agendas, developing scientific advances. Such variations, as
Foucault asserts designate a will to knowledge that is anonymous, polymorphous, and susceptible to
regular transformations, and determined by the play of identifiable dependencies. What are some of
these dependencies and perhaps some of these transformations? In this polymorphous combination of
anonymous scientific environmental knowledge, with organized market and state power, as Foucault
indicates, we find that it traverses and produces things. It needs to be considered as a productive
network which runs through the whole social body, much more than a negative instance, whose
function is repression. Schools of environmental studies and colleges of natural resources often provide the networks in
which the relations of this productive power set the categories of knowledge and the limits of professional practice through the
training of eco-managerialism. In accord with the prevailing regimes of truth within science, academic centres of environmental
studies reproduce these bodies of practice and types of discourse, which in turn the executive personnel managing
contemporary state and social institutions, what they regard as objective, valid, or useful, to facilitate economic growth.
From these discourses, one can define, as Foucault suggests, the way in which individuals or groups
represent words to themselves, utilize their forms and meanings, compose real discourse, reveal and
conceal it in what they are thinking or saying, perhaps unknown to themselves, more or less than they
wish, but in any case leaving massive verbal traces of those thoughts which must be deciphered and
restored as far as possible in their representative vivacity. So given these tendencies, might we look at
the workings of eco-managerialism? Where life, labour, and language can join in a discourse of
environmental studies, one finds another formation of power knowledge which shows how man and
his being can be concerned with the things he knows, and know the things that in positivity determine
his mode of being in highly vocalized academic constructions of "the environment." Instead, the
environment emerges in part as a historical artifact of expert management that is constructed by
these kinds of scientific interventions. And in this network of interventions, there is a simulation of
spaces and intensification of resources and incitement of discoveries, and a formation of special
knowledges that strengthen the control that can be linked to one another as the impericities of nature
for academic environmental sciences and studies. And probably in many ways, the key impericity here I
would say, is the process of what I call the resourcification of nature. How does nature get turned into
resources? The new impericities behind eco-managerialism more or less presumes that the role of
nature is one of a rough and ready resourcification for the global economy and national society. That is,
the earth must be re-imagined to be little more than a standing reserve, a resource supply centre, a
waste reception site. Once presented in this fashion, nature then provides human markets with many
different environmental sites for the productive use of resourcified flows of energy, information, and
matter, as well as the sinks, dumps, and wastelands for all of the by-products that commercial
products leave behind. Nature then is always a political asset. Still, its fungiblization, its liquidification,
its capitalization, and eco-managerialism cannot occur without the work of experts whose
resourcifying activities prep it, produce it, and then provide it in the global marketplace. The trick in
natural resources or environmental affairs education is to appear to be conservationist, while moving
in fact, many times, very fast to help fungiblize, liquefy, or capitalize natural resources for a more
thorough, rapid, and perhaps intensive utilization.

Threats about the environment leads to the worse form of biopolitical control and
destruction turning the caseScares about oil shortages spill over to wars in foreign
countries to secure morethe same thing will happen with the environment
Luke in 1997 (Timothy, The (Un)Wise (Ab)Use of Nature: Environmentalism as Globalized
Consumerism?, http://www.cddc.vt.edu/tim/tims/Tim528.htm, kdf)

In conclusion, Foucault is correct about the network of governmentality arrangements in the modern
state. State power is not "an entity which was developed above individuals, ignoring what they are
and even their very existence," because its power/knowledge has indeed evolved "as a very
sophisticated structure, in which individuals can be integrated, under one condition: that this
individuality would be shaped in a new form, and submitted to a set of very specific patterns."
116

Producing discourses of ecological living, articulating designs of sustainable development, and
propagating definitions of environmental literary for contemporary individuals simply adds new twists
to the "very specific patterns" by which the state formation constitutes "a modern matrix of
individualization."
117
The emergent regime of ecologized bio-powers, in turn, operates through ethical
systems of identity as much as it does in the policy machinations of governmental bureaux within any
discretely bordered territory. Ecology merely echoes the effects from "one of the great innovations in the techniques of
power in the eighteenth century," namely, "the emergence of 'population' as an economic and political problem."
118
Once demography emerges as a science of statist administration, it is statistical attitudes can diffuse into the numerical
surveillance of Nature, or Earth and its nonhuman inhabitants, as well as the study of culture, or society and its human
members, giving us ecographies written by the Worldwatchers steering effects exerted from their astropanopticons through
every technoscientific space.
119
Government, and now, most importantly, superpowered statist ecology, preoccupies itself with
"the conduct of conduct," particularly in consumerism's "buying of buying" or "purchasing of purchasing." Habitus is habitat, as
any good product semanticist or psychodemographer knows all too well. The ethical concerns of family, community and nation
previously might have guided how conduct was to be conducted; yet, at this juncture, "the environment" serves
increasingly as the most decisive ground for normalizing each individual's behavior. Environments are
spaces under police supervision, expert management, risk avoidance, or technocratic control. By
bringing environmentalistic agendas into the heart of corporate and government policy, one finds the
ultimate meaning of a police state fulfilled. If police, as they bound and observed space, were empowered to watch
over religion, morals, health, supplies, roads, town buildings, public safety, liberal arts, trade, factories, labor supplies, and the
poor, then why not add ecology--or the totality of all interactions between organisms and their surroundings--to the police
zones of the state? The conduct of any person's environmental conduct becomes the initial limit on
other's ecological enjoyments, so too does the conduct of the social body's conduct necessitate that the state always be
an effective "environmental protection agency." The ecological domain is the ultimate domain of unifying
together all of the most critical forms of life that states must now produce, protect, and police in
eliciting bio-power: it is the center of their enviro-discipline, eco-knowledge, geo-power.
120
Few sites in
the system of objects unify these forces as thoroughly as the purchase of objects from the system of purchases.
Mobilizing biological power, then, accelerates exponentially after 1970 along with global fast capitalism. Ecology becomes one more
formalized disciplinary mode of paying systematic "attention to the processes of life....to invest life through and through"
121
in order to
transform all living things into biological populations to develop transnational commerce. The tremendous explosion of global
economic prosperity, albeit in highly skewed spatial distributions, after the 1973/1974 energy crises would not have been possible
without ecology to guide "the controlled insertion of bodies into the machinery of production and the adjustment of the phenomena
of population to economic processes."
122
An anantamo-politics for all of Earth's plants and animals now emerges out of ecology as
strategic plans for terraformative management through which environmentalizing resource managerialists acquire "the methods of
power capable of optimizing forces, aptitudes, and life in general without at the same time making them more difficult to govern."
123

To move another step past Foucault's vision of human biopower, these adjustments in the resourcing
of Nature as environmentalized plants and animals to that of transnational capital are helpful to check
chaotic systems of unsustainable growth. In becoming an essential subassembly for transnational economic
development, ecological discourses of power/knowledge rationalize conjoining "the growth of human
groups to the expansion of productive forces and the differential allocation of profit" inasmuch as
population ecology, environmental science, and range management are now, in part, "the exercise of
bio-power in its many forms and modes of application."
124
Indeed, a postmodern condition perhaps is reached
when the life of all species are wagered in each one of humanity's market-centered economic and political strategies. Ecology,
which did emerge out of the traditional life sciences, now circulates within "the space for movement thus conquered, and
broadening and organizing that space, methods of power and knowledge" as green disciplinary interventions, because the state
has "assumed responsibility for the life processes and undertook to control and modify them."
125

Thus the Alternative: Vote Negative to reject managerialist ethics
Resisting managerialist calls is crucial to rethink how we interact with Natureplans
like the aff only act to revitalize what is best for the consumer and capitalismthis
logic needs to be rejected at whatever cost
Luke in 97 (Timothy W,[Program Chair in the Government and International Affairs, School of Public and
International Affairs, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University], The (Un)Wise (Ab)Use of Nature:
Environmentalism as Globalized Consumerism?, http://www.cddc.vt.edu/tim/tims/Tim528.PDF, kdf/jt)

In the final analysis, ecologically sustainable development, as Makower observes, boils down to
another expression economic rationality. It is "a search for the lowest-cost method of reducing the
greatest amount of pollution" in the continued turnover of consumer-centered production
processes.22 Almost magically, sustainable development can become primarily an economic, and not
merely an environmental, calculation. The initiatives taken by some businesses to prevent pollution,
reduce waste, and maximize energy efficiencies are to be supported. Ecology can win, but only if it can
reaffirm on a higher, more perfect register most of fast capitalism's existing premises of technology
utilization, managerial centralization, and profit generation now driving advanced corporate
capitalism.
These maneuvers are not taken simply to preserve Nature, mollify green consumers, or respect
Mother Earth; they are done to enhance corporate profits, national productivity, and state power,
because "the e-factor" is not simply ecology--it also is efficiency, excellence, education, empowerment,
enforcement, and economics. As long as realizing ecological changes in business means implementing
an alternative array of instrumentally rational policies, such as finding lower-cost methods of energy
use, supply management, labor utilization, corporate communication, product generation or pollution
abatement, sustainable development also will maintain the economy. Gore's new stewardship through
sustainable development may not be strictly ecological, but his green geopolitics cultivates the image, at
least, of being environmentally responsible.23 This compromise allows one to work "deliberately and
carefully, with an aim toward long-term cultural change, always with an eye toward the bottom line,
lest you get frustrated and discouraged in the process" so that these "environmentally responsible
businesses can be both possible and profitable."24

Links
Generic
The plan is a veiled endorsement of further consumption as much as
environmentalist like the affirmative authors talk about reducing consumption, they
know it would never happen their positions just get appropriated by global capital
Luke 1997 (Timothy, prof @ Department of Political Science Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State
University, The (Un)Wise (Ab)Use of Nature: Environmentalism as Globalized Consumerism?, Presented
at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association,
http://www.cddc.vt.edu/tim/tims/Tim528.htm)
Environmentalism, then, should not be automatically assumed to be opposed to mass consumption, as
many in the "wise use" movement have claimed. Of course, there are factions among the environmental
movement, ranging from voluntary simplicity to deep ecology, who tout the virtues of consuming less,
consuming differently, or consuming nothing.
71
However, they typically take these positions as part of a
more general rejection of modern production as well. Their anti-industrial pretensions, in turn, are often
not well-supported in either their theories or practices inasmuch as producing/consuming nothing soon
would cause mass economic chaos, producing/consuming differently often boils down to defending
certain privileged artifacts or crafts against mass market pressures, and producing/consuming less
frequently seems like a new rationing scheme to reallocate poverty. While most environmental rhetorics
sound anti-consummative, many of them upon closer reading perhaps should be more rightly understood
as pro-consummational in their post-consumptive reasoning.
Scares about the stability of earth only serve to extend human superiority over
Natureif the house gets dirty we must clean it
Luke in 1997 (Timothy, The (Un)Wise (Ab)Use of Nature: Environmentalism as Globalized Consumerism?,
http://www.cddc.vt.edu/tim/tims/Tim528.htm, kdf)
Under this terraforming horizon, what seems little more than an a pious aside in Agenda 21, in fact, reveals a great deal more. When this
document would have us recognize "the integral and interdependent Nature of the Earth," it emphasizes how the Earth is "our home."
31

Terraforming, then, is a form of globalized "home building," whose processes and progress should be monitored from two sets of now
commonly-denominated books: the registers of oikonomia as well as the ledgers of oikologos. The infrastructuralization of the
Earth reimagines it as a rational responsive household in which economically action commodifies
everything, utilizes anything, wastes nothing, blending the natural and the social into a single but vast
set of household accounts whose performativities must constantly weigh consumption against
production at every level of analysis from suburbia to the stratosphere in balancing the terrestrial
budgets of ecological modernization. The infrastructuralization of Nature through environmentalizing movements
and discourses propels contemporary societies and economies beyond the autogenic giveness of Nature into terraformative anthropogenesis,
dissolving the formal boundaries between inside/outside, Nature/Culture, or earth/economy. As Baudrillard observes, "it implies
practical computation and conceptualization on the basis of a total abstraction, the notion of a world
no longer given but instead produced--mastered, manipulated, inventoried, controlled: a world, in
short, that has to be constructed."
32
The workings of "the environment" as a concept now bring many contemporary
terraforming efforts to rescue the Earth's ecology back to the sources of its original meanings. To note this ironic conjunction does not uncover
some timeless semantic essence; it merely reaccentuates aspects in the term's origins that accompany it from its beginnings into the present.
As a word, environment is brought into English from Old French, and in both languages "an environment" is a state of being produced by the
verb "environ." And, environing as a verb marks a type of strategic action, or activities associated with
encircling, enclosing, encompassing or enveloping. Environing, then, is the physical activity of
surrounding, circumscribing, or ringing around something or someone. Its first uses denote stationing guards,
thronging with hostile intent, or standing watch over a place or person. To environ a site or a subject is to beset, beleaguer or besiege.
Consequently, an environment--either as the means of these activities or the product of such actions--should be treated in a far more liberal
fashion.
Dams
Supply chains like dams reduce rivers to resources that are reduced to quantifiable
entities like energy this process of reduction replaces everyday experience with a
simulation of the earth, reflected in human knowledge
Soufalis 5
(Zoe, Adjunct Research Fellow and associate member at the Centre for Cultural Research, Big Water,
Everyday Water: A Sociotechnical Perspective, Continuum: Journal of Media & Cultural Studies Vol. 19,
No. 4, December 2005, pp. 445463)

For the history of Big Water is also the history of big dams, a fad in the nineteenth century tradition of the Grand Project that peaked in the mid-
twentieth century in Australia, as well as abroad, where, as part of aid and development programmes, they were often spectacular concretisations
of colonial and/or dependency relations. Like many other suburban Australians, as a child in the 1960s I was taken on family excursions and
group picnics to various dams in catchments beyond the citys periphery (in my case, Perth, Western Australia). Dams are tremendous feats of
technoscience and engineering and grand poetic expressions of human power and will. The dams very giganticism (Heidegger, 1977, p. 135),
and the huge potential force of the dammed up water behind it, invite awed contemplation of technical expertise embodied and exalted to
something like a force of god or nature: a technological sublime (Marx, 1965; Nye, 1994, esp. pp. 136142). The dam and its attendant
aqueducts, pipelines, treatments plants and so on, through to the household tap that gushes water on demand, is an assemblage that exemplifies
the epochal modern project of technology and instrumental rationality, as Heidegger delineates in his essay on The Question Concerning
Technology (1977). A hydroelectric scheme on the Rhine is one example of how part of the world, such as a flow of water, can be turned into a
calculable quantity of resource, such as hydroelectricity (Heidegger, 1977, p. 16) and becomes part of the Bestand, the standing-reserve or
resource well (Zimmerman, 1990), available for mobilisation by complex and large-scale energy, transport, communications and delivery
systems, and switched about ever anew, to serve an ever more extended logic of supply (Sofia, 2000).

Deep-Ecology
Deep ecology shifts power relations where nature becomes more dominated because
it is no longer power from the outside but power from within
Luke in 97 (Timothy W., [Program Chair of the Government and International Affairs Program, School of Public and
International Affairs at Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University], Ecocritique, p. 19-20, kdf)

Deep ecology's critique of the Enlightenment schema is neither as thorough nor as radical as its
advocates claim. By citing new norms to constrain humanity's destruction of the ecosphere, deep
ecologists aspire to overturn the Enlightenment schema underpinning advanced industrial ism's
instrumental rationality. In adopting examples they see in primal cultures, deep ecologists believe they can effectuate
Nature's reenchantment, develop nondominating sciences, and launch a new ecological society by creating new forms of human
selfhood.
57
Although deep ecology presents these goals as tantamount to the abolition of man's domi -
neering power over Nature, it appears instead that human power would not be replaced by
biocentric equality as much as it could be displaced by a silent anthropocentrism in this new
human subjectivity. The new philosophy of nature might seal "the death of man" in ecological
functioning by supplanting a coercive set of human power relations with a new discipline of
ethical surveillance (self-administered by the subject in Taoist meditation, Buddhist self-in-Self introspection, and mythic
Amerindian purification rituals) to reconstitute human agency within natural subjectivity. The sites of power plainly would s hift,
because the disciplines of self and social understanding would be forced into new polarities of value and practice.
58
In
constituting biospheric entities as subjects, humanity would become, following Aldo Leopold's paradoxical idealization, just "plain citizens" in
an egalitarian biotic/ geological/atmospheric community.
59
The strategies of ecosophy would shift human power
over Nature (and humanity by implication) from external sovereign control in a Hobbesian sense to
internal participative normalization with Nature in a new Foucauldian sense. Much of the modern
Enlightenment schema could survive these transformations. 60 Enforcing harmony with Nature might
be as destructive and domineering as attaining dominance over Nature. Deep ecology's construction of
reenchantment, mature selfhood, and Nature bear the birthmarks of modernity in its reconceptualization of the postmodern as primal
premodernity. In this regard, deep ecology's confrontation with technocratic industrialism mirrors Rousseau's confrontation with the
Enlightenment. 61 The good person, or ecosophical people, should fol low "the voice of Nature," not
"the voice of Reason," which simply expresses instrumental strategies for satisfying corrupt
social desires. As subjects of the dominant worldview, people disenchant the world and seek instrumental
control in the false voice and language of Reason. Yet, these corrupting social forces interfere with
people's sensing and following of their true natural sentiments. If we develop, as Naess, Devall, or Sessions claim,
our intuition of Earth Wisdom, or attune our sentiments to Nature, then we might tap into new virtuous realms of true freedom. Even
so, the pure voice of Nature, speaking through individual conscience in the language of virtue, expresses a very modern concern for
individual self-realization of each unique quality to its utmost in each subject's being.
Energy
The Affirmative puts an environmentally friendly face on energy as a pretext to
manage environmental affairs. This ecomanagerialism suppresses radical alternatives
David Parker and Barry Larsen, Editors, Well Sharp, January 23, 2008, An ecosocialist critique of
sustainable development: maintaining growth through sustainable degradation, ACC. 5/3/2008,
http://wellsharp.wordpress.com/2008/01/23/an-ecosocialist-critique-of-sustainable-development-
maintaining-growth-through-sustainable-degradation/.
Luke uses the term ecomanagerialism to describe the shift of corporate thinking about
environmental issues into more positive environmentally friendly channels. This shift has occurred
with the gradual acceptance of the natural world as one of the necessary pre-conditions of any
profitable business enterprise. For example, environmentalists have worked hard over many years to
move the business approach to resource exploitation away from sustained maximum yield and
towards sustainability; successes have been achieved through a combination of activism, resource
management legislation, tradeable quotas, global competition, and bench-marking and eco-labelling.
Extensive monitoring is also part of the picture, as it is a necessary part of maintaining keeping
sustainable business practices on track. Overall, the shifts in attitudes and practices embodied by
ecomanagerialism have effectively blunted calls for more radical green economic alternatives and at
the same time have allowed society to maintain its aspirations for continuing growth and expanding
consumption.

Experts
Dont assume their evidence about warming is plain fact knowledge produced at
universities is all designed with money on the mind those environmentalists who get
published are the ones who say what big corporations and the state wants to hear
proves the link and takes out the impact to the aff
University, Generating Green Governmentality: A Cutlural Critique of Environmental Studies as a
Power/Knowledge Formation, http://www.cddc.vt.edu/tim/tims/Tim514a.htm)

Those who continue to imagine all environmentalists as some sort of countercultural resistance
fighters only need to consult the Nicholas School of the Environment at Duke to get a sense of where
academic environmental studies actually lead. While some of its graduates--only 16 percent--end up working for advocacy
nonprofits, like the Rain Forest Alliance, World Wildlife Fund, or Chesapeake Bay Foundation, many also find positions with staid groups like
Worldwatch, the Nature Conservancy or the National Geographic Society. Another 32 percent work for federal and state governments, and 42
percent work for private consulting and industrial firms, like ABT Association, ERM, Inc., ICF Kaiser International, General Motors, Texaco, or
Westvaco Corporation.50 The key validation of academic environmental studies at Duke is wholly careerist:
good placement and respectable salaries for newly graduated natural resource professionals.
Marketability of their labor equals effectiveness for their education. The performative truths such schools impart
must be valid; otherwise, big business, federal agencies, and global NGOs would not drop by to recruit their graduates. Their training in
Ecotoxicology and Risk Assessment, Resource Economics or Forest Resource Management does not stress post-anthropocentric deep ecology;
likewise, the Nicholas School will not count holistic New Age Deep Ecology Studies among its in-house graduate programs.
Technoscientific truths are those tied to reproducing environmental studies as the coda of careerist
knowledge and professional power. As Yale's School of Forestry and Environmental Studies flatly exclaims, these educational
institutions deploy curricula and employ faculty to serve both academic and applied markets with their knowledge. Consequently, different
power and knowledge formations in the state and corporate sectors are continuously interwoven
through environmental studies: "some of the faculty's work is research-oriented, and some is management-oriented, as befits our
dual role as a graduate school and a professional school. The work takes place in forests and wilderness areas, in the inner city and
multinational corporations, and in libraries and laboratories, around the globe."51 In these curricula and their professional
tracking, the discourses of resource managerialism/risk assessment/recreationist administration
become, as Foucault argues, "embodied in technical processes, in institutions, in patterns for general
behavior, in forms of transmission and diffusion, and in pedagogical forms which, at once, impose and
maintain them."52 Environmental studies graduates, then, find in their professional labor the callings of green governmentality--
mediated through their formal knowledges of environmental study and implemented through their institutionalized powers over natural
resources. Under this managerial regimen, power/knowledge systems bring "life and its mechanisms into
the realm of explicit calculations," making the disciplines of environmental knowledge and discourses
of managerial power into many concrete networks devoted to the "transformation of human life."53
Relying on so-called experts suppresses democratic challenges to capitalism
Timothy W. Luke in 2k6, Program Chair in the Government and International Affairs, School of Public
and International Affairs, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, March 2006, The System of
Sustainable Degradation, Capitalism, Nature, Socialism, v. 17, No. 1, p. 111.
The structures for sustainable degradation assure that limited democratic challenges can be launched against the often unquestioned
prerogatives of technical expertise and capital ownership. Expertise and property constitute the most material forms
of power within the existing conditions of production. Experts and owners are treated as distinct
centers of authority with a special legitimacy. It is this sort of narrowly interpreted and questionably
legitimated power that democratizing social movements have contested over the past couple of
centuries in capital's development.
GPS
GPS distances humanity from the earth by reducing it to pure navigational data that
replaces everyday living spaces with navigational coordinates, creating a flat surface
for human management and intervention
Joronen 8
Joronen, Mikko. Department of Geography, University of Turku. 2008. The Age of Planetary Space: On
Heidegger, Being, and Metaphysics of Globalization.
https://www.doria.fi/xmlui/bitstream/handle/10024/66733/AnnalesAII257Joronen.pdf?sequence=1
From all of the ways modern technology has transformed us, the world, and the earth, spatial magnitude may be the one having consequences
most comprehensive and pervasive. In the appendix to one of his best-known essays, The Age of the World Picture, German philosopher Martin
Heidegger (18891976) describes this technological transformation in terms of what has apparently become known as the process of
globalization, an increasingly spreading globe-wide connectedness of things from societal practices to the use of natural entities. We are
now faced with the planetary imperialism of technologically organized man, Heidegger writes, with a technology of organized
uniformity that has become the surest instrument of total rule over the earth (Heidegger 1977d:152). Although it has become somewhat
self-evident that after a couple of decades of rapid intensification this technological conquest of planetary space has grown in monumental
heights, it is equally apparent that the issue of globalization is not solely emptied into recent speeding up of the loss of the sense of distance. The
globe rather seems to provide a symbol for an entire age of technological conquest and ordering. In fact, it is this technological conquest,
as Heidegger points out in his other much sited essay Question Concerning Technology, which is not a mere order of a machine but a way of
revealing, that constitutes an entire era of gigantic enframing (Gestell) of the terrestrial globe, the planetary earth (1977a:23). In a
fundamental sense of the word, we contemporaries are being caught up in a cyber-world of the real, thrown into a world governed by
technical command revealing the whole of the earth as nothing but a reserve on call for the networks of its commanding orderings. By
implicitly indicating fundamental levelling and ever-heightening possession of the space of the earth, such ordering of things has turned the
earth into a planetary resource to be used up by the manipulative powers of technological societies. It is this technological power, which
evermore reaches ahead by calculating and arranging things as functions according to its own ordering power that defines the
fundamental outcome of the technological revealing of planetary space: the uniform capturing and positioning of spatial relations of
things into a framework of total orderings.

GPS enframe the earth as a strategic object navigational data creates the fiction of
the earth as a single internally consistent object and erase the history of colonialism
that conditions Third World underdevelopment, ending in racially violent resource
extraction
Kato 93
(Masahide, Department of Political Science, University of Hawaii, Nuclear Globalismi Traversing
Rockets, Satellites, and Nuclear War via the Strategic Gaze, Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, Vol.
18, No. 3 (Summer 1993), pp. 339-360, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40644779, AM)
As mentioned earlier, the absolute point of the strategic gaze abolishes the historical contestation over perspectives, giving way to a total
monopoly of interpretative media. The camera's eye from outer space produced what had been long sought since the invention of camera and the
rocket: ahistorical or transcendental "rectitude."8 An aerial photographer captures the emergence of such rectitude very succinctly The advantage
of hyperaltitude space photographs is that each one shows vast terrains in correct perspective, from one viewpoint and at one moment of time.
Thus they are far more accurate than mosaics of the same area pieced together from photographs taken from the constantly shifting points of view
of conventional aircraft at random periods of time, extending from dawn to sunset or even over weeks and months, depending upon clear
weather.9 The pursuit of rectitude in the field of aerial photography has been none other than a constant battle against the three-
dimensional existence of forms and volumes that allow more than a single point of view. With the vantage point of hyperaltitude from outer
space, "three-dimensional forms are reduced to texture, line and color."10 Rendering the totality of Earth a two-dimensional surface serves no
purpose other than for technostrategic interpretation of the earth as data and maps, thereby disqualifying "other" points of view (i.e.,
spatiolocality). In this way, with the back-up of technoscientific reason, the "absolute" point of the strategic gaze manifests uncontestable control
as far as the interpretation of surface of the earth is concerned. Flattening the surface of the earth has also brought about a radical change in
the regime of temporality. As the words of the aerial photographer quoted earlier reveal, the notion of rectitude also depends on the construction
of the single privileged moment. The image of every part of the earth is now displaced onto that "absolute" moment. In other words, the
"absolute" point of the strategic gaze produces a homogeneous temporal field (i.e., an a-temporal field, or to use common vocabulary, "real time")
in which "juxtaposition of every locality, all matter" becomes viable.11 The so-called "real time" is therefore the very temporality of the strategic
gaze, that is, the absolute temporality that presides over other forms of constructing time (i.e., chronolocality). Such construction of temporality
did not suddenly emerge with the advent of the new mode of communication. It is a historical tendency of capitalism to displace geographical
distance onto temporal distance. As Karl Marx pointed out, development of transportation and communication displaces spatial distance onto
temporal distance, which is arranged and hierarchized in relation to the mtropoles.12 Therefore, to borrow Paul Virilio's term, the development
of transportation and communication transforms geopolitics into "chronopolitics." The "instantaneous transmission" produced by satellite
communication has rendered metropolitan centers capable of pushing chronopolitics further to the absolute level in which temporal distance
reflects nothing but the strategic networking of capital. Let us now tie this configuration of transcendental space and time to the process of
transnational capitalist formation, specifically in its conquest of the periphery. In 1962, TNCs such as AT&T, ITT, RCA, and General Telephone
inaugurated the state-sponsored monopoly business (Comsat Corporation) in the field of communication satellites. During the Vietnam War, the
technology of communication satellites played a critical role in the so-called "remote control warfare." Through various sensorial devices,
every movement in the hinterland of Southeast Asia (although they couldn't distinguish liberation armies from lay villagers or water buffaloes)
were transmitted to the absolute gaze of the commander positioned at Kissinger's office.13 The words of Retired General Schriever (who was
appointed as an adviser on space and science policy by the Reagan administration) accurately summarize the "absoluteness" of the power of
surveillance by satellites: What I want is a radar surveillance system which allows you to spot everything that's moving, either on the surface or
above the surface of the earth. . . . You could pin your enemy down on earth. What would they do? If I control the high ground and you can't
move, what are you doing to do? You're going to negotiate a surrender. That's what it's all about.14 Politically speaking, the image
recapitulation of the earth by transnational capital and imperial states bespeaks their effort to reterritorialize/contain the spatial movements
of excolonies (the so-called "Third World movements"). Through an objectification process of the periphery, TNCs have attempted to make the
Third World disappear from their screen by reclassifying it in the cognitive category of "natural resources." The same process has taken
place in the case of the Green Revolution, in which the strenuous recolonization of the peripheral space was none other than a
counterrevolutionary attempt to destroy the hegemonic recomposition of the periphery (the Third World movements). In both cases, what was at
great stake was the sovereignty of the Third World, that is, the relative autonomy of Third World space and time. By the objectification of the
periphery through the eye of the absolute strategic gaze, the sovereignty of the Third World has been nullified without involving any conventional
battles. The Declaration of Bogota in 1976 signed by eight equatorial nations (Brazil, Colombia, Congo, Ecuador, Indonesia, Kenya, Uganda, and
Zaire) protested the First World monopoly over satellite surveillance.18 It was a desperate attempt by the Third World nations, who were faced
with the invisible invasion and destruction of their sovereignty by the TNCs and imperial states. The final transfer of Landsat to a private
corporation, the Earth Observation Satellite Company (EOSAT), in 1984 consolidated an era of transnational capitalization of the strategic
gaze. France joined the competition for the remote-sensing satellite information market with SPOT (satellite pour l'observation de la terre), which
produced images with 10-meter resolution (as opposed to the 30-meter resolution provided by Landsat).19 The images reproduced by SPOT have
further liquefied national configurations, replacing them with the configurations of transnational capital. With the dissolution of the superpower
rivalry between the United States and the former Soviet Union, their terrain of competition has shifted to launching commercial satellites on
converted intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) rockets. Herein, the integration of the First World imperial states and TNCs has become total
as far as satellite surveillance is concerned. For example, Satelife, which is a private venture run by U.S. and former Soviet specialists, aims to
"give physicians in remote areas of developing countries access to major centers of medical information located in industrialized countries."
Planet Earth, a U.S., Japanese, and West European project, is designed to monopolize "a relatively detailed and accurate picture of the changes
and interactions occurring in the planet ecosphere."20 Behind the rhetoric of such humanitarian postures, it is very clear the TNCs and imperial
states have secured a monopoly over transcendental space and time, traversing and penetrating the Third World with impunity.21 Outer
space thus has become the space of transnational capital par excellence. One could say that satellite surveillance perfected one of Sun Tzu's
axioms, "supreme excellence consists in breaking the enemy's resistance without fighting."

Highway System
The highway system divides life into systems of resources, separating the suburban
home from urban work these divisions create violent individual self-
management
Taylor 6
(James Michael, MA Thesis Texas A&M Dept of Philosophy, THE QUESTION CONCERNING HEIDEGGER:
TECHNOLOGY AND BEING, A DEEPER UNDERSTANDING,
repository.tamu.edu/bitstream/1969.1/4247/1/etd-tamu-2006B-PHIL-Taylor.pdf)

In the face of a technological world the four areas of technological influence and interference that Dias outlined in chapter I spring readily to
mind (Dias, 392). In his first category he outlined machines that may do us direct and irreversible physical harm. The nuclear weapon remains
one of the most striking example of such a machine. Dias second category is that of the tendency of technology to promote injustice (Dias, 393).
An insidious use of machines and resources seems to reveal the polarization of classes based on technology. New class structures are being
established around the technologically savvy, and the technologically ignorant. Dias third category is that technology has profound
sociological impacts (Dias, 393). One need only look at the highway system in America to understand the impact technology can have on
how society is formed. An authentic sense of community can be lost when community becomes another resource to be accessed on the end
of a long drive. Despite these examples the most troubling category is Dias last, that of the psychological (Dias, 393). Technology changes
humanity itself from the inside out. Devices like the digital clock have altered our perceptions of time. Life can be divided out into discrete,
separable, and infinitely reducible segments.
Highways enframe the environment as petrotopia, a streamlined connection between
spaces that makes them available for immediate consumptive penetration this
fantasy conceals everyday violence within those communities, while revealing society
as a factory of material production
LeMenager 12
(Stephanie, Assoc Prof of English @ U of Cal Santa Barbara, The Aesthetics of Petroleum, after Oil!,
American Literary History January (2012),
http://alh.oxfordjournals.org/content/early/2012/01/16/alh.ajr057.full)

The inescapability of petroleum infrastructures in the twentieth century has entered literature in the form of both dystopian and utopian imagery.
This imagery became of particular literary interest in the 1950s and 1960s, when petromodernity reached its classic phase within the US-built
environment. I use the term petrotopia, signifying petroleum-utopia, to refer to the now ordinary US landscape of highways, low-density
suburbs, strip malls, fast food and gasoline service islands, and shopping centers ringed by parking lots or parking towers. My inclusion of the
term utopia in a description of a far from ideal environment draws upon David Harvey's critical assessment of utopianism as a hegemonic
spatial ordering (160). Harvey recognizes the implementation of utopianism to result in political systems that strictly regulate a stable
and unchanging social process, such that the dialectic of social process is repressed and no future needs to be envisaged because the
desired state is already achieved. The building of the auto-highway-sprawl complex has been a utopian project. We can recognize its
origins in the Radiant City of Le Corbusier or the massive highway projects of Robert Mosesdisasters on the human scale, for the most part,
born of what Corbu called the rapture of power and speed (xxiii), often racially inflected schemes to eliminate urban blight, and more
broadly the potential of traffic, n commerce, to expand the band-width of information and pleasure.8 As utopia, petrotopia represents
itself as an ideal end-state, repressing the violence that it has performed upon, for example, south Bronx neighborhoods leveled for
freeway development or the wetlands below New Orleans which were filled to build suburban homes. While petrotopia represses the dialectics
of social and ecological process, it foregrounds a temporal schema that serves its goals. Sprawl and spread suggest movement outward, in
time, but minus an ethical imperative that ascribes notions of consequence to time. In its amoral, monstrous reproduction of itself in its own
image, petrotopia resembles the species of utopia Harvey describes as the processual utopia of free market ideology, which, when it comes to
ground, produces space to restlessly destroy and reorganize it in the service of (petro) capital (177). This relentless production of space
creates problems of scale that, in turn, invite the return of repressed consequences, irreversible damage. The points at which utopian
imagining, the infinite work of the imagination's power of figuration, in theorist Louis Marin's terms, meet a discrete unit of narrative time,
something that happened and cannot be undone, can be instructive of how petrotopia betrays itself, tipping back into the more solid
proposition of socio-ecological disaster (413). Temporally discrete event produces rents in the petrol screen. This essentially formal problem
of narrative structure challenging an ideology reliant upon iconicity and image has been discussed in philosophical terms as the bad faith of
technocractic modernity. Environmental philosopher Barbara Adam names the fantasy of temporal reversibility as a fundamental
principle of the technoscientific optimism growing out of the Cold War (41). The damage wrought by technoscience can be undone, in other
wordsthat is the fantasy. It is my purpose here to consider a few events in cultural history where the specter of the irreversible interrupts
petromodern ebullience, and the media environments sustained by petroleum infrastructure break to static. This static, the brief interruption of the
message, may be the closest analogue to hope that we inherit from the twentieth century.

HSR
High speed rail infrastructure will only reinforce managerial ethics
Peters 9 (Deike Peters, Associated Faculty at Center for Metropolitan Studies. summer 2009. "The
Renaissance of Inner-City Rail Station Areas: A Key Element in Contemporary Urban Restructuring
Dynamics" https://www.geschundkunstgesch.tu-
berlin.de/fileadmin/fg95/Hauptordner_Megaprojekte/literaturanhang/Peters_162_185.pdf)
The ongoing remaking of urban cores through urban redevelopment mega-projects is part and parcel
of the urbanization of neoliberalism (Brenner and Theodore 2002) and post-Fordist restructuring. Large-
scale manufacturing employment and production have given way to an urban economy dominated by service-,
knowledge-, and consumption-based industries (Harvey 1989). The heightened competition for investments
forces cities governing elites to search proactively for new opportunities of economic growth,
leading to processes of disembedding (Castells 1996), the emergence of new geographies of
centrality (Sassen 1991), and a shift from a managerial to an entrepreneurial governance
approach (Harvey 1989; Dangschat 1992). Meanwhile, new logistics and distribution gateways and terminals are
emerging at the edges of large metropolitan areas (Hesse 2008). Central cities are gaining ground as key
locales for capitalist consumption and culture. Urban cores are (re-)gentrified as attractive tourist spaces
(Judd and Fainstein 1999; Hoffman et al. 2003; Hannigan 1999) and as prime living and working spaces for the
creative class (Florida 2002). An updated version of urban growth machine politics emerges
(Molotch 1976; Logan and Molotch 1987; Savitch and Kantor 2002) which, in Europe, is strongly related to the EU
Lisbon Agenda and corresponding national politics. The specifics of these processes need to be understood through solid macro-
and micro-level analyses that feature in-depth comparative case studies of particular places and actors within particular cities.
There is not one single dominant theory on contemporary urban restructuring, of course. Rather, there are several strands of
literature vying for prominence, each contributing certain key insights to the complex subject matter and presenting sometimes-
conflicting views on the same cities.2 Nevertheless, there is wide agreement among urban scholars that postindustrial, post-
Fordist, neoliberal restructuring represents a double-edged sword for cities. High-speed communication and
transportation infrastructures enable corporations to avoid the high land costs and negative
agglomeration externalities associated with high-profile central city locations and relocate
elsewhere. However, for many key, high-profile economic activities, place still matters (Dreier, Mollenkopf,
and Swanstrom 2004). Sassen (1991) first showed how advanced producer and financial services remain clustered in
urban cores, and how certain centralizing tendencies in fact intensify in global cities that represent the most
strategic command and control centers of the global economy.3
Promoting trains allows sovereign control over lines of transportation resulting in a
collectivist nightmare.
Will 2011
George F., High Speed to Insolvency, Newsweek, http://www.thedailybeast.com/newsweek/2011/02/27/high-speed-to-insolvency.html
So why is Americas win the future administration so fixated on railroads, a technology that was the
future two centuries ago? Because progressivisms aim is the modification of (other peoples)
behavior. Forever seeking Archimedean levers for prying the world in directions they prefer,
progressives say they embrace high-speed rail for many reasonsto improve the climate, increase
competitiveness, enhance national security, reduce congestion, and rationalize land use. The length of
the list of reasons, and the flimsiness of each, points to this conclusion: the real reason for progressives
passion for trains is their goal of diminishing Americans individualism in order to make them more
amenable to collectivism. To progressives, the best thing about railroads is that people riding them
are not in automobiles, which are subversive of the deference on which progressivism depends.
Automobiles go hither and yon, wherever and whenever the driver desires, without timetables.
Automobiles encourage people to think theyunsupervised, untutored, and unscriptedare masters
of their fates. The automobile encourages people in delusions of adequacy, which make them
resistant to government by experts who know what choices people should make. Time was, the
progressive cry was Workers of the world unite! or Power to the people! Now it is less resonant:
All aboard !

Infrastructure Bank
The infrastructure bank enframes transit within economic logic, reducing social
relations to pure cost-benefit analysis decisions about relationality between
communities are formed on the efficiency of their circulation, rather than a genuine
dialogue between individuals inhabiting a common living space
Sturup 9 [Sophy, World Academy of Science, Engineering and Technology Mega Projects and Governmentality
http://www.waset.org/journals/waset/v54/v54-176.pdf]
The first problem identified above related to project selection. The point was made that the selection of projects is in general not a result of
normative needs analysis. The discussion on the development of the art of government showed that in Foucaults understanding of the world,
problems and their solutions arise in a dynamic relationship, and that problem definition is determined by the art of government available in
which to solve it. In this sense art of government is being used as a particular type of Heidiggerian episteme: a way of being which
determines what we see [102]. This provides an explanation for the observed phenomena that problems come to be defined according to
the technical solutions available [103]. As a technology, MUTPs are a particularly constructed solution which provides for the constitution of
particular problems and needs that they are the solution of. There are several pointers to the nature of the art of government of MUTP in the
literature already. Boyce [104] notes that at one level mega projects are much more about doing something rather than doing the right
thing, and that they have a distinctly pharaonic flavour to them. This pharaonic flavour is described in a similar way to the notion of
sovereign power; that which could be described as the mentality of I am the king and my will be done. Certainly the problems associated
with displacement of persons in favour of these projects suggest a form of power where the imposition of the will of The Government on the
people, or a group of people is justified. The fact that project proponents feel they need The Government investment and regulation to get
these projects done indicates more of this type of mentality. There is clear evidence that at any point in time there are multiple arts of
government operate at any one time. If the art of government of MUTP is primarily sovereignty, then this could provide insight into a number
of problems for MUTPs. The other art of government strongly in play in advanced In governmentality, individuals are empowered as managers of
their own conduct. This is achieved through proper education, and development of a variety of systems which enforce proper behaviour
(disciplines) and punish deviation (sovereignty). At its pinnacle, this logic is reflected in advanced liberalism where the individual is
reconditioned to entrepreneurial behavior through making everything conditional upon that behavior, life becomes a cost/benefit
analysis [105]. Thus in governmentality the logic of power is that power is located in the individual. Governmentality is a logical threat to the
development of MUTPs. It threatens the likelihood of their occurring and blurs their function where they are implemented. This is because, in
governmentality, the State is increasingly expected to remove itself from activity, because the will of the people becomes almost impossible to
identify. The people are now individuals who have been given the conditions to manage themselves, their individual will is identified
through the market and their choices as consumers. In this logic, MUTP would only occur with the agreement of all individuals affected or in
response to a truly consumer driven market demand. De Bruijn & Leijtens [106] work on the increase in contestation of information can be
reinterpreted as a function not of the vibrancy of democracy but rather from the increasing application of governmentality demonstrating how this
logic plays out. Governmentality, increases peoples sense of needing to rely on their own judgement as they are increasingly individuated and
increasingly responsible for their actions and beliefs. This leads to a decrease in the ability to take others word for it, and therefore to act
collectively, which would logically lead to a decrease in the number of mega projects and contestation of them.
Inland Waterways
Inland waterways reduce rivers to resources for human consumption this process of
revealing interprets water only in terms of its potential for trade and exchange,
removing its intrinsic potential
Beckman 00
[Professor at Harvey Mudd College] MARTIN HEIDEGGER AND ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS
http://www2.hmc.edu/~tbeckman/personal/Heidart.html

The essence of technology originally was a revealing of life and nature in which human intervention deflected the natural course while still
regarding nature as the teacher and, for that matter, the keeper. The essence of modern technology is a revealing of phenomena, often far
removed from anything that resembles "life and nature," in which human intrusion not only diverts nature but fundamentally changes it. As
a mode of revealing, technology today is a challenging-forth of nature so that the technologically altered nature of things is always a situation in
which nature and objects wait, standing in reserve for our use. We pump crude oil from the ground and we ship it to refineries where it is
fractionally distilled into volatile substances and we ship these to gas stations around the world where they reside in huge underground tanks,
standing ready to power our automobiles or airplanes. Technology has intruded upon nature in a far more active mode that represents a
consistent direction of domination . Everything is viewed as "standing-reserve" and, in that, loses its natural objective identity. The river,
for instance, is not seen as a river; it is seen as a source of hydro-electric power, as a water supply, or as an avenue of navigation through
which to contact inland markets . In the era of techne humans were relationally involved with other objects in the coming to presence; in the era
of modern technology, humans challenge-forth the subjectively valued elements of the universe so that, within this new form of revealing, objects
lose their significance to anything but their subjective status of standing-ready for human design. (8) At this point, we have almost completed the
analysis of modern technology in its essence. Only one final aspect of this analysis remains; it is an understanding of the overarching context in
which technology came to proceed along this path. Heidegger named this context by the German word 'Ge-stell,' which has been translated to
the English word, 'enframing.' In Heidegger's words, "enframing [Ge-stell] means the gathering together of that setting-upon which sets upon
man, i.e., challenges him forth, to reveal the real, the mode of ordering, as standing-reserve." {[7], p. 20} But, "where Enframing reigns, there
is danger in the highest sense." {[7], p. 28}

Security
The rhetoric of security ensures manipulation of the population to steepen the control
of the elite and empower corporations
Luke in 2k5 (Timothy W. Sust. Dev. 13, 228-225 (2005), kdf)

Finding the worlds communities and individuals focused on the sustainable protection
of development in a register of safety or security can then turn into a key theme of new
political operations, economic interventions and ideological campaigns to raise public
standards of collective morality, personal responsibility and collective vigor. The politics
being defined in such rhetoric, therefore, operates as a whole series of different tactics that
combined in varying proportions the objective of disciplining the body and that of
regulating populations (Foucault, 1980, p. 140). With these dispositions, rhetoric can,in turn, ensure
popular belief broadly in the established order as well as coordinating effectively the
actions and thoughts of the ruling/owning/controlling elites by finding the right relations
of doxic submission which attaches us to the established order with all the ties of the
unconscious (Bourdieu, 1990, p. 55) to the economy by developing new technologies, dominating more markets and
exploiting every national economic asset. On the other hand, the phenomenon of failed states, ranging from basket cases such as
Rwanda, Somalia or Angola to crippled entities such as the Ukraine, Afghanistan or Kazakhstan, is often attributed to the severe
environmental frictions associated with rapid economic growth (Kaplan, 1996). Consequently, a genuine world politics, whose key
issues range from global stability to sustainable development to a moral community, is receiving greater consideration in the name
of creating jobs, maintaining growth or advancing technological development in the politics of the post-Cold War era. Through
the images of rhetoric, a new order of things emerges out of sustainability theories as
they inter-operate among the normalizing discussions of firms, states and the media.
This project of command, control and communication is a vast undertaking, but these
terms start circulating in the networks` of public discourses, foreign policy and neo-
liberal capitalism.
State
The state organizes all resources for consumption according to national identity
University, Nationality and Sovereignty in the New World Order, Presented to the Communications
Technologies Seminar Series, sponsored by the Telecommunications Users Association of New Zealand,
the New Zealand Academy for the Humanities, and Victoria University of Wellington, March 21, 1996,

All territorialized formations of national governmentality, however, are also "an imagined political
community--and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign" (Anderson, 1991: 6). On one level,
acquiring nomological "powers of speech" among one people or ethnonational group begins the
constitution, on another level, of a centered, single country, or one territorial "jurisdiction" (more
literally, here, a form of lawful speech, a center of legal diction, or a mode of speaking nomologically),
for, but also "over," the diverse array of peoples inhabiting the spaces where this lawful speech carries
(Gellner, 1983). Such powers transform many places on many terrains into one zone of continuous
jurisdictive governmentality, spatializing the power of making rules in this territory materially,
organizationally and symbolically as its rule-making realm of sovereignty. At the margins of sub-
national and super-national spaces, national codes of lawful speech establish borders where power
constantly reconstructs its territorial containments (Helgerson, 1992). Autonomous spaces--nation-
states--are places where autonymous powers get to name the games that define and delimit their
rules, making them the rulers. Through these tactics, then, statalizing power reworks the ground,
divides up its resources, and commands economic production to materialize its rules against other
powers, fixing its external sovereignty in a regime of governmentality. Rousseau captures the quality
of these dynamics in governmentality quite aptly when he observes that the in-statement of state
power "is devoted solely to two objects: to extend their rule beyond their frontiers and to make it
more absolute within them. Any other purpose they may have is subservient to one of these aims, or
merely a pretext for attaining them" (1917: 95).
Statist action toward sustainability jeopardizes all life through biopolitical control
Luke in 2k5 (Timothy W. Sust. Dev. 13, 228-225 (2005), kdf)

As sustainable development concepts are constructed discursively by contemporary technoscience and civic discourse, the art
of government continues to find the principles of its rationality tied to the specific
reality of the state (Foucault, 1991, p. 97), where the rhetorical programs of globalization,
sustainability and development are shaped to serve the systemic requirements of
politics. Government comes into its own when it has sustainability or the welfare of populations,
the improvement of their condition, the increase of their wealth, security, longevity, health and so on as its object. Moreover,
such sustainability goals can give rational firms and governments all of the planets life
to reformat as endangered populations, needing various corporate commodities and
state ministrations to transform their lives into objects of managerial control as part and
parcel of a range of absolute new tactics and techniques (Foucault, 1991, p. 100). Coping with
sustainability simply crystallizes another consolidation of instrumental rationalitys
three movements: government, population, political economy, which constitute . . . a
solid series, one which even today has assuredly not been dissolved (Foucault, 1991, p. 102) in
the buzz of political conflicts.

Impact
Biopower
The Biopolitical project they endorse leads to the worse forms abuse and calculations
constantly putting our existence into questiontheir extension of capitalism ensures
the domination continues
International Affairs at Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University], Ecocritique, p.90-92, kdf)
This meaning for sustainable development in Worldwatch discourse reframes it in the practices of technoscientific power/ knowledge. One
can argue that the modern regime of biopower formation described by Foucault in early modern states was
not especially attentive to the role of Nature in the equations of biopolitics
.41

The controlled tactics of
inserting human bodies into the machineries of industrial and agricultural production as part and
parcel of strategically adjusting the growth of human populations to the development of industrial
capitalism, however, did generate systems of biopower. Under such regimes, power/ knowledge
systems bring "life and its mechanisms into the realm of explicit calculations," making the manifold
disciplines of knowledge and discourses of power into a new sort of productive agency as part of the
"transformation of human life.
"49
Once this threshold was crossed, some observers began to
recognize how the environmental interactions of human economics, politics, and technologies
continually placed all human beings' existence as living beings into question. Foucault might be read as
dividing the environment into two separate but interpenetrating spheres of action: the biological and the histori cal. For most of
human history, the biological dimension, or forces of Nature acting through disease and famine, dominated human existence with
the ever-present menace of death. Developments in agricultural technologies as well as hygiene and health techniques, however, gradu-
ally provided some relief from starvation and plague by the end of the eighteenth century. As a result, the historical dimension began to
grow in importance along with "the development of the different fields of knowledge concerned with life in general , the
improvement of agricultural techniques, and the observations and measures relative to man's
life and survival contributed to this relaxation: a relative control over life averted some of the
imminent risks of death.
"50
The work of the Worldwatch Institute acknowledges how "the historical" then begins to
envelope, circumscribe, or surround "the biological," creating interlocking disciplinary expanses
for "the environmental" to be watched, managed, controlled. And, these environmentalized
settings quickly dominate all forms of concrete human reality: "in the space of movement
thus conquered, and broadening and organizing that space, methods of power and knowledge
assumed responsibility for the life processes and undertook to control and modify them. "51 Although
Foucault does not explicitly define these spaces, methods, and knowledges as such as being "environmental," these governmentalizing
maneuvers might be seen as the origin of many disciplinary projects, which all feed into environmentalization. As biological life is refracted
through economic, political, and technological existence, "the facts of life" pass into fields of controlfor disciplines of ecoknowledge and
spheres of intervention for their management as geopower at various institutional s ites, such as the Worldwatch Institute. In the
disciplines of worldwatching, the raw powers of "Nature" are erased, leaving behind only the systematic patterns of "the global environment."
They represent the world as a closed totality through "ecoknowledges" that will disclose its logics, interconnections, and operations as
"geopower" seen by correctly informed analysts. This construction also reveals the Worldwatchers' actual relation to the world as such;
they sit above, outside, beyond the sites of greatest crisis as analytical advocates, who now are powerless but also seek empowerment
through their reformist advocacy of particular strategies of change. Worldwatching, then, is perhaps the necessary and expected outcome
of postimperial trans-nationalism. It extends and elaborates a pluralist model of countervail ing political organizations on a global
level from the home bases of transnational business. As policy wonks and scientific experts, they have mobilized various scientific
communities to participate in monitoring the environmental crisis and set policy agendas. Yet, the watchdog function of
environmentalism is globalized without a serious forum or effective mechanism for exerting political pressure. Sometime in the future,
if and when this Worldwatch lobbying campaign works, it hopes to effect real change through local governments and the
agencies of the United Nations. In the meantime, it centers itself in Washington, set tling for lobbying the American state and
multilateral aid agencies as the next best pressure point.
Techno-managerial solutions are rooted in biopolitical modes of power and
knowledge production
Timothy W. Luke, Program Chair in the Government and International Affairs, School of Public and
International Affairs, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 2004, Ideology and
Globalization: From Globalism and Environmentalism to Ecoglobalism. Rethinking Globalism, Ed.
Manfred Steger, p. 70-71.
Henri Lefebvre has argued that every society produces a space. its own space, and this will have other Indeed, many societies have
come and gone on the Earth, and a globality of sorts has existed in ocher times Today, however, the transnational corporate capitalist economy
and society produce their own peculiar places in the sites and structures of contemporary globalist and environmentalist spatiality The
generation of these social spaces has resulted in the rapid proliferation of commodified social
labor and its abstract space. The production of globality and ecology in the particular forms taken
by contemporary globalism and environmentalism also represents, as Lefebvre notes the dissolution of
old relations on the one hand and the generation of new relations on the other In many ways, the
agendas of neoliberal globalization seem to be intent on effacing absolute spaces of locally
consecrated sites for Nature as well as the historical spaces of regionally territorialized national
places22 Over the past generation, advanced study in environmental science on many university campuses and in most
corporations has become a key source of new representations for "the environment- as well as the home base for the scientific
disciplines that generate analyses of Nature's meanings. These educational practices produce ecomanagers, or
professional-technical workers with specific knowledge (which has been scientifically validated), together
with the operational powers (as they have been institutionally constructed) to cope with "environmental
problems" on what are believed to be sound scientific and technical grounds. Here the dominant
globalist discourse spawns many professional careers. Technical experts working on and off
campus create disciplinary articulations of various kinds of "knowledge" to generate performative
techniques of "power" over, but also within and through, what is worked up as Nature in the
managerial structures of modem economies and societies.

Case Turn
The 1AC white-washes over-consumptive practices consumption will increase post
the plan because corporation can shield themselves from criticism
In these new spaces, terraformative hyperecologies can be monitored to judge their relative success or
failure in terms of abstract mathematical measures of consumption, surveying national gains or losses by
the density, velocity, intensity, and quantity of goods and services being exchanged for mass
consumption. Here one finds geo-economists pushing for wiser uses of all biotic assets in all
anthropogenic exchanges. Consumption is outsourced from many different planetary sites by using
varying levels of standardized energy, natural resources, food, water and labor inputs drawn from all over
the Earth through transnational commodity, energy, and labor markets.
44
Geo-economic forms of state
power and/or market clout, in turn, allegedly will provide the requisite force needed to impose these costs
on the many outside for the benefit of the few inside. By substituting "Earth Days" for real ecological
transformation, the hyperecologies of transnational exchange are successfully repacking themselves in
green wrappers of ecological concern; but, they still often involve the profligate waste of energy,
resources, and time to maintain the abstract aggregate subjectivity of "an average consumers" enjoying
"the typical standard of living" in the developed world's cities and suburbs. Yet, if this is indeed
happening, then how did these patterns develop?

Global Domination
The threats of global catastrophe posed by the affirmative serve as a justification for
global control of the entire earth this proves our argument about the extension of
disciplinary control as continual war.
Luke 1997(Timothy, prof @ Department of Political Science Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State

An environmental act, even though the connotations of most contemporary greenspeak suggests
otherwise, is a disciplinary move.
33
Environmentalism in these terms strategically polices space in order
to encircle sites and subjects captured within these enveloping maneuvers, guarding them, standing
watch over them, or even besieging them. And, each of these actions aptly express the terraforming
programs of sustainable development. Seen from the astropanopticon, Earth is enveloped in the
managerial designs of global commerce, which environmentalize once wild Nature as now controllable
ecosystems. Terraforming the wild biophysical excesses and unoptimized geophysical wastes of the
Earth necessitates the mobilization of a worldwatch to maintain nature conservancies and husband the
worldwide funds of wildlife. Of course, Earth must be put first; the fully rational potentials of second
nature's terraformations can be neither fabricated nor administered unless and until earth first is
infrastructuralized.
34

This is our time's Copernican revolution: the anthropogenic demands of terraforming require a
biocentric worldview in which the alienated objectivity of natural subjectivity resurfaces objectively in
managerial theory and practice as "ecosystem" and "resource base" in "the environment." Terraforming
the Earth environmentalizes a once wild piece of the cosmos, domesticating it as "humanity's home" or
"our environment." From narratives of world pandemics, global warming, or planetary pollution, global
governance from the astropanopticon now runs its risk analyses and threat scenarios to protect Mother
Earth from home-grown and foreign threats, as the latest security panics over asteroid impacts or X-File
extraterrestrials in the United States express in the domains of popular culture. Whether it is space
locusts from Independence Day or space rocks snuffing out Dallas in Asteroid, new security threats are
casting their shadows over our homes, cities, and biomes for those thinking geo-economically in the
astropanopticon.
From such sites of supervision, environmentalists see from above and from without, like the NASA-eyed
view of Earth from Apollo spacecraft, through the enveloping astropanoptic designs of administratively
controllable terraformed systems.
35
Encircled by enclosures of alarm, environments can be
disassembled, recombined, and subjected to expert managers' disciplinary designs. Beset and
beleaguered by these all-encompassing interventions, environments as ecosystems and terraformations
can be redirected to fulfill the ends of new economic scripts, managerial directives or administrative
writs.
36
How various environmentalists might embed different instrumental rationalities into the policing
of ecosystems is an intriguing question, which will be explored below.

Alternative
Alt Solves
The Alternative solvesonly through a shift in the way we view ecological
catastrophes can we fix the problem
Simon Dalby, Professor at Carleton University, PhD from Simon Fraser University, 2007, Anthropocene
geopolitics: globalisation, empire, environment and critique, Geography Compass 1 10318, kdf

Support for the contention about the need to take science seriously in the reformulation of geopolitics
can also be found in contemporary discussions of social theory, and in particular in one prominent
student of the social nature of science, Bruno Latour (2004, 18), has formulated matters in an
especially interesting manner where he discusses politics as the progressive composition of the
common world. Moving on from his earlier discussions of hybrids and the ontological impossibility of
the distinction between nature and culture that shapes so much modern thinking (Latour 1993), he
poses a series of meditations on the necessity for rethinking democracy once that distinction is
rendered untenable. This runs neatly parallel to the implications of thinking geopolitics in light of the
changed perspectives in earth system sciences epitomised by the formulation of the Anthropocene.
All of which requires a shift of focus away from geographies of administration in terms of blocks of
space and a recognition of how economic and ecological phenomenon are about connections, links
and consequences that flow across these boundaries.

The knowledge we garner from the alternative makes it so we are all citizens who
view the environment critically and make change from within the self not the
institution
Justin Johnson, St. Olaf College, May 1, 2005, Environmental Discourse Analysis, accessed online April
17, 2008, http://www.stolaf.edu/depts/cis/wp/johnsoja/seniorproject/index.html, kdf

An alternative epistemology that emphasizes how we construct our knowledge has been put forth by
Jrgen Habermas. He developed the concept of communicative rationality, where a proposition
could be considered to be valid (or true) to the extent that it was agreed upon by a group of agents
participating in an ideal speech situation. Habermas theory conflicts with the rationalist tradition by
identifying rationality in the structures of interpersonal linguistic communication (discourses) rather
than as absolute truths existing outside of human action. Habermas also offers a theory of discourse
ethics, which argues that a moral judgment has validity if agreed to by agents in the ideal speech
situation. The emphasis on ideal speech lends itself well to discourse analysis. While it certainly may
be the case, as Foucault suggests, that we cannot separate discourse from its constitutive power
structure, it seems possible that discourse analysis could allow us to understand the forces at play,
bringing us closer to the ideals of communicative rationality. Andrew Dobson makes exactly this point
in Democratising Green Theory where he argues that all rational, uncoerced and knowledgeable
individuals (i.e. all individuals in the ideal speech situation) will come to the conclusion that the
ecological systems upon which human life depends should be protected. More generally, this
conclusion is what John Dryzek described as a generalizable interest, or something that all rational
people would agree is true. For Dryzek, there is no objective rationality to which we should refer
when debating environmental issues; rather, the only remaining authority is that of a good argument,
which can be advanced on behalf of the veracity of empirical description, understanding, and equally
important, the validity of normative judgments. His conception of generalizable interests is explicitly
based on discourse analytic arguments, and as such, he focuses on how we construct our knowledge,
beliefs, and normative judgments about environmental issues.

The alt solves the caseonce we escape the globalized capitalist order we can truly
enact environmental policies
International Affairs at Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University], Ecocritique, p. xii-xiii, kdf)

The conclusion weaves together insights from the preceding chapters into a preliminary outline
for imagining that social world we need to create beyond the environmental destruction that
each of these ecocritiques deplores. To take advantage of the energies mobilized by an Earth
First! or Nature Conservancy, and to avoid the pitfalls associated with sustainable development or
green consumerism, this alternative, as Marcuse, Soleri, and Bookchin emphasize, stresses the
importance of rebuilding local communities within a restructured global economy. Localistic
communities, which could embed their economies and societies in Soleri's arcological structures to
reorder the built environment and rebalance human communities with their natural environments,
also have a good shot at developing some of Marcuse's "new sensibility" of themselves, society,
and Nature as they bring various new ethics of peace and beauty to Bookchin's ecotechnological
and ecopopulistic means for pacifying their existence.
Reps First Mod
We must question environmental representationsthey determine our reality and
the way we approach the problem
Seung-Kyu Rhee, 2003, Dynamic change of corporate environmental strategy: rhetoric and reality,
accessed April 23, 2008, http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/cgi-
bin/abstract/104526180/ABSTRACT?CRETRY=1&SRETRY=0, kdf

Although rhetoric involves political and symbolic posture, and does not always accurately represent
reality, it plays an important role in the dynamic change process of environmental strategy. We first
elaborate on the related concepts and develop frameworks to analyze corporate environmental
strategy and its change. We report two case studies of Korean companies using the framework.
Longitudinal case studies also provide additional implications for corporate environmental strategy in
developing countries such as Korea. There is a gap between the rhetoric and reality of environmental
strategy and it constantly changes over time depending on specific internal and external influences.

THE AFFIRMATIVES REPRESENTATIONS FORM A NEXUS OF POWER AND KNOWLEDGE
WHERE IDENTITIES OF SUFFERING BECOME NORMALIZED. THIS MAKES POSSIBLE THE
WORST FORMS OF VIOLENCE AND THE EXTERMINATION OF ENTIRE GROUPS PEOPLE.
OUR CRITICISM CAN DISLODGE THIS SIGNIFYING CHAIN
Roxanne Lynn Doty, Assistant Professor of Political Science at ASU, 1996
[Imperial Encounters: The Politics of Representation in North-South Relations, p. 2-3, //JT]

The discourses that have been instantiated in the various imperial encounters between North and
South have been characterized by the active movement of different forces, which creates the
possibility of meaning. The fact that particular meanings and identities have been widely taken to
be fixed and true is indicative of the inextricable link between power and knowledge. This link, in
effect, stops the signifying chain, at least temporarily, creates a center, and permits meanings and
identities to become naturalized, taken for granted. The naturalization of meaning has had
consequences ranging from the appropriation of land, labor, and resources to the subjugation and
extermination of entire groups of people. It has also, however, always been incomplete, implying
the possibility for transformation as well as the need for reinscribing the status quo. Such an
understanding suggests the need for a critical examination of the coexistence of the seemingly
opposed but inseparable forces by which a discourse is partially fixed but by which it also
becomes impossible to institute total closure.

Reps First
Voting negative is an act of problematization towards the linguistic symbolic order as
a medium of reconciliation because language is the greatest prerequisite of violence
Slavoj Zizek, senior researcher at the Institute of Sociology, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia, 2006, The
Antinomies of Tolerant Reason: A Blood-Dimmed Tide is Loosed, Accessed Online on April 19, 2008,
http://www.lacan.com/zizantinomies.htm

What we should always bear in mind is the fact that the protests (and the very real violence
accompanying them) were triggered by means of representation, by words and images (caricatures,
which a large majority of those protesting did not see, but just read or heard about). The Muslim crowds did
not react to caricatures as such; they reacted to the complex figure/image of the West that was perceived as the attitude behind the
caricatures. Those who proposed the term Occidentalism as the counterpart to Edward Saids Orientalism were up to a point right: what we
get in Muslim countries is a certain ideological image of the West which distorts Western reality no less (although in a different way) than the
Orientalist image of the Orient. What exploded in violence was a complex cobweb of symbols, images and attitudes (Western imperialism,
godless materialism and hedonism, the suffering of Palestinians, etc.etc.) that became attached to Danish caricatures, which is why the hatred
expanded from caricatures to Denmark as a country, to Scandinavian countries, to Europe, to the West it was as if all these humiliations and
frustrations got condensed in the caricatures. And, again, one should bear in mind that this condensation is a fact of
language, of constructing and imposing a certain symbolic field. This simple and all too obvious fact
should compel us to render problematic the idea (propagated lately by Habermas, but also not strange to a certain Lacan)
of language, symbolic order, as the medium of reconciliation/mediation, of peaceful co-existence, as
opposed to the violence of immediate raw confrontation: in language, instead of exerting direct
violence on each other, we debate, we exchange words, and such an exchange, even when it is
aggressive, presupposes a minimum of recognition of the other. The idea is thus that, insofar as language
gets infected by violence, this occurs under the influence of contingent empirical pathological
circumstances which distort the inherent logic of symbolic communication. What if, however, humans
exceed animals in their capacity to violence precisely because they speak? [7] As already Hegel was
well aware, there is something violent in the very symbolization of a thing, which equals its
mortification; this violence operates at multiple levels. Language simplifies the designated thing,
reducing it to a unary feature; it dismembers the thing, destroying its organic unity, treating its
parts and properties as autonomous; it inserts the thing into a field of meaning which is ultimately
external to it.

Language and representations produce the preconditions for the worse types of
violence. We should be critical of representations first because they are the
foundation of action
Slavoj Zizek, senior researcher at the Institute of Sociology, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia, 2006, The
Antinomies of Tolerant Reason: A Blood-Dimmed Tide is Loosed, Accessed Online on April 19, 2008,
http://www.lacan.com/zizantinomies.htm

Lacan condensed this aspect of language in his notion of the Master-Signifier which quilts and thus holds together a symbolic field. That is to
say, for Lacan (at least for his theory of four discourses elaborated in late 1960s), human communication in its most basic,
constitutive, dimension does not involve a space of egalitarian intersubjectivity, it is not balanced, it
does not put the participants in symmetric mutually responsible positions where they all have to
follow the same rules and justify their claims with reasons. On the contrary, what Lacan indicates with his
notion of the discourse of the Master as the first, inaugural, constitutive, form of discourse, is that
every concrete, really existing, space of discourse is ultimately grounded in a violent imposition of a
Master-Signifier which is stricto sensu irrational: it cannot be further grounded in reasons, it is the point at which one can
only say that the buck stops here, a point at which, in order to stop the endless regress, somebody has to say It is so because I say it is so!.
Perhaps, the fact that reason (ratio) and race have the same root tells us something: language, not
primitive egotistic interests, is the first and greatest divider, it is because of language that we and our
neighbors (can) live in different worlds even when we live on the same street. What this means is
that verbal violence is not a secondary distortion, but the ultimate resort of every specifically human
violence. Let us take anti-Semitic pogroms (or, more generally, racist violence). They do not react to (i.e., what they find
intolerable and rage-provoking is not) the immediate reality of Jews, but (to) the image/figure of the Jew
constructed ands circulating in their tradition. The catch, of course, is that one cannot simply
distinguish between real Jews and their anti-Semitic image: this image overdetermines the way I
experience real Jews themselves (and, furthermore, it affects the way Jews experience themselves). What makes a real Jew that
an anti-Semite encounters on the street intolerable, what the anti-Semite tries to destroy when he attacks the Jew, the true target of his fury,
is this fantasmatic dimension. And the same goes for every political protest: when workers protest their
exploitation, they do not protest a simple reality, but a certain meaningful experience of their real
predicament. Reality in itself, in its stupid facticity, is never intolerable: it is language, its
symbolization, which makes it such. So precisely when we are dealing with the scene of a furious
crowd, attacking and burning buildings and cars, lynching people, etc., we should never forget the
placards they are carrying, the words sustaining and justifying their acts

Role of the Ballot
Voting affirmative is a form of symbolic consumption they create a symbolic market
for economically desirable ecology to feel better about the way we treat Nature we
become obedient consumers
Luke in 1997 (Timothy, The (Un)Wise (Ab)Use of Nature: Environmentalism as Globalized Consumerism?,
http://www.cddc.vt.edu/tim/tims/Tim528.htm, kdf)

Sophisticated environmentalism now aims then to abate fast capitalism's consumptive characteristics
in favor of accentuating its consummational potentialities. Industrial capitalism classically has been a regime of
consumptivity--wasteful, expensive, costly--that must now undergo the rigorous restructuring of ecological modernization. And, today's
modernizing ecologies assume the acceptance of consummativity might be reshaped to serve the
informational ends of consummation--as economic actions fully fulfilled, perfected, organized
ecologically--in the newly environmentalized (re)production of transnational exchange. New desires
first come to light in most regions for many people in aesthetically or ethically charged sign value
differentia, liberating new wishes and mobilizing fresh wants, both to justify corporate capitalist firms' industrial
consumption of natural resources and to mobilize new mass produced products fabricated from these
natural resources.
59
Such recombinantly imagineered needs perhaps are late capitalism's only truly
"renewable resource" of any importance, and this constant revitalization of human wants with fresh images
and objects of desire can drive the terraformative hyperecologies of sustainable development. In these
hyperecologies, the material culture of corporate capitalism makes culture material by ever-accelerating new sign values or informational
goods in the turnover of mass consumption.
60
Consumer goods, as they are produced under the logic of consummativity, constitute
powerful object-codes, articulating a sophisticated sign and meaning system that coding-subjects use
to encode and decode both their behaviors and material objects with meaning.
61
Consumer goods, as a
result, provide a vitally important field to put all sorts of cultural meanings into public and private
discourses as forces of social change or cultural continuity, which artists and activists, for example, always
have exploited in valorizing commodities with their peculiar aestheticized or moralizing imagination.
Aesthetic modernism and new social movements have been the major sources of new ends for corporate
hyperecologies for nearly a century, and their powers remain intact today. Insurgent systems manifest and latent meaning, on
the other hand, also give artists and activists tremendous opportunities to challenge the established object-codes of late capitalism, testing
both the media and the messages that the hyperecologies of late capitalism use to integrate
individuals and society into its reproduction.
62
There is no reason why they cannot or should not now
become green--as many artists and activists have asked for nearly a generation. Consummation as well
as consumptivity requires informationalized surveillance to detect demand and then confirm its satisfaction in highly accurate
loops of telemetry. Perfection of product environmentally, as Gore asserts, rather than the waste of factors anti-environmentally can drive
profitability for all of the world's producers by centering product-improvement strategies upon "green" goals, which artists and activists are
enjoining consumers to embrace.

Dissent Good
Our dissent against the norm of environmentalism loosens the noose of biopolitical
control we must question the political nature of the plan to regain agencyanything
less than voting negative further entraps us in the system
James W. Bernauer, Professor of Philosophy at Boston College, 1990, Michel Foucault's Force of Flight:
Toward an Ethics for Thought, pp. 141-142.

This capacity of power to conceal itself cannot cloak the tragedy of the implications contained in
Foucaults examination of its functioning. While liberals have fought to extend rights and Marxists have
denounced the injustice of capitalism, a political technology, acting in the interests of a political better
administration of life, has produced a politics that places man's existence as a living being in question.
The very period that proclaimed pride in having overthrown the tyranny of monarchy, that engaged in
an endless clamor for reform, that is confident in the virtues of its humanistic faith--this period's politics
created a landscape dominated by history's bloodiest wars. What comparison is possible between a
sovereign's authority to take a life and a power that, in the interest of protecting a society's quality of
life, can plan, as well as develop the means for its implementation, a policy of mutually assured
destruction? Such a policy is neither an aberration of the fundamental principles of modern politics nor
an abandonment of our age's humanism in favor of a more primitive right to kill; it is but the other side
of a power that is "situated and exercised at the level of life, the species, the race, and the large-scale
phenomena of population. The bio-political project of administering and optimizing life closes its
circle with the production of the Bomb. "The atomic situation is now at the end point of this process:
the power to expose a whole population to death is the underside of a power to guarantee an
individual's continued existence." The solace that might have been expected from being able to gaze at
scaffolds empty of the victims of a tyrant's vengeance has been stolen from us by the noose that has
tightened around each of our necks.
That noose is loosened by breaking with the type of thinking that has led to its fashioning, and by a
mode of political action that dissents from those practices of normalization that have made us all
potential victims. A prerequisite for this break is the recognition that human being and thought
inhabit this domain of knowledge-power relations (savoir-pouvoir), a realization that is in opposition
to traditional humanism. In light of the SP and VS, manthat invention of recent datecontinued to
gain sharper focus. By means of the web of techniques of discipline and methods of knowing that exists
in modern society, by those minute steps of training through which the body was made into a fit
instrument. and by those stages of examining the mind's growth, the "man of modem humanism was
born." The same humanism that has invested such energy in developing a science of man has foisted
upon us the illusion that power is essentially repressive: in doing so. it has lead us to the dead end of
regarding the pursuit and exercise of power as blinding the faculty of thought. Humanism maintains its
position as Foucault's major opponent because it blocks the effort to think differently about the
relations between knowledge and power. His weapon against this humanism continues to be a form of
thinking that exposes human being to those dissonant series of events that subvert our normal
philosophical and historical understanding.

**Answers**

AT: Biopower Good
1. Biopower may be good but not when the power/knowledge dichotomy is being
used to create discipline over nature their evidence is not specific to Nature.
2. They make the environment a priori by reading it as an advantageif we prove that
biopower is bad for the environment we win the biopower debate c/a our Luke
evidence they make Nature into a commodity that must be mastered in order to pull
all of the resources possible from itbecause according to their methodology they
create Nature is nothing more than a resource
3. In order for them to win this debate they have to win that both capitalism and
biopolitics are good in relation to Nature if they dont they dont have a strong enough
impact turn to win the debate
4. The Biopolitical project they endorse leads to the worse forms abuse and calculations constantly putting our
existence into questiontheir extension of capitalism ensures the domination continues
International Affairs at Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University], Ecocritique, p.90-92, kdf)
This meaning for sustainable development in Worldwatch discourse reframes it in the practices of technoscientific power/ knowledge. One
can argue that the modern regime of biopower formation described by Foucault in early modern states was
not especially attentive to the role of Nature in the equations of biopolitiC
S
.41

The controlled tactics of
inserting human bodies into the machineries of industrial and agricultural production as part and
parcel of strategically adjusting the growth of human populations to the development of industrial
capitalism, however, did generate systems of biopower. Under such regimes, power/ knowledge
systems bring "life and its mechanisms into the realm of explicit calculations," making the manifold
disciplines of knowledge and discourses of power into a new sort of productive agency as part of the
"transformation of human life.
"49
Once this threshold was crossed, some observers began to
recognize how the environmental interactions of human economics, politics, and technologies
continually placed all human beings' existence as living beings into question. Foucault might be read as
dividing the environment into two separate but interpenetrating spheres of action: the biological and the histori cal. For most of
human history, the biological dimension, or forces of Nature acting through disease and famine, dominated human existence with
the ever-present menace of death. Developments in agricultural technologies as well as hygiene and health techniques, however, gradu-
ally provided some relief from starvation and plague by the end of the eighteenth century. As a result, the historical dimension began to
grow in importance along with "the development of the different fields of knowledge concerned with life in general , the
improvement of agricultural techniques, and the observations and measures relative to man's
life and survival contributed to this relaxation: a relative control over life averted some of the
imminent risks of death.
"50
The work of the Worldwatch Institute acknowledges how "the historical" then begins to
envelope, circumscribe, or surround "the biological," creating interlocking disciplinary expanses
for "the environmental" to be watched, managed, controlled. And, these environmentalized
settings quickly dominate all forms of concrete human reality: "in the space of movement
thus conquered, and broadening and organizing that space, methods of power and knowledge
assumed responsibility for the life processes and undertook to control and modify them. "51 Although
Foucault does not explicitly define these spaces, methods, and knowledges as such as being "environmental," these governmentalizing
maneuvers might be seen as the origin of many disciplinary projects, which all feed into environmentalization. As biological life is refracted
through economic, political, and technological existence, "the facts of life" pass into fields of controlfor disciplines of ecoknowledge and
spheres of intervention for their management as geopower at various institutional s ites, such as the Worldwatch Institute.
AT: Cap Good

1. This must be a jokethey make the nature an a priori issue by reading it as an
advantage our Luke evidence is indicative of the fact that capitalism has been the
number 1 deterrent of Nature through the legalization of CFCs and producing
automobiles that are engineered to burn the maximum amount of oil
2. Environmental promises are not remedied by capitalism
Shah, editor of Global Issues, 2005
(Anup, Criticisms of Current Forms of Free Trade, originally created 09/07/1998, updated 6/20/2005
http://www.globalissues.org/TradeRelated/FreeTrade/Criticisms.asp)
Environmental concerns are typically not taken into account of directly. It is argued that the environment will benefit
indirectly because the same process of individual greed will create markets that address environmental
problems. Yet, this creates unnecessary jobs (which also uses more resources) because sustainable development
that would not have to adversely affect the environment in the first place would be a more efficient form of development. This sites section
looking deeper behind consumerism and consumption highlights how economic interests do not match or deliver on
environmental concerns or human needs and also leads to wasted labor.
3. Even if capitalism is good it is not a justification for a managerialist ethicwe are a
criticism of a certain portion of capitalist thoughtthey dont have a single reason
why managerialism is productive in a ethico-political environment
4. Ethical actors must be willing to risk the impossible this radical ethical stance is
key to break free from the neo-liberal capitalist order
Zizek and Daly 2k4 (Slavoj and Glyn, Conversations with Zizek page 18-19)

For Zizek, a confrontation with the obscenities of abundance capitalism also requires a transformation of
the ethico-political imagination. It is no longer a question of developing ethical guidelines within the
existing political framework (the various institutional and corporate ethical committees) but of developing a
politicization of ethics; an ethics of the Real.8 The starting point here is an insistence on the unconditional
autonomy of the subject; of accepting that as human beings we are ultimately responsible for our
actions and being-in-the-world up to and including the constructions of the capitalist system itself. Far
from simple norm-breaking or refining / reinforcing existing social protocol, an ethics of the Real tends to emerge through norm-breaking and
in finding new directions that, by definition, involve traumatic changes: i.e. the Real in genuine ethical challenge. An ethics of the Real does not
simply defer to the impossible (or infinite Otherness) as an unsurpassable horizon that already marks every act as a failure, incomplete and so
on. Rather, such an ethics is one that fully accepts contingency but which is nonetheless prepared to risk the
impossible in the sense of breaking out of standardized positions. We might say that it is an ethics which is not only
politically motivated but which also draws its strength from the political itself. For Zizek an ethics of the Real (or Real ethics) means that we
cannot rely on any form of symbolic Other that would endorse our (in)decisions and (in)actions: for example, the neutral financial data of the
stockmarkets; the expert knowledge of Becks new modernity scientists, the economic and military councils of the New World Order; the
various (formal and informal) tribunals of political correctness; or any of the mysterious laws of God, nature or the market. What Zizek
affirms is a radical culture of ethical identification for the left in which the alternative forms of militancy
must first of all be militant with themselves. That is to say, they must be militant in the fundamental ethical sense of not
relying on any external/higher authority and in the development of a political imagination that, like
Zizeks own thought, exhorts us to risk the impossible.
AT: Perm
a new link that the perm doesnt capture: The state organizes all resources for
consumption according to national identity
University, Nationality and Sovereignty in the New World Order, Presented to the Communications
Technologies Seminar Series, sponsored by the Telecommunications Users Association of New Zealand,
the New Zealand Academy for the Humanities, and Victoria University of Wellington, March 21, 1996,

All territorialized formations of national governmentality, however, are also "an imagined political
community--and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign" (Anderson, 1991: 6). On one level,
acquiring nomological "powers of speech" among one people or ethnonational group begins the
constitution, on another level, of a centered, single country, or one territorial "jurisdiction" (more
literally, here, a form of lawful speech, a center of legal diction, or a mode of speaking nomologically),
for, but also "over," the diverse array of peoples inhabiting the spaces where this lawful speech carries
(Gellner, 1983). Such powers transform many places on many terrains into one zone of continuous
jurisdictive governmentality, spatializing the power of making rules in this territory materially,
organizationally and symbolically as its rule-making realm of sovereignty. At the margins of sub-
national and super-national spaces, national codes of lawful speech establish borders where power
constantly reconstructs its territorial containments (Helgerson, 1992). Autonomous spaces--nation-
states--are places where autonymous powers get to name the games that define and delimit their
rules, making them the rulers. Through these tactics, then, statalizing power reworks the ground,
divides up its resources, and commands economic production to materialize its rules against other
powers, fixing its external sovereignty in a regime of governmentality. Rousseau captures the quality
of these dynamics in governmentality quite aptly when he observes that the in-statement of state
power "is devoted solely to two objects: to extend their rule beyond their frontiers and to make it
more absolute within them. Any other purpose they may have is subservient to one of these aims, or
merely a pretext for attaining them" (1917: 95).

The alternative seeks for a different type of inclusion, one that focuses on culture
the perm prevents that from happening
Eric Boime, assistant prof at San Diego State University, January, 2008, History Compass, Volume 6 Issue
1 Page 297-313, kdf
The cultural histories, with their own attack on environmental ideology, seek a different type of
inclusion. Whereas Suzanne Marshall subjects are the stand-outs from the consumer driven, wasteful,
TV watching society, it is precisely the latter group that interests historians like Summers.
Environmental (like class or ethnic) consciousness, they have illustrated, are not necessarily
something to be found at the centers of production, in the courtroom, or on the legislative floor. By
examining peoples everyday relationship and their appetites for the various representations of
wilderness, they have yielded narratives that relate all kinds of people to the environmental
movement, as well as to the corridors of power.

AT: Perm Every Other Instance
They determine our reality about this situation meaning this instance is a unique
chance for the alternative:
Seung-Kyu Rhee, 2003, Dynamic change of corporate environmental strategy: rhetoric and reality,
accessed April 23, 2008, http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/cgi-
bin/abstract/104526180/ABSTRACT?CRETRY=1&SRETRY=0, kdf

Although rhetoric involves political and symbolic posture, and does not always accurately represent
reality, it plays an important role in the dynamic change process of environmental strategy. We first
elaborate on the related concepts and develop frameworks to analyze corporate environmental
strategy and its change. We report two case studies of Korean companies using the framework.
Longitudinal case studies also provide additional implications for corporate environmental strategy in
developing countries such as Korea. There is a gap between the rhetoric and reality of environmental
strategy and it constantly changes over time depending on specific internal and external influences.

AT: Shortages
Shortages dont existthey are a way for corporations to guarantee the largest profit
margin possiblethe rhetoric of shortages are spurred in order to justify new
capitalist expansion
International Affairs at Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University], Ecocritique, p. xviii-xix, kdf)

The real threat to ecological sustainability in our global ecology perhaps is not growth per se,
as the Worldwatch Institute, Earth First! or even Soleri, might argue. Resource shortages, when
and where they do emerge in contemporary societies, are not the mystical product of "growth,"but
rather arise from serious irrationalities, as Marcuse, Soleri, and Bookchin contend, in globally
articulated modes of industrial, agricultural, and informational production that stress profit
maximization, or short-run calculations of costs and benefits. Immediately enjoyable commercial
utility derived from the management of the earth's ecologies trades mainly private economic benefit
off against mostly public ecological CoSt
.15
A particular form of transnational corporate
commerce systematically structures most of these outcomes. And, its workings consti tute the
most concrete threat to ecological sustainability and natural resources, not some disembodied
abstraction known as "growth."
As green consumerism suggests, the key contradictions between Nature and the economy are not
those conflicts conventionally discovered between "growth" and "ecology" or "jobs" and "the
environment." The corporate-backed "wise use" movement often touts these trade-offs as the
key contradictions in contemporary political life, but its analysis simplistically assumes that more
"growth" and "jobs" always means less "ecology" and "environment."
16
Each of these factors is a
function of many complex sets of social decisions, technological choices, political options being
exercised in one way rather than another. Pollution occurs, resources are wasted, energy is
misdirected because of the means that capital, expertise, and government settle on to create,
allocate, and expropriate the wealth produced by collective effort and individual ini tiative out of
Nature's many materials. The Nature Conservancy and the Worldwatch Institute are, in one sense,
correct: good jobs, quality growth, unsullied ecologies, and a healthy environment all could be realized
simultaneously as new collective goods without returning to Pleistocene-era social institutions and
technologies. Population growth can cause environmental degradation, but it also has been a
precondition for many social innovations to the extent that "the environment" itself for human
beings is simply an abstract artificial assembly in which vast constellations of complex
arcological systems extract matter and energy from closely watched, intensely worked,
constantly managed, and extensively exploited space.
AT: Realism

1. States may act in self-interest that doesnt mean that they have to use a
managerialist policythey have no internal link that says our alternative guts realist
action so they have no inroads to their impacts

2. Realism is ineffectivethe political climate that they discuss no longer exist instead
they latch onto a reductionist policy leading to violence in the name of security
Luke in 1996 (Timothy W., Nationality and Sovereignty in the New World Order, Presented to the
Communications Technologies Seminar Series, sponsored by the Telecommunications Users Association
of New Zealand, the New Zealand Academy for the Humanities, and Victoria University of Wellington,
March 21, http://www.cddc.vt.edu/tim/tims/Tim470.htm)

Sadly, the political realists cling to what may now be realistic phantasms, like political and
epistemological realism, to cope with a world that is no longer quite captured completely by their
reified reductionistic categories. Modern political realism assumes a regimen of national/statal
governmentality, operating smoothly in territorial nation-states (Kennedy, 1992). These states have
hardened borders, inviolate territorial spaces, and defensible centers in an international order of all
other comparable states all of which are dedicated to maintaining territorial control over their
sovereign spaces, resisting outside threats to their borders, and containing internal challenges to their
political autonomy. Operating in these conditions calls for simple but consistent strategies: "Each state
pursues its own interests, however defined, in ways it judges best. Force is a means of achieving the
external ends of states because there exists no consistent, reliable process of reconciling the conflicts of
interest that inevitably arise among similar units in a condition of anarchy. A foreign policy based on this
image is neither moral nor immoral, but embodies merely a reasoned response to the world about us"
(Waltz, 1959: 238).

3. REALISM IS A CIRCULAR FEAR OF INSECURITY THAT ULTIMATELY COLLAPSES INTO
NIHILISM IN ITS ATTEMPT AT TOTAL MASTERY OF BEING. THE DRIVE TO SECURITIZE
FOLLOWS IN TANDEM WITH THE EXERCISE OF VIOLENCE
Michael DILLON Prof. of International Relations @ Lancaster U,96
[Politics of Security: Towards a Political Philosophy of Continental Thought, pgs. 21-22)

The charge levelled at philosophy at the end of metaphysicsthe end of philosophy thesis which has
consequently turned philosophical thought into a contemplation of the limit; where limit is, however,
thought liminally and not terminallyis that the philosopher has simply run out of things to say. It is
that the philosopher cannot, in fact, secure any particular value for you and is, therefore, confronted
with the manifest impossibility of discharging the traditional security function, other than to insist upon
securing security itself. All that remains of the great project of Western philosophy, then, is the
continuing, increasingly violent, insistence upon the need to secure security; hence its nihilism. The
savage irony is that the more this insistence is complied with, the greater is the violence licensed and
the insecurity engendered.
The essence of metaphysics, then, is nihilistic, as the best of the realists fear that it is, precisely
because it does not matter what you secure so long as security itself is secured. That is to say, so long
as things are made certain, mastered and thereby controllable. Securing security does not simply
create values. In essence indifferent to any particular value, and committed as it must ultimately be
merely to rendering things calculable so that the political arithmetic of securing security can operate,
it must relentlessly also destroy values when they conflict with the
fundamental mathesis required of the imperative to secure. Its raison dtre, in other words,
masquerading as the preservation of values, is ultimately not valuation at all but calculation. For
without calculation how could security be secured? And calculation requires calculability. Whatever is
must thereby be rendered calculablewhatever other value might once have been placed upon itif
we are to be as certain of it as metaphysics insists that we have to be if we are to secure the world.

AT: Util
A Utilitarian framework turns the aff- it justifies a kill to save mentality that results in
things like slavery and ultimately in extinction
Weber in 93 (Darren, Environmental Ethics and Species, http://dnl.ucsf.edu/users
/dweber/essays/env_tp2.pdf, kdf

A problem with utilitarian ethics is that the principle of the greatest good for the greatest number
could entail that some species are disadvantaged or actively exterminated. Firstly, the utilitarian
calculus of the greatest good for the greatest number is very difficult when it is restricted to
humanity. The present satisfaction of a portion of humanity, let alone all of humanity, is very difficult to
evaluate and the different degrees of satisfaction to be had by various people from various sources of
satisfaction is very difficult to predict, so the determination of the greatest good for the greatest
number after the distribution of limited resources is very, very difficult to evaluate. As applied to all
sentient species, it is virtually impossible to evaluate, since it is very difficult to know the feelings of
sentient animals other than people. Secondly, utilitarianism can lead to significant inequalities in the
distribution of limited resources. For example, among a group of people with 50 units of satisfaction
there could be a small group with about 80 units of satisfaction and another larger group with about
40 units of satisfaction, since the small group have exclusive control of some equipment. According to
utilitarianism, another 10 units of satisfaction should be distributed to the small group when it can
use its equipment to transform 10 units of simple satisfaction into 20 units of added value
satisfaction. Assuming that it is possible to know the feelings of sentient animals, a sentient species
(e.g., a predator) that inflicts pain on another sentient species should be disadvantaged or
extinguished when the satisfaction of that species is less than the satisfaction of the species that
suffer pain. Thus, although the utilitarian principle may apply to all sentient species, the difficulties of
utilitarianism are insurmountable or the inequalities implied by utilitarianism are likely to promote
the extinction of species. Tom Regan argues that deontological ethics should be applied to sentient
creatures.8 Kant argued that moral principles should be applied to all people who are aware of right
actions and able to understand rational principles of action that should be applied universally and
unconditionally. Kant believed that all moral agents should be considered as ends in themselves, with
their own purposes to fulfill, rather than means to the satisfaction of others.
For example, the principle of treating all people as ends in themselves would prevent slavery, even
when slavery would provide for the greatest good for the greatest number. Regan extends the
arguments of Kant to encompass all species with awareness of their actions. He argues that just as
people have a right to be respected as ends in themselves, so too animals capable of awareness of their
actions deserve to be respected as ends in themselves. Thus, animals should not be used in medical
experiments, even when the utility of their use is greater than the utility of experiments on people.
Although many sentient animals may not have the capacity to understand rational principles of action
or their universal, unconditional application, Regan argues that they have a sense of their being and
the fulfilment of their purposes that should be respected for the integrated consciousness that it is.

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