NEW CLASS

Milovan Djilas
An Analysis of the
System
An Atlantic Press book
THAMES AND HUDSON
London
The wish to their
gratitude editorial assistance to
Mr. Puner and Mr. Konrad Kellen.
First in Great Britain, 1957
All rights reserved _,
Printed in tlle United States of America
Preface
All this could told in different way: as the history of
contemporary revolution, as the expression of set. of opinions,
or finally, as the confession of revolutionary. little of each
of these may found in this document. even if this is an
inadequate of history, and memoirs, it re-
flects my effort to give as complete as brief picture as
of Some special or tech-
aspects may lost, but. the picture, I trust, will
that much simpler more complete.
I have tried to detach myself my
not to are, at. best, un-
I am tl1erefore compelled to express my
more detailed examina-
of my some day
even some of my
I all the of the in the
of our world. Nor do I
to any world outside. the '\Vorld, in '\Vhich I
had either the or to live. When I speak of
world outside my o'\vn, I do so orlly to put my world in
perspective, to make its reality clearer.
v
vi PREFACE
everytblng in this book has been expressed
vvhere else, and in different way. Perhaps new fiavor, color,
and and found here. That
is fact, quite enough. Each experiences
are unique, 1vorthy of to bls fello1v
The reader not seek in this book some kind of social
or other pbllosophy, not even 1vhere I make generalized state-
has been to present of the
1vorld but not to philosophize about it. means of generaliza-
tions-even though I sometimes found

of to most
for could
been and could
proved statistics, and of order
to as simple and concise as I expressed
througl1 and logical deduction, keep-
and statistics to
I is for personal story
for method of 'NOrking thinking.
adult life I the entire road to
the Iovvest to the rung of the bler-
local national to forums,
the of Party and
of the revolution to the of the so-
called socialist society. No one to or to
I o1vn according to
convictions, in so far as can Even
I 1vas disillusioned, I do not belong to whose disillusion-
1vas and I cut off gradually and
building up the picture and I present
in this book. As I became estranged the re-
ality of I came closer to the idea
of This personal evolution is also refiected
PREFACE
vii
in this book, although the book's primary purpose is not to
trace this evolution.
I consider it superfluous to criticize as an idea.
The ideas of equality and among men,
exjsred in varying society began-and
>vhich contemporary accepts in
ciples to -vvhich fighters for progress and 1vill al1vays
aspire. It 1vrong t.o criticize basic ideas, as \\rell
as and The struggle to achieve is part of
society.
Nor I detailed criticism of
theory, although such criticism is needed useful. I have
of
touching upon theor-y 1vhere
It is to express all my exper-
1vork as as this I stated only the most
essential of \Vere un-

This account may appear strange t.o live in
it. \vould seem to
live I claim no exclusive credit or dis-
for picture of tllat 1vorld, nor
ideas concerning it. They simply the ideas of
\VOrld I live. I am of 1vor1d. I
to it. No1v I am one of its cr-itics.
on surface is tbls I struggled
past, and am IlO\V, for better world.
gle may produce the desired Nevertl1eless, logic
of my action is in of that
struggle.
CONTENTS
Origins 1
Character of the Revolution 15
The New Class 37
The Party State 70
Dogmatism in the Economy 103
Tyranny over the Mind 124
The Aim and The Means 147
The Essence 164
National Communism 173
The Present-Day World 191
Origins
1.
The roots of modern reach back very far, al-
though they >vere dormant before tl1e development of
industry Europe. Communism's basic ideas are the
Primacy of Matter Reality of Change, ideas borrmved
from tblnkers of period just befoie the inception of Com-
rnunism. As Communism endures and gains strength, these
basic ideas play less less role. This is
once pmvei, to Iemodel
rest of the -.;vorld to its o-.;vn ideas and less and
less to change itseif.
Dialectics and of -.;vorbl inde-
pendently of hurnan -.;vill-formed the basis of the old, classical,
Marxist basic ideas -.;vere not originated
Communist theorists, as Marx or Engels. bor-
Io-.;ved them and -.;vove into -.;vhole, thus forming,
unintentionally, the basis for r1e1v conception of -.;vorld.
idea of the Prirnacy of Matter was borrmved from the
French materialists of eighteenth century.
in Greece, had expressed it in
different way. The idea of reality of caused the
struggle of opposites, called Dialectics, was over from
1
2
NEW CLASS
Hegel; the same idea had expressed in different \vay
He1-aclitus in ancient Greece.
Without going into details of bet.,veen
ideas similar it is necessary to
out Hegel, in the idea of Reality of
the of supreme la\v,
or Idea of Absolute. As he expressed it, last
sis are la'\vs of
will, nature, society,
idea of Reality of
especially Engels, stated la\vs of objective or
material world were of
'\vas he '\vould discover basic Ia,vs
life society, just as discovered
la'\\'S creatures. At rate, did clarify
some social la,vs, particular-Iy way Iaws
of early capitalism.
fact if accepted as accurate, in itself
justify of Communists dis-
all la1vs of society. Still less it justify their at-
to :nodel society after ideas same '\vay
l1vestock 1s basis of discoveries of Lamarck
society compared to species of
mals or to objects; it is composed of individuals
are active it,

. of contempOI'ary of
1f. not and absolut.e, but in any case
sc1ence, based dialectical materialism, are seeds
of its despotism. OI'igin of can
ideas of blmself did anticipate

?f course, contempora1y Communism does deny
eXIstence of an objective or body of laws. However,
power, it acts in an entirely different to'\vard
ORIGINS
human society and individual, and uses methods to estab-
lish its power different from those its theories would suggest.
Beginning the alone know the Iaws
which govern society, at the
and unscientific that this alleged knowledge gives
po,ver and the exclusive to society and
to control its activities. This is the error of system.
Hegel absolute in Prussia was
of bls idea of Absolute.
on represent
of objective aspirations of society. Here is just
one difference between and Hegel; is
also difference bet1veen tl1e and absolute
did not tblnk quite as of itself as
do of \Vas it as absolute as
are.
2.
Hegel '\Vas con-
clusions to drawn own discoveries. For inst.ance,
if everytblng '\Vas constantly being '\Vould
to own ideas and to society '\Vanted
to preserve? As professor royal could
not dared, in any case, to
for of society on basis of bls
'\vas not case As young took
active part in 1848 revolution. "\vent to in
dra,ving Hegel's ideas. Was not
class all over Europe straining to"\vard
ne1v and It. appeared not only Hegel '\Vas
is, Hegel as intetpreted Marx-but also pbllo-
longer and since
science '\Vas discovering objective la1vs so rapidly, including
to society.
4 NEW CLASS
In science, Comte's pos1t1v1sm llad already triumphed as
method of inquiry; tlle Englisll scllool of political economy
(Smitll, Ricardo, and otllers) 1vas at its lleight; laws
1vere being discovered from day to day in sciences;
1vas out its on basis of
tific and of capitalism revealed
the struggle of the
proletariat. this 1vas onset of
of over society, and of t.he capital-
istic of as final obstacle to happi-
freedom.
time 1yas ripe for one great Marx had
to express it, but 1vere social
forces 1vblch he could rely.
Marx >vas and ideologist. As made
important sociology. As ideol-
ogist, ideological basis for the and
political of blstory, 1vhich
took place first in and are taking place in Asia.
But, just because he >vas sociol-
ogist, Marx never of all-inclusive
philosopblcal or ideological said: "One
is I Marxist." His great talent gave
advantage over all bls socialist.
as Fourier. fact t.hat did on
ideological all-inclusiveness bls
gave him an even advantage over bls disciples. Most of
the latter >vere ideologists and only to very degree-
as of Labriola, Lenin, Kautsky, and
Stalin >vill main desire 1vas to construct
out of Marx's ideas; tbls 1vas especially t.rue of
who kne1v little pbllosophy and even less talent for it. As
passed, Marx's tendency to present
his teachings as finite and all-inclusive concept of the >vorld,
and to as for
ORIGINS
of all of Marx's work, >vhich they considered as virtuaHy
Science gradually yielded to and as
result, to represent itself
as science.
product of bls Marx the need for
of His closest friend, Engels, declared
had died of Marx's
>vas at all so-called
especially after
ialism,
It is easy to Marx the for
and of any of It
is to bls tried to his
ideas an exclusive
they for any of
practice created dogma of
tl1ey to or tlle
tific" of and
of great brougl1t about life and industry
science, could but and to
consider tl1e of
vie>v and particularly since
social 1vas confiict all tlle accepted
ideas of tlle
Marx's ideas >vere of
bls time, bls o>vn to>vard and his
tionary to give to 1vorking-class
or less scientific basis. His disciples 1vere

bls Yie>vs into dogrna.
If political needs of 1vorking-class in
Europe had not ne1v ideology in itself,
t.hat calls itself Marxist, dialectical
\\rould have been as
particularly profound or even Marx's
6 NEW CLASS
and social studies are of the scientific and literary
rank.
of Marxist pbllosophy did not Iie in its
tific but its -.;vith
of all in its tl1e objective of society.
It stated and that. the -.;vorld -.;vould
because it to it bore the seeds of its
destruction; the class
this and -.;vould to effect it. the influ-
ence of this philosophy increased created the
-.;vorkir1g-class the tl1at it -.;vas omnipotent,
at least. as method. countries did
exist, sucl1 as Great and the United States,
of this -.;vas
despite the of the class and the

As Maixist philosophy -.;vas it
-.;vas based mainly materialistic ideas. As tlle
ideology of the oppressed classes especially of political
it marked an epocl1, first in Europe, and later in
Russia Asia, the basis for political move-
social system.

Marx thought the of capitalist society
1vould
its t-.;vo basic classes, the and The
seemed all mor-e likely to him in the capital-
istic system of time poverty -.;vealth kept increas-
ing opposite poles of society -.;vas
periodic crises.
last analysis, Marxist 1vas of
ORIGINS 7
revolution or of the struggle of the prole-
tariat for better life. It -.;vas no accident that tlle friglltful
poverty of masses accompanied
cllange had Marx.. His most
-.;vork, Das Kapital
1
contains number of important
and stining pages this topic. recurring crises, -.;vhich
\vere of tlle capitalism of
pover-ty and the of popula-
tiorl, logically led Marx to belief tllat -.;vas the
only . did not to
in all not democratic
already tradition of social life. cited as
examples of one of talks, tlle
Great tlle United States. Ho-.;vever, can con-
from his ideas, as the
of -.;vas one of bls basic beliefs. believed revo-
it.; -.;vas
l\Iarx's ideas, 1vere and
were
lllliversal The lnfantile Disorder of "Left-Wing"
Communism
1
bls most dogmatic 1vork, devel-
oped still more, Marx's position
that -.;vas in said
Great no as
1vas First
\Vorbl \Var become militar-istic po-.;ver, and therefore
tlle class
in to that
\vas temporary, \vartime of develop-
failed to development
of Gr-eat or other
also did of
tlle placed too much em-
pllasis or1 or Marxian, ideas
paid too little attention to the objective social role
8
CLASS
potentialities of the 1vorking class in more highly developed
countries. Although he disclaimed it, he did in fact proclaim
his theories and the experience to
universally
According to Marx's and his the
subject, the revolution >vould first of all in the higbly
developed capitalist Marx believed that the results
of the is, the ne1v socialist society->vould lead
to ne1v and higher level of freedom prevalent in
existing society, in so-called capitalism. This is
In the very act of various types of
capitalism, Marx 1vas at the same time pi"Oduct of his epoch,
capitalist epoch.
the Marxist that. capitalism must re-
placed not only economic and social is,
socialism-but higl1er form of human freedom, the Social
Democrats considered themselves to Marx's suc-
They less to claim than the Com-
munists, 1vho cited Marx as the source of their idea that the
replacement of capitalism can take place only revolutionary
means. Hmvever, both groups of Marx's follo>vers-the Social
only partly cit.-
ing him as basis for ideas. In citing Marx's ideas
1vere defending o>vn practices, >vhich in
and already society. both
cited and depended on ideas, the Social
developed in
In >vhere political and 1vas dif-
ficult, and class played 1veak role in society,
the slo1vly to and dogma out of
Marxist teaching. countr'ies forces
and social relations 1vere yet ripe for as
Russia and later in tl1e adoption and dogmatization of
the aspects of Marxist was rapid
and >vas on revolution the work-
ORIGINS 9
ing-class In such countries, Marxism grew stronger
and 1vith the victory of revolutionary party, it
became the ideology.
In as degree of political
and progress made unnecessary, derno-
cratic and reforrnist aspects of Marxist
revolutionary ones, ideologi-
cal political tendencies reform
the movernent.
the first case, ties Marx at
Ieast in out1vard In the second case, 1vere
1veakened.
Social and the developrnent of ideas led to
severe the European socialist
speaking, political and econornic conditions co-
incided 1vith ideas of tl1e socialist
because they interpreted reality in manner, that is,
incornplete one-sided 1vay, tl1eir partisan
of vie1v.
in and Bernstein the t>vo ex-
tremes through 1vhich social and eco-
of move-
ments
Alrnost of In the West
it had died out or 1vas in process of dying out; in the East,
as of of rule, only res-
idue of and dogmatisrn of Marx's dialectics
and 1vas used for pur-pose of cernenting
po1ver, justifying violating
it in fact also been in East, Marx-
ism operated as rigid dogrna increasing po1ver. It
1vas rnore than an idea it 1vas ne1v government, nevv
econorny, social systern.
Marx bls disciples
for developrnent, Yery little desire develop-
10 NEW CLASS
ment nor did he expect it. History betrayed this great master
as it has others 1vho have attempted to interpret its laws.
What been the nature of development since Marx?
In the 1870's, the formation of monopolies
had in the revolution
already place, as Germany, and
States. This 1vas in full swing the beginning
of the century. Scientific analyses were made of it
Hobson, Hilferding, and others. in Imperialism, the
Final Stage of Capitalism, made political analysis, based
on tllese authors, containing predictions
proved mostl inaccurate.
Marx's about tlle increasing of
1vorking class 1;vere not. out those
from 1vblch bls theories been derived. However,
as Hugh Seton-'\>Vatson states in From Lenin to Malenkov,*
they appeared to accurate for the most part in
case of the agrar'ian East European countries. while
in the vVest his stature 1vas to that of blstorian and
scholar, Marx became the of ne1v era in
Europe. His teachings effect, similar to
religion.
1vestern Europe tllat to the
theories of and Marx is Andre Maurois in
the edition of The History -Df England:
Engels visited in 1844, found 350,000
and crmvded into darnp, dirty, broken-down
houses tlley breathed an atrnospllere mix-
ture of 1vater and coal. In rnines, he saw half-naked
wornen, who 1vere Iike tlle lowest of draft animals.
Cllildren the day in dark tunnels, wllere were
employed in and closing primitive openings for
ventilation, and tasks.
reached point four-year-old cllildren
worked for virtually
New York, Frederick Praeger, 1953.
ORIGINS
11
lived to see an entirely different picture of Great
.
but he sa>v still 1s
poverty in Russia, the Asia
Africa.
Technological brougl1t about vast and con-
crete the vVest, every of
led tlle of to the
of the 1vorld of for tlle developed
for Tlley also led to the World War
October
the developed the rapid rise in and
tlle of sources of materials
of the class. The strug-
gle for better together 1vith
of of
mor-e tl1a11 ideals. places
became and
The countl'ies were yet
Russia, 1vere in an They found
they llad either to becorne
ized, or to active the stage of
captives of developed and
doomed to degeneracy. Local capital
and class and it too 1veak to solve
the of rapid In
became Yital need for
and only one class could it
or the r-epr-esenting it.
The tbls is is la.v-that
hurnan society and all it str-ive
to increase and tbls come in
societies individuals, so corn-
pete to SUI"\'iYe. This and
of faces and sociai
sucl1 as individual, political, legal, international
12
NEW CLASS
customs and relationships. Since it rnust overcorne obstacles,
society, that is, those who at its
productiYe forces, rnust eliminate, change, or destroy the ob-
stacles \Vhich arise either inside or outside its boundaries.
Classes, parties, political systerns, political ideas, are expres-
of t.his ceaseless of rnovernent and stagnation.
N society or nation alla...vs production to lag to such an
extent its existence is threatened. lag rneans to die.
People never die \villingly; they are ready to undergo sacri-
fice to overcorne the \Vhich stand in the >vay of their
econornic
The the material intellectual level de-
the forces, will used to
about. of
social I'esults >vhich follo>v. Ho>vever, for
tl1e of ideo-
logical or social fOl'ce-does
because to survive, societies the
leaders ideas at are best suited to
that must and \vish to attain.
Marxism >vas period
of monopolistic capitalism fmm developed
\Vest t.o of the East, as
Russia is about the time socialist move-
\vere East \Vest. stage
of socialist movement began its and
division
Social (I'eform) >ving and Communist
(revolutionary) to Russia
of
\Vas no 1vay of about
there >ve!'e special for
existed in
semi-feudal over half before the
of Marxists the late Moreover, there
ORIGINS
13
\vere specific concrete reasons-international, eco-
political-for The basic
for to all
as Russia, and Yugoslavia, \Vl1ere took
place.
It >vas that. most of European
socialist after Marx \Vere not and
Marxist, but to ideologically
\vere all forces of old soCiety:
d .
private an , mme Im-
vast. pO\ver
tries developed since early times face of constant

>vants to must
first of all interpi'et it
/Jf::; >v movement must exclusive, esp:ciall.y
i! if is the 1vay victory 'iVOil. If
\;\ t is its success must its
, I'e s':lhd ideas. successes par-
sti'ikes
the Social part1es,
\vorkers, could improve their kopeck
no but to use
to escape despair
of
slovakia, Bulgaria-do not fall
rule at Ieast first did
system im-
posed them pO\ver of tlle Soviet Arrny. d1d n?t
even for at least
for some of had already it.
>vas imposed from the outside frorn
above, foreign macblnery of force. The
movements >vere weak, except the devel-
oped of Czechoslovakia, 1vhere the
l4 NEW CLASS
had closely leftist
up to the time of Soviet
and the coup d'etat of February 1948. the Com-
these 1vere 1veak, the
of the1r had to 1vith that of the
The U.S.S.R. imposed its system them, the
dom:stic Communists adopted it gladly. The 1veaker
1vas, it h.ad to imitate in form its
brother Russiail
such as France and Italy, had relatively
st:ong movements, had llard time keepina up
the industrially better-developed thu;
tlley. llad already passed througll
democratrc and their
me?ts differed those in Russia, Yugoslavia, and
France and Italy revolution did not
real chance. Since they 1vere livina and operatina in an
ronment of political democracy, Ieaders of Com-
to free entirely of par-
As far as 1vas they
to rely mote the move
aid of the U o>vn
leaders to fighters
poverty misery, believed party 1vas
for broader truer
as idea the of
It is out or
1vhe:re has acbleved its basic
a1ms. It those 1vhere tbls yet

historical role of coun-
t:Ies has. the course and the character of the revolu-
It has to about.
Character of the Revolution
1.
History sh01vs that in countries where revolu-
tions have taken place other parties too have been dissatisfied
1vith The best example is Russia, where the
party which accomplished the Cornmunist revolution 1vas
revolutionary
However, the Communist were both revolu-
their opposition to the status quo and
their support of t.he
practice, tbls meant radical destruction of O>mer-
ship No other party so far in t.his respect. None
1vas "industrial" to that degree.
It is less clear 1vhy these parties had to socialist their
program. Under the back1vard Czarist
Russia, capitalist private 01mership not sho1ved itself in-
of rapid but actually ob-
structed it. The private property class had developed
1vhich extrernely po1verful feudal still
existed, 1vhile monopolies of rnore developed countries retained
their grip this enormous area in ra1v rnaterials
a!ld markets.
Czarist Russia, to its history, had to latecomer
15
16
NEW CLASS
with to the industrial revolution. It is the only
1vhich did pass t.he and
the It did not have like t.he medieval
city-states. Back1vard, semi-feudal, absolutist
bureaucratic centralism, 1vith rapid
of t.he proletariat several centers, Russia found in
the of modem world capitalism, and in
of the financial interests of t.he gigantic banking centers.
Lenin states his work Imperialism, the Final Stage of
Capi:alism of the capital of large in
was in the of capitalists. Trotsky his
history of the revolution emphasizes that foreigners
forty per cent of the of capital ir1
Russia, and that this percentage >vas in some lead-
As for Yugoslavia, had decisive
influence in the most brar1ches of Yugoslav economy.
These facts alone do not But they that
foreigtl capitalists used pmver to progress in these
countries, to develop exclusively as sources of
raw materials and cheap labor, 1vith tlle result that na-
tions became unprogtessive and even began to decline.
party historic task of carrying out
revolution in countries to anti-capitalistic in its
internal policy in its policy.
Internally, domestic capital 1vas 1veak, and 1vas largely
or affiliate of capital. It 1vas cap-
Italist. class but class, proletariat 1vas arisino-
from the of peasantry, 1vas vitall;
interested industrial Just as elimination
of outrageous exploitation \\'as of Iife deatll for
t.hose already were so 1vas industrialization
of survival for in their about to
become proletarians. movement represented bot.h
of to is, socialistic in its
ideas, slogans and pledges.
CHARACTER OF REVOLUTION
17
party not contemplate exe-
of it concentrated all do-
mestic in its o1vn of native
capitalists against 1\'hom the 1vere also because
of severe use of
party had to take against
capital.
Other parties 1vere to follo1v similar program.
of eitl1er aspired to return to old system, to preserva-
of vested, static or at. best, to and
peaceful development. Even 1vhich 1vere anti-capital-
istic, as example SRs Party) in
Russia, aspired to1vard society to idyllic
peasant Even socialist parties as Mensheviks
in Russia did not go to push for tl1e over-
of the barriers to capitalist development. took
of vie1v t.hat it. >vas to fully developed
capitalism to arrive at socialism later. Ho1vever, the
1vas different; to old system
development of capitalism for
N 1vas given
and internal of resolving urgerlt
of development of these i.e.,
industrial
1vas favor of the
revolution Iapid pr-ospects for suc-
cess. party to socialist
its But it 1vas to operate under pre-
general, labor or socialist
party to ideologically
of of industry
as 1vell as tenet v\'as This
concept existed, it \vas only to modify it.
concept was aspect.
socialist move-
18 NEW CLASS
ment, \Vas natural for party Lat.er, develop
of and with the changes in
deyeJoped it became just as essential for it to
separate itself from reformism of European socialism.
The inevitability of revolution and of rapid
exacted enormous sacrifices and involved rutbless vio-
lence, required only promises but faith in possibllity of
kingdom of on as also do,
the of least the supporters of revolution
and industrialization often departed from Marxist
socialist However, it. was for them to
shed the doctrine
Capitalism capitalist were proper
at the moment the forms
society expressed its needs and aspirations for improving
In Great Britain, in the first
of capitalism improved and
production. And just as industrialists in Britain had to de-
stroy the peasantry in order to attain degree of produc-
the industrialists, or in Russia to
become Yictim of the industrial revolution.
and the forms wei"e different, but la\v \Vas same in both
cases.
In instances socialism \vas
pledge, as lofty ideal, and, in fact, as particular
of O\vnersblp \vould facilitate the
industrial reYolution and make improvement
of
2.
All the of past after economic
or social relationsblps begun to prevail, and the old politi
CHARACTER OF REVOLUTION
19
.:;al system had the sole obstacle to further development.
None of these revolutions other t.han the
destruction of the old political forms and an o.f
1vay for social forces relationsh1ps
in old society. Even in those cases
desired something else, as of econom1::
social means of force, as did the
the French to accept and S\Vlftly
eliminated.
In all preYious revolutions, force and violence appeared
as consequence, as an of _ne'v
already prevailing economic and social
Even and surpassed proper l1m1ts
course of in the analysis
forces to directed toward positive and goal.
these cases and despotism been
but solely . .
All so-called bourgeois
belmv, i.e., of masses as or
from above, i.e., coup d'etat as in B1smarck,
to up political democracy. is
task \Vas to destioy old despotlc pollt.Ical
system, and to of political
would adequate for alieady existing
and other needs, particularly those concerning produc-
of goods. .
case is diffeieilt \vith
These did not occur ne\V, let
us say socialist, \vere already in econ
" d 1 d " the con-
omy, or because \Vas over eve .
trary. did occur because capitalism was not fully
veloped and because it \Vas to carry out the
transfoimation of country.
In capitalism had already prevailed in the economy,
20
NEW CLASS
in social relationships, and even the conscience
t . . .
of the The case is hardly
With soctallsm in Russia, China, or Yugoslavia.
The leaders of the Russian themselves were
of this Speaking at the Seventh Congress of the
Party March 7, 1918, while the 1vas
still in progress, Lenin said:
. One of the fundamental differences bourgeois
socia!ist revolutions is that in bourgeois revolution,
from new organizations
graduaiiy all aspects of feudai society are pro-
gresSively created the midst of the old order. In
this revolution
aii that .Is o_f It:. It. the grmvth of
socialist IS
the. that \vhich had to socialist
because of the vagaries of history, is back
1
vard,
the old capitalist to socialist rela-
is difficult ....
The socialist bourgeois
l1es speCifically fact the Iatter case
forms of capitalist 1vhile the
power-the proletaiiat-does such if ;ve
exclude de;reloped forms of 1vhich actually
smaii of top very
touclled agriculture,
I quote Lenin, but I could quote any leader of the Com-
munist and other authors, as
of the fact that. settled did not exist for the
Pe;v society, but in this case the "soviet po
1
ver,"
must bUild them. If the ne1v "socialist"
had devel?ped to the fullest in the country in i\'hich Com-
1vas to emerge victor-ious, there
1
vould
have been need for so many assurances, and
efforts embracing the of socialism."
CHARACTER OF REVOLUTION
21
This leads to an If tlle conditions
for society 1vere not sufficiently prevalent, tllen wllo
needed the revolution? Moreover, hoiv ;vas the pos-
Ho1v could it survive in ;rie1v of the fact that the
social 1vere not yet in the formative process in
the old society?
No or party had ever before set itself to the task
of building social or ne;v society. But this 1vas
the primary objective of the Ievolution.
Communist leaders, thougll no better than others
with the la1vs 1vhich society, discovered that in the coun-
in 1vhich revolution 1vas industrialization 'Nas
also particularly when it involved of
society keeping 1vith their ideological hypothesis.
-the success of revolution conditions-
confirmed this for them; the "building of socialism" did like-
1\'ise. This their illusion that they kne>v the laws
of social development. In fact, they 1vere in position of
making for ne;v society, and of to
build it, making here and leaving out sometblng
tl1ere, all the while adhering closely to their
as legitimate necessity of
society, and the Communist 1vay of accomplishing it,
forces in of revolutions.
However, neither of tllese, though tl1ey progressed togetller
and on tracks, could achieve success After
the completion of the revolution, someone had to shoulder the
for industrialization. the West, tbls 1vas
taken over economic forces of capitalism from
the despotic political chains, while in the countries of Com-
munist revolutions no similar forces existed and, thus, tlleir
function had to taken over the revolutionary organs
themselves, the new authority, that is, the revolutionary party.
In earlier revolutions, revolutionary force and violence be-
came hindrance to the as soor1 as the old order 1vas
22
overthrmvn In . NEW CLASS
revolutio 1 f
condition for further d
1
1
s, orce and vio1ence are
Words of earlier revo1ut1. eve and even progress. In the
force and . I
necessary evil and ' ence were on1y
. means to an end I h
force and .
1
. Il t 1vords of Corn-
f
' ence are elev t d
cu1t and an ult" to t lofty position
. In the t h I
1vh1ch made up ? pas ' t asses and forces
. ne\v society already xi t d f
erupted Th . s ore the revolu-
have had to revo1utions are the fi.r-st 1Vhich
Even as tl ela and ne\v social fOIces.
le revo th vV h d .
democracy after aii the . es:. to end in
the East, the revolutions had .
of terror in the W despot1sm. The methods
lous, est ridicu-
the 1 the revo1ution for
' part"
1
case was the opposite. Not on1 d"d d n the East,
East the . 1 . espot1sm in the
of
t1me, as 1ve shaii see 1ater "t 1 . d so mucll
t" h ' 1 aste aft d
Ion ad taken er ustrializa-

TI!ere are other basic d1"ff
1
. erences betw .
vo ear1ier ones 1" een re-
had reached the point of re d. revolutions, though
1n an
Were to break out with economy and society,
We now knmv the cond" conditions.
and success of necessary for the
addition to these .. o;e;er, revolution has, in
make its planning and Its pecuiiarites
w
. ar, or more precisely, .
was for ast of state
Iarger ones. Until no,v at Ieast for the
for the victory of t Is been basic
.
. Is Is valid
1
t

..
1
1
CHARACTER OF Tl:fE REVOLUTION 23
for true, there the revolution began prior to the
but it for an entire decade to spread
finally to with of war. The
revolution of 1936, could been an excep-
tion, did have time to transform itself purely Com-
rnunist revolution, theiefore, emerged victorious.
reason 1var 1vas necessary for tlle
or do1vnfall of stat.e machinery, in the
immaturity of and society. collapse
of system, war
ful for tlle exist.ing circles and state system, small but
well-organized disciplined group is to take
in its
at the time of Oct.ober Revolution the Communist
Party about 80,000 members. Yugoslav
began the 1941 revolution with about 10,000 members.
grasp po1ver, the support active of at 1east
part of people is necessary, but in every case the party
which leads revolution power is minority
exclusively on exceptionally condi-
tions. such party majority group
it becomes the permanently authority.
The accomplishment of grandiose destruc-
tion of social order and building of society when
conditions for undertaking are in the
or society-is task to minority,
and at that, only those believe fanat.ically in its
Special conditions particular party are basic charac-
teristics of
The of as well as of every
victory in 1var, of all forces.
to the theory, the 1vas the first
"all resources of people at. 1var 1vere placed
the hands of the authorities: people, food,
case to an greater degree in "im-
CLASS
24
mature" revolution: not only all material means but all
tellectual means must fall into the hands of the party, and the
party itself become politically, and as an organization,
to the fullest parties,
politically firmly grouped the pos-
ideolocrical are to carry out

such
of all forces means as well as some kind
of political of the revolutionary parties are essential
for every successful the
these since
very tlle Communists exclude every
'"
independent political or party an ally of
their At the same time they demand of all
practical political vieiVS as >vell as theo-
retical, pllilosopllical, and moral vie>vs. fact the
SR's (Socialist-Revolutionaries) in
October Revolution, groups from
parties and
slavia, does disprove this
these of Party,
only to fixed in the After the revolution
tl-tese parties \vere dispersed, or tlley dissolved of
mm ivit1:t the Communist The
Bolsheviks the SR's as as
to become wllile tlle
and China that had the revolu-
had, in the meantirne, every one of polit-
ical
The earlier ivere out polit-
ical in the course of
but, taken as
whole, the \vas not the >vork of only
the succeeded
dictatorship brief period
CHARACTER OF REVOLUTION
25
ship, which the revolution, both the
end of the and of the 1 f
h
. .
t In case, although one party played d _
. . l . 1 .
ciSIVe 111 revolutions, the other did not.
111dependence. Although and dis-
they could enforced only brief time.
The parties could n_ot destroyed and would always emerge
anew. Even the ivhich the Comrnunists take
as the of their and state w
. . , as
mult1-party
. may have played the chief, and an exclusive, role
phase of But no party was
Ideo1oglcally, as. an organization, to degree
that Comm_umst Party was. the
Engllsh the in the French revolution
\vere bound same phi1osophical and ideo1ogical
tlte first belonged to sect. From the orcran-
. 1 . . 1
po111t of v1ew the were of clubs;
not even that. Only Com-
to the
iVhlch ivere and organizationally monolithic.
In every case one is all revolutions
th_e for methods and parties disappea1ed
wlth the of war and of foreign intervention, and these
meth.ods and p_artles to done ivith. After Com-
the both the
and the forms of soon
the fullest degree of ideolocrical ex-
cluslveness.
. Lenin exp:essly emphasized tbls during the itself
111 his conditions acceptance in the Comin.
tern:*
_In the present epoch o_f acute civil '\Var, Communist Party
will to duty only if it is in the
Selected Works, Vol. New York, International 1936.
26
NEW CL.ASS
most centralized manner, only if iron discipline bordering on
military discipline prevails in it, and if its party center is
powerful and authoritative organ, "\Vide powers
the of the members of the party.
And to this, Stalin appended, in Foundations of Leninism:*
This is the regard to the party in
the period of struggle the of the
dictatorship.
The same, but to greater degree, must said
about the party after the has been
achieved.
The revolutionary atmosphere and insistence on
ideological unity, political and ideological exclusiveness, polit-
ical other centralism do not cease after assuming control.
On t.he contt-ary, they become even m01e intensified.
Ruthlessness in met.hods, exclusiveness in ideas, and monopoly
in authority in the earlier lasted more or less as
lono- as the revolutions themselves. Since revolution in the

revolution 'vas only t.he fiiSt act of the despotic
and authority of it is difficult to forecast
the of that authority.
In earlier revolutions, the of
France, superficial 'vas paid to the elimination of real
oppositionists. No 'vas paid to the of those
who might become oppositionists. The perse-
of some social or ideological in the religious wars
of the Middle Ages was the only to this. From theory
and practice, Communists that they are in conflict wit.h
all other classes ideologies, and behave accOI'dingly.
are against not only actual but also opposi-
In the Baltic count1ies, thousands of people 'vere liqui-
dated overnight on the basis of documents previously
held ideological political views. massacre of several
New York, International 1939.
CHARACTER OF REVOLUTION
27
officers tlle Katyn Forest was of similar
the case of Communism, long after the
is over, and continue to
Sometimes these perfected and become more extensive than
in the as in the case of the liquidation of the Kulaks.
Ideological exclusiveness and intolerance are intensified after
the revolution. Even it is to reduce physical oppres-
sion, the tendency of the ruling is to the

Earlier particularly the so-called bourgeois
attached to the of indi-
vidual freedoms immediately cessation of the revolu-
tionary Even the revolutionaries it
to assure the legal of the
of justice '\Vas an result of all
these The regime in the U.S.S.R. is
still remote from of justice after
forty years of The of ea1lier
we1e often greater legal security greater civil This
cannot said of the Communist
There is vast bet"\veen the earlier revolu-
tions and contemporary ones. Ea1lier revolutions,
especially the greater '\vere pl'Oduct of the of
the 'vorking c1asses, but ultimate results fell to
class intellectual and often organizational leader-
sblp accomplished. bourgeoisie, in
name the revolution '\Vas out, to
extent the fruits of the struggles of
sans-culottes. masses of also pai'ticipated in
Communist ho,vever, of revolution do
fall to but to the For the bureaucracy
is nothing else but the party '\Vhich out the revolution.
In the 'vblch
carried out the liquidated. re-
volutions may "eat own childrer1," but all of
28 NEW CLASS
In fact, on of revolution,
and deals are made between
groups and factions which disagree about the path of the future.
Mutual accusations reYolve around dogmatic proof as
to who is "objectively" or "subjectively"
or agent of internal and fore1gn cap1tallsm.
Reo-ardless of the manner in 1vhich these disagreemerlts are
"' .
resolved, the group that emerges victorious is the one :s
the most consistent and determined supporter of industnall-
zation alono- Communist i.e., the basis of total
party particularly of state organs control of pro-
The revolution does devour those
of its children 1vho are for its future course-for
who accepted the ideas slogans
of the literally, their material-
are usually Iiquidated. The group wbich understood
that 1vould secure authority, on social-political-
Communist basis, as instrument of future industrial trans-
formation, emerges victorious.
The is the first in which the revolu-
tionaries and their allies, particularly the authority-1vielding
group, survived revolution. Similar groups failed
in earlier ones. The Communist revolution is first to
carried out to advantage of revolutionaries. They, and
the bureaucracy which forms around its fruits.
This creates in tbem, and in broader of the party,
the theirs is the first revolution that remained true
to the slogans its
4.
The Communist revolution creates about
its real aims are more pennanent and extensive than those of
earlier because the Communist resolves
CHARACTER OF REVOLUTION
29
relationsllips in ne>v 1vay and brings about ne1v fonn of
Earlier revolutions, too, resulted in
or minor changes in property But those revolu-
form of superseded others. In
the Communist reyolution this is not the case; change is
radical and and collective o>mership suppresses
priYate
The Communist reYolution, >vhile still in process of develop-
ment, destroys capitalist, priYate O'i\'11ership, i.e.,
that o>mership \\'hich makes use of foreign labor forces. This
immediately the belief promise
of new realm of equality and justice is being fulfilled. The
party, or the state its simultaneously
undertakes extensiYe for industrialization. This also
the belief that the time of freedom from
finally arrived. Despotism and oppression are there, but. they
are accepted as to last
opposition of the authorities
is stifled, the is corn-
pleted.
SeYeral chano-es occur the very process of
"'
in back>vard es-
pecially if it has assistance is from.
of all N
of pr-operty the land is first
of property in the of the ne>v regime. However, it does
not, and can not, stop at this. . .
ne>vly orio-inated o>mer-ship comes conflict
with other of o;vnership. ne1v o>mel'Ship irnposes
itself force on smaller owners who do employ someone
else's or to such manpo>ver is unessential, i.e.,
on craftsmen, >vorkers, small comrnercial merchants, and peas-
ants. This of small property is effected
even >vhen it is not done for economic mot.ives, i.e., OI"der
to degree of productivity.
30 NEW CLASS
In the course of industrialization, the property of those ele-
rnents who were not opposed to, or even assisted, the revolution
is taken over. As rnatter of forrn, the state also becornes the
of this property. The state adrninisters and rnanages the
property. Private ownership ceases, or decreases to of
secondary irnportance, but its cornplete disappearance IS
to the 1vhirn of the ne1v rnen in authority.
This is experienced the Cornrnunists and sorne rnern-
bers of the rnasses as cornplete liquidation of classes and the
realization of classless society. In fact, the old pre-revolution-
ary classes do disappear tlle cornpletion of
and collectivization. There rernains the spontaneous and unor-
displeasure of tlle rnass of the people-a displeasure
1vhich neither ceases nor abates. Cornrnunist delusions and self-
deceit about the "remnants" and "influence" of the "class
enemy" still persist. But the illusion that the long-drearned class-
less society arises tllese rneans is cornplete, at least for the
Cornrnunists themselves.
and even every 1var, illusions
is in the of ideals. During the
struo-o-le the ideals seern real for tl1e combatants; the
1:>1:>
end they often cease to exist. Not so in the case of
revolution. Those who out the Cornmunist revolution as
well as those the lo1ver echelons persist their illusions
long after the struggle. Despite oppression, despotism,
unconcealed and of the
sorne of tl1e especially the Comrnunists-retain the
illusions contained in their
Although the Comrnunist revolution may start with the rnost
idealistic concepts, calling heroisrn gigantic
effort, it s01vs the greatest and the rnost permanent illusions.
Revolutions are in the lifetime of They
rnay result in despotisrn, but. they also launch nations paths
previously to them.
The Communist attain single one of the
CHARACTER OF REVOLUTION 31
ideals as its rnotivating force. However, Communist re-
volution has brought about measure of industrial civilization
t.o vast areas of and Asia. this way, rnaterial bases
have been created for future freer society. Thus 1vhile
bringing about. the rnost complete despotisrn, the
revolution has also created the basis for the abolition of des-
potism. As the rnodern industry
to the vVest, the hventieth century will rnodern in-
dustry to the East. The of extends over the vast
expanse of Eurasia one way or another. despotic form
in dernocratic forrn in Burma, all of the
Asiatic other are an
industrial initiated
process. process the and historically
fact of
5.
It appear Cornrnunist revolutions are rnostly his-
torical In sense this is
true: revolutions required so many exceptional
so accom-
so little. Dernagogueiy are
tl1e leaders since are forced to
promise rnost ideal society and of every exploi-
tation."
Ho1vever, it said the deceived
people, is, tl1ey purposely and consciously did
frorn had fact
is simply 1vere to that in -vvhich
so fanatically believed. this
forced to execute policy contrary to
promised before and during their
of view, would that the
32
NEW CLASS
revolution was It 1vould also that
they had themselves become superfl.uous. of the sort
is for them.
The results of social struggle can of the
those 1vho carry it out. such struggles
and complex series of be-
yond the of intellect action. This
is most true of revolutions that demand superhuman efforts
and that effect hasty and radical changes society. They
generate absolute that the
prosperity 1vill appear after their victories. The
French revolution 1vas carried out in of common
in the belief that equality, and 1vouid
appear. The Russian revolut.ion 1vas carried out in
the of purely scientific vie1v of the world," for the pur-
pose of creating classless society. N either revolution could
have been created if tlle with
part of the people, not believed in their ovm idealistic aims.
as to
\Vere the than among
those who followed them. The should have
in fact, did kno\V about the of industriali-
but they could guess about its social results and
relationships.
Official historians in the U.S.S.R. and Yugoslavia
describe the revolution as if it 1vere fruit of previously
of its leaders. But only course of revolu-
and struggle 1vas planned, 1vhile the
1vblch tl1e took the
course of and from the direct taken. It is
of greatest revolutionaiies in
history, did not foresee or in revolution
1vould until it was January 1917,
one before February ten
before October Revolution
CHARACTER OF REVOLUTION 33
to po1ver, addressed meeting of Swiss Socialist youths:
"We, older generation, will not live to see the
decisive battles of the approaching revolution. But, I it
to express extreme the that the
youth, 1vho work the socialist of
Switzerland of the will the good fortune
not t.o fight but also to emerge victorious tl1e appioach-
of the proletariat."
Ho1v it said that Lenin, or else, 1vas
to foresee the social results after the complex
struggle of the revolution?
But if aims per se 1vere unreal, the Corn-
munists, as distinct from earlier were fully
creating those were car-
ried it out in the only 1vay tlleir absolute
totalitarian was fi.I-st revolution in history
revolutionaries not only remain on political
scene after but, in the most practical sense, build social
relationsblps completely contrary to which be-
IieYed and which they reYolution,
in course of its later and
tion, the revolutionaries themselves into creators and
masters of social state.
Marx's forecasts proYed even
greater degree, sarne can said for Lenin's
that free or classless society 1vould created 1vith the aid of
But need made revolution inevi-
ttansformation 011 basis of rnodern tech-
nology-is fulfilled.
6.
Abstract logic 1vould Communist reyolu-
tion, when it achieYes, under different conditions and state
the same things industrial reYolutions
34 NEW CLASS
and capitalism in the West, is nothing but form of state-cap-
italist revolution. The relationships \vhich are created its
victory are state-capitalist. This appears to even true
because the ne\v regime also regulates all political, labor, and
other relationships and, what is more important, the
national income and benefits and material goods
which actually have been transformed state property.
Discussion on \vhether or not the relationships in U.S.S.R.
in other Communist countries are state-capitalist, socialist,
or perhaps sometblng else, is dogmatic to degree.
However, such discussion is of fundamental importar1ce.
Even if it is presumed that state capitalism is notlling other
than the "antechamber of socialism," as Lenin emphasized, or
that it is the first phase of socialism, it is still iota easier
for the people \Vho live Communist despotism to endure.
lf the character of property social relationships brought
about Communist revolution is and defined,
prospects for of the people from relation-
become more realistic. If the people are conscious of
the nature of the social relationships which they live, or if
do not see way in which they alter their
struggle cannot any prospect of success.
If the Communist revolution, despite its promises illu-
sions, is state-capitalist its undertakings state-capitalist
relationships, only la,vful and positive its
aries take are the improve their \vork reduce
the pressure of state
do not admit they are in
system state but their leaders behave way.
boast about \Vork of ad-
about bureau-
cratism."
. Moreover, are not of state capital-
Ism; do provide method of improving
the system of state basically.
CHARACTER OF REVOLUTION
order to the of arise
course of Communist revolution and ultimately be-
come the process of industrialization and collectiv-
it is to peer further the role and manner
of of state under At present, it \Vill
sufficient to point out that in the state ma-
is not instrument really determines social
and it is only instrument
are protected. In truth, is accom-
plished of state and its regulations.
Communist Party, professional party bureau-
cracy, stands above the regulations and behind every one
of st.ate's acts.
It is the formally uses, and
socialized as \vell as
the of society. role of bureaucracy society,
i.e., rnonopolistic administration and control of national in-
come and goods, it to special privileged
Social state capitalism.
so, because out of industrialization is effected not
\Vith of capitalists but \Vith the of state ma-
cblne. In fact, tbls class using
state as cover as
is right of profit and con-
trol. If defines class benefits r-ight,
states have seen, in the final analysis, origin of form
of O\VIleisblp or of ne'v and exploiting class.
In reality, tlle Comrnunists to act differently
ruling class that them. that
they \vere building ne'v and ideal society, built it for
themselves in only \vay they could. Theii revolution and
t.heir society do not appear or but
appear as matter of course for particular and for
of its Because of tbls, no mat-
ter extensive and been,
36
NEW CL.tl.SS
society, in the course of certain period-as long as industrial-
ization Iasts-has to and is to endure this Further-
more, this tyranny no longer appears as something
but exclusively as assurance of the depredations and priv-
ileges of ne"' class.
In contrast to earlier revolutions, the revolution,
conducted in the of a.vay 1vith classes, has resulted
in the most complete authority of any class. Every-
thing else is sham and an illusion.
The New Class
1.
Everything differently in the U.S.S.R. other
Communist countries from 1vhat leaders-even promi-
as Trotsky,
They expected the state 1vould 1vitl1er a1vay, that
democracy 1vould They
expected rapid the of
has scarcely this respect and, sub-
jugated East standar-d even de-
In instance, of living failed to
rise to rate of 1vas
It 1vas believed bet1veen
cities villages, and labor,
slo1vly disappear; instead have
creased.
for in
also failed to materialize.
The greatest 1vas industrialization collectiv-
the U.S.S.R., of capitalist owneiSblp,
would result in classless society. 1936, ne1v
was promulgated, Stalir1 the "ex-
ploiting class" ceased to exist. The capitalist and other
37
38
NEW CLASS
classes of ancient had fact been destroyed, but new
class, previously t.o history, had been formed.
It is that this class, like those before it, should
believe that the of its po\ver \vould result in
happiness and freedom for all men. The be-
t\veen this and other classes was that it treated the delay in the
realization of its illusions more crudely. It thus affirmed
its power was more complete than the po,ver of any other class
before history, and its class illusions and prejudices vere
proportionally greater. .
This new class, the bureaucracy, or more the pollt-
ical bureaucracy, has all the characteristics of earlier ones as
well as some characteristics of its Its had its
special characteristics also, even in essence it was similar
to the of other classes.
Other classes, too, obtained their strength and pover
revolutionary path, destroying the political, social, other
orders they met in their vay. Hovever, almost. \vithout excep-
tion, these classes attained power after ne\v patterns
had taken shape in the old society. The case was the reverse
with new classes in the Communist systems. It did not come
to pover to complete ne\v economic but to
its and, in so to its power over society.
In earlier epochs the coming to power of some class, some
part of class, or of some party, \vas the final everlt
from its formation and its development. The reverse was true
in tlle U.S.S.R. There the nev class \Vas definitely formed after
it attained pmver. Its consciousness had to develop before its
economic and physical povers, because class had not taken
root in the of nation. This class vie\ved its role
relation to the \vorld from an idealistic point of vie;v. Its
practical \vere not diminished tllis. In spite of
its illusions, it represented an objective tendency to;vard
dustrialization. Its practical bent emanated from this tendency.
The promise of an ideal increased the in the
NEW CLASS
39
of the new class and so;ved illusions arnong the rnasses. At the
same tirne it. inspired gigantic physical
Because this ne\v class had not been forrned as part of the
econornic and social life before it carne to pover, it could only
created in organization of special type, distinguished
special discipline based on identical philosophic ideologi-
cal views of its rnernbers. unity of belief iron discipline
1vas necessar-y to overcorne its ;veaknesses.
roots of the class 1vere in special party,
of the Bolshevik type. Lenin 1vas right in his vie1v that his party
vas an exception in tlle history of hurnan society, altllough
did suspect that it. >vould tlle of nev class.
rnore precise, the initiat.ors of ne\v class are not
found in the party of tlle Bolsl1evik type as but in that
straturn of professional 1vho rnade up its
even it po;ver. It 1vas not
asserted after t.he failure of tl1e 1905 only pro-
;vhose sole >vas revolu-
tionary work-could build ne>v party of tl1e Bolshevik type.
lt 1vas stillless that future creator of
new class, \vas the rnost exarnple of such
professional The class grad-
ually frorn tllis ver-y straturn of revolution-
composed its core for period.
in professional
tionaries >vas the of future bureaucrat.
\Vhat did detect. was of class of
and exploiters.
This is not to say that ne>v class
identical. party, is tlle of tllat class, and its
base. It is very difficult, to lirnits
of class and to identify its rnernbers. ne>v class rnay
said to made up of those special privileges
econornic because of tlle monopoly
they
40
NEW CLASS
is in society, necessary
may coexistent 1vith parasitic func-
tJons 111 the same person. N ot. every member of tlle party is
member of the ne1v class, or
of the city 1vas bourgeois.
In loose as the ne1v class stronger and attains
.m?re pl1ysiognomy, the role of the party di-
The core basis of the ne>v class is created in
the party and at its top, as 1vell as in state political
The once live, party, full of initiative, is
to into the traditional of the

l .
into its ranks those 1vho aspire to
class and those any ideals.
party the class, but class as result. and
uses the party as basis. class gro1vs the
this is the fate of every
111 po1ver.
If it 1vere interested in production or if it did
itself the potentialities for the of
class, no pa:ty act so ideologically
foolhardy Iet stay in po1ver Stalin
declared, end of Five-Year "If we
created the 1ve 1vould failed!" should
have class" for the 1vord "apparatus," and
been
It unusual political party could beginning
of class. Part1es are of classes and
strata 1vhich
.. However, one the actual conditions pre-
re\ Russra and other countries in Com-
pievailed over forces, it 1vill that
party of type .is the product of specific
that 1s unusual or accidental in this being so.
the of Bolshevism far back
history, the party is partly product of the unique pattern
NEW CLASS 41
of reJationships 1vhicll itself at
end of the the of the
1vas no longer to live the 1voi1d
as an Russia's capitalism 1vas too 1veak
too the of foreign po1vers to
it to an This
could ne1v class, or in
the social order. As yet, 1vas class.
In blstory, it is not process, it
is important the piocess was
case in Russia and
took place. The revolution created forces, leaders,
ideas which 1vere to it. Tlle ne1v
class came for objective and the
wits, of its leaders.
2.
The social origin of the class lies the proletariat just
as the society, and the bourgeoisie
society. exceptions,
tl1e proletariat eco-
underdeveloped being back1vard, consti-
tutes ra>v class arises.
There are reasons 1vl1y the ne1v class all\'ays acts as
of the >vorking class. ne1v class is anti-capitalistic
and, consequently, logically 1vorking strata.
class is supported the pioletarian and
faitll of proletariat. socialist,
society tllere is no brutal exploitation. It is Yitally
portant for tlle ne1v class to flo1v of
it ever lose its 1vitl1
Most of all, tl1e ne1v class cannot acbleve
zation consolidate its pmver of 1vork-
42 NEW CLASS
class. the other the class sees in
industry the salvation from its poverty despair. Over
period of time, the ideas, faith, hope of the
class, of parts of the class of poor peasants,
Such mergers have occurred the past
other 1videly classes. Did the bourgeoisie
represent the peasantry the the feudal lords?
The of the class toward po1ver comes as
result of the efforts of proletariat the poor. These are
upon 1vhich party or ne1v class lean
and 1vith its irlterests are closely allied. This is true
the class finally its po1ver authority.
Over and above ne1v class is interested in the prole-
tariat the poor only to the extent necessary for
production for in ag-
gressive rebellious social forces.
Tlle tlle class in the name
of the class over the 1vhole of society is,
monopoly over 1vorking class itself. monopoly is first
intellectual, over so-called avant-garde pioletai"iat, and
over the This is tl1e the
class must accomplish, but it sho1vs that the and interests
of the new class lie pr'imarily in Without industry
the class cannot consolidate its or
sons of >vorking class are the most. steadfast mem-
of the class. lt al1vays the fate of slaves to
provide for their most and gifted
tatives. In this case govei"ning class is
from the exploited class.

systems are being critically it is
considered fundamental lies in fact
NEvV CLASS 43
that bureaucracy, organized in special rules over
the people. This is generally true. Ho1vever, more detailed
analysis 1vill show that special stratum of bureaucrats,
those "\VhO are I10t administrative officials, up the core of
the bureaucracy, or, in my of the
class. This is actually party or political bureaucracy. Other
officials ai'e only tlle apparatus tlle conrol of the
class; the clumsy and slow but,
>vhat, it exist every socialist society. It is sociologically
to dra1v bet1veen the different types of
officials, but in practice they are practically
This is true only because Communist system its very
is bureaucratic, but because
various important administrative functions. In addition,
of political cannot privileges
if do not give CI'umbs to other bureau-
cratic
It is to note differences
the political bureaucracies and those which
arise 1vith every in economy-especially
lead to collective for-ms of such
as monopolies, and state
of 1vorkers is in capitalistic
monopolies, and also in industries in West.
lil Human Relations in Administration/" R. says tllat
state functiona!'ies in economy are being into
special stratum of society.
. .. Functionar'ies have the sense of common destiny for
all those who together. They share the same interests,
especially since there is relatively little competition
as is in terms of seniority. In-group aggression is
thus and this is t.herefore conceived
New York, PrenticeHall, 1951.
44
NEW CLASS
to positive1y functional for the bureaucracy. Ho1vever,
esprit de corps and informal social organization which typi-
cally develops in such situations often leads the t.o
defend their entrenched interests rather than to asSist the1r
clientele and elected higher officials.
While such have mucll in 1vith Com-
bureaucrats, especially as regards "esprit de tlley
are identical. Although state and
Communist systems form special stratum, tl1ey do not exerCise
authority as the Communists do. Bureaucrats
state haYe political masters, usually elected, or o1vners
over tllem, 1vhile Communists have masters nor 0\VIlers
over them. The in state are of-
ficials in modem capitalist tlle Communists
are different class.
1:1
As other o1vning classes, the proof it is special class
lies in its its special relations to otller classes.
the same 1vay, tlle class to member is
cated material privileges 1vhicl1 ownership
to him.
As defined Roman property the use, en-
joyment, and disposition of material goods. Communist
poiitical bureaucracy enjoys, and disposes of
property.
If we assume that membership this bureaucracy or
o1vning class is predicated on tlle use of privileges inl:lerent. in
inst.ance material goods-tl:len
tl:le party class, or political bureaucracy, is
reflected in larger income in material goods and priYileges
tllan society grant for sucl:l In prac-
tice, the o1vnership privilege of tlle class itself
as an exclusiYe rigllt, as party for tl:le political
bureaucracy t.o the income, to set wages,
direct economic deYelopment, and dispose of nationalized and
NEW CLASS 45
pr-operty. This is way it appears to man
;vho considers Communist as being very rich
as 1vl10 does not have to work.
of private for
proved to for of
class's Besides, of
1vas for economic of
ne1v class its po1ver, privileges, ideoJogy, its
from specific form of
class name of tlle
society.
Tlle class derives from desig-
nated social Tbls is tlle betlveen
monopolists of administration, 1vllo constitute and
closed stratum, and tlle mass of producers (farmers, 1vorkers,
and intelligentsia) llave no Ho;veYer, tbls
sblp is not valid since tlle Communist enjoys
of goods.
cllange in social bet1veen
tllose tllose is
reflected tlle ownersllip Social
political 01vnersllip-tlle of tlle
and tlle of being
fully accor-d in otller
system.
divest of tlleir 1vould to
abolish tllem as class. compel tllem t.o tl:1eir
other social po1vers, so that 1vorkers may in
tlle of their 1vork-1vhich capitalists haYe had to permit
as result of action-would mean
that were being depiived of their oYer
property, ideology, and govemment. This would the be-
of democracy freedom in Communism, the of
hap-
there can that important,
46 NEW CLASS
changes are taking place in Communist systems, at least not
the eyes of 1vho think seriously about social progress.
The privileges of the ne1v class and membership
in that class are the privileges of administration. This privilege
extends from state administration and the administr-ation of
economic to that of sports and
Political, party, or so-called leadership" is
executed the core. This of leadersblp privi-
leges 1vith it. his Stalin au pouvoir, Paris in
1951, Orlov states that average of worker
U .S.S.R 1935 1vas 1,800 wblle tlle and
allowances of of committee
to 45,000
for ;vorkers party but
remains same. at same
the of 'vorkers
party are extreme; could from
visiting U.S.S.R. or Communist
past fe;v years.
Other systems, too, professiona1 politicians. One
tblnk 1vell or ill of them, but they must exist. Society
live ;vithout state or therefOI'e
it liYe ;vithout those 'vho for it.
Ho1veyer, tl1ere are
fessional in other systems the
system. extreme cases, other systems use the
to secure privileges for themselves and their co-
horts, or t.o the of one social
The is with the
;vlrere po;ver the are 1vith
use, of almost all nation's goods.
'\Vho grabs po;ver grabs privileges grabs
property. in po;ver or politics as
is the ideal of those 'vho have the desire or the
of as at the expense of
NEW CLASS
47
Membership in the Communist Party before the ReYolution
sacrifice. revolutionary '\vas of
the highest N O'\V that the party has its
pmver, party membership that to privi-
leged class. at the core of party are the all-powerful
exploiters masters.
For time ahd Com-
system been real nature. The
emergence of the class has concealed socialist
phraseology more under collective
of o;vnership. The so-called socialist
1s for the real ownership political bureaucracy.
the this bureaucracy 'vas to com-
plete and hid its class composition under
that guise.
4.
The development of modern Communism, emer-
gence of the class, is evident the char-acter roles
of inspired it.
leaders their methods, from Marx to Khrushchev
have Yaried and changing. It never occurred to Marx
prevent from voicing their ideas. tolerated free
in his party and did not think forums,
let alone the party head, should regulate the expression of
"proper" or "improper" ideas. Stalin abolished every type of
discussion, and made the expression of ideology
solely the right of the central forum-or of himself.
Communist movements ;vere different.. For instance, Marx's
Workers' Union (the so-called First Interna-
tional) was not Marxist in ideology, but union of varied
adopted only on its
agreed. party was an avant-garde group comblning
48 NEW CLASS
an internal morality and ideological monolithic
1vith democracy of kind. Under Stalin tl1e party
became mass of ideologically men, got
their ideas from above, but 1vere and unanimous
the defense of system that assured
privileges. Marx actually never created party; de-
stroyed all parties except o1vn, including the Socialist Party.
relegated even the Bolshevik Party to second
its core into the of the ne1v class, and
t>
the party into privileged and color
less group.
Marx created system of the roles of classes, and of class 1var
society, even he did not them, he saw
that mankind is mostly made of members of
classes, l1e 1vas only Stoic plliloso-
phy: nilzil alienum puto." Lenin vie1ved men as
sharing ideas than as of
classes. sa1v in men only obedient subjects or
died poor in valued
learned valued the died as the
leader of one of the but died as dictator
t>
about. whom cult had already begun to 1vhen Stalin
died, had already transformed himself god.
in personalities are t.he of
1vhicl1 had place were very soul
of the movement.
Althouo-h did realize it, started the organiza-
o
tion of class.
lines developed tl1e of its role
in the of society. is but aspect of
1\'0rk; it is aspect
about from his 1visl1es. It is also
aspect. led ne1v class t.o revere
real direct 01iginator of tl1e ne1v class,
was Stalin. 1vas man of quick to
NEW CLASS
49
coarse very educated nor good speaker. But
1vas relentless dogmatician and great administrator,
Georgian knew better than else new
of Greater 1vere created ne1v
class the of the most means, even sparing
the class it.Self. It 1vas ne1v class
placed him at top would later submit to unbridled
nature. was the true leader of class as long
as the class 1vas itself up, attaining po1ver.
ne1v class 1vas bon1 in the struggle in
Party, but 1vas developed in revolu-
tion. revolution, the class's
position -.;vould not secure and its po1ver 1vould
been limited.
t.he \Vas being industrialized, Stalin began
to variations in 1vages, at same
time allo1ving to1vard various privileges to
proceed. would come to
if ne1v class >veie not made materially
. . .
in process, acquisition of some property for Itself.
out ne1v class would find it difficult to
its position, for it would historical justifica-
the material resources for its
in of paity, or of the
1vas closely with 1927, on
eve of Soviet Communist Patty
887,233 members. In 1934, at tl1e of First Five-Year
Plan, the to 1,874,488. 1vas
phenomenon obviously connected 1vith the
prospects for ne1v class and for its members
improving. is more, class 1vere
more rapidly than itself. It is diffi-
cult to cite any statistics on point, but the is
self-evident anyone 1vho in mind the standard
of living has not kept industrial 1vhile
50
NEW CLASS
the new class actually seized the share of tlle economic
and other progress earned the sacrifices and efforts of
masses.
of the ne1v class did not proceed smoothly.
It encountered opposition from existing classes from
those revolutionaries 1vho could not reconcile reality 1vith the
ideals of their struggle. In t.he U.S.S.R. the opposition of
revolutionaries was most in the Trotsky-Stalin conflict.
The conflict bet1veen Trotsky and Stalin, or bet1veen opposi-
tionists in party Stalin, as 1vell as conflict between
the regime the peasantry, became intense as
trialization advanced the po1ver and authority of the new
class
Trotsky, an excellent speaker, stylist, and skilled
polemicist, cultured and of excellent 1vas
deficient in only one quality: of to
revolutionary in period life imposed
place. 1vished to revive party 1vhich 1vas
being transformed into something different, into
class 1vith great ideals interested
in the everyday pleasures of life. expected action from
mass alieady tired 1var, hunger, and death, at time 1vhen
ne1v class str'ongly held the had begun
to experience the s1veetness of privilege. Trotsky's
lit up the distant heavens; but could not fires
weary men. sharply the aspect of the ne1v
phenomena but did not their meaning. In addition,
he never been This 1vas his vice and bls
virtue. Attacking party bureaucracy the name of the
he attacked the cult of the paity he
1vas conscious of it, tl1e class.
Stalin looked far ahead nor far behind. had
seated himself at the head of the ne1v p01ver 1vhich 1vas being
bom-the class, the political bureaucracy, and bureau-
cratism-and its leader and did not pxeach
NEW CLASS
51
-he made decisions. too promised future, but
which bureaucracy could visualize as being real because
its life 1vas impi'O\'ing fiom day to day and its position 1vas
being strengthened. spoke ardor and color, but
the class 1vas better to this kind of
language. Trotsky 1vished to extend the to
Stalin 1vas not opposed to the idea but this under-
did not prevent him from 1vorrying about Mother
Russia or, specifically, about 1vays of the ne1v
system and the po1ver and of the Russian
state. Trotsky 1vas man of the revolution of the past; Stalin
was of today and, thus, of the future.
In Stalin's victoiy Trotsky saw the reaction
the revolution, actually the corruption
of the Soviet the revolutionary cause. Conse.
he understood 1vas deeply the amorality
of methods. TIotsky was the first, although he was not
a1vare of it, who in the attempt to save the move-
ment discovered the essence of But
he was of it to the end. supposed
that this was up of bureaucracy,
the party the revolution, and concluded that
solution 1vas in change at the top, in "palace
tion." vVhen palace revolution actually took place after
Stalin's death, it could seen that the essence had
something deepe!' and more was The
Soviet Thel'midor of had only led to the
of more despotic the previous but also
to the installation of class. This 1vas the of that
other revolution had borne
strengthened the new class.
could, with equal if greater right, refer to
and all revolution, just. as Trotsky did. For 1vas the
lawful although 1vicked of Lenin the
History has record of personality like Lenin
52 NEfV CLASS
who, his versatility and persistence, developed one of
greatest revolutions kno1vn to men. It also no record of
personality like Stalin, 1vho took on enormous task of
in terms of po1ver and property, ne1v class born
out of one of the greatest revolutions in one of the largest of
the world's countries.
Behind 1vas all passion stands the
dull, gray figure of Joseph Stalin, symbol of the difficult,
cruel, and unscrupulous of the ne1v class to its final
po1ver.
After Lenin and Stalin came what had to come; namely,
mediocrity in the form of collective leadership. And also
came the apparently sincere, kind-hearted, "man
of the people"-Nikita The ne1v class longer
needs the revolutionaries or dogmatists it required; it is
satisfied with simple personalities, such as Khrushchev, Malen-
kov, and Shepilov, every 1vord reflects the aver-
age man. class itself is tired of dogmatic purges and
training sessions. It 1vould like to live quietly. It must
itself even from its authorized leader IIO'\V that it been
adequately strengtl1ened. Stalin remained same as 1vas
class 1vas 1veak, cruel measures 1vere
against those in its mvn 1vho to deviate.
Today is all unnecessary. Without
it created under Stalin's the ne1v class appears to
his for the past few But it is
not really renouncing that author-ity-only Stalin's methods
according to "good Communists."
1vas replaced
authOI'ity were
so the much desired peaceful good life
of class could revolutionary Commu-
was replaced dogmatic communism, whicll in
NEW CLASS
53
was replaced non-dogmatic so-called
collective or group of oligarchs.
These are the of of class
in the U.S.S.R. or of Communism (or of eve.r'Y
type of .
fate 6f Yugoslav 1vas to
phases of Tito, along
Tito is great but
1vithout ideas; attained pe!'Sonal pmver, but
Stalin's dogmatism. Like
Tito is of people, is, of mid-
strata. Yugoslav
Stalinism, re-
Stalinism seeking its O'\VH form-is most fully
of Tito. Yugoslav been
otl1er substance
of yet renouncing could
of value to it.
in of the new class-
Lenin, and "collective not
divorced in or ideas.
too 1vas Stalin t.oo 1vas
as collective 1vill resort to to
necessary. is non-
of collective is applied only to itself,
to of ne1v class. On people
all in spirit of
or of relaxing its dogmatic
and exclusiveness, ne1v class,
prospects of greater
of is past. of its
great of practical has set
in. new class It is at the height of its
54 NEW CLASS
power and wealth, but it is 1vithout ne1v ideas. It. has
more to tell the people. The only thing that remains is for
lt to justify itself.
5.
It 1vould not to the fact that in con-
temporary Communism and exploiting class is
involved and not merely temporary dictatorship and an
trary bureaucracy, if some anti-Stalinist Communists including
Trotsky as 1vell as some Social Democrats had not depicted the
ruling stratum as passing bureaucratic phenomenon because
of 1vhich this ne>v ideal, classless society, still its s1vaddling
clothes, must suffer, just as bourgeois society had had to suffer
under Crom\vell's and Napoleon's despotism.
But the ne1v class is really ne1v class, with special com-
and special any definition of
class, the Marxist definition 1vhich some classes are
lower others t.o their specific position in pro-
1ve that, the U.S.S.R. and other Com-
class of o1mers and is
existence. The specific characteristic of this class is its
collective o1mership. Communist affirm, some
even believe, that Communism has at collective
ship.
Collective mmership in var'ious forms has existed all
earlier societies. All despotisms 1vere based
the of the state's or the king's property. ancient
Egypt after the century land passed to
private o>mersblp. BefOie time only homes
ing buildings had been privately State land 1vas
over for cultivation wblle state officials administered land
collected taxes on it. and as 1vell as
most. 1vorks, 1vere also The state
NEW CLASS
55
01\'lled everything it lost its in the first
of era.
This to explain of the of
Egypt of emperors, in all
despotisms. o1vr1ership also explains the
of gigantic tasks, such as the construction of
temples, tombs, and castles of emperors, of roads, and

The state treated ne1vly conquered land as state land
and of slaves. The medieval
Church also had collective property.
Capitalism its very 1vas an of collective
ersblp the of shareholders'
Capitalism to of collective o1mership,
even it do against encroach-
collective the of its area
of
The did not collective mmership as
such, its character, more 1videly
than earlier epochs,
Pharaoh's Egypt. That is all that the did.
The o1mership of the ne>v class, as well as its was
over period of time 1vas subjected to
the process. At first, small part of the
felt the for all po1veis to placed
the of political party for the purpose of the
The party, as the avant-garde
of the proletar-iat as the "most pmver of so-
cialism," piessed for this 1vhich could
only o>mei"Ship. The 1vas fact
and of large enterprises
and of smaller The of private
1vas for for the
of the new class. Ho1vever, their special role as ad-
over society and as of property, the
56
NEW CLAS3
Communists could not. transform into ne\V class,
nor could ne\v class permanently
Gradually material goods \vere nationalized, but fact,
its to use, enjoy, and these goods, they became
the property of stratum of party and the
gatl1ered it.
In vie\v of the of O\mership for its po,ver-and
also of the of oivnership-the party
the of its o>mersllip small-scale
facilities. of its
lism, the neiv class itself at >vith
1vhicl1 it does or must
aspire to destroy or it.
Stalin said, on the eve of collectivization, tl1e
of 1vill do to raised,
the Soviet \vas not meeting serious opposition
politically and economically peasantry.
new class felt as long as \vere any otl1er O\\rners
except itself. It not risk sabotage in food in
ra>v This ivas direct for
attack on peasantry. Hoivever, 1vas second reason,
class reason: peasants to tl1e ne\V
class in an neiv class
to subordinate the peasantry to itself economically and
administratively; this was done kolkhozes
stations, an inoease
tionate to size of the neiv class in the villages
As in villages too.
fact t.hat of classes,
especially small led to decreases in
to in 1vas of to ne1v
class. Most for ne>v class, as for in
history, ivas and of Oi\rnersllip.
Tl1e class profited from t.he neiv property it even
t.he lost t.hereby. The collectivization of peasant
NEW CLASS
57
holdings, ivas was
if nevv class 1vas to installed in its power and
its
statistics are not but all evidence confirms
t.hat yields per acre in the U.S.S.R. not. been
over yie1ds in Russia, and number of Iive-
stock still does not figure.
losses yields in livestock
calculated, the losses manpo1ver, in the millions of peas-
ants 1vere tl1ro\vn into labor camps, are
was and 1var 1vllich re-
for the fact that it was
for the ne1v class its authority.
various methods, such as co-
operation, taxes, price
1vas destroyed and into collective oivnership.
of of class ivas
in in tl1e 1vay of life,
position of its position
on ladder. homes, best
and similar ivere special
and rest for
for tl1e elite of class.
of tl1e secret police in some places
tlle but obtained best
ing, evidence of privilege.
beneath for
upon their state budgets,
"gifts," and and r-econstruction for
of state and its r-epresentatives ever-
and sources of benefit.s to political

in cases where the class was of
maintaining t.he it or in cases
where ovmerslllp was expensive or politically
58
NEW CLASS
dangerous, the o\vnersblp surrendered to other strata ot?er
forms of O\vnership devised. For example, collectiVlzati.on
\Vas abandoned in Yugoslavia because the peasants were res.Ist-
ino- it and because the steady decrease in production
.
from held for the ow-
ever, the class the such cases to
seize or to collectivize. The class
this Ii.ght, for if it did, it would total-
. .
No bureaucracy could so stubborn Its
poses aims. those forms of o\Vllership,
1vho tread the road to of are of
so
foresaw after its victory the proletariat would
exposed to from the deposed classes its own
bureaucracy. tl1e especially those in Yugo
slavia, criticize meth-
ods, they refer to 1vhat However,
\Vhat is Communism today has little
with and certainly no \Vith anticipation.
Marx \Vas of the danger an in parasitic
bureaucracy, 'vhich is also present in Com-
munism. It occured to him that today's Communist
strong who goods bel1alf of their
caste's rather for the bureaucracy as
whole, would the bureaucracy he was of. this
case too, serves as good excuse for the
\Vl1ether tastes of various strata of the class
or poor is criticism.
is party of
type, or bureaucracy \vhich has
o\Vllership excessive state the
else, the aspect of
is t.he class of exploiters.
NEW CLASS

6.
No class is its O\Vll action, even though its
ascent is organized and accompanied conscious
This true for the ne\v class in Communism.
The ne1v class, because it \Veak relationship to the
and social structure, of had its origin
single party, \Vas forced to tlle higllest
izational Finally it. 1vas forced to and
conscious \vithdra\val its earlier tenets. Consequently the
ne\v class is highly more blgllly
scious any class recOIded history.
is true if it is relatively; con-
sciousness organizational in relation
to the outside 1vorld and to other classes, powers, and social
forces. No otl1er class history llas as cohesive and single-
minded in itself and in controlling that 1vllicll it
llolds-collective and monopolistic mrnership and
authority.
tlle otller ne\v class is also most deluded
and least conscious of itself. Every private capitalist or feudal
1vas conscious of the fact t.hat he belonged to special dis-
social usually believed that this category
1vas destined to make happy, and that \vithout
category chaos \vould Com-
munist member of the ne\v class also believes that, \vithout his
party, society \vould and foundei". But he is not conscious
of the fact that he belongs to mvnership class, for he does
not consider himself an o>vner and does take into account
the special privileges enjoys. that he to
group \Vith ideas, aims, attitudes, and 1oles. That
is all he sees. see at the same time he belongs
to specia1 social category: the ownerslzip class.
Collective \vhicll acts to reduce the class, at the
60
NEW CLASS
same time makes it unconscious of its class substance, and each
one of the collective owners is deluded in that he thinks he
belongs to movement 'ivould classes
in society. .
compax-ison of other characteristics of the ?-e:v wrth
those of other classes
many differences. class is JHSt
as the "\vas. But it does have the of
that class
is as exclusive as aristocracy s
and proud cblvalry.
Tlle ne\v class also advantages over otller classes. Because
it is more it is better prepared for greater sacrifices
exploits. is totally
to the at least, tlle ideal calls
for

he is to better
ne\v class is strong to carry material
and class was ever to do.
Since it possesses nation's goods, ne\V class is in posi-
tion to devote itself religiously to it set and to
direct all forces of people to of

is not as political
is created and aided The
enjoyment, of pioperty is of
party and party's top
feel authority, that over property,
biings "\Vith it privileges of this "\vorld.
and
must increase. and expanding bureauc-
racy are diseases of Because the
transformed
because the road to po,ver to privileges is
to the class, to "social-
o .
must become of the
NEliV CLASS 61
"\vays of life of main for
of
of careerism
and sign that it is to
or that parasites, so
of is left of employees.
testify
t.o fact is an diive
privileges that the of ma-
terial goods and
in classes is "\vith
tlle of property. This is still less the
case as is
collective. tlle
the of the political
else.
tl1e class, as classes,
fall the 1vayside go up ladder.
classes left his to
his the class ex-
cept the to 1-aise to blgher of the
ladder. The class is created the lmvest
broadest strata of the people, and is
Althougl1 it is sociologically to belongs
to the class, it is to do so; for the ne"\V class
spills the people, other lower classes,
and is
The to the top is theoietically to all, just as evei'y
of soldiers carried
The is requiied to get the road
is cornplete loyalty to tlle or to the class.
at. the bottom, the new class
at the top. Not is desire
the also is the to and
develop in
62 NEW CLASS
ceptional dexterity and cleverness in intra-party struggles, and
talent in strengthening the class. present themselves, but
fe\v are chosen. Although more open ir1 some respects than
other classes, the class is also more exclusive other
classes. one of the ne\v class's most importarlt features is
monopoly of authority, this exclusiveness is
bureaucratic hierarchical prejudices.
N O\vhere, at any time, has the road been as wide open to
devoted and the Ioyal as it is the system. But
to r1ever at any time been so difficult or
required so sacrifice and so many victims. one
Communism is open and kind to or1 other
it is exclusive even of its its O\Vll
7.
fact is ne\v class in Communist
countries does not explain but it is most im-
key to are periodi-
cally place especially the U.S.S.R.
It goes that every such each separate
system as
must examined separately, order to
of the specific
do this, system as
to fullest
In in the U.S.S.R. it \Vill
to point out is kolk-
of Soviet govern-
ment. policy to1vard illustrates clearly
nature of class.
Stalin did not and does not consider
as "logical socialistic" form of owner-ship. In practice
NEW CLASS
63
ne\v class succeeded in completely taking
over management of villages. tlle kolkhozes
the use of system, the ne
1
v
class succeeded in making vassals of peasants and grab-
lion's of the peasants' but class
become the po,ver of land. St.alin \Vas com-
pletely a\vare of Before his in Econornic
of Socialisrn in the U.S.S.R., Stalin foresa1v
become state property, is to say
cl'acy should become I'eal a\vner. Criticizing Stalin for
excess use of Khrushchev did renounce
Stalin's vie1vs on property in kolkhozes. The
the regime of 30,000 party \Varkers, rnostly to
of kolkhozes, was of the
policy.
as regime, executing its so-called
policy, is the "socialist." O\Vlleiship of
the ne\v class. the economy does not.
but only gives greater rights to
lO\\rer strata of the or of the class. If the so-
called and decentralization anything else,
that \Vould manifest in the political of at least part of
people to some the of
material goods. At least, the people have the to
criticize of tl1e This lead to
the of political it 1vere
loyal opposition. H01vever, is
just as dernocracy t.he is not
and in force only for first for
the oligarchy, tlle leaders of the class; those
the lo\ver is the method,
for consoli-
of O'tvnership of
the ne>v class.
fact that t.here is ne>v total-
64 NEW CLASS
itarian class in Cornrnunist. countries calls the follo>ving
conclusion: changes initiated the
dictated first of all the interests and aspirations of tl1e ne>v
class, >vhich, like every social lives and reacts, defends
itself and advances, >vith tl1e of increasing its This
does not rnean, hmvever, that not
tant the of tl1e people as 1vell.
introduced ne1v class not yet
not It is
to gain into of in
order to and
The regirne, take
into rnood of Be-
cause of of Party
absence of free its cannot
discern real of tl1e tl1eir dissatis-
does of top leaders.
spite of its class is
to every type of
po>ver, settling
accounts large-estate
is to and prop-
erty and it is easy to
property tlle ovvners is
quite easy; difficulties arise of properties is
acquired in of earlier ex-
do are
rapidly clarified: are old classes old
society is "classless," or road to so,
to live new
to to old pre-
if
Material social bases longer exist for
of meet as if
were jests.
NETV CLASS
65
class is to on part of
people for special kind of not for in general
or political It is especially sensitive to for
of and of present
tlle of not for de-
f01 to social o\vnersblp relations.
class's special position.
ne'iv class instinctively feels goods are, in
fact, its even "socialist," "social,"
and "state" denote legal The ne1v
class also any of its
its tl1e class
opposes any type of for of
"socialist" of class's
of of
of loss of class is to
extent. to
expose in it and power.
Tbls is an is legally con-
social and national prope1ty. in single
it its o>m bet>veen
legal and conditions and
social and It also
of leading do not to its actions;
all actions its
ings and its political position.
1esolved jeopardizing
tl1e class's classes
not resolve forcefully
of of been
degree of for society as
classes llave been forced, in one \vay or to renounce
of Tl1e is also:
of been to some
degree, become inevitable.
66 NEW CLASS
In Communism, po1ver and are almost al1vays in
the same hands, but. fact is concealed under legal guise.
In classical capitalism, the 1vorker had equality with the cap-
italist before the la1v, even thougl1 the worker 1vas being
exploited the capitalist 1vas the exploiting. In Com-
munism, legally, all are equal respect to mat.erial goods.
The formal o1mer is the nat.ion. In reality, because of monopo-
listic administration, only the narro1vest st1-atum of administra-
tors enjoys the Iights of o;mership.
Every real demand for freedom in Communism, the kind of
demand that hits at the of Communism, boils dmm
to demand for bringing material and property relations
accord with 1vhat the law provides.
for freedom-based on the position that capital
goods produced the can managed more
society than private or private
should actually in the or control
of society exercised th1ough its freely elected
would force the class either to make concessions to other
forces, or to take off the mask admit its ruling ex-
characteristics. type of and exploita-
tion the ne>v class creates its its
privileges is even the class itself must.
it. Does class that it uses its au ..
and in of
as to p1operty?
makes legal of class
is also of the ne1v class's internal difficulties.
discloses tl1e words and
actions: to social differences, it. must
al;vays p1oducts of the
privileges to its It must
pioclaim loudly its dogma it is its historical mis-
sion of "final" of from every misery
calamity while it acts in exactly the opposite way.
NEW CLASS
67
between the new class's real mmersblp
position its legal position can furnish the basic for
criticism. This has >vitbln it the ability not only
to incite but also to corrode class's mm since
actually fe1v. This
diction, when intensified, holds of real in
Communist system, class is favor of
the or not. The fact this is so obvious
has for the made ne;v class,
especially in so-called and
to to strata,
new class aims at this
its o1m position. Since o;vnersblp and
all measures taken the ne-.;v demo-
cratically to-.;vatd the
of political system turns
positive methods for
of classes. Slavery in times in
tl1e East permeated all of society's activities
family. same -.;vay, monop-
olism and of the ruling class Communist
system are imposed on all aspects of social life, even
political heads are at tbls.
Yugoslavia's so-called 1vorkers' autonomy,
conceived at the time of the Soviet
as to dept-ive of
monopoly of relegated
to of areas of party Thus, it is to
present system. aim of ne-.;v demo-
cracy tbls type of ;vill not acbleved.
Besides, freedom to largest piece of the
pie. not
on national level in
local Tbls type of
turned safe type for taxes
68
NEW CLASS
and other means, the regime has appropriated even t.he
of the 1vhich the 1vorkers believed 1vould to
them. crumbs from the have left
to the
become Clearly, society
can decide The have someho>v
the most value the gift of t.hey
posedly t.he 1vorkers.
This does not. mean that the class make
to the people, though it only its O'iVIl
management, or is
cession to masses. may drive the new class,
no matter ho1v and it may to re-
treat before rnasses. In 1948, 1\'hen the conflict took place
bet'iveen and U.S.S.R., leaders
fOI'ced to sorne it rnio-ht
1:> 1:>
mean step, set as soon as they sa1v
in is today
1:>
eastern
In defending its ruling class execute
it becomes obvious to people that the
class is national property as its O'ivn. Such are
not as being 'ivhat they are, but as
of of socialism" and "socialist dernoc-
is lai(:l
becomes pu
point of vie1v ne1v class is fOiced to its
it is a>vay frorn
It it is
sooety of happy people, all of
of type of The
class cannot aYoid falling continuously into
in spite of its orio-in it is
not to make its la>vful, it cannot
itself. it is
CLASS
69
forced to to justify its increasing
and
is class 1vhose oyer rnen is cornplet
t_o blstor!. it is class
:Ie'ivs, vle'ivs false Closely and
comp:ete tl1e ne'iv class
Its O'i\'11 role and of people it.
class can IIO'iv do
rnOI'e its force pillage
people. It ceases to Its is
darkness.
. 11e1v class accomplished one of its successes
tl1e its of control is one of the rnost
pages in 1vill at
it 1vill of
t.he means it used to
tl1e Ile'iV class leaYes tlle llistOI'ical scene-and rnust
>Vill less its tlle!'e
was class. it. except
1ts ego, It condemned itself to and
ruin
The Party Stafe
1.
The mechanism of Communist po\ver is perhaps the simplest
which can conceived, although it leads to the most refined
tlle most brutal exploitation. The simplicity of
this mechanism 01iginates from tl1e fact that one alone,
the Communist Party, is the backbone of the entire political,
economic, and ideological activity. The entire is at
standstill or moves ahead, falls behind or turns around ac-
to \vhat in tlle patty
Under the Communist systems the people realize quickly
'\vhat they and they are not to do. Laws and
regulations <.-Io not an essential importance for them. The
actual and relationship
the and its subjects do. Regardless of la'lvs, everyone
kno1vs government is in tlle of the party com-
mittees secret police. is role"
of party but. its is in all
and sectors. No law provides secret police
the to but police is all-powerful.
No la1v that judiciary prosecutors
secret police and party committee, but
they are. Most people know tbls is tlle case.
70
PARTY STATE
71
what can and done, and what
People adjust to to
to party forums or to organs
party's in all matters.
The of social and social organs is
accomplished simply tbls method: tlle form
unit, turns to political forums all matters.
Tbls is actually it way: In cases
'\Vhere social organ or organization is managed
also has po1ver in party, he will not 1efer to
regarding lesser matters. Communists become with
system and >vith created it; they
accustom tllemselves to the important and
and refer to party forums only in especially
matters. unit exists potentially,
decisions made the party; opinior1 of those
have elected or administi-ation of some organi-
zation is totally
Communist and the ne>v class took root when
Party was for the tevolution;
of authority also goes
back to time. "directing role" in organs of government
and social is merely the former Communist unit
has since out, developed, and perfected itself.
"ditecting role" of party in the of
socialism" is but old regarding the avant-
garde role of the respect to working class, 'lvith
difference that tl1eory had different significance
for society it has no1v. Before the Communists
power, this theoty '\vas necessary in order to revolution-
aries and revolutionary organs; no1v it justifies the
of Ile'\v class. One from other, but
is also diffetent from the other. The and its
72 CLASS
vv-ere and vv-ere even needed that part of society
1v-hich aspired to technical and economic progress.
The totalitarian tyranny and control of the class, 1v-hich
came beina the revolution, has become tlle yoke
.
from under 1v-hich the and s1veat of all members of sooety
flo1v-. Particular revolutionary vv-ere into re-
ones. 1v-as also the case 1vitll the

There are t1v-o methods through 1vhicll Communist
control of the social is accomplisl1ed. The is the
unit, the main method in principle and in tl1eory. The
actually more practical one, certain posts
to party members. These jobs, 1vhich are in any
but especially assign-
ments 1vith police, especially the secret police; the diplo-
matic and officers corps, especially positions in the information
and political services. In the judiciary only top have
in the of The
to the party and police is gener-
ally poorly paid, is to However,
the tendency is for posts to considered as
priyilege to party members, for of the
to have priYileges. over the
relaxed, if not completely
tl1e that it 1vill to according to the
of the party or "in the spirit of socialism."
Only state of both specified
and reserYed for of
class is
party army is army;
the state is party state. precisely, to
t.reat army and the state as
exclusive, if la>v- that only party members
can become policemen, officers, diplomats, and hold similar
positions, that they can exercise authority, creates
PARTY STATE
73
special pr-ivileged of and simplifies the
mechanism of administration. In this
the party expanded and or less t.ook all serY-
ices. As has disappeared >v-hile services
have become an essential area for party activity.
There is no in the system
bet>veen serYices as in
example of the party and the secret police. The party
the police mingle yery closely in their daily
bet>veen is only in the of 1vork.
Tl1e goYernmental is in
Political positions are for party
members. Eve11 i11 11011-political bodies Com-
hold the strategic or oyersee
at party or article
is to the state social to
If party
the police correct "error."
2.
char-acter of the Party has already
Tl1ere are otl1er special t.oo, whicll
llelp reYeal tl1e of state.
Party does not its
solely it is obseryes
military otller goals, or otl1er cllarac-
teristics. Tllere otl1er similar features,
tl1ese features may the Party.
tl1e Party is
or an concept of tlle of deYelopment of
society for its members. This applies to
the of party. Tlle
tllose lovv-er to giYe lip serYice
74 NEW CLASS
to identical ideological views, while they execute orders handed
do1vn from above. The t.endency, is to haYe those in
lower positions adjust their ideological level to that of the
leaders.
Lenin did not consider that party members were all
to hold the same vie1vs. Ho1vever, in practice, he refuted and
explained a1vay every vie1v 1vhich did not appear "Marxist"
or "the party's"; that is, eYery view did not strengthen
the party in the which he had originally conceiYed.
His settling of accounts 1vith Yarious opposition groups in
party 1vas different from Stalin's, because Lenin did kill
his "merely" quelled them. While he was in power
both freedom of and voting privileges were in effect.
Total authority over everything had not yet been
required ideological philosophic and
other views-in addition to political unity as meeting ground
for all party This is actually Stalin's
to teaching about the party. formed the concept
of ideological in his eaily youth: in his
the of all
munist parties, and it remains so to the present day.
Yugoslav leaders held and still hold the same vie1vs. They
are still Soviet "collective and
of other parties. the
ideological of the party is that cl1anges
have occurred, and only the fact that free discussion
is not. or only in very 1vay, under
today's "collective
vVhat does in party and 1vhere
does it lead?
Its political consequences are very The power in
every party, especially in the Communist Party, resides it.s
leaders forums. Ideological as an
especially t.he
Party, brings 1vith it. the po>ver of the centra]
PARTY STATE
75
body over the thoughts of its Althoua-h
ideo_logical unity 1vas attained in through dis-
held at the top, to re!mlate
1
t
1:>
Today, post-Stalin "collective is satisfied to make
it for social ideas to appear. Thus, Marxism
has become theory to exclusively party leader-s.
There is no other type of or today, and
the of type is hardly
The social of ideological have
tragic: Lenin's dictatorship 1vas strict, but dictatorship
became totalitarian. The of all ideoloo-ical struo-a-le
. h 01:>
t party meant tlle of all in society,
s:nce only the party did the various strata expres-
of other ideas and the presum-
ably exclusive scientific of >vere the
of ideological monopoly party leadership, 1vhich l;ter d:-
veloped complete over society.
Party ideological unity im-
the society itself.
action depends on party, has total control
over society; it. is not sliglltest
. unity did arise like
developed gradually, its greatest
struggle for po>ver various party
It IS not. at all accidental during ascend-
to po>ver it >vas openly demanded of
Trotsky for the first reject all ideas other than
the party.
Party ideological is the basis of dic-
it personal dictatorship even
imagined. It begets and strengthens dictatorship, and vice
':ersa. is monopoly over ideas, or ob-
llgatory ideological is and theo-
mask for personal dictatorsblp. personal
dictatorship ideological unity were already evident in
NEW CLASS
beginnings of contemporary Communism or Bolshevism, both
are firmly themselves "\Vith Communism's full
po1ver, so that. they, as trends and oft.en as prevailing forms, will
never again abandoned until the fall of
The of ideological differences among the leaders
has also abolished fractions and and thus has abolished
all democracy in Communist parties. Thus began the period of
in Communism: ideologists are merely
people the of inadequate intel-
lectual ability.
The continuance of ideological unity t.he party is an un-
sio-n of the maintenance of personal dictatorsblp,
.
or the dictatorship of small number of 1vho tempo-
rarily work together or balance of p01ver, as is
case in the U.S.S.R. today. We find tendency to1vard
ideological in otl1er parties also, especiall socialist
parties in earlier stages. Ho>vever, tbls is tendency
in parties; parties it has become
One is not to Marxist, but to adopt the type
of Marxism desired and leadersl1ip. Marxism
been t.ransformed from free ideology
dogma. As in Eastern despotism, the top
and dogma, 1vblle the em-
peror is the
The ideological unity of the party,
passed various forms, remained the
most of or parties.
If these parties had not at the same time the
of classes, and if had special role
to play, ideological could not have existed in
them. Except for the not
class or party modern history complete ideo-
logical None task of all of
society, mostly political For
task, complete, in
PARTY STATE
77
of vie1vs is necessary. task calls
for exceptional measures ideologies and
social It also calls for ideological over
society for absolute of tl1e ruling class. Communist
special ideological for reason.
ideological unity is it operates as
as are educated in idea that ideo-
logical or tl1e prescription of ideas from is
holy of holies, and factionalism tl1e is tl1e
of
Complete control of society could not accomplished
coming to terms socialist Icleological
too, is only
party's ranks. t.he one and approxi-
mately simultaneously; of of
appear as "objectively" identical,
is of class its
the is tlze ruling class.
fact, that Zinoviev, otl1ers
spies and to "socialist
Ho"\veyer, disagreement 1vitl1 him obYiously delayed
of to destr'oy
His party consist of fact t.hat
"objectiYe ideological and
political tl1e the subjectiYe guilt of
groups to t.hem t.hey
did commit.

tbls is of eYery Communist system.
of or ideological
may less Stalin's, is alvvays
same. is form or con-
78 NEW CLASS
dition for totalitarian as in Czechoslovakia
and Hungary, tlle Communist bureaucracy is com-
pelled to the same fom1s of authority in underdevel-
oped countties as those in the Soviet Union. Tbls
does not occur simply because tlle Soviet imposed such
forms tllese countries as but because it is
1vithin the very of parties themselves
of their ideologies to do so. Party control over society, identifi-
of the government 1vith
the party, and the right to ideas dependent
of po1ver and the one holds the
these are the essential and characteristics of evet-y
Communist bureaucracy as as it power.
party is tlle of the state
It is the motive force of It 1Vith-
in itself new class, the government, 01vnership, and ideas.
For this reason, militar-y dictatorships been
under it seems that military
have occurred in the U.S.S.R. Military dictatotsblps would not
to encompass all phases of life, nor even convince the
temporarily of the for efforts self-
sacrifice. Such accomplished the pai"ty, then
only party 1vith belief sucl1 vast ideals that its despotism
appears to its members and as as the
highest form of state and social organization.
Vie\ved from the of freedom, military dictator-
in Communist system \Vould denote great progress. It
"\VOuld signify the of totalitarian patty control, or
of party oligarchy. ho,vever,
dictatorsblp 1vould only case of military defeat
or an exceptional political crisis. Even in case it would
initially form of party dictatorship or it \\'ould have to
conceal itself in the party. But, tbls 1vould lead to
change in tlle system.
The totalitarian dictatorship of the Communist Party oli-
PARTY STATE
79
the system is result of momentary
polltlcal but. of long and complex social progress.
1t. 1vould not mean in the form of govern-
ment one and tlle same system, but change in the system
or the beg.inning of change. Such dictatorship is
Itself the system, 1ts body soul, its essence.
The Communist very becomes small
circle of party leaders. The claim that it is dictatorsblp of
the proletariat becomes an empty slogan. The process that
leads to tbls develops the inevitabllity and uncorltrol-
labllity of elements, the theory the is an
avant-garde of proletariat aids the process.
does not mean during battle for pmver
pai"ty 1s not the leader of the 1vorking masses or it. is not
wOI'king their interests. But role and
struggles are stages and fom1s of its movement. to1vard po1ver.
Althougl1 its aids "\Votking class, it also
the party, as 1vell as future po1ver-holders and the embryonic
ne\v class. As soon as it attains po1ver, the party controls all
po1ver and takes all goods its hands, to the
representative of interests of 1vorkina class and the
k
.
';ror people. Except for periods during
battle, pi"oletariat does not participate or play
greater role in tl1an any class.
does not mean proletariat, or some of its
are not. temporarily interested in keeping par-ry in po1ver.
peasants suppoi"ted professed intention to
rescue from miseiy through
individual stiata of 1vorking classes may tempo-
rarlly support tlle party, is not nor is
theii' part in tlle government for course of social
and social relations. In tlle Communist system
is done to aid the people, particularly the
class, t.o attain po>ver It otherwise.
The classes and masses do not exercise authority, but the
80 NEW CLASS
party does so in their In every party, the most
democratic, leaders play an important role to the extent that
the becomes the of leaders. The
so-called of the proletariat," is
of under tlle best tl1e
of party, evolves of
leaders. In totalitarian government of type, tlle dictator-
ship of the proletariat is justification, or ideo
logical mask at best, for of some
Marx of as democ-
racy 1vithin and for benefit of proletariat; is,
government in are socialist streams or parties.
only of proletariat, the Commune of
1871, on Marx based his conclusions, \Vas of
several parties, 1vhicl1 Marxist 1vas
smallest nor most But of
letariat 'i\'Ould is
pure Utopia, since no can operate political
organizations. Lenin delegated the of prole-
tariat to of one party, bls o1vn. Stalin delegated
dictatorship of the proletaiiat to o'ivn personal authority
-to bls personal dictatorship in the and in state. Since
deatl1 of bls descendants have
been fortunate in tllat througll "collective
themselves. In any case,
dictatorship of proletariat is eitller
ideal or for elite of party leaders.
that soviets, Marx's
discovery," 1vere dictatorship of proletariat. be-
because of because
of tlle participation of the soviets did to
of Trotsky also believed soviet.s
were political just as
tlle struggle have Ho1vever,
these were Tlle soviets were from revo-
PARTY STATE
81
bodies form for the totalitarian
of tlle class, or party.
1vas also case
tl1at of party alld of As
as are tolerated in party, can
still speak of it is very
of is
of
takes over.
\Ve may tbls is tendency
to dictatm-
Ideological struggle at. top of
party, and the needs of the as 1vllole tend tmvard
leader in to
top, assistants, is one 1vllo succeeds in
most logically and protecting of the
ne>v class at any given time.
is personal
situations: for instance, all forces
dinated to one idea and one 1vill is being
pressed is at 1var. is specific and
reason for personal is
the basic and of and of tr-ue
tllirst po>ver is
Communists. in for- pmver is to being
raised to diYinity; deepest

lea<Iers must also tend to extr-ava-
of

fr-ailty because of tl1e of in power t.o
recognizable of
extravagance, love of po1ver are
and so is It is not matter of of
tl1is rnay occur less than in
state it. It is special type of corruption
82
NEW CLASS
the fact the govemment 1s the of singie
political group and is the source of all privileges. "Care of
its men" and their placement in lucrative positions, ?r the
of all kinds of privileges, becomes
The fact that the govemment and the party are witll
the state, practically the of all
causes the Communist state to one corrupts Itself,
in it creates privileges and
member of Yugoslav Party very pictur-
esquely in 1vhicl1 regular
Iives: "I am really tom into three parts: I see
better aut.omoblle than I have, yet it seems to
are not more devoted to party and to socialism
I am; I Iook down from on those
no automoblle, for haven't really eamed any. So I'm lucky
that I have one I
Obviously, he 1vas not true but was one of
those became Communist because he 1vas an idealist,
then being disillusioned, tried to satisfied 1vith
come to him normal career. true
1:>
Communist is mixture of fanatic and
Only type makes true Communist.
others are idealists or
Since it is based on the system
is bureaucratic 1vith strict
zation. In system, exclusive groups are estab-
lished around political leaders forums. All
is reduced to 1vrangling in exclusive groups, in which
familiarity flo1ver. higl1est is gener-
ally most intimate. At intimate suppers, hunts, in
conversations bet1veen two or men, matters of state of
vital are decided. of party for-
of government and serve no
but to make declarations and put in an
PARTY STATE
83
are only to what has previously been
cooked up intimate
The fetisblst toward stat.e
or exactly as if it 1vere o1vn property.
The men, same groups, 1vblch are and fa-
inside the party become stiff, formal, and pompous indi-
viduals 1vhen they act as of the state.
Tbls is but enlightened. monarch
blmself, does not feel himself to
or dictator. 1vas called dictator, Stalin
ridiculed the idea. felt was representative of
the collective paity 1vill. 1vas right to degree-since
else in blstory ever had as personal po1ver.
like every Communist dictator, 1vas that
retreat. the ideological bases of the party, mo-
nopolism of the ne1v class, o1vnership of the nation's goods,
or the po1ver of the 1vould result
in his downfall. Indeed, no retreat was
considered Stalin, as he 1vas foremost representative
creator of system. Ho1vever, even he was dependent
on the system created under bls administration, or on
opinions of could do notblng against
them nor could he pass over them.
The fact that in tl1e Communist system one is
those at the top nor the leader himself.
They are all dependent on one another and must avoid being
separated from their prevailing ideas,
and interests.
Is there, sense talking about
of proletariat under Communism?
4.
of state, worked out
in detail and supplemented others,
84
NEW CLASS
favors tlle totalitarian dictatorsllip of party bureaucracy.
Two elements in tlleory: theory of the
state alone and theory of tl1e of state.
of elements are mutually related togetl1er rep-
resent entire theory. theory of the state is most
completely presented in his document The State and
tion, which vvas written vvhile was hiding from tl1e Provi-
sional Government on tlle eve of the October Revolution. Like
else of Lenin's, tlleory leans toward tlle revolu-
tionary a:pects of Marxist teaching. his tbe
st.ate developed this aspect further and 1t to
extremes, utilizing particularly expeiience of the
revolution of 1905. Considered histOI"ically, document
was of much greater significance as an ideological 1veapon of
revolution tllan it 1vas as base for deYelopment of ne1v
autllority built according to its ideas.
Lenin reduced the state to force, or more to the
organ of tyranny 1vhicll one class employs tl1e sake of op-
other classes. to tl1e of
tbe state in the most forceful vvay, Lenin state is
club."
perceived functions of tlle state too. But in
also 1vas llim most indis-
role of state-tlle use of brute one class
against others.
Lenin's calling for of tl1e old state ap-
paratus 1vas, in fact, far from being scientific one. Tllis docu-
ment of Lenin's-extremely significant from
of YieiV-1\'0uld make valid all is typical of all Communist
In proceeding from immediate needs, parties
create tlleories,
proclaim as Tl1e fact
are basic of every state or
tbe fact social political employ tlle
of state, particularly armed claslles,
PARTY STATE
85
However, shows that state is
to society, or the for still
fOI' tl1e of its Com-
munist tlleory, as 1vell as that of ignores aspect.
Tllere ago, stat.es au-
tllorities. vvere social but
and forms of
social life. most p1imitive had some
forms of \Vith complex forms of social
life, it to tr-y to pioYe for the
state vvould disappear support of
1vho 1vitll tllis,
tried to precisely such stateless society. VVithout
the to his prem-
ises 1ve tllat he contemplated
this society as classless society. to
tllere 1vill no classes class struggles; there will
to to exploit and tbere will
no for tlle state. time, "most
democratic" state is tlle "dictatorsllip of proletariat," for
tlle it "abolisl1es" classes, so
makes itself eyerytblng
or leads to of
classes, is justified, places
they are tl1e are pleaders
bellalf of the most democi'atic because this facilitates
their tllose places tlley to get
trol, become of eYery democratic fo1m as
allegedly form. proclaim the
preposte1ous of and
"socialist," althougll tlle and fair must
solely tlle basis of of freedom, or
of freedom.
the tlleory of tbe state,
are gaps tlle as well as practical
86 NEW CLASS
of view. Experience has demonstrated that the results are com-
pletely to those envisaged Lenin. The classes did
not disappear under the "dictatorship of the proJ.etariat," and
the "dictatorship of the proletariat" did not begin to wither
a1vay. Actually, the creation of the total authority of the Com-
and the liquidation of the classes of the old society,
1vas meant to look like the liquidation of classses in
But the growth of state power or, more precisely, of tlle bureau-
cracy through 1vhich it enforced its tyranny did not stop with
dictatorship of the proletariat. Instead it increased.
theory had to patcl1ed up Stalin had
still "educational" role of Soviet state before it
If tlleory of state, especially
its practice, is reduced to its very essence, i.e., to force and co-
ercion as tlle or only function of state,
said to that police system has this
or role to play. malicious
could lead to And in tllis
of Stalin's is of Communist
did not to the obvious fact
po1ver of state grew
already socialist society." So took of
of function-as the
main function. 1vas to use tyranny since no
longer 1vere any opposition classes.
The situation is same Yugoslav leaders'
concerning In Stalin, had to
his and do something so the state
1vould soon begin to "1vither a1vay." It did matter t.o St.alin
or t.o tlley 1vere promoting strengtllening
tllat function of for 1vas the most
important function and one which they based their
of the state.
St.alin's ideas on llo1v the state 1vithers a;vay while growing
i.e., the that the state's
PARTY STATE
87
and dra1v an ever increasing of into
is extremely ever greater
role of the state despite already
"started" "completely classless"
society, that the state disappear having
all the t.o state's level take charge of its
affairs. moieover, talked about. the time
1vill the Theories resem-
that of in Yugoslavia, as 1ve have
Neitl1er these are to bridge the ever
chasm Communist theories of the state, 1vith
of classes the a1vay" of
state their "socialism" tl1e the realities
of of party the
otller.
5.
most. important for Communism, in theory
and practice, is tlle question of state; the is
source of it is sucll obvious
inside Communism.
regimes foim of latent civil war
govemment and people. Tlle state is merely
instrument of society as 1vell as bodies
of the state is in continuous lively
to the aspires to
force. In practice, Communists are t.o
tlle goal of state solely on naked force, nor are they
to society completely. But are to
control the organs of force, is, police and party,
in turn control the state machine its functions. The
of tlle organs of stat.e against the
of party police, or of individual polit-
88
NEW CLASS
ical is really the of society carried over
into the state It is of dissatisfaction
because of the oppression of society's objective
needs.
Communist systems, the state and state are not
reduced to oro-ans of are they witll
them. As of social life, the state
. .
is subordinated to these of IS
to solve this for the that its o1vn
despotism it
opposite of soCiety,
are expressed through the social of the state.
Because of tbls the
of the to treat. the state
as of force, the state become
la1vful sta te, or state 1vhicl1 the 1vould
of the la1vs could actually
The 1vhole systern is opposed to
state. if the leaders 1vished to lalv-
ful state, do so their totali-
auth01ity.
of la1v 1vould
make it for to appear. For
Ia1v systern opposes of
or of La>vs the
system all sorts of rigllts to are based
of judiciary. practice, tl1ere
is
FIeedoms are formally regimes,
but decisive is for them:
rnust utilized of the
of "socialism," leaders or to
Tbls practice, as it is to legal
to result of
severe police party bodies.
PARTY STATE
89
Legal forrns protected on the 1vblle tlle!
of at same time.
For the rnost part, tlle system, legislative
authority separated fr-om executive authority.
this perfect Yugoslav leaders also
tain tbls. In one-party system, this is of the sources of

the same 1vay, it has pr-actice to separ-ate
police from judicial Those 1vho also
The circle is closed: ex-
ecutive, the legislative, the and the
bodies are one and same.
Why does Communist dictatorsblp have to use la1vs to
the great that. it does? vVhy does it have to hide behind
legality?
Foreign poJitical is of An-
is the fact the regime
fix the of those it
class-to itself. La;vs are al1vays from
the of the class's or party's or
Officially the la1vs must for all but
of these la;vs if are
of socialism." the
forced to oat
la1vs they ac:lopted. al;vays leave
loophole or 1vill to eYade their
la1vs.
For the Yugoslav legislative authorities stand the
that except for act. 1vhich
has exactly the la1v. Ho>veYel', most of the
political ti'iaJs are the of so-called "hostile
is
left to the or secret po1ice.
For these po1itical trials regimes are
prearranged. courts haYe the task of
90
NEW CLASS
what the po>ver->vielders need to have dernonstrated; or have
the task of giving legal cloak to the political judgrnent on
the ''hostile activity" of the accused.
trials conducted this method the of
accused is most
is an enemy. is confirmed. little
as may of it, must replaced of guilt.
political t.rials Yugoslavia are only pocket
of the Mosco>v t.rials. The so-called Mosco>v trials are most
grotesque and examples of and legal cornedies
in tlle system. The majority of other t.rials a.re
similar insofa.r as acts are concerned.
How a.re political trials
First, the of party the party
police that is an "enemy" of existing
if else, bls vie;vs close
at least for the local authOI'ities.
next step is preparation of the legal removal of the enemy.
is done provocateur) >vho provokes the
'ictim to rnake statements," to take part illegal
organizing, or to commit similar acts; or it is
"stool pigeon" ;vho simply bears \Vitness victim
to \vislles of police. Most of the illegal
in regimes are CI"eated tlle secret police
order to opponents into them to pat these oppo-
nents in police can settle \Vith
does "ob-
from la>v
crimes; in fact it into violations
Stalin generally operated
Ho\vever, even if is and
are instead, is same: Cornmunists settle
accounts 1vitl1 not because they committed
crimes, but. tl1ey It can said
most politica1 are
PARTY STATE
91
legal point of view, though they a.re of the
regime. From of vie>v, these opponents
are "due process of la>v," there may
no legal basis for their being convicted.
When citizens against regime's meas-
ures, the handle I'eQ"ard
"'
to and legal Modern history no
record of against opposition of the masses wblcl1
are as and as those of Communist
regimes. taken in Poznan is best. but
the most brutal. Occupying and colonial po;vers seldom take
severe even though conquerors
their use of extraordinary laws
po>ver-wielders accomplish in
very country on O\VIl la>vs.
Even in non-political matters, and legis-
lative safe the despots. The totali-
class and its members cannot. help but mix into
of the judiciary and the legislative authorities. is an
ever-yday
An article in 23, 1955, of ne\vs-
paper Politika (Politics) offeiS tbls illustrat.ion of
real and position of courts in Yugoslavia
there al\vays been deg.ree of legality in Yugoslavia
in countries):
In discussion of connected ;vith oper-
ating in economy, at 2-day piesided
over prosecutor the public
cutors of tlle republics, of Vojvodina, and of
announced bet>veen judiciary organs and
the autonomous organs in tlle economy and all political or-
ganizations is for complete success in tlle battle
against criminals operating in tlle economy and all political
....
The public prosecutors soc:iety has yet reacted
92 NEW CLASS
sufficient vigor regard to ridding itself of crim-
inals ....
prosecutors agreed society's reaction must more
effective. According t.o of prosecutors, more
severe penalties and more severe of executing penal-
ties are only some of the measures that taken ....
examples cited in discussions tlle
that some have lost batt.le
political field entered field.
quently, of the is
only Iegal but also political wllich requires
of all government social
....
Summing up discussion, federal prosecutor Brana
Jevremovic emphasized the significance of Iegality in
ditions resulting from the decentralization place
Yugoslavia, pointed out severity
1vhich our highest
guilty of economy.
It is obvious that prosecutors decide that the courts shall
judge and that. penalties shall according to the
intent of tl1e "highest leaders." What then is left of t.he
and of legality?
In the legal theories change according
to and the needs of the oligarchy. Vishinsky's
principle 1vhich calls for sentence to based on
that is, on political analysis and need, has been
abandoned. if or scientific piin-
ciples are adopted, the substance 1vill not change the
bet1veen and the judiciaiJ' and the
la1v itself is changed. Periodic for "legality,"
Khrushchev's bragging that the has "now" succeeded in
putting the police and the judiciary under only reveal
in t.he of increased needs of the ruling class for
legal do not show changes in the class's
position tmvard society, the st.ate, t.he courts, or t.he
PARTY STATE 93
6.
The legal cannot free itself of
abolish t.he decisive of party the police
trials, and The higher up goes,
the legality and the
role of tlle judiciaiJ', in the
like
and of elections is
generally 1vell if I Attlee wittily
called race 1vitll horse." It seems to tl1at some-
thing should said: vVlly is it do
without elections, even tllough tlley llave effect political
and cannot do 1vitllout sucll costly empty
as
Again, policy are tlle
is also tbls: no not even one,
exist 1vitllout legally Under
this is of elected repre-
people formally tlle
do.
Besides this there is deeper and more
for states. It is neces-
sary t.hat the top party or tlle political core of the
class, approve taken its
body. ignore
but every govemment is
of party, and
elections scarcely
for tl1e of 1vill
is done the top party group.
the selection, is of all as serv-
ices, role society, pro-
fessions represented, etc. tlle intra-party of vk\v,
for leadersblp are very leaders dis-
94
NEW CLASS
party po'lvers in tlle parliament
are most important. leadeisblp the legality it
needs t.o operate in of party, class, and people.
Attempts t.o allo'lv t'lvo or more Communists to contend for
same seat parliament have had constructive results.
\vere several instances \vhere 'lvas attempted Yugo-
slavia, but the leadership decided attempts \Vere "dis-
Ne'lvs has recently received of large number
"' . . .
of candidates competing for the same
the eastern countries. The may to have
t\vo or more for every office, but is little possi-
that tllis \Vill systematically. It \VOuld step
migh t of turning tmvard
democracy the system. Ho'lvever, it seems to me
that there is still 'lvay to go before such measures \Vill
realized in eastern Europe 'lvill first
in the direction of tl1e Yugoslav system of '\v01kers'
agement," instead of political democracy 'lvith its
changes. The despotic core still holds
its hands, conscious of the fact of its tra-
ditional party unity \vould prove very Every fr-ee-
dom 'IVithin the party imperils only the of
leaders, but totalitarianism itself.
Communist are in position to make de-
cisions Selected in as they are,
flattered have been selected, do
have po'lver or the courage to debate if
to do so. Besides, since does the
voters, do feel that are to
them. Communist parliaments are called "mauso-
leums" for representatives 'lvho compose them. Their
and role consist of from time to time
has already been decided for them from the wir1gs.
Another type of is requir'=d for this system of
PARTY STATE 95
the reproacll could made any otl1er
type would superfluous and too costly.
7.
f01ce and violence, conflict with
its people, the Communist state, if external
reasons, must militaristic. The cult of force, especially mili-
tary force, is no'lvhere so as in
Militarism is the basic of class; it is one
of the forces which make the class's existence,
and privileges.
const.ant pressure to primarily and,
exclusively of violence, the state
bureauc!'atic state the
despotism of of po'lver-'lvielders, the Communist state
'lvields more po,ver than state does
aid of diveiSe la'lvs regulations. after its
state replete 'lvitll so regu-
lations that even la'lvyers llave
1vay llas to accurately
and even little profit is derived
For ideological legislators ofter1
la"\VS taking tlle real practical
into consider-ation. Immersed in legal and abstract
"socialist" to criticism or opposition,
compress into the
cally ratify.
is however,
'1\'here of the needs of the
of its is cases
state and do like to fetter tllemselves with regu
lations. tlle right of political
96
NEW CLASS
are in their harids, and these cannot bear or too
strict formalization. In decisions concerning the economy as
1vhole and in all otl1er mat.ters except
tional, and formal questions, the heads without
excessive restrictions. Tl1e creators of the most rigid type of
bureaucratism political are as
bureaucrats are legal For ex-
ample, Stalin \v-as respect. Disorder and
delay prevail in the offices and of many Com-
munist leaders.
This does not prevent them from temporarily taking stand
"against bureaucratism," that is, against. both
and slo\vness in adrninistration. They are today
the Stalinist form of bureaucratic administration. Ho1vever,
tlley have no intention of elirninating the
rampant the management of the
apparatus the state.
In this "bat.tle against Communist leaders
usually refer to Lenin. However, very careful study of
reveals that he did not foresee that the new system 1vas
to1vard political bureaucracy. In tlle conflict with the bureauc-
racy inherited partly from tl1e Lenin
rnost of the difficulties to the fact that "there are
apparatuses composed from list of Communists or from
list of rnernbel'S of Soviet party schools." The old officials dis-
appeared Stalin, and Communists from the "list" stepped
into their places, spite of this, grew.
Even places like Yugoslavia 1vas
of its essence, the
of political the
from it, \vas abolisl1ed. Even 1vhen it is abolished as an
adrninstrative rnethod of
to exist as political-social
The state, or governmerlt, is to1vard the
.complete of the tlle
PARTY STATE 97
of its o1vn It aspires to turn the entire
state into state of functionaries. It. aspires to regulate and
cont.rol, directly or indirectly, \vages,
and even intellectual activities. The do not dis-
tinguish people as to \Vhether or not they are functionaries-all
persons are to functionaries-but the amount
of they receive and the number of privileges they enjoy.
of collectiyization, even the peasant gradually be-
comes member of the society.
However, this is the vie\V. In the Communist system
social groups are sharply divided. In spite of such
and conflicts, thougl1, Communist society is as
unified any The weakness of the lies
in its compulsory attitudes and conflicting
elements of its composition. Ho\vever, every part is dependent
on eyery part, just as in single,
In or state, just as in absolute
deYelopment of personality is an abstract
ideal. In the period of absolute \vhen
tilists imposed the state upon the economy, cro;vn itself-
for example, that
1vas to re-educate tl1e people. Tl1e leaders
and in same >vay. Ho\vever, during the time
of tlle absolute monar-chy, did this in an at-
tempt to existing ideas to its mvn. Today,
the system, is tlle
owner and ideologist. This does not mean that the
personality has disappeared or that it been changed into
dull, cog rotates large, state
in accordance \vith tlle \vill of an
Personalit.y, its O\Vn nature both collective and
is even under system.
Of course it is stifled under this more under otller
its individuality llas to in different
way.
98 NEW CLASS
Its world is 1vorld of petty daily cares. vVhen these cares
wishes collide with the fortress of the system, which holds
monopoly over the material and intellectuallife of people,
even petty 1vorld is not free or secure. In the
system, insecurity is the 1vay of for the individual. The
stat.e gives him the opportunity to make living, but on
dition he submit. The personality is t.orn bet1veen 1vhat it
desires and it actually have. It is free to recognize the
of the collective and to submit to them, just as in
every other system; but also it may rebel against the
representatives of the collective. Most of individuals in
the system are not opposed to socialism, but op-
posed to way in it is being
the fact the are not any sort of
true socialism. individual 1ebels against those limitations
are in interest of oligarchy, not against those
are in interest of society.
Anyone does not live under these systems has hard
time grasping ho1v human beings, particularly such and
brave peoples, could given up their freedom of thought
and work to such an extent. Tl1e most accurat.e, not the
most complete, explanation for this situation is severity
and totality of tyranny. But at root of situation, there
are deeper reasons.
One reason is historical; people forced to undergo
loss of freedom in the drive toward economic
reason is of an intellectual and moral nature.
Since indust.rialization had become mat.ter of life or death,
socialism, or as its ideal became the
ideal hope, almost to of religious obsession
some of the at large as 1vell as the Com-
In the of those did belong to old
social classes, organize.d revolt against the par-
ty, or government, would have been to
treason against homeland and ideals.
PARTY STATE 99
most important why there was no organized
to lies deep in tlle and
of tlle state. It ltad into
all tlle pores of society and of the the vision
of tl1e of poets, and the dreams of
lovers. rise it to die of
desperate individual, but to
from society. Tlle1e is air or ligllt tlle
fist.
Neitller of tlle t1vo types of opposition
stemming from the olde1 classes and stemming from origi-
itself-found 1vays and of

t:>
t 1s encroachment tlleir first. group 1vas
back1vard, the group carried
activity, and in
about dogma 1vith tlle regime. 1vere yet ripe
for finding of roads.
Meamvhile, the people 1vere instinctively suspicious of
and every step and small detail. Today, this;
resistance is tl1e most real threat to
1egimes. Tlle Communist \Vllat
masses feel. regimes feel in sea of
deep dark
of system so sucess-
in checking its opposition as
provoked sucll dis-
content. It seems more is and
less opportunities for exist
'
..
leads to total
all of are gradually lost, except despaii
hatred. of mil-
lions 1vith everyday details of life-is form of
that the Communists t.o was
war. Germans
100 NEW CLASS
first attacked U.S.S.R., there seemed to lit.tle desire for
resistance among the Russians. Ho1vever, Hitler soon revealed
that his intentions 1ve1e the destruction of the Russian state
and the of Slavs and Soviet peoples into
impersonal slaves of tl1e Herrenvolk. From depths of
people emerged traditional, love for
the homeland. During tlle entire war Stalin did not mention
either the Soviet or its socialism t.o the people;
mentioned only one And it \vas
for, in spite of Stalin's socialism.
8.
Communist have succeeded in many
baffied systems they replaced. are
also solving the nationality as it existed
to the time came to pmver. They been
t.o resolve conflict of bourgeoisie completely,
ever. reappeared Communist regimes
in and more serious form.
National rule is being in the U.S.S.R.
higbly developed In Yugoslavia, dis-
putes are arising because of friction bu-
reaucracies. first nor case
national in the old sense. Tl1e are not
nationalists; for tllem, the on nationalism is only
form, just like any form, through which they
po,vers. For may act like
chauvinists from time to time. Stalin \vas Georgian, but
practice propaganda, \vas
Great Among Stalin's errors, Khrushcl1ev ad-
mitted, was of the of entire
peoples. Stalin and Company used national of
largest nation-the Russian nation-just as if it had been
PARTY STATE 101
composed of Hott.entots. The Communist leaders will al\vays
take to they find useful, as preaching
of of rights among the national which
is practically the same to them as the for equality of
rights among
N ational feelings interest, ho,vever, do lie
at the basis of the bet,veen Communist
The rnotive is quite different: it is sup1emacy in
mvn zone, in the is one's administra-
tion. The struggle over and po,vers of o\rn
does go than desire to
one's mrn power. The state units have
no other divi-
on the basis of The
are vehernent local patiiots on behalf of OWil admin-
istrative units, even they have for
part on either or basis. In sorne
in regional
cils), has been greater than in
governments.
Among the one short.sighted
and decline of
ness, in the very sarne people, depending oppor-
and
the speak are
same as of o'vn people. The the sarne, but.
the rneaning, sense-all of
very o,vn.
tl:ley regard to systems and
localistic their o'\'ll system, Communists can
it. is t.o interest to so.
nations, of once its o>vn forrn and
color, its o'vn and stand still no1v,
and beneath the all-kno>ving,
essentially oligarchies. The did not
102 NEW CLASS
succeed in exciting or a-.;vakening the nations; in this sense they
also failed to solve nationality questions. vVho knows anything
nowadays about Ukl-ainian -.;vriters political figures? vVhat
has happened to that nation, >vhich is the same size as
and -.;vas once the most advanced nation in Russia? You >vould
think that only and mass of people
could under this impersonal of oppression.
However, this is not the case.
Just as personality, various social classes, ideas still live,
so do the nations still live; they function; they
despotism; and they preserve their features
destroyed. If their and souls are smothered, they
are broken. Though tlley are under they
have yielded. The force them today is more than
the old or bourgeois it is desire
to their OWil masters, their free develop-
to fuller fello>vship -.;vith the rest of
the human race in its eternal existence.
Dogmatism in the Economy
1.
The deYelopment of the economy in Communism is the
basis for, but reflection of, the of the
itself fiom dictatorship to des-
potism. This development, struggles and disputes,
demonstrates hmv the interference of government in tl1e econ-
orny, necessary at has gradually turned vital, personal
interest on part of ruling
state seizes all of in order to all
for rapid industrialization. Ultimately, eco-
nornic development has come to guided in the
interests of ruling class.
Other types of do not act in an essentially different
they are motiYated sorne sort of personal
interest. Ho>vever, the tltat distinguishes t.he class
frorn types of is that it has in its hands, m01e or
less, all the resources, and it is deYeloping its eco-
nornic po>ver in and organized manner.
system of unification is also used otl1er classes, as polit-
ical and economic Because are number of
O\VIlers and many forms of property, all in mutual conflict,
and cornpetition have been preserved in all
103
104
CLASS
omies preceding the one, at least under norma1
or peaceful
the Communist has not succeeded in repress-
spontaneity, but to all others, it. constantly
insists that spontaneity should achieved. .
This practice has its theoretic The
!eaders really believe that they kno'.V la>vs and that
they can administer production witll accuracy. The
truth is that the thing they know ho>v to do is to
of the economy. Their to do this, just like the1r
victory the revolution, has created the their
Jhat they succeeded because of their exceptional scientific

of the accuracy of their theories, they administer
the economy largely according to these theories. It is standard
joke that the first equate measure
>vith Marxist. idea proceed t.o carry out the measure.
In Yugoslavia, it has officially declared that is
according to Marx; but Marx >vas
expert. practice, nothing is done
to Marx. Ho>vever, the claim that is conducted ac-
cording to Marx satisfies people's and is used to
justify and economic for "ideal" aims
according to discoveries.
Dogmatism is an part of Com-
system. Ho>vever, tlre of the into dog-
maric rc1.0lds is tlre outstanding of
economic In tbls leader-s are masters
"adapting" theo:v; depart from it is to
intel"est to 5{).
to being motivated blstOIical for
the has been
compelled to type of system to
perpetuation of its o;vn po>ver. Allegedly for
sake of classless society and for the of exploitation,
DOGMATISM IN ECONOMY
105
it created closed economic system, >vith forms of property
which facilitate party's its At
first, t.o to this ''collectivistic"
for objective reasons. N o-vv they to
not it. is the interest
of the economy and of
Ov\'11 sake, for an class aim. They
first controlled economy for so-
called ideal goals; 1ater tlrey did it for of
and is the
for political measures

an 1956, Tito admitted there "so-
cialist elements" in economies, they are
as
Communist idea: "socia1ism"
is organized
of must Communists preserve
the despotic of and o-.;vn of

of great decisiYe to
in deYelopment of economy soci-
ety reYeals and selfislr of
economic policy. an insistence on
necessary?
of to all of Oi\'1ler-
except ivlrich consider to socialist
above all, uncontrollable to and
u
abandoned holv-
eYer, it >vas to to it;
badly. YugoslaYia, for
and dissolYed name
of and "socialism." Today are pur-
and in tlle
matter. are similar exarnples all
106
NEW CLASS
However, the abolition of all of private ownership
except their own is their purpose.
Every political gives expression to forces
to The at-
over but they have succeeded
it to they sub-
ordinate it t; ideological political goals. way,
differs every political
2.
The interpret special role of those
produce in tenns of their total even
often in of the overriding role of ideology

after revolution, of
\Vas curtailed in the U.S.S.R. need of the for
rapid industrialization did not bring about curtail-
of such This took place only after the victory of
the and after ne\V class had been
created. In 1940 la\V \Vas passed of
people for quitting their jobs. this
period \Vorld War of slave labor developed,
labor Moreover, the between
1vork in the labor in factories was
pletely
Labor kinds of "voluntary" \VOI"k activities
are only 1vorst and of labor.
Tbls of character other
has
feature. labor did not take the
nor develop there t.o the ext.ent
that it has in the U .S.S.R., of tl1ese
pletely free
DOGMATISM IN ECONOMY 107
labor in the is the of
of over all, or all, property.
The finds the position of orlly to
sell his sell it 1vhich are
control, he is t.o seek another, better
There is only the state. The \Vorker no choice
to accept \Vorst and
in early the 1vorker's standpoint-the
replaced the over labor
of the o1mer'Ship of the class. This has \Vorker
freer.
the the 1vorker is like
type of slave, he is labor
tl1e slave 1vas both theoretically practically
as object. tl1e greatest of Aristotle,
believed 1vere either slaves.
he believed of slaves advocated the
of slavery he still regarded slaves as tools of
production. of it. is pos-
to deal >vay 1vith \vorker, liter-ate
vo1ker do the sort of 1vork required.
labor is quite slavery
in in lat.er history. It is the of and
political relationships, not, or to result
of level of
requires "'orker can dispose
of of it is conflict
of labor, or ;vith the of
ship political of
;vorker is free, but
to use extrernely lirnited. The lirnita-
tion of is not of
it is ;vhich occurs
It is especially 1vith to labor
force itself.
108
CLASS
Labor cannot in society 1vhere all material goods are
one The labor is the
of that not completely so, since the
is an indiYidual being 1vho himself up
of his labor. Speaking in abstr-act, taken as
1vhole, is factor in total social ne;v
class it.s material and political monopoly this factor
almost to the same extent it does national goods and
elements of production and treats it same
ing factor.
Dealing 1vit.h labor as factor in 1vorking con-
ditions in or connection bet;veen 1vages
and profits, are of no concer11 to and
conditions are determined in accordance an ab-
stract concept of labor, or in accordance 1vith indiYidual quali-
fications, 1vith little no for actual of
the respectiYe or br-ancl1es of
This is only rule; tl1ere are
and requirements. But the system leads
to lack of interest of tl1e actual i.e.,
1vorkers. It also leads to lo;v quality of output, decline in
productiYity of
The are
on part of 1vorkers, little
or to of labor force as
In system, efforts to stimulate worker are
and The offers all kinds of a1vards and
allo1vances to lack of But. as as tlle
do not the system itself, as long as they
monopoly of all and all
stimulate for much less
stimulate the labor as
Elaborate attempts to giYe \Vorkers the profits
have made Yugoslavia and are now contemplated
in East countries. These quickly result in
DOGMATISM IN ECONOMY 109
retention of "excess profits" in the of the bureaucracy
justify this saying that they are inflation
and money \visely. All that for the worker
are small, sums and the "right" t.o suggest ho\v they
the trade organi-
the the right to
and to decide \vhat, the have not had
to real of profits. It become
clear all tl1ese are with various
forms of political freedom. They attained isolation
from each other.
In system, free trade are impos-
can happen very rarely, as the explosions
of dissatisfaction in East in 1954 in
in 1956.
Comrnunists the absence of strikes
";vorking class" is po>ver and
of its state, so that if it did strike,
it against itself. is
based on fact system the
of is not pr'ivate individual, but, as 1ve kno\v,
fact is collective and forrnally

Above all, system are impos-
there is only \Vllo is of all
goods of tl1e labor It to take
effective action against tl1e of
all of or
could at all total
His does not
consist of of
as The is not harmed losses in
the producers, or society as
must rnake such losses. Because of this, strikes
110 NEW CLASS
are of political than an for the

vVhile inclividua1 st.rikes are and hope-
less as far as potential are concerned, there are no
political conditions for general strikes and they can
occur only exceptional situations.
strikes have taken place, they have usually cl1anged
strikes have taken on distinctly political
addition, constantly divide disrupt
the class of paid
its 1vho "educate" it, "uplift it ideologically," direct
it in its daily life.
Trade organizations and other OIgani-
zations, because of purpose
the appendages of single o1vner and political
oligarchy. Thus, is of
or production.
to spread illusions and acquiescent
1vorkers. played only
role-the lifting of the level of the \Vorking classes.
"\Vorkers'
really "yello1v" of special
"of special is used because
is at and exponent
of ideology. In other t1vo factors
are generally separate so
even to rely either one of are at least
to take advantage of differences and conflicts betiveen

It is not working class is the con-
cenl of the not for idealistic or reasons,
but because is class production de-
pends and on rise and very existence of new
class depends.
DOGMATISM IN ECONOMY
111

In spite of fact is free or free
is to even
for would
require ill01e analysis. W will
ourselves its aspects.
to political of dissatisfaction

the ivorkers and otl1er are subject. to
are also to the
degrees of exploitation too costly for the
or later
decree of April 25, 1956, U.S.S.R.,
of 1vorkers for or for quitting t.heir
jobs ivas Also great \VOI"kers 1vere released
these ivere cases in ivhich it ivas
to political those
labor because it needed labor
fOI'ce. This decree did result freed labor
for still force,
it did the after Stalin's

slave brought political to the
also too costly as as tech-
was the U.S.S.R. slave laborer, no
matter little you feed costs produce
the to assure
his His labor senseless and discon-
Modern production in otller ivays.
operated
pulsory labor, and adequate
an
to exploitation in the are
paralleled to the of the labor force. These
112 NEW CLASS
freedoms ate detennined the of ownership and gov-
emment. Until o-.;vnership are the
labor force become free must subject to
moderate or severe forms of administrative

Because of its production needs, regime regu-
lates labor and the st.atus of the force. Jt takes
and social measures: it
such things as -.;vorking hours, vacations,
the labor of and Many of these are
largely nominal; many are also of progressively harmful
character.
system the t.o regulate labor rela-
tions and to order and in is constant.
single collective mvner solves
on an all-encompassing scale. Jt in
anytblng, and certainly in labor Jt must
it just as as every aspect of
The great boast that there is full employment
systems cannot 1vounds e\'ident as one
looks more closely. As as all mateiial goods
one body, these goods, like become
subject of Political necessities play
role
of number of of at.
expense of planning bldes
As soon as sectors of economy can engage in play, or
as as it becomes for the regime to and
at of
mellt -.;vill More ties with market
can also cause
full employment is of Com-
"socialism" of an policy carried
command; in final is result
of Jt does
DOGMATISM IN ECONOMY
ll3
the power but weakness of the economy. Yugoslavia was
of it satisfactory degree of pro-
As as it did, tllere -.;vas
1vould blgher if Yugoslavia
maximum
full conceals
poverty of all of
just as the progress of sectors of
the of
token, this type of mvnersblp and
is t.o collapse, but
of crises. The selfish interests of the
11
ew
class the ideological of the it
to healthy and
4.
Marx 1vas the first. to visualize the of
society basis. -.;vas first, or
first, to
toward because, to social it is
tlle basis of
1vere the fiist to
scale. Today, is and
an of the policy of govern-
even it in
countries in ones.
necessary when an ad-
stage social, intemational, other
tions are subject to Jt does llave con-
with anyone's let alone tllose of
were on far lo1ver level of social
relations.
114
NEW CLASS
vVhen tlle U.S.S.R. became the first country to embark upon
planning, its leaders, who 'vere Marxists,
tbls Marxism. The truth is tbls:
. .
Marx's the idealistic basis of tlle

Russia, bls teacblngs also became the cover for later
taken the Soviet leaders.
All of tlle blstorical and specific reasons for Soviet
>vere to Marx's theory was
the closest most because of social basis and
the past of the
heavily on in

profound idealistic and
background. How can other
as planned it or is going to sing1e
o>mer? Ho'v investments made for
of if >vere not
Sometblno- it become ideal. So

it is It is dedicated t.o develop-
of of economy >vill
of tl1e reo-ime. is g-eneral rule,
....... .._,
in every especially tllose become
of Moscovv, tllere are to
Of the of the national as
is important for of regime, for it
is to progress in one
of from every Com-
system is alvvays directed tmvard of
are considered to of decisive importance in
tl1e political of tlle regime.
are ones role, po,ver, and privileges of
also are strengtlten regime
in its to and make it for
regime to t.o greater degree. Up to now,
of and industries. does
situation cannot.
DOGMATISM IN ECONOMY
Recently atomic especially in U.S.S.R., begun
to take first place in plan; I say tllat is llappen-
because of military, foreign and political considerations
for any otller.
Ever]'tlling is subordinated to aims.
of are and 'vorking
are
excessive costs are rampant.
to Andre New Leader, October 1,
1956), investments U.S.S.R.
from 53.3 per of total 1954 to 60 per
cent of total in 1955. per cent of tlle
is invested in
on industry, lleavy
7.4 per to tlle increase per capita,
6.4 per of vvblch 'vas to
It is >vhy, under conditions, the
of is last of tl1e ne'v o>mers,
as Marx are the most factor
to Ed"rard vvllo is close
to battle for survival must.
U.S.S.R. those less 600
Schvvartz, the New York Times expert on the
Soviet llas estimated tllat eight million
'vorkers earn less than 300 monthly, and tlle Tribune,
tlle point of vievv of tl1e Party's left
vving, adds tlle comment that tllis, and tlle of sexes,
is tlle reason for the large of women employed at lleavy
labor. recent vvage in tlle U.S.S.R. llas
applied to tllese lo'N->vage categoi"ies.
Tbls is the >vay it is the U.S.S.R. It is not. different
in other not. even in like
Czeclloslovakia vvblch are tecllnologically very advanced. Once
an exporter of no>v
Accoiding to official statistics, tlle standard of living of
NEW CLASS
blue- a11d 1vhite-collar \Vorkers is lmver than before World
\Var whe11 Yugoslavia 1vas u11developed capitalist
Commu11ist pla1111i11g, devoted t.o political class a11d
totalitaria11 dictatorsllip suppleme11t eacll other. For ideologic
reaso11s, Commu11ists i11te11sively i11 certai11 of
the eco11omy. All pla1111i11g revolves arou11d tllese
This leads to deep displaceme11ts tlle eco11omy whicll can11ot
paid for i11come from 11atio11alized farms over from
capitalists a11d large but. must paid for mai11ly
tllrough of lo1v 1vages a11d the of peas-
tl1rougl1 tlle compulsory crop-purcllase system.
It migllt said tllat if tlle U.S.S.R. 110t such pla11-
11i11g, or if it 11ot co11centrated 011 the developme11t of heavy
i11dustry, it 1vould e11tered \Vorld u11armed
would have tlle easily co11quered slave of tlle Hitler i11-
vasio11. This :s but o11ly to certai11 degree. For gu11s
ta11ks are 11ot the of cou11try. If Stali11 had
11ot had imperialistic aims i11 his f01eign policy a11d
aims i11 his i11ternal policy, of 1vould haYe
left his cou11try sta11ding alone before the invader.
This is clear: ideological to de-
velopme11t of tlle economy 1vas 11ot esse11tial for tlle develop-
of 1var industry. It 1vas put into actio11 because of
po1ver-holders' 11eed to i11ternally a11d ex-
ternally; defe11se 11eeds 1vere o11ly associate 11eeds, eve11 tllough
they 1vere Russia could have tlle same qua11-
tities of arrnaments, u11der differe11t pla11s, li11ki11g
more closely 1vitl1 foreign markets. Greater 011
foreign markets would have 11ecessitated foreig11
policy. Under prese11t-day co11dit.io11s, 1vl1ere 1vorld are
i11terlaced a11d 1vars are total, butter is almost as impOI-
tant as gu11s i11 the 1vagi11g of 1var. This was i11
the case of the U.S.S.R. Food tlle U11ited States 1vas almost
as importa11t Yictory as war materiel.
DOGMATISM IN ECONOMY
ll7
The same is true 1vith regard to agriculture. U11der prese11t-
day progressive also means
trializatio11. agriculture does 110t that
Communist regime 1vill of the outside. Inter-
11ally it makes regime depe11de11t 011 the eve
11
though the are membel'S of cooperatives.
que11tly steel give11 priority pla11, right beside
kolkhozes 1vith lo1v The of political
had to allead of progress.
Soviet, or is of special It has
eyolved as tlle of tech11ological of
as the result of the "socialist." of
its I11stead it evolved as result of special
type of and O\V11ers11.ip. Today, other
factors are i11flue11ci11g this type of but other
factors have ceased to tlleir effect the evolutio11
of type of plan11ing. It is very important to 11ote for
it. is tlle key to u11dersta11di11g tlle cllaracter of this type of plan-
a11d of the of Commu11ist eco11omy.
results such eco11omy a11d such pla11-
ni11g of all mea11s to
specific make it for po1ver-1vielders to
progress 1vith speed i11 certai11 of the
eco11omy. Tlle progress that U.S.S.R. achieved i11 some
a11y1vhere in
1vorld. Hmvever, 1vl1e11 the back\vard
in branches progress is 110t. justified
from economic point of vie1v.
. Of onc:-back\vard place
as far as its most importa11t branches of
eco11omy It become conti

nental pmver in 1vorld. strong class, 1vide stra-
tum of intellige11tsia, and materials
goods created.
NEW CLASS
118
been essentially weakened because of this, nor are there
to believe that the standard of living cannot
proved in proportion to the economic
01vnership and political for whlCh the plan
is only have made it to .the
dictatorship to any extent or to raise tlle standard of
The exclusive of group, in the ec_onon1y_ as
1vell as in politics, is directed toward
its po1ver and its interests in the country and the
1
vorld, continuously postpones tl1e improvement of the standard
of living and harmonious development of the
absence of freedom is undoubtedly the final most Impor-
tant reason for the In Communist systems free-
dom has become the main and
5.
The conceals within itself an
anarchy of special kind. In spite of the fact that it is planned,
the Commurlist economy is perhaps the most 1vasteful economy
ir1 the history of human society. Such claims may seem
especially if one has in mind the relatively rapid development
of individual branches of the economy, of t.he as
1vhole. However, they have solid basis.
of fantastic was even
if this had group 1vhich
cludincr the from its O\Vll narrO\V and
of vie1v. Ho;v could group of this
complex modern effectively
economy which, in spite of the most complete
sho;ved yaried often contradictory and
external from day to day? The absence of type
of criticism, even of any type of important
leads to ;vast.e
DOGMATISM IN ECONOMY 119
Because of this political and omnipotence t
f l
. , .vas e-
u cannot avoided tl1e t f
. . . es
Ver_y attention is paid t.o t.he cost of
these 1s _to t.he economy as ;vhole. great
are the costs to of an which is
because of the fear of the peasant
and heavy industry? is the
cost of cap1tal industries? \Vhat is
cost of system? What is the cost of
pa1d coilSequently "goldbrick" 1voik
slowly? Is the cost of poor-quality is
these costs, they calculated.
ust as the eccmomy, the Ieaders
handle way to their O'iVIl teach"
h .
t. at. Is, The economy 1s JUSt
an area least toleiates if they -.vished
do so, the leaders could take the
of the as whole. For political
is "vitally "of key
Importance, or deCistve movement.
the 1vay of its out the in questi;n, for the
group_ IS afra1d of its or property.
_the criticism or self-criticism
c1te >vhen theie is evidence that is
not or ;vaste become
for agr'icultural policy.
Ito h1s for excessive capital
and >vaste of for " .
d. . l"
neglect of of But essence
same. same prolong the same system
about the same and "1"rre 1 " , . gu ar-Ities
become Losses no resto!'ed,
so reg1me tl1e party do take for
ve note t these '\Vill losses ha " d" h
"corrected." So let's begin all over againl
120
NEW CLASS
There is no evidence that single Communist leader has
suffered because of unproductively expended or fantastically
1vasted means. But have been deposed because of "ideo-
logical
In Communist systems, thefts are in-
It is not just poverty that motivates people to st.eal
the "national property"; but the fact that tl1e property does
not seem to belong t.o anyone. All are
valueless, creating atmosphere for
tl1eft and waste. In 1954, Yugoslavia over 20,000 cases
of theft of "socialist property" were discovered. The Com-
leaders property as their o1rn, but at
same time they 1vaste it as if it 1vere somebody else's.
is nature of of tl1e system.
The waste is This is t.he 1vaste of

The slo>v, 1vork of mil-
lions toO"ether with the of all IVOI'k
'
"socialist," is the gigantic 1vaste
no regime has to avoid. Even they
are of Smith's that labor creates value,
theory Marx adopted, these po1ver-1vielders the least
to labor tl1em as
of very little value 1vhich readily replaced.
fear >vhich of "tl1e of capital-
ism," or of that 1vould arise
class "ideological" motives, has cost tl1e
dous >vealth biake its
destioyed the state is in position
to or develop them; only that which is the state's is
"socialist."
H01v far can nation like this?
The is 1vhen first
made 1vill further develop-
make the Communist of
su perfl
DOGMATISM IN ECONOMY 121
The 1vaste is because of the isolation of Com-
Every is
autaichic. The for this lie the character of
its
No which 1vas
to cooperate to greater >vith
of its success-
ful
of goods. larger scale cooperation
otl1er
things, takes very little
of of >vorld or of the
Partly as of this, and partly as
of ideological motives, take
too little of

ra1v materials for almost
to 1vorbl level of
some at times cost other
ot11er of
1vorld avei"age or
at prices are
neglected. are developed, even
>vorld 1vith tlle items tl1ey 1vill
people to all tbls OI'der
to make
This is aspect of tlle to
regimes. is tl1e of tl1e Socialist
U.S.S.R.-to overtake pass most
developed does cost? does it
lead?
U.S.S.R. ovei'take some of econ-
omy of most developed vvaste
of lo1v 1vages, neglect of other
122
NEW CLASS
branches of this may It. is quite another
question 'vhether this is econornically
Such plans are aggressive in themselves. What does the non-
Cornmunist 'vorld think of the fact that the U.S.S.R. is deter-
mined to hold first place in the production of steel and
crude oil at the cost of lo>v standard of living? What is left.
of and "peace-loving cooperation" if they con-
sist of competition lleavy industry and of very small trade
Wllat is left of cooperation if the Cornmunist econ-
omies develop autarcblcally, but penetrate the world rnostly
for ideological
Such plans relations waste domestic and 'vorld manpower
and are unjustified from every except
that of the Communist oligarclly. progress and
vital needs make brancll of tlle econorny irnpor-
anotl1er tlle this is true for nations
for the world. What >vill if, fifty years from no>v,
steel lose tlle tlley hold today? The
Communist leaders take of this other

Efforts at the tlle Soviet first
of all, to the rest of tl1e >vo!'ld, at the of the
'vorld these aie far tlle actual technical
other capabllities of At tlleir stage
these economies could cooperate >vith tlle rest of the 'vorld to
greater degree than they actually do. Tlle failure to
use their capabllities for the outside world
tlle rusll to the outer world for ideological and
are caused tlle that tlle
over tlle and their need to po,ver.
'vas largely right >vhen he stated that politics is
"concentrated Tbls has reversed in the
has concentrated politics; tllat
i.s, politics play decisive role in tlle
the 'vorld or the creation of "'vorld
DOGMATISM IN ECONOMY
123
socialist" 'vmcll St.alin and to wllich Soviet
leaders still pledge allegiance, represents perhaps tlle
reason for 'vorld and 'vorld-wide waste.
of ownersblp, antiquated of production-
no >vhose or wllat conflict with the world
needs. vs. ownership has become world

of private, or capitalist, in tlle
back>vard Communist states has rapid, if
smooth, progress. Tlle states llave become
great physical powers, new resistant, with self-
righteous and fanatical class which llas tasted tlle fruits of
authority and This cannot solve
of tlle that 'vere of to classic of
the nor even those that were of
to stillless can it insure economic advancement. >vithout
intemal difficulties and
Despite its po,verful of forces in one pair of
and its if successes, tl1e
economic system has sho>ving deep
the moment of its complete victory. Even tllougll it has
not yet reached the of its power it is already
into difficulties. Its future is less and less the
munist economic 'vill have to battle furiously, inside
and outside, for its
Tyranny over the Mind
1.
There is only partial justification for seeking,
philosophy, the sources of tyranny over the mind, tyranny
the Communists exeicise >vith refinement
come to po>vei. mateiialism is
exclusive than any otl1er vie\v of >vorld. It
its the position 1vhich makes it.
for them to hold other vie>vpoint. If vie>v >vere not
>vitll specific forms of govemment and mvnersblp,
the methods of oppression and of the
human could not the vie\V itself.
Every ideology, tr-ies to itself as the
true complete This is

It was idea itself the idea
'Nas applied tllat Marx Engels.
every and socialist
of their ideas into
geois every and study

The idea tllat >vas especially \Vitll Marx
and the idea later could
124
TYRANNY OVER MIND 125
for its ideological was that of the
arabllity of political views of
or artist from real or as
or artist. If 1vas opposite politically,
every objective or 1vork was opposed or dis-
regarded.
This of Marx partially ex-
as the of the of the owners
po1ver-holders agitated the "specter of
from the very
of Marx and 1vas bom
sified else tllat 1vas at the of wllat. had
leamed: they tlle of every
they tllat it 1vas for t.o
attain their vie,v of
world as basis. of of
and out of of socialist Marx
came to that 1vas
to or to the 1vas objec-
tively; that is, if it \Vas of it >vas

they proceeded practically of
most of their time, the views
of their of Marx
and Engels of philos-
opller as or of like There
is of 1vriters artists of
period. There is to those \vho were
the ideological and social stream to Marx
They settled tl1eir their
the socialist fierce
ant This was not for sociology
of it \vas very for the
126
NEW CLASS
of socialism social struggles, especially The
same may said of ideas,
Marx, his Misery of Philosophy} scornfully
his real role. Engels did the same 1vith the
socialist, Lassalle, as 1vell as 1vith other oppositionists inSide
their o>m
the other carefully noted in-
tellectual phenomena of time. They accepted _?anvin.
particularly grasped of the and
Renaissance-from culture had developed. In
sociology they borro>ved from pol.itical
Ricardo) ; in class1c German p?Il?sophy
Hegel) ; social theory, soCialism, or
frorn the after the revolution.
These 1vere the great social currents
created tlle clirnate of Europe
rest of 1vorld.
There is logic and the of Corn-
Marx 1vas rnore of rnore objective
1vas above all great
of Czarist absolutisrn, Russian
1vorld for of

Marx, taught rnaterialisrn >vas pio-
gressive as that idealisrn was
>vas not one-sided but it
Marx's It also from
cient of historical 1909,
>vrote his Materialism and Empiro-Criticism} 1vas closely
great classical or modern.
Because of to overcome oppositionists views
the of party, rejected every-
was accord views. anv-
o .
1vas and valueless if it. was accord >vith
Marxism. It must that, this respect,
TYRANNY OVER MIND 127
bls works are exarnples of logical and persuasive
dogrnatism.
Believing materialism had always been ideology of
and subversive social he dre1v the
one-sided materialism was progres-
t.he fields of and the development of
idealisrn Yvas reactionary.
form and method and scientific discovery.
The fact 1vas idealistic was
for Lenin to disregard his real value the value of dis-
coveries. Lenin extended political to practically
the history of
1920, Bertrand Russell, wel-
comed the October Revolution, had accurately tl1e es-
sence of or dogrnatism: *
There is, ho1vever, another aspect of Bolsllevism from whicll
I differ more fundamentally. Bolsllevism is not merely po-
litical it is also religion, 1vitll elaborate dogmas
and When Lenin wislles to prove some
does so, if quoting texts fr'om
and Engels. full-fledged Communist is not merely
man 1vho believes tllat land and capital sllould held in
common, and tlleir produce as nearly equally as
is man 1vho entertains number of elaborate
and dogmatic beliefs-such as pllilosopllic materialism, for
example-1vllich may true, but to scientific tem-
per, of being kno1vn >vitll any This
of militant certainty about. objectively doubtful mat.ters, is
one from 1vhicll, since tlle Renaissance, t.lle 1vor'ld llas been
gradually into tllat temper of const.ructive and
ful skepticism 1vhicll constitutes tlle scientific outlook. I be-
lieve the scientific outlook to important to
tlle race. If more just economic system 1vere only
closing men's minds against free inquiry, and
plunging them back into the intellectual prison of the middle
From Bolsl!evism: Practice and New York, Harcourt, Brace & Howe.
128
NEW CLASS
ages, I should the price too high. lt
over period of time, dogmatic belief is help

But tllis vvas period.
Stalin vvent further; "deYoloped" Lenin, but
Lenin's or deptl1. Careful vvould

lead to conclusion man, l1imself
today ackno\vledges to been tl1e of bls time,
l1ad Marx's Das Kapital, most
on Marxism. Practical l1e 1vas, and
bls extreme dogmatism, it vvas not for blm t.o
Marx's economic to bls
of "socialism." Stalin vvas closely acquainted vvitll
to>vard Hegel as tmvard
"dead dog," to "reaction of ab-
solut.ism to reYolution."
>vas >vell
al>vays suppo!'t in blm, to extent Lenin
did Marx. Stalin of political
blstory only, especially
good memory.
Stalin really did need more for role.
did not coincide and Yie1vs,
simply proclaimed as and forbade it.
men-Marx, and contrasts as
men are tlleir of In addi-
to being Marx v.as simple
His style \vas baroque,
witty in Olympian sort of vvay. Lenin seemed to
of revolution itself. His style vvas
incisive, and logical. Stalin po1ver lay in tl1e satis-
faction of all desires, and belieYed to
supreme expression of His style was color-
less monotonous, but its oversimplified logic and dogma-
tism 1vere convincing t.o and to common people.
TYRANNY OVER MIND
129
It contained simplicities of
not so of religious youtll as tlle
of fact >vas tlle >vay of expression under
primitive conditions, and of dogmatized Communists.
Stalin's follo>vei"S do not eYen bls crude co-
cnor dogmatic po1vers and convictions. Aveiaa-e
everytblng, possess an sense
.
to systems or ne>v ideas because of
commitment to vital realities,
only to stifle or make tl1e creation of
is evolution of dog1natic and aspect of
ideology. so-called deYelopment of
led to tlle of ne>v class
tlre not of ideology, the
of of or of This
in the decline of
ideology itself. tbls, of ideas,
of as ideoloQ'V's
. "''
lts of tr'Uth, to
the of po>ver of its disciples.
Becoming one-sided and

to At first it seems as if its vie1vs, individ-
ually, \Vel'e tr'Ue. it is with lies. Its half-
exaggerated debased to of perversion;
Iigid it is with lies,

it the of its leaders oYer society,
OYel' itself.
2.
The proposition is
to
in practice lead to all areas of activity.
130 NEW CLASS
v\'hat. can the unfortunate do, if atoms do not
according to Hegelian-Marxist struggle or according
to the unif01mity of opposites development into
forms? of if cosmos is apa-
to Communist dialectics? of if plants
do not. according to Lysenko-Stalinist on
mony and cooperation of classes "socialist" society? Because
it is for these to lie must
suffer of dis-
accepted must make discoveries
formulas of are
dilemma as t.o ideas discoveties ;vill
official dogma. are forced
and compromises to
same is true of In many ;vays con-
Communism is of of
sects of Middle Ages. on Cal-
poet, Ducic, bls Tuge
i vedrine (Sorrows and Calms), seem to relate to
tual in
... And tllis dogmatician, ;vhat lle did
not tlle soul of the
people of Geneva. religious
pious these ;vhich are today filled
'''ith cold and hatred of all
poetry music decree. As
and tyrant at head of the he
Iike his la1\'S over life the state,
regulated family Of all the figures >vhich the Refor-
fostered, Calvin is the most calloused of the
figures, llis is the most
textbook for . . . ;vas
apostle ;vho 1vished to restore tlle faitll to its purity,
as it was it forth from
the parabola of N azareth. Tllis 1vas tlle ascetic,
who, llimself from tlle regime, also severed himself
TYRANNY OVER MIND
131
from love, tlle basic .of bls dogma. created
people, earnest full of but also full of llatred of
full of disbelief Tllere is harsher
or fearful prophet. Of tlle people of
made paralytics forever of
are people the world .to llas brougllt as
much was re-
ligious writer, as to the purity of the
guage as Luther was to the purity of the
the of the But he was also the
creator of theocracy which 1vas less like dictatorsllip
was Papal Wblle that he 1vas
spir'itual degraded man's civil
to the slavery. the people
failed to life way.
but completed Al-
most 300 years after observed
ho1v carried
about "the pastor" his last llow they
heart.
also contains some elements of
the dogmatic of Crom1vell
of political intolerance of But are
tial differences. rigidly believed in and
believe in science. po>ver is
cornplete that of the differences
emanate the religion or dictatorsblp has
been to to such all-atound poi\'er
as of systems.
of Cornmunist that ;vere on
leading to of absolute and an
ideal society gre;v in propoition to of their pmver.
It has been said in jest Communist leaders
society-for In fact, do identify
society and its aspirations. Absolute despotism
equates itself belief in absolute happiness,
it is an all-inclusive and universal tyranny.
132 NEW CLASS
Progress itself hGs transfonned the Communist power-wielders
into of concern for
human increased as po>ver
of socialism."
Yugoslavia not bypassed evolution. Some of Yugo-
slav leaders, too, stressed level of consciousness of
our people" during period; is,
people," or some of tl1em, actively leaders.
No>v, the "socialist" of same people,
to leaders, is very lo1v and,
for democracy order to raised. Yugoslav leaders
speak of tlle fact that they 1vill besto>v democracy
is grmvtll of socialist kind of
ness >vill automatically attained
Until of democracy
is doled out in small doses, 1vho practice sornetblng
contrary to tl1e
tl1e name of future freedom-to preYent
faintest rnanifestations of ideas or of
is
only 'lvere Soviet leaders forced t.o
prornises of democracy "in tl1e
future." sirnply freedom al-
Ieady been created tlle U.S.S.R. Of sense
freedom is at iVOik tllem. "ele-
tl1ey urge to "produce"; crarn
1vitll ar-id Marxist aiid political Yie'lvs
of tlle \Vorse still, tlley force to
edge to socialisrn beliefs infalli-
reality of pmrnises of tlleir
tlle system liYes oppressed the
of and fear he has
gressed. is al>vays fearful will to
tllat he is not of socialisrn, just as in the Middle Ages
rnan to deYotion to
TYRANNY OVER MIND
133
The systern all social activity
'lvork this type of t.o death rnan
is solicitude of the ruling party, solicitude
for his conscience. ideologists,
paid special approved ideas,
dous rnatefial rneans are all enlisted and in this "uplift-
of socialisrn.'' analysis, all
official. So are radio and sirnilar rnedia.
results are great. In case are they proportionate
to and ernployed, except for class
iVould, in case, Ho>vever,
results are attained in rnaking it to
tlle official one, in cornbatting op-

for tlley cannot help
but is frorn pre-
t1vo faces-one for
selves, tlleir for tlle the official.
EYen systerns, are so stupefied uni-
fonn pl'Opaganda it is for tllern to arrive at
or at ideas. In tlle intellectual field,
of less stacr-
t>
decay.
oligaiclls protectors
see to it does into
or "anti-socialist pro-
curers of and actually only consumer
of obsolete, and
retarded and frozen irnpulses of
people. up most vvords
-"pluck frorn -and act. to
>vords, just as if 1vere dealing and weeds
of consciousness of
and so it cannot
take courage and soar, become gray, of
134
NEW CLASS
ideas, and completely lacking in the intellectual enthusiasm
that disinterested meditation inspires. theat.er "\Vithout an
the actors play and go into raptures over themselves.
Tl1ey tblnk as as they eat; their brains cook
in response to the most needs. This _is hmv
it is 1vith priests are
and mvners of all the media intellect can
to its movies, radio, television,
books, and Iike-as well as of all substance keeps
alive-food and roof over

Are not for contemporary Com-
"\vith sects?

every country achieves
piogress, even of special kind and in special periods.
Industrialization, r-apid as it is, laige in-
telligentsia, if it is not especially in quality,
talents stimulates the rea-
to rapidly in specific
of also act. as for
The U.S.S.R. has not lagged to any extent "\V-ar tech-
in World War or since. U.S.S.R. is
far beblnd United States in the development of atomic
is spite of fact.
system makes it to adopt in-
sometimes lie for years of state
disinterest of producing organizations
deadens still more.
Being very practical Communist leaders immediately
cooperation scientists, not pay-
ing attention t.o views. It is clear to
TYRANNY OVER MIND 135
Ieaders that cannot "\vithout
intelligentsia, and tbls intelligentsia cannot
itself As in every field,
simplified and relation
to tbls intelligentsia: some other class al\vays pays special-
ists, wblle serve it. "pro-
or the ne\v class, also do tbls? Acting on this proposi-
develop system of >vages.
In spite of it is fact. that no great
scientific discovery been acbleved the Soviet
In U .S.S.R. is beblnd
Czarist there were epochal scientific discoveries
in spite of back>vardness.
Even reasons make scientific discovery dif-
main reasons for tbls are social. ne.v
class is very in seeing its ideological monopolism
is not endangered. Every great scientific discovery is the result
of vie>v of >vorld mind of the discoverer.
ne>v vie\v does not fit into of the already adopted
official system every scientist
stop before tbls fact. or risk proclairned
"heretic" if his tl1eories do not coincide
and dogrna.
Work discoveries is made difficult to an greater de-
the irnposition of the official vie>v Marxism, or
dialectical materialisrn, is the most effective for all
fields of intellectual, and activity.
not noted scientist in U.S.S.R.
political for this,
is due to to the official have
fe>ver of
versely, are of the of "devoted"
poor
stirnulate progress but also
every great research activity "\vhere undisturbed func-
136 NEW CLASS
of the mind is necessary. This may contradict.ory,
but it is so.
systems are only relatively opposed to
development, are absolutely opposed to intel-
lectual progress and discovery. Based the exclusiveness of
single philosophy, the systems are expressly anti-philosophic.
In such systems, there has not been born, nor there
born, especially social thinker-as long as
one does not so consider the po-.;ver->vielders themselves, who
are generally also the "main and masters for
"elevatincr" the consciousness. In ne1v
t:>
or ne1v philosophy and social must travel
very indirect roads, generally the way of or some
branch of art. The ne-.;v thought must first hide conceal
itself in order to reacl1 the Iight. begin to live.
Of all the sciences and all social sciences and
consideration of social fare the worst; they scarcely
manage to exist. it is question of society or of social
is interpreted according to Marx and
Lenin, or everything is monopolized leaders.
History, especially of its Communist--period, does
not exist. lmposition of silence and falsification are not only
permitted but are general
The intellectual of people is also being con-
fiscated. The act as if all blstory has just
to let appearance -.;vorld. They
past and in it o1vn and
apply dividing all and
classifications. this
raise up elevate
destroy great, especially great of own
Their is too in
it alone protects justifies exclusive over
science and society.
TYRANNY OVER MIND
137
4.
are happening art. Here favors are ex-
in to already and
vie1vs of average quaJity. Tbls is is no
art ideas, or some effect consciousness.
over ideas, of are
prerequisites of tl1e rulel'S. are
in art, mostly because of to
over of people but also because of ignOiance
one-sidedness. of of
in art; but this is only
do understand modern art, believe
it. felt this 1vay about
of Mayakovsky.
spite of tbls, back -.;vard peoples ex-
perience cul tural renaissance >vith
becomes to even it comes
of The ne-.;v class is
in tl1e sprcad of the
for >VOI'k for enlarging
The of schools and
branches of art has very rapidly, even beyond
neelis and in art is
After the class llas
significant -.;vorks of art are generally
1vas the U.S.S.R. to tlle 1930's; it
is true today in Yugoslavia. It is as if
talents, is
also born tlle revolution, stifles art.
t"\vo basic of arts are
to1vard aspects of it and oppo-
t.o innovations in
In Stalin's things tlle point all forms
138
NEW CLASS
of artistic cxpression were except those that Stalin
hirnself liked. Stalin did not have particularly good tast.e; he
1vas of hearing, and liked and Alexandrine
verse. Deutscher has stated that Stalin's style becarne the na-
tional style. The adoption of official vie1vs on art forrns becarne
as as the adoption of official ideas.
It not beer1 like tbls in systerns,
is it that. it so. 1925, in U.S.S.R.,
vvas adopted stating that par-ty as whole
1vay tie to cause field of literary forrn."
this party did its so-called "ideological
aid," that is, its ideological political cor1trol over artists.
This 1vas rnaxirnurn dernocracy attained
in the field of art. Yugoslav leaders are in the position
today. After 1953, -vvhen the of forrns
in favor of bureauct-acy the and reac-
tionary vveie for "petit
geois" 1vas initiated, which openly airned at con-
trolling the whole world
against the Consequently, the had to
retract, one of Kardelj's
the party cannot itself, but that it not
allo>v "anti-socialist ideological that is, vievvs
1vhich the as being "anti-socialist." The Bol-
shevik parties l1ad this in 1925. This
the of the tovvard art.
Ho1vever, of of the leaders
far this. privately coilSider
and att 1vorld as "petit bour-
geois," or, it "ideologically confused." Cited
in greatest newspaper (Politika} 25, 1954)
are Tito's 1vords: good textbook is
than any Periodic
"decadence," ideas," and "hostile vie-vvs" in art
have
TYRANNY OVER MIND
139
unlike Soviet has at least
in dissatisfied and
regarding forrns. has never been
for Soviet s1vord over
the s1vord heart of Soviet culture.
Relative of form) -.;vhich the
periodically suppress, cornpletely free the creative per-
Ait, indirectly, also express ideas
itself. Even systerns vvhere art is
allovved greatest fieedorn, between prorn-
ised and control of ideas rernains
unresolved. This crops from time to time,
sometimes in attacks on "contraband" ideas, sometimes in the
1vork of artists they are foiced to use forms.
It crops because of conflict bet\\'een the
curbed of the regime and the irresist-
creative of artists. It is, tl1e sarne
1vhich exists between creativeness in Com-
dogmatism; it. meiely been carried over the
field of ai't.
ne-.;v or idea first in
appioved or disapproved, and fitted harmless frarne.
As the leaders resolve
tllis they can, as we have peiiodically extr'icate
themselves, at the expense of real fteedom of artistic
creation. systems, it has been be-
cause of tllis to develop subjects for ait
or to develop art theory.
of art, its very nature, is criticism of
of given relations. In systems,
therefore, creation based on is pos-
Only praise of given situation or criticism of the
system's is permitted. Under these terrns art

In Yugoslavia officials and some artists about the fact
140
NEW CLASS
that there are no vvorks of art vvhich can shovv "our socialist
reality." In U.S.S.R., on lland, tons of vvorks of
art based on actual subjects are but since tl1ey do not
reflect tl1ey do not have any value and are rapidly
rejected the later even coming under official criticism.
is varied but t.he final result is the same.
5.
The theory of so-called "Socialist Realism" reigns in all
Communist. st.ates.
In Yugoslavia tbls t.heory has been and is now held
the most tbls area, as
others, the regime has been to forestall the
of theories but has too weak
to impose its vie>vs. It said that. same goes for
t.he East countries.
theory of "Socialist Realism" is even complete
system. Gorky vvas to use tbls term,
bls realist. His vievvs vvere
"socialist" art inspired \\'itl1 ne1v socialist
ideas and must depict as as Every-
else tllat tbls tlleory advocates-typicalness, empllasis on
ideology, party solidarity, over
otller t.heories or because of tlle political needs of
the regime.
Not been evolved complete "Socialist
Realism" actually ideological Com-
It calls efforts to clothe t.he back,vard ideas
of art forms for tlleir 1vorks to depicted
and This llas led to
justificaton of regime's over ideas to
cratic of the of art. itself.
The forms of tbls in Communist
TYRANNY OVER MIND
141
to ideological
ence.
Yugoslavia, for has
is tbls method: enter-
prises, artist's periodicals, and tlle
like, party 'membel'S consider "sus-
to piOper Censorsblp, or really self-
sprouted that very Even
party may or other thi'Ough,
and must. exer-
cise tllemselves forces them to and
make But tbls is
it is "socialist <:lemocracy," of despotism.
in tl1e U.S.S.R. in other Communist
does of absolve creating artists
Intellectuals are forced self-censorsblp
status and reality of social Self-censorship
is actually the form of paity ideological the
system. In tl1e Middle Ages men first to delve
the of the on their

in the same
systems, it is to
1vhat of performance is expected and, often, to
t.he taste of tlle leaders.
itself as
"ideological aid." In tlle same \vay, everytblng in Communism
is as being devoted to the of ab-
the expressions "the people,"
"the people," and ones-in spite of
vagueness-are used >vitll tlle arts.
tlle of forms
ideas, humiliations, and autllority of
semi-literate over all is the
of people and for the people. "Socialist.
Realism" is not different even in fiom Hitler's
National Socialism. Yugoslav of
142
NEW CLASS
Ervin Sinko, has made an of the "art"
theoreticiatls in the t.wo dictatorships:
Timofeyev, the Soviet theorist, '\vrote in his Theory of Liter-
"Litei"ature is an ideology -..vhich helps .to ?et
acquainted 1vith and to realize tllat he is
in it." . .
1
. " .
"Fundamentals of Cultural states.
"An artist an artist, he is also always an edu-
cator."
Baldur von Scblrach, leader of the Hitler Youth, stated:
"Every true work of art applies to the entire people." .
Zhdanov member of the Politburo of the Central Commlt-
tee of the 'communist Party of the U.S.S.R., stated: "Every-
thing that is creative is . " .
In . . . Schulz stated.
Socialist policy, even that part of it which is called cultural
policy, is the Fiihrer and those to whom he
has delegated authority." .
If we ,vish to know 1vhat cultural pollcy
is we must look to t.hese men, to \vhat they \vere and
the directives they issued order to educate
associates for themselves.
At the Congress of the Communist Party of the
U.S.S.R., said: "Comrade inspires artists;
he gives them guiding ideas .... Tlle of the Cen-
tial Committee of the Soviet Cornrnunist Party the report
of Zhdanov give Soviet -..vriters completely prepared
;voik program."
Despotisrns, \vhen they are opposing ones, justify them-
selves sarne ;vay; they cannot even aYoid the use of the
sarne >Voids in doing so.
6.
enemy to thought the of to
freedorn the of dernociacy, tlle Cornrnunist oligarclly
but accomplish cornplete of the mind. Capi-
TYRANNY OVER MIND 143
talist feudalloids used tq artists and scientists
as they could and -..vished, and thus both aided
them. systems, is part
of state policy.
The Communist system, as rule, stifles represses
activity 1Vith '\Vhich it does !lOt agiee; that is, every-
that is the hand, it
re1vards actually all that it
1vill "socialism," that is, system itself.
overlooking such drastic means of cor-
as prizes," the use of ties ;vith
po1vexs-that-be, the capricious and of
the top of extremes of
system-the fact the system itself corrupts
lectuals especially, art. re-..vards from regime
may just as may but spiiit of
remains.
This spblt is stimulated party-bureau-
cratic over materials and The
to tur'Il except to>vard po1ver, whether for
ideas or for profit. tbls po1ver may directly
it all
In the final analysis it. makes the decisions.
It is very irnpoitant to attist centralism
exercised as little as essence of
his social is Because of this, it
is easie1 for to and liYe Yugoslavia
U.S.S.R.
oppressed is forced to submit to
lf seeks to kno>v for quarter of
scarcely >vorks, especially in
in U.S.S.R., he 1vould find corruption has played as
gieat or greater in this scarcity.
Communist. system persecutes, suspects, prods into
self-aiticism its really creative people. It offers its
144
NEW CLASS
attractive "1vorking conditions" and lavish re-
"\Vards, villas, vacation centers, discounts,
sadorial agit-prop protections, and "magnanimous
interventions." Thus, as rule, it favors the untalented,
and It is that the
greatest have lost their faith, and power. Sui-
cide, despair, and debauchery, the loss of
po1vers and integrity because the artist is to lie to himself
and others-these are the most in the
those 1vho actually 1vish to, and could
create.
7.
It is generally that dictatorship practices
brutal class This is not completely
Historically, class declines as the
slackens off, ideological increases. The
that tlle is in po1ver is so, too,
is t.he proposition that
is Their do aim at tlle
of the ruling classes, especially tlle
those or reorient themselves, are
to for lucrative posts and favor. vVhat is
the secret police find agents their
'Nhile t.he po\ver-wielders them
those who do ideologically approve the
vie,vs are consideration as to their
class or tlleir tmvard nationalization of capitalist
property.
Persecution of and socialist 1vhicll is at
variance witll that of the oligarchy is fiercer
of tlle reactionary followers
TYRANNY VER MIND 14!S
of the regime. This is last
are less since they look to past which has little
Iikelihood of an<:l
come to pover, their on pri-
vate creates the that their
difected against the ownership classes for the benefit
of the "\Vorking class. events prove that their
ures taken for this in order t.o
their o"\vnership. itself
as ideological rather than class If t.his were
true, if they really stroYe for ownership t.he "\vorking
masses, class have prevailed.
The fact that ideological prevails leads, at
first sight, to tl1e tllat sect has risen,
sect >vhich sticks to its and atheistic pre-
scriptions and imposes them do
behave like sect they are I'eally
This totalitarian i<:leology is only the of
forms of of mvnership. For its part, the i<:le-
ology aide<:l their an<:l every
way. Ideological is for the
of the system.
It "\vrong to tllat otller forms of
caste, ideological
They may seem to all appearances,
but they are as or complete. They aim at the
activities of society, >vhile ideological <:liso'imination aims at
society as "\Vhole, an<:l at Other types of dis-
may being physically, "\Vhile ideo-
logical at tlle thing the human
"\vhich is most his over
the is the most complete and most type of
eYery other and ends "\Vitll it.
On the hand t.he i<:leological in Commu-
146
NEW CLASS
systems aims at other ideas; the other, at
imposing exclusively its O\\'ll ideas. These are t1vo most strik-
forms of total tyranny.
Thought is the most creative force. It 1vhat is
Men can live produce if they do think or
template. though they may it, Communists are
forced to accept this fact practice. Thus they make it. impos-
for thought their to prevail.
Man may much. But he must and he
deep to express his thoughts. It is to
compel1ed to remain silent thete is need for exp!'es-
sion. It is tyranny at its 1vorst to compel to as
they do, to compel to express thoughts that their
0\VIl.
of freedom of is attack
specific political social rights, but an attack on the
human being as such. aspirations for free-
dom of al-.;vays emerge in concrete from. If they
not yet become systems, this does
that do not exist. Today they lie dark apa-
thetic and in the hopes of the people. It
is as if totality of oppression -.;vere differences
strata, all people demand for freedom of
for freedom
History will pardon Communists for much, tllat
they 1vere forced into many acts because of
and need to defend their But the stifling of every
thought, the exclusive monopoly over thinking for
the of thei!' pet'Sonal interests, will
Communists to of shame history.
The Aim and The Means
1.
All revolutions all revolutionaries use oppressive and
in
Hmvever, earliel" 1ve1e not as conscious of
their as Communists been. They 1vere
to adapt use to degree that the Com-
done.
"You need to pick the means to use
of movement .... You must only
traitors, but also you must punish all
inactive tl1e all do for it."
-.;vords of uttered some
leader of today. But them out
the heat of to presetve its Commu-
speak tl1ese 1vords act to them constantly-
from of their they com-
plete power, and
methods any of of other
severity, revo-
the as rule used all the
their used. Ho-.;vever,
of the been less became
147
l-18 NEW CLASS
increasingly more inhumane the farther a;vay they got from
the
Like every social and political movement, must
use methods primarily suited to the and relations of
the po;vers-that-be. Other moral ones,
are
Here, ;ve are only in the methods used con-
temporary ;vhich may, t.o
mild or severe, or but ;vhich are
from those used other political social and
Communism from
or not.
This distinction does not lie in fact
are brutal in
It is brutality is their most. obvious but not
aspect. had as its
of the economy of society of
tyranny to resort to methocls. all otl1er
had and to use
Yet, the fact that their \\
7
as of >vas the
reason they could not use all tl1ese In
could as total as of
nists, because it \\'llicl1 did not
it to as total.
It would less to seek for
in tl1e fact lack etblcal or
Except for the fact tlley
tlley are men like all otl1ers in relationsblps among
selves tlle principles in
societies. Lack of etblcs among is not tlle
but of In and in \Vords,
to etblcal piecepts and
belive that are to resort to
to their ethical vie1vs. too
tblnk that it would much bett.er if they did to act
AIM AND MEANS
149
to ilieir views. this tlley are not much dif-
from in other political except
that they d1vorced from humanity more
and monstrous form.
features >vhich distinguish Com-
from other in ilie use of methods
found. Tl1ese features quantitative or are
actuated varied historical conditions and the aims of

there is an integral of contemporary Com-
>vhich distinguishes its methods from those of other
political At first sight tbls feature seem
similar to features of some in past. It st;ms from
tlle idealistic aims vvhich the will any means
to further. means have become reckless as
the aims became of their meiliods, even
for tlle attainment of idealistic aims, justified
principle. brands those ;vho use them as
scrupulous and po;ver->vielders. Tlle former classes,
parties, forms of no exist or have
incapacitated, yet methods have been changed essentially.
Indeed, these are just no\v achieving tlleir fullmeasure
of inhumanity.
As the ne\v exploiting class climbs to pmver, it tries to
justify its its idealistic aims.
Tlle of methods its Q"I"eatest
"'
he built "socialist society." the new class must
sho\v that its interests are exclusively and ideally the aim of
society and it must maintain intellectual and every
type of monopoly, ne\v class proclaim the
it not end is
its representatives, else is tiifling. is
impoitant is that vve no\v "have" socialism. So do tlle Commu-
nists baseness,
Of course, the end must special
150
NEW CLASS
the party. It becomes something dominant and
itself like the Church in the Middle Ages. quote D1etr1ch
von N ieheim, nominal Bishop of V erden, '\\rriting 1411:
its existence is threatened, the church 1s freed of
mOIal edicts. Unity as an aim all means: perfidy, treach-
ery, tyranny, simony, prisons, death. For eYeiy. holy order
exists because of the aims of society, and personal1ty must
sacrificed to the good."
These '\Vords, too, sound as if they had been uttered some
contemporary Communist.
There is much of the feudal and in the dogmatism
of contemporary But neither are. we in
the Middle Aaes nor is contemporary church.
The

ideological and other

to make similar to the medleYal
of is tlifferent. was
partly and gover'Ilor; the most extreme cases, it
aspired to perpetuate given social system _absolute
of mind. persecuted even
for doQ"ffiatic reasons 1vere not al1vays called for
direct ;ractical needs. As Church i_t, it
to saye souls the1r
bodies. All earthly 1vere consideied for the
purpose of the heavenly kin?dom. .
But first of all deslie phys1cal or state au-
thority. exercised dog-
matic are auxiliary aids
po'\ver of state. is
support of system its
The class did aiise 1vas developed from
to and Its
too, seemed the same,
to from
tective to despotic ones.
1vill
1
i
' 1
,
AIM AND MEANS
151
scrupulous, '\Vhen are especially severe in form.
Because it is totalitarian, rule cannot.
allow for of And are incapa-
of essential lack of of
of the fact that want to absolute
po'\ver their egotistical interests.
Even if they did not so '\vish, Cornrnunists both
despots and rnust utilize for pur-
pose. In spite of happy good they
haYe, the itself drives to utilization of
any case of they find thernselves the
and intellectual the actual users of any
availahle.
2.
speak of morale," "the new So-
cialist and sirnilar concepts as if were speaking of
some categories. These hazy concepts
one practical of and
opposition to foreign As act.ual ethical categories,
they do not exist.
Since no special Communist etblcs nor Socialist Man can
emerge, the cast.e spirit of the Communists, and special moral
and concepts, which they are
are all more strongly developed. These are not absolute
principles, but changing moral They are embedded
the Communist hierarchical system in which almost
thing is at. the top-the upper the
things are if they are practiced at lower echelons-
the lower circles.
This caste spirit and t.hese morals, changeahle and incom-
plete, undergone long varied development, and
have even often been the stimulus for the further development
152
NEW CLASS
of the ne\v class. The end result of this developrnent has been
the creation of special sets of rnoral standards for castes,
always subordinated to the practical needs of ol1garchy.
The forrnation of these caste rnorals roughly t.o the
rise of the ne\V class and is identical with its abandonrnent of
really ethical standards.
These require exposition.
Like all other aspects of caste rnor-als developed
frorn morals. At first, in spite of the fact that
they "rere part of isolated movement, tl1ese morals \vere
proclaimed as more humane than those sect or
caste. But movement al\vays as of
hio-hest idealism and most selfless sacrifice, into its
the most gifted, bravest, and even the most
intellects of
statement, just as most of others made here, relates
to countries Communism developed for most
part because of national and :vhere it has
full pmver (Russia, Yugoslavia, . Ho\vever, ":1th
some this statement also applles to
in other
EveyY\vhere, Communism begins as an
beautiful ideal society. As it attracts and
of moral standards and of distinction. But
.
since is also an rnovernent, 1t turns,
like sunflo\ver to the sun, to movement is strongest
-until no\v piimarily in U.S.S.R. even
Communists of countries they are not power
rapidly lose take
on those of po\ver-\vielding As result,
Comrnunist leadeis in the West, and in places, ac-
custorned to play as easily and ethical
as in the U.S.S.R.
movement at fil'St also l1as high rnoral featuies \Vhich isolated
rnay retain even longer which provoke
AIM AND MEANS 153
leaders amoral proceedings
abouts.
HistOiy does rnany that, like Com-
clirnb "\Vith such high moral prinicples
and \Vith such devoted, clever fighters, at-
t.o each not only ideas and suffering, but also
selfless love, solidarity, \Varrn and direct
sincerity that produced only battles \Vhich men
doomed to \Vin or die. Cooperative efforts, and
desires; the effort to attain the same method
of thinking of personal and
the of complete to
party workers' collective; enthusiastic sacrificing
for respect
for the old-these are the ideals of true Comrnunists
is its still truly
too is rnore or
It she,
decided to sacrifice happiness of love of
the
is fostered: relationship
which sexless Loyalty,
aid, about
these the ideals of true, ideal
This is while is it has
tasted the fruits of power.
road to of these ideals is long
difficult.
varied social is
overnight, but the battles of
groups and If the group
the battle is the which has
rnost of
taking is also the rnost
crises, political
154
NEW CLASS
tual unreasoning hatred and barbaric
through debauchery and decadence, the movernent
slo1vly clirnbs, crushing groups individuals, discarding the
forging its core and it.s dogrna, its morals
psychology, and of 1vork.
.
When it becomes truly the move-
and its follo1vers achieve, for the high rnoral
standards here. This is mornent. in Cornrnunism
it is difficult to separate words fiom deeds, or more ac-
curately, when the leading, most truest, and ideal
believe their ideals aspire to put
into practice in their rnethods and their personal
This is the moment on the eve of battle for power, mo-
ment which occurs only movement.s arrive at tllis
unique point.
True, these are the of sect, they are on
high plane. The movement is isolated, it does see
the truth, but this does not mean that the does not
at, or it does not love,
Int.ernal moral and intellectual fusion are the result of
Jong battle for ideological and operational unity. Without. this
there of tr"lle
"Unity of and act.ion" is
'vithout And vice versa. But tbls
very psychic and unity-for 'vhich no statutes or la,vs
have ,\l:titten, to become
custom conscious than else
that. and
to othel-s, in solidarity and ide11tity
of its More tha11 anything
else, tlle of this psychic-moral is
attained all at and 1vhich is eve11 fi11ally ex-
cept as to aspire to--is that
the itself has become
to its follo,vers to others, po,verful
AIM AND MEANS
IM
it is fused one piece, body. This
is the proof emero-ed
'
facing completely fu-
ture foresa'v at the
all slo,vly fades, disintegrates, drowns
during course of the to power and to o'vner-
sblp bare and observances
no real
internal was created in the
struggle 1vith oppositionist.s and
groups is into unity of obedient and
inside the the climb to
power, servility, of
once 'vas aid but is now
of rigidity and
the neglected of
and outrage repress
principles. 'vonderful characteristics of an isolated
are slowly the intolerant and
of caste. and
servility replace the former of the revolu-
tion. Where the former ready to
everything, including life, for and for an idea, for the
good of the people, have not been killed or pushed aside, they
become self-ce11tered co,vards ideas or comrades,
to truth,
order to keep place in class and hierachical
circle. The 'vorld see11 few as ready to sacrifice and
suffer as the Communists were eve of the
It has never seen
wretches and stupid of arid as tlley become
after attaining po,ver. human features were the
for and power for
exclusive caste spirit lack of ethical principles
and virtues have become for the power main-
156 NEW CLASS
tenance of the movement. Honor, sacrific, love
of the truth were once things tllat could understood for
their own sakes; now, lies, sycophancy, slander, de-
ception, and gradually become the
of the dark, intolerant, and all-inclusive might of
the new class, and even affect relations between the members
of the class.

Whoever has not grasped this dialectic of the development
of has not been to understand the so-called
Mosco\v trials. N or can he why tlle
periodic moral crises, caused the of the sacred
and consecrated principles of tlle day before yesterday, cannot
have the great significance that such crises have for 01dinary
people or other movements.
Khrushchev acknmvledged that truncheons played the main
role tlle "confessions" and the self-condemnation of Stalin's
purges. claimed t.hat drugs were used, altllough there
is that they were. But tlle most drugs for
forcing \vere in tlle make-up of criminal him-
self.
criminals, that is, those who are not Communists,
do not go into and make hysterical confessions and pray
for as reward for tlleir "sins." This \vas done only
"men of special stamp"-the Communists. They were first
morally sllocked the violence amorality of the beatings
ar1d accusations leveled at them secretly the top party leader-
ship, in \vhose amorality tlley could believe, even
if they had occasionally fault \vitll t.hem before. Sud-
denly, they found themselves uprooted; their own class in tlle
of leadersblp had left them; as
they were, tlle class itself had them to the cross as
AIM AND MEANS 157
criminals and traitors. Long ago tlley had been educated to
believe and had proclaimed that they were connected in every
fiber of their being to t.he party and its ideals. Nmv, uprooted,
tlley found t.hemselves completely bereft. either did not
kno>v or forgotten or renounced all of outside t.he
sect and its ideas. N ow it \Vas too late to
get with but Communism. were
entirely alone.
Man cannot or live outside of society. Tllis is his
one \vhich Aristotle noted and ex-
calling it "political being."
What else is left to man from such sect finds himself
morally crushed and uprooted, exposed to refined and brut.al
torture, except t.o aid the class and his "comrades" \Vith his
"confessions"? Such confessions, l1e is convinced, are necessary
to the class to resist the "anti-Socialist" opposition and "im-
perialists." These confessions are the one "great" and "revolu-
tionary" left that victim, lost and wrecked,
can make.
Every true Communist educated and educated
llimself and otllers in the belief tllat fractions and fractionaJ
battles are among tlle greatest crimes against t.he party and
its aims. It is that \vblcll was divided
could neitller >vin t.he revolution nor
its dominance. at any price and without consideration
for anytblng else becomes mystical behind \vblch
aspirations of for complete po1ver entrencll
t.hemselves. if he has suspected tbls, or even kno>m it,
t.he demoralized Communist oppositionist llas still not freed
blmself of tlle mystic idea of unity. Besides, he may
leaders come and go, tllat evil, stupid,
egotistical, inconsequential and the po1ver-loving-will
disappear, goal \Vill remain. goal is
llas it been the party?
Trotsky himself, who was most of all the
158
NEW CLASS
sltlonists, did not go ir1 reasoning.
moment of self-criticism, party is
for it is of necessity, of classless
society. In to explain, in exile, monstrous
amorality of Mosco-\V trials, leaned anal-
ogies: Rome, before conquest of and
Renaissance, at of capitalism; in both of which
also appeared phenomena of perfidious
lies, and monstrous mass crimes. So it must dur-
ina- the transition to socialism, he concluded; were
"'
remnants of old class society were still evident
the ne>v. However, he did not succeed in explaining
only succeeded ir1 appeasing
in did not "betray" the "dictatorship of proletariat,"
or the Soviets, as the one of transition into ne>v
and classless society. If gone into the more
deeply, >vould have Communism as in the
Renaissance periods
class is trail for itself, m01al play
smaller role as the difficulties of the class increase
and as its domination needs to becorne complete.
same 1vay, those >vho did not sort of
social transforrnation 1vas actually at. stake after the Cornrnunists
were vict.orious to re-evaluate diverse crises
the The so-called process of de-Staliniza-
tion, or at.tacks on
Stalin former courtiers are also re-evaluated as rnoral
crisis."
Moral great or small, are every dictator-
ship, for its accustorned to
of political is the greatest virtue
civil rnust over the

But the feel kno>v that totalitarian
does not weaken, but rather gets in such
AIM AND MEANS 159
reversals; that is its path; and that rnoral
play role, if they are even
Practice very rapidly teaches tbls. Conse-
quently, their crises, rnatter profound, end very
quickly. Of course, the selective the
means use if desire to the real airn to
aspire, and conceal the cover of
ideal airn.
4.
Moral in eyes of men does not. yet
mean that is weak. Generally, it has
reverse. purges "Mosco\v trials"
system Stalin. all events,
1vitl1 Gide as most famous
because of this doubted
as it is today could realize ideas ideals
they believed as it is,
becorne >veaker: class becorne rnore secure,
itself frorn rnOIal
of every of idea. it has been
rnorally downgraded eyes of has
actually eyes of its O\V!l class its
over society.
1vould necessary for Corn-
to tl1e of of its
mvn class. It is for revolution only to devour
its say-devour itself. It is neces-
sary f01 its greatest minds to perceive it is exploiting
class and its is Concretely it is
necessary for class to perceive future
cannot any talk of a>vay of stat.e, or talk
of Cornrnunist will >vork acc01ding
160
NEW CLASS
to bls and 1vill receive according to his needs. The
class must recognize that the of such society can
as well as it can demonstrated. the means
that this class and is using t.o achieve its aim and domi-
nance become and contrary to
its great to the class itself. This mean
that were cleavao-es and vacillations, not

longer among ruling class. In 1vords, the
battle for its 01vn existence \vould di'ive class it.self,
or fractions of it, to the means
it is or idea its goals are
real.
There is no prospect of development he1e as
of the least
of all in post-Stalin U.S.S.R. class is still com-
pact one the condemnation of Stalin's has
evolved, even in into U.S.S.R. from the
despotism of dictatorship. At T\vent.ieth
advocated "necessary against
the in to Stalin's despotism against "good
did not condemn Stalin's methods
as only in of the class. It
seems that the class, has become
to avoid to the dominance
of its leader and police since Stalin.
class itself its not
in terms of cleavages regard to moral
first of cleavage, these are
ideological crisis. spite of
this it realized that process of moral
has scarcely exist for it to happen.
certain to itself,
avoid of to fall to people.
It is for to lack of
even and not at
AIM AND MEANS
161
same time expect echo masses-1vho are im-
more deprived of
geoisie finally rebelled against its einperor, Napoleo11, when
his wars and despotism became But
the people got some profit from this.
in dogmatic of soCiety
also played an role, will not tbls does
not the oligarcl1s 1vill tl1e of
all bls even they or
U.S.S.R. will or become legal, democratic
state.
Ho1vever, something class 1vill no
Ionger to to itself the end
means. class 1vill final goal-a Com-
society-for if it did it to
This 1vill force it to resort to any means.
Every time it does resort to it will als? to
tlleir stronger po1ver-fear of
1vorld, fear it will harm to itself and its
domination-1vill s1vay the class and back its
Feeling itself strong to destroy the of
its creator, or creator of system-Stalin-it
gave the to its mvn ideal basis. Completely
dominant, the class to and lose the
ideology, dogma which it to power. class
to split up &-actions. At top is peac.e-
smooth, but below the top, the depths,
its ranks, ideas, are and
storms
it had to methods, the class
will to preserve it.s dogma. methods were
the of that dogma, and, indeed, of
tlle practice on 1vblch the dogma 1vas base.d. .
It was not good will, still less whiCh prompted
associat.es to perceive of Stalin's meth-
162 NEW CLASS
ods. It was that prompted the ruling class to
become more "understanding." But, avoiding tlle use of
very brutal the oligarchs help but plant the
seed of doubt about their goals. The end once served as moral
cover for the use of any means. the use of such
means will arouse doubts as to end itself. As soon as
insure end are to evil, end will
itself as being For in
every policy is first of all means, assuming all ends
appear good. road to is paved good in-

5.
blstory no ideal ends wblch
were attained non-ideal, means, just as
has been free society was built slaves. so
well reveals the reality of ends as
used to attain
If must used to means, there is
sometblng in end itself, in its is not
really the justifies the efforts
and sacrifices for it, is the means: constant perfection,
humaneness, freedom.
Contemporary Communism has not even begin-
of such situation. Instead, it stopped dead, hesitating
over its means, but always assured about its ends.
No wblch was democrat.ic-or relatively
democratic 'ivhile it lasted-was predominantly
the for ideal ends, but rather on small everyday
means in sight. Along with this, such regime acbleved,
more or less sporltaneously, great ends. other
every despotism tried to justify itself its ideal aims. Not
one acbleved great ends.
AIM AND MEANS
168
Absolute brut.ality, or use of means, is in accord with
the of Communist aims.
revolutionary Communism suc-
ceeded in one form of society and despotically
up At first it 'vas guided the most beautiful,
primoi'dial ideas of equality and only
later did it ideas the of its
'vl1atever means.
As Dostoyevski has bls Sblgaliev say, quoted another
character, The Possessed:
" ... He's written good thing in manuscript," Ver
went .... "Every member of society spies on
it's duty to against them. Every one
to all all to every one. All are slaves and equal
their slavery. cases he advocates and
murder, but the great about it is equality .... Slaves are
to equal. There has either freedom ot
equality without despotism .... "
Thus, the because of the
itself becomes more distant wblle
the frightful reality of the becomes obvious

The Essence
1.
None of the theories on the essence of contemporary
munism treats the matter exhaustively. Neither does this theory
claim to do so. Contemporary is the product of
series of historical, political, ideological, national,
and international causes. categorical theory about its essence
cannot accurate.
The essence of Communism could not even
perceived until, in the course of it.s development, it. revealed
itself to its very Tbls came, and could only
come, because Communism entered particular phase of its
of its maturity. It. then became to
reveal the nature of jrs po>ver, o>vnersblp, and ideology. In
time was developing and was predomi-
nantly an ideology, it >va.s to see it
completely.
Just as other truths are the >vork of many countries,
and movements, so it is >Vith contemporary Communism.
revealed gradually, more or less parallel to
its development; it. looked as because it
has completed its
Most of however,
164
ESSENCE
165
some in of has usually grasped
aspect of aspect of its
are t>vo basic the essence of

Tl1e of them is
type of religion. "\Ve have already it is
1eligion nor spite of the fact that it.
of
The thesis regards as so-
cialism, is, >vas of
or capitalism, of the proletariat its We have
that this thesis also is partially accurate:
porary in well-developed as
socialist ideology against the of
masses the after
into po>ver aieas, it
different-an exploiting system opposed to most of t.he
inteiests of the pioletariat itself.
The has also been that contempOiary Com-
is only forrn of despotisrn, produced
as as they seize po>ver. The of the
every case centralized
has rnade it for to absolute.
This tl1esis also has in it: modem is
modem cannot but aspire to>vard to-
talitarianisrn. Hmvever, all types of rnodem despotisrn are
of are they to degree
that is.
>vhatever thesis >ve >ve each
one aspect of of the

N either my theory of
accepted as complete. Tbls is, of every
166 NEW CLASS
especially such complex and living matters
as social phenomena are being defined.
N evertheless, it is to speak in the most abstract
"tvay about the essence of contemporary Commu-
nism, about what is most essential it, permeates
all its all of its activity. It is
to deeper into tbls to elucidate its various
aspects; but essence itself already exposed.
Communism, like"tvise its is
ing from one form to vVithout this it cannot
even exist. Consequently, require continuous
and deeper study of already obvious
essence of contemporary Communism is product
of particular conditions, blstorical and others. But. as soon as
Communism becomes strong, essence itself becomes factor
and creates conditions for its mvn continued existence.
Consequently, it is evident it. is necessary to examine the
essence according to the form and in
it appears and is operating at given moment.
2.
that contemporary Communism is type of
is not only most "tvidespread, but
also most accurat.e. However, an actual understanding of
the t.erm "modern is being
discussed is not so "tvidespread.
Communism is type of
consists of basic factOis for the people.
first. is po"tvex; second, o>vnership; the third, ideology.
are monopolized one and only political party, or-
t.o previous explanation and
ne'\v class; and, at present, of party or of
that class. No totalitarian system in history, not even contem-
THEESSENCE 167
porary exception of Communism-has succeeded
in incorporating simultaneously all factors for controlling
people to this degree.
one and factors, power
is one played and still continues to play most
role in development of One of
factors eventually over pmver, it is irn-
to tbls on basis of present conditions.
I belieye po,ver '\vill basic of

originated as ideology, contained
in its seed totalitaxian and nature.
It certainly said ideas longer play rnain,
predominant in control of the people. Corn-
munism as an ideology its It does not
haYe many ne1v tblngs to reveal to '\vorld. This could not
said for other factoxs, po1ver and o1vnership.
It can said: po1ver, either or eco-
nomic, plays role in eYery even in every social
action. is sorne in this. It can also said: in eyery
policy, po>ver, or the to and keep it, is basic
and aim. is some in this also. con-
temporar-y is po1ver; it is some-
thing more. It is po1ver of type, po1ver 1vhich
1vitllin itself the contiol of ideas, and owner
ship, po1ver become an end in itself.
date, SoYiet type existed
longest and is rnost developed, passed
Tbls is also more or less of types of
succeeded in coming to power
exception of Cblnese type, is still predominantly
in second .
The are:
Rougbly speaking, principal catch-
>vords, and corresponding to various
168
NEW CLASS
phases are: Revolution, or the of
"Socialism," or the of the "Legality,"
or of system- "collective Ieadersblp."
It is to phases are not.
separate one another, elements of all are in
abounded, tl1e "building of
had already in tl1e period; Stalin did not. re-
nounce revolution, or reject the dogmas, witl1
tl1e building of the non-dogmatic Com-
is only non-dogmatic conditionally: it just. will not
even minutest practical advantages for dogrnatic
reasons. Precisely of advantages, it 1vill at the
time in to persecute tlle
doubt trutl1 or of ilie dogma.
practical
today even tl1e sails of revolution, or of its o;vn
miJitary expansion. But it not renounced one or ilie other.
Trus into tl1ree pl1ases is only accurate if it is taken
and abstractly. Clearly separate do not actually
eXIst, nor do tl1ey t.o specific periods in the various

boundaries betlveen
forms in >vhicl1 tlle appear are varied in Com-
munist For example, Yugoslavia passed throua-IJ
all tllree Ielatively time 1vitl1 tl1e
at Tbls is in botl1 precepts
and of operation.
Po>ver plays major role all thiee of pl1ases. In
it >vas to seize po1ver; in building of
It >vas necessar-y to create ne1v system of
tl1at today pmver must preserve tl1e system.
development, first to tblrd
ilie of from being
tl1e means and became an end itself. Actually power was al-
ways rnore or less the but Communist leaders, tl1at
ESSENCE 169
power as they would attain the ideal goal,
did not believe it to an end in itself. Precisely because po1ver
served as for Utopian of society,
it could not avoid becorning itself and most
airn of Pmver 1vas to appear as
in first second It can no longer
concealed that in tblrd po1ver is actual principal
aim essence of
Because of fact Communism is being
as an ideology, it must po1ver as main of
the people.
In as in every type of >var, it 1vas natural to
centrate pmver: the war had to 1von. During
the period of concentrating on po1ver could
still considered natural: of or
"socialist society," so sacrifices made,
was But as all tbls is it becomes
apparent that pmver has only been
but that it also if not sole, end.
Today po>ver is goal of
in order may privileges ownership.
But since are special forms of po;vet and owneiShip, it
is only po1ver itself can exercised.
Po1ver is an in itself and of
Communism. Other classes may to
monopoly over pmver, or po>ver
over Until no>v, not been for
class, ;vas formed it is very
it 1vill in
all of pmver concealed
itself as bldden, and principal
end. Its role or 1veaker the
degree of control over people required at tirne. In the
first ideas were the prime mover for
attainment of power; in pmver operated
170
NEW CLASS
as the whip of society for its o;vn today,
"collective o;vnership" is subordinated to the impulses and
needs of power.
Po;ver is tl1e alpha and the omega of contemporary Com-
;vhen strives to pievent this.
Ideas, pbllosophical px-inciples moral considerations,
the nation and the people, their hist.ory, in owner-
ship-all changed and sacrificed. But not po;ver. Because
this '\vould signify Communisrn's renunciat.ion of itself, of it.s
essence. Individuals can do this. But the class, the party,
the oligarchy cannot. This is the purpose and the of its
existence.
Every type of power besides being is at the same
time and end-at Ieast for those '\Vho aspire to it. Po'\ver is
exclusively an end Communisrn, because it is both
the source and of all privileges. rneans of
and po,ver material privileges O'\vnership of
ruling class over national goods Power de-
value of ideas, and suppresses or permits
expression.
It is in this '\vay in contempoiaxy
differs all types of pO'iver, and that
itself differs every other system.
has to totalitarian, exclusive, and isolated
precisely because power is of
If actually could have had other
it '\vould to it for forces to
up opposition and operate
Ho'\v '\Vill is secondary.
Everyone the '\vork of
himself faced witl1 of it, even if
actual do compel him to do
which glorify system as "socialism," "class-
less society," and realization of eternal dreams,"
while opposing defines as an insensi-
THEESSENCE
171
tive tyranny, the success of group, and
damnation of race.
must use already categories order t.o
make simple Is category in sociology
'\Ve can cram if 1ve use
little force?
authors who started posi-
tions, I yeais, equated state
capitalism or, more precisely, total state
Tbls interpretation out leaders of Yugoslav
t.ime of govern-
ment of U.S.S.R. But just as according to
practical easily even
Yugoslav party leaders this interpretation after
Soviet once more
proclaimed U.S.S.R. Socialist At same time,
proclaimed Soviet imperialistic attack on the inde-
pendence of Yugoslavia-in Tito's '\Vords-a "tragic," "incom-
event, evoked of individuals."
Communism for the most part does
total state capitalism. Its blstorical origin and
it had to an industrial
sirnilar to the one achieved capitalism but '\Vith the aid of
the state mechanisrn-lead to such conclusion.
If, unde1 state 'vere the O'\vner in
of society and of nation, the of political po,ver
over society \vould change accOIding to the
of society and of the The state its nature is
an of unity society, and only force
ove1 it. The state not the and
itself. In it is reve1sed: The state is an
and to the interests of one and
same O\vner, or of and the same direction in
the economy, and in the other areas of social life.
State ownersblp in the W est more as
172 NEW CLASS
state capitalism than it is in Communist countries. The claim
that Communism is state capitalism is prompted
the "pangs of conscience" of those who were disillusioned
the Communist system, but who did not succeed in
it; they therefore equate its evils 1vith those of capitalism.
Since there is really no private o1vnersblp Communism but
rather formal state mvnership, seems more logical
than to all evils to state. Tbls idea of state capi-
talism is also accepted see 'less evil" in private
capitalism. like to point out Communism
is worse type of
claim is to
else leads and What is
not transition to else?
Even if it is accepted it many of the
of an state capitalism, contemporary Com-
munism also so of its o>vn it is
more precise to it special type of new social system.
Contemporary Communism its o>vn does
not permit it to confused any
while into it.self all of other
capitalist, even and in-
at
National Communism
1.
In is only one but. it is realized
in degrees and every Therefore
it is to speak of various i.e., of
various of
exist states-dif-
Stalin futilely to force-are
the result, above all, of diverse historical backgrounds. Even
cursory reveals ho>v, for
So\riet bureaucracy is
>vith Czarist in officials >vere, as Engels
noted, class." can also
said of the of Yugoslavia. ascend-
to pmver, the face the various countries
and levels varying social rela
are faced >vith
develop special
\vay. Because the causes \vhich to pO\ver
are identical, because to >vage
foreign opponents,
in separate to fight jointly
on basis of ideology. Com-
173
174 NEW CLASS
munism, '\vhich '\Vas at one time the task of revolutionaries,
eventually itself, as did else in Com-
became the common of
buieaucracies, fighting another
siderations. Of the forrner proletar'iat,
words empty dogmas them stood the
and interests, aspirations,
of various oligarchies,

The of authority property, similar
outlook, an ideology Com-
states one N evertheless, it is wrong t.o
ignore and underestimate the of the di-
in degiee
degree, form in which will
realized, or its purpose, is just as of
for each of them as is the of itself. No
form of no matt.er ho\v similar it is to other
forms, exists way as
order to itself, it must become
The form of as \Vell as of ideas
differs little or at all in Communist stat.es. It differ
markedly since it llas Ho\v-
ever, if they \vish t.o continue to exist, tlre
must adapt the and of authority to

The differences bet\veen countr'ies \Vill, as rule,
as gieat as the to \Vhich the Communists inde-
in to po\ver. Concretely speaking, only the
of tlrree countries-the Soviet
carried out or, their
O\VIl \vay at their O\VIl speed, po,ver
"the of socialism." three
as states the
Yugoslavia \vas-as is the most ext.reme
NATIONAL COMMUNISM
175
of the Soviet Union; is, in love" and
in "eterrral witll it. In report at closed session
of the revealed be-
t\veen and Chinese had barely been
averted. The case of the clash Yugoslavia was not an
isolated case; but only most drastic the first to occur.
countries the Soviet government en-
forced Communism "arrned missionaries"-its arrny. The
diversity of manner and degiee of the development in these
has still at.tained the stage reached in Yugoslavia
Ho\vever, to the that bureaucracies
gather as bodies these countries, and
to the that. they that to and
of Soviet weaken themselves, endeavor to
"patterrr" themselves Yugoslavia; that is, to develop
pendently. The Communist East European countries did not.
become satellites of the U.S.S.R. because they benefited from
it, but because they were too weak to it. As soon as
they stronger, or as soon as conditions are
created, yearning for and for protection of
"their own people" from Soviet will rise among
them.
the victory of Communist revolution in country
ne-.;v class comes into po,ver and into control. It. is
to its o'\vn privileges, even it
its interests to similar class in country,
solely in cause of ideological solidarity.
Where has \Von victory
separate, distinct path of is
\Vith other especially \Vith the
Soviet as the most. most imperialistic
state, follo\vs. ruling national bureaucracy the
where victor'ious took place has already become
the course of the armed struggle and has tasted
of authority and of of property.
176 NEW CLASS
speaking, it has also grasped and become
scious of its o\vn essence, "its state," its authority, the
basis of >vhich it clatms equality.
This does mean this involves only it
comes to t\VO bureaucracies. also
of subordinated because
do not usually tolerate and tlley consider that
bet\veen Communist states must as ideally per-
fect as predicted in dogma. Tlle masses of nation,
spontaneously tblrst for independence, remain
turbed sucl1 In every case nat.ion from
this: it does not to to foreign government;
pressure domestic no
desires, and is not permitted, to foreign methods, is also
Such also brings in external forces,
stat.es movements. Hmvever, of clash
and basic forces it remain. Neitl1er Soviet Yugoslav
Communists stopped they are-not before, dur
ing, nor after mutual Indeed, diverse
types of degree and \Vith
led to deny existence of socialism
in the opposite Afte1 settled they
again ackno>vledged tlle existence of socialism be-
coming must respect differences
if \vanted to pieserve that \Vas in
and most important t.o
The governments East Europe
in fact must, declare their from the Soviet
No say far for inde-
>vill go what disagreements \Vill The
depends on unforeseen and external
Ho\vever, there is doubt Communist
bureaucracy aspires to more complete for itself. This
is the anti-Tito processes Stalin's time in
NATIONAL COMMUNISM 177
East cour1t.ries; it is shown also the cu.rrent
emphasis on own path to socialism,"
has recently come to sharply in Poland
Soviet government itself in difficulty
because of nationalism existing even in those governments
it insfalled in the Soviet (Ukraine, Caucasia),
still more so \vith regard to those governments installed in
East European Playing important ro]e in all
of this is fact that the Soviet Union was and will
in the future, to assimilate of
East European
The aspirations to>vard national must of
course have greater impetus. These aspirations can retarded
and even made dormant external pressure or fear on
the part of tl1e of "imperialism" and the "bour-
geoisie," removed. On the
strength will grmv.
It is to foresee all of the that
bet>veen states assume. Even if coopetation
bet\veen Communist states of different countties sllould in
time result mergers and federations, so can
bet\veen states result in \var. open, armed clash
U.S.S.R. and \Vas averted because
of "socialism" in one or the other country, but because it
\Vas not in Stalin's interest to risk of pro-
>vill bet\veen Communist states \Vill
depend on all factors affect political
events. The interests of respective Communist
racies, expressed Yariously as "national" or as "united,"
toward ever increasing
ence on national basis, \Vill, for the time being, play an
.role in relat.ionships among
countries.
178
NEW CLASS
2.
The concept of Communism had no meaning
til the of World War \vhen Soviet imperialism \vas
manifested only \Vit.h regard to the capitalist but. the Com-
states as \Vell. concept developed all from
the Yugoslav-U.S.S.R. clash. The of Stalin's meth-
ods t.he "collect.ive of may
modify between the U.S.S.R. other Com-
countries, but it resolve them. In tlle U.S.S.R.
operations are not concemed solely witll Communism but are
simultaneously concerned \Vitll tlle imperialism of the
Russian-Soviet-state. imperialism cllange in form
method, but it more disappear can tlle aspi-
of of other f01
similar deYelopment a\vaits the other states.
According to strength tlley too will attempt to
become imperialistic in one \vay or another.
tlle of the foreign policy of tlle U.S.S.R.
tllere llave t\VO imperialistic phases. Earlier policy was
almost exclusively matter of prop-
in otller At that time tllere \Ver-e pmverful
imperialistic (as regards t.he Caucasus) in tl1e pol-
icies of its higllest leader-s. But, my tllere is no
reason for t.he revolutionary phase to categOIi-
cally imperialistic, at tllat time it. \Vas more
aggressive.
If \Ve do not pllase as imperialistic,
imperialism began, rougbly speaking, \vith tlle victory of
or and of
of ne\v class tlle l 930's. This cllange was clearly
on tlle eve of war Stalin's was
to go Ieave pacifist anti-imper-
ialistic It \vas even exp1essed the of foreign
NATIONAL COMMUNISM
179
policy; in place of tlle jovial and, to extent, principled
Litvinov, t.he reserved lVIolotov appeared.
basic cause of an imperialistic policy is completely
in exploitative and despotic of class.
In order tllat. class might manifest. itself as
it \Vas necessary for it to attain strength to
appear appropriate circumstances. It already this
\vllen vVar began. The war itself
for imperialistic small Baltic
states \Vere necessary for security of so large state as
U.S.S.R., particularly modem war. states \Vere
allies; ho\vever, tlley \Vere an attractive
morsel for tlle appetite of tlle Great Russian Com-
munist
War internationalism, up to
time part of Soviet foreign policy, came into
with the of tlle Soviet. vVith tllat,
t.he for its ceased. idea of dissolution
of tlle was conceived,
to Georgi Dimitrov, after tlle of
Baltic period of cooperation \Vitll Hitler,
it. \Vas not effected the phase of tlle war
during the period of alliance the W states.
of the East
French and Italian Communist \vas created on Stalin's
in order to guarantee Soviet domination in the satel-
Jite countries to its in Europe.
was worse the former Communist
\vhich, even if it was absolutely Mosco'\v,
at least represented all of the parties. The
evolved in the field of real and apparent Soviet influence.
witll Yugoslavia revealed that it \Vas assigned to sub-
ordinate to Soviet states and
parties had begun to because of the
growth of Communism. After the death of Stalin t.he
180 NEW CLASS
Cominform finally dissolved. Even t.he Soviet
desiring to avoid major and dangerous quarrels, accepted the
so-called separate path t.o socialism, if Communism
itself.
These changes had economic
political causes. As as the Communist parties in East
Europe were weak the Soviet Union was not. sufficiently
strong economically, the Soviet government \Vould
to resort to administrative methods to subjugate t.he East
European countries, even if there had no arbl-
despotism. Soviet imperialism, political, police
and military had to compensate for its economic
otl1er weaknesses. lmperialism military form,
was only an advanced stage of the old Czarist military-feudal
irnperialism, also corresponded to structure of the
Soviet ix1 wllicl1 police apparatus,
centralized in one personality, played major Stalinism
was mixture of personal Communist dictatorship rnili-
taristic imperialism.
These of imperialism developed: joint stock com-
panies, absorption of exports of East. countries
of political pressure at prices below world market,
artificial formation of "socialist '\Vorld market," control of
every political act of subordinate parties and states,
mation of traditional love of Communists to'\vard the
"socialist into deification of the Soviet stat.e, Stalin,
and Soviet practices.
But what happened?
ruling class was quiet1y completed in
the Soviet Union itself. Similar another sense, also
occurred in the East European countries; new national bureauc-
racies lon? for ever increasing of po,ver prop-
erty but at t.he same time fall into difficulties
becaus: of hegemonic pressure of the Soviet governrnent.
If earller to renounce national
NATIONAL COMMUNISM 181
in to come to power, no>v action become
to further t.o po>ver. In addition,
it became fot the Soviet to adhere to
and l1azardous Stalinist policy of mili-
tary pressure and and, simultaneously, during t.he
period of to the Euro-
infamous bondage.
Soviet leaders t.o concede, after
the Yugoslav leaders \Vete
falsely as Hitle!'ite spies just because
they tl1e right to build
system in their \vay. Tito t.he most
The of
>vas formally But
that Yugoslavia also ceased to the exclusive creator of
in The Yugoslav subsided
its peaceful matter-of-fact rule \Vith
love bet>veen did become
nor >vete the terminated. This was
merely the of ne>v phase.
the Soviet t.he eco-
nomic and political of its policy. Or so
it facts.
Today is
varying all
except that of the U.S.S.R. against it is
its time, in the of
ascendancy, Soviet also was Com-
At tl1at time
except as an of its policy.
Today Soviet is if
to
Soviet >vas also
to alter its vie>vs to>vard w01ld.
it advanced t.oward
182
NEW CLASS
integration 1vith tlle East European This
is being of planning
tant branches of in which the local
governments today voluntarily concur, still
thernselves weaker externally and
Such for long, because it conceals
contradiction. On the hand national forrns
of becorne stronger, but. on the other, Soviet
perialisrn does not dirninsh. Both Soviet
the of the East
of accords and are seeking
t.o 1vhich very
-preservat.ion of given form of and of property
01vnership. Ho1vever, if it is to effect cooperation
wit.h respect t.o property mvneiship, it. is not. with
respect to authority. conditions for further
1vit.h the Soviet Union are being realized, those
which lead t.o tlle independence of the East. European Corn-
governrnents are being realized even rnore rapidly.
Soviet Union has in these
nor have the governrnents of these renounced their
craving to attain sornething sirnilar t.o
The degree of independence that will attained will depend
the state of and forces.
of of which the
Soviet did 1vith clenched teeth, has irnrnense sig-
and conceals itself very dano-ers
for Soviet irnperialisrn. 1:)
lt involves freedorn of to certain extent; this
rneans ideological too. No1v the fate of
heresies in 1vill depend only tolerance
of Mosco1v, on frorn
Mosco1v strives to its
wor-Id and "ideologic" basis

NATIONAL COMMUNISM 183
Moscow itself is no wblch it was. It single-
lost of the ideas and the rnoral
to tl1e only
Stalin, it ceased to ideological center. Moscow itself
of great and of great ideas
carne to an end, tl1e reign of mediocre
crats began.
"Collective leadership" did not anticipate that
and were a1vaiting it in ex-
or inten1ally. But could it do? Stalin's imperial-
ism was and overly dangerous, 1vas
1vorse, ineffective. him orlly the people
but. Cornrnunists, and did so at the
tirne of very intemational situation.
1vor-Id of ideology no longer exists;
it is in the process of cornplete The unity of
1vorld is injured.
are no it can restored.
However, just as shift from Stalin to "collective leadership"
did alter nature of systern itself in the U.S.S.R., so
too national been despite ever increas-
ing for Moscow, to alter its
tenlal consists of total and
of ideas, and o1VI1ersblp the party bureaucracy. Indeed, it
significantly alleviated and slowed down the rate
of of its rnonopoly over property, particularly
in rural areas. But desires
nor is to transforrn itself
always draws it
its source-toward the Soviet It 1vill to sepa-
rate its fate from that wblcl1 it. Com-
and movernents.
National jeopardize Soviet
irnperialisrn, particularly irnper-ialisrn of
but not as or in essence. On
184 NEW CLASS
contrary, -.;vhere Communism is in control these changes are
to influence its direction and even to strengthen it and
make it externally. National Communism is
mony witl1 that is, with the anti-Stalinist
phase in the development of Communism. fact, it is basic
form of this phase.

N Communism is to alt.er the nat.ure of current
international bet
1
Neen states or -.;vorkers'
But its role in tl1ese relationships may of great
significance.
Thus, for example, Yugoslav Communism, as form of na-
tional Communism, played extremely important role
of Soviet imperialism in dmvngrading of
Stalinism inside tl1e movement. motives for
changes \vhicl1 occurring in Soviet and in the
East European counti'ies to found, above all, in the
tl1emselves. Yugoslavia-in
Yugoslav -.;vay. And too, \Vere completed. Thus
Yugoslav as national in
Stalin, actually ne\v,
of Yugoslav signifi-
cantly in itself, but did not
inter-national relationships or
\vorkers'
Yugoslav would
to evolve to-.;vard or it would
to as bridge bet-.;veen Social Democracy and Com-
baseless. Yugoslav leaders
-.;vere over question. time of Soviet
pressure Yugoslavia fervent desire for
rapprochement Social However, in
1956, during period of Moscow, Tito
NATIONA.L COMMUNISM
185
that Cominform Socialist -.;vere
despite fact Socialist
Yugoslavia labOI-
iously attacked Yugoslavia. Preoccupied with policy of so-
called active which for part
to of the Yugoslav leaders declared
Socialist
"immoderate" solely because were
allegedly product of t-.;vo
Yugoslav leaders their desires reality and

and socialistic
At rate, -.;vas product of
efforts for creation of an Eastei-n It is impos-
to fact that Socialist is
Western or Atlantic Pact, it oper-
ates the of West
But it -.;vould exist that It is, all,
of Socialists of deyeloped
in political democracy similar exist.
are temporary
but Socialism reflect
mucl1 more basic
Social
the result of least of all--
but of opposing of
Tl1e Mar-tov at the
of Social Democrats 1903
the of
of or the
Deutscher correctly calls the of
greatest histor-y-\vas of far gl'eater
its to anticipate. that not
the formation of t-.;vo moYements but of t\vo social systems.
schism and Social Democrats is
186
NEW CLASS
to bridge until tlle very natures of these movements,
or the conditions themselves 1vhich resulted in differences be-
them, are changed. the course of half
despite periodic and separate rapprochements, the
on whole increased, natures become
still Today Social Democracy Com-
are not two movements but t1vo 1vorlds.
separating itself from Moscow, has
to bridge t.his it circumvent
it. This 1vas demonstrated of the Yugoslav
Communists 1vith the Social Democrats, was more seem-
ino- than actual and more courteous sincere, and which
w:s 1vithout important results for side.
For completely different reasons, unity has not even been
realized W Asian Social Democrats. The
differences bet1veen 1vere as great in essence, or in
as they 1vere practice. For of their
o>vn, Socialists had to separated from West
European Socialists. Even are opponents of colonial-
ism, W estern they play no leading role-are
of solely because are more
developed, exploit The
bet\veen and W estern Social Democrats is
of contiasts underdeveloped and developed
carried over int.o tlle ranks of Socialist movement. Despite
tlle fact concrete of llave to shaiply
defined, proximity in essence-as far as can deduced today-
is obvious and
4.
National Communism similar to that in Yugoslavia could
of immense in Communist parties
of states. It could of greater signifi-
NATIONAL COMMUNISM
187
cance there than parties 1vhich are actually
po1ver. This is relevant above all to the parties
in France and Italy, majority
of class and whicl1 are, along witll several parties
in Asia, the. of major in the
world.
Until the of Communism in
these parties been major signifi.cance impetus.
Ho1vever, beer1 They could, in final
analysis, lead to essential in parties.
parties have to 1vith the Social Democrats-
who are to the dissatisfied masses tmvard them-
selves means of their o1vn socialist slogans and activity.
is not. tlle only for of these
from Moscow. Lesser reasons may seen in the periodic
and unanticipated of Mosco1v and of the other ruling
Communist parties. Such lead these and
ruling Communist parties "crisis of conscience"-to spit
yesterday extolled, suddenly to
line. N oppositionist propaganda nor
tiYe pressure 1vill play role the
of tllese
Tlle basic causes of parties from Moscow
may of social system of countries
opeiate. If it becomes eYident-and it appears
class of is
forms to at some in its posi-
tion, and also to social system itself, working
class Communists regardless of its revolu-
and traditions. Only small groups of Communist
dogmaticists look dispassionately at of
the serious political leaders in given will
t.o avoid it. at cost of weakening ties witl1
Mosco1v.
give huge number of votes
188 NEW CLASS
to Communists in these countries do not accurately express
the actual of Communist parties. de-
.
gree they are of dissatisfaction
follo1ving the leaders, the \Vlll
just as easily them t.he moment it becomes to
t.hem that the leaders are or
the prospects of the class, to tl1eir.
cratic or to t.he of the proletariat
ties 1vith
Of course, all of this is But even today these
parties are finding If
really 1vish to of the1r leaders
1vill have to renounce tlleir nature, or
over to their o>vrl >vhich 1vould,

since tlley are in lead to of their
parties.
The leaders of parties t.hese are
to with the idea of national Communism
forms all of these factors: the
of tlle that the of society tl1e
of of 1vorkers >vill attained
democratic Mosco-.;v's whicll the
of the of Stalin ultimately in destruction
of the ideologic center; of the Social
of the \Vest profound
and social basis as >vell as
of the vVestem which

fe>ver prospects for aid" for the Soviet army; and
the of >vithout.
>vorld 1var. At same time fear of the result of
to of breaking off with
Mosco-.;v, prevents t.hese leaders from of real
deepei' social the
East and the West 1vork with force. The clever
NATIONAL COMMUNISM 189
Togliatti is the robust is wavering. Ex-
ternal internal par-ty life is to bypass t.hem.
Emphasizing that today pai'liament can serve as "form
of to socialism," Kl1rushchev at t.he Twen-
tieth Congress to facilitate of the
parties in countries," and to stimulate the
of Cornrnunists and Social of
"People's Fronts." Something like this appeared realistic to
him, according to bls 1vords, because of the which
resulted in the of and because of
the -.;vorld. With tacitly to every-
obvious of in
t.he developed as -.;vell as the of
of
of 1vorld war. policy of Soviet. stat.e
to status quo, while de-
to gradual acquisition of in new 1vay.
CI'isis actually Communist parties of t.he
states. If they change over to Com-
munism, risk forsaking their and if do
not change face loss of follo>vers. leaders,
of parties,
will fol'ced most and un-
if they are to extricate
It is they will to
reached
state of conflict real tendencies of development in
tlle world in tl1eir cour1tries obviously lead

N outside of the states
leads toward of Communism itself, or
to>vard t.he of Its possi-
are greater today in st.ates, but
obviously, only along t.he of frorn
190 NEW CLASS
itself. Therefore, in these parties will
ernerge victorious only witl1 difficulty and slowly, in successive
outbursts.
In the Cornrnunist parties that are not in power it is
that national Cornrnunisrn-despite its intent to stirnulate
Cornrnunisrn its sirnultaneously the
heresy that at Cornrnunisrn as such. National Corn-
rnunisrn per se is contradictory. Its nature is the sarne as that
of Soviet Cornrnunism, but it aspires to detach itself into some-
thing of its own, nationally. In reality, national
is Communism in decline.
The Present-Day World
1.
In order to det.errnine more clearly the intemational position
of contemporary Communisrn, it is necessary briefly to draw
picture of the world.
The results of the First World War led to the transforrnation
of Czarist Russia new type of state, or into country
wit.h types of social the dif-
between tl1e level and tempo of
Stat.es the of westem Europe
World War was to
gulf, so that the States did major
in the structure of its
Wars were cause of this gulf the
States and rest of the world; accelerated its com-
ing. The for rapid advancernent of the States
found, in its int.ernal
the social of
economy. American capitalism developed circum-
stances frorn capitalism and it was in full s1ving at
time its European already to
decline.
Today gulf is this wide: 6 per cent of the world popula-
191
192
NEW CLASS
tion, that. of the United States, produces 40 per of the
goods and services in the 1vorld. Bet1veen the First Second
\Vars the United States 33 per cent of world
production; after the Wm'ld War it 50
per cent. The opposite 1vas true of Europe the
U.S.S.R.), whose to production dropped
from 68 per cent in 1870, to 42 per in the 1925-29
to 34 per in 1937, to 25 per 1948 (ac-
to data).
The of industry colonial economies
'>vas also of special it 1vas to make it.
for most of them, ultimately, to freedom after
Second World \Var.
period First. World 'Vars
capitalism economic crisis so
so that
particularly the U.S.S.R., failed to
.. to the of the t.he great
of 1929 revea!ed such cataclysms today
to social order itself, to the life of the as
\vhole. The developed of all United States-
had to find ways to this gradually. various
tlle States to
scale. this of
epochal for developed and for the
rest of 1vorld,
of vie1v.
this period of developed in
U.S.S.R. capitalist countries as Nazi
contrast to States, was not
of of its and
normal econom1c \Var (Nazism)
\vere only outlets for German monopolists, and
su bOIdmated to
As U.S.S.R. over to
PRESENT-DAY WORLD 193
for lt was the for its industrial

Ho1vever, there 1vas very obvious, ele-
:nent 1vhich was really for
was modern wars. They lead to
changes even do not lead to actual
Leaving devastation both
relations and individual
character of modern 1vars is
not only in fact give impetus to dis-
but, most of all, the fact that they
social st1ucture. tl1e
vVorJd War exposed affected to the
that became Bur-
ma, eme1ged 1var as
of as
of the 1var. It States the U.S.S.R. to
summit as the two major political
Modem warfare affects the Iife of
more deeply did of epochs. are
tiYO for this: '''ar total
;var. Not other
because tl1e lcvel of is
so high that it makes it. for parts of or
of to to side. for
same to
become so
smallest other
as well. modem ;var to ;vor1d

military economic are of

acbleved is, are
to as 1vitl1 ideological
such make it to
194 NEW CLASS
register in more 1vay the tendencies of
the modern 1vorld.
1vorld as it is today as it emerged from the Second
World War is obviously tl1e same as it was before.
Atomic energy, 1vhich has t.orn out of the of matter
1vrested from the cosmos, is most spectacular but
the sign of new
Official prognostications on future of
race declare atomic enei'gy is symbol of Com-
society, just as was and tlle power
prerequisit.e of capitalism. However we
tbls na'ive and another is true: atomic
energy is already to in individual
the world as whole. Certainly do
tllat and socialism Communist
desire.
energy, as discovery, is fruit of
but of of work of most. brilliant
minds of many Its is also result of
efforts-not only but economic-of number of
If world llad already
discovery nor of energy would llave
been
effect of place, will
toward furtller of world. 1vay, it
will all obstacles-o1vnersblp rela-
social relations, but above all exclusive isolated
and ideologies, as before
after
2.
The toward of world is tlle basic
of our time. Tbls does tllat world
PRESENT-DAY WORLD 195
did earlier llave toward urlity, different
1vay. The tmvard the world means
of the wo!"ld market 1vas already dominant in
It, too, was an epoch of capitalist
national 1vars. World of was acbleved
economies and national 1vars.
The furtller of world 1vas effected the
of pre-capitalist forms of in t.he un-
developed regions and among the developed
countries This 1vas period of mo-
nopolistic colonial 1vars
interests of monopolies often
played role more decisive itself. The
tendencies at that time toward world unity were
mainly through conflicts and associations of capi-
tal. 1vas level of unity unity of the
Capital poured out of sources, penetrated, took hold,
and entire world.
tendencies toward unit.y are apparent other
areas. may found in very level of production,
in s6ence, in scientific other thought.
Further of is longer on exclu-
sively national or the division of >vorld
into individual, monopolistic spheres of influence.
trends to'ivard this unity-unity of
aie being built on tl1e foundations already attained in
stages-that is, on unity of the and tlle unity of
capital. They conflict, llo>vever, 1vitl1 already strained and in-
above all, social rela-
tions. tlle unities >vere acbleved means of
national struggles or conflicts and over spheres
of intel'est, is being formed, and can only
the destruction of the social relationships of
periods.
No one say rnanner the coordina-
196 NEW CLASS
tion and of 1vorld production 1vill effected,
>var or peaceful means. But the!'e can no
doubt that its tendency checked.
fiist method of unification-war-1vould hasten unifica-
tion force, is, the domination of one or another
group. But it 1vould leave behind it the sparks of
ne1v conflagrations, discord, and injustice. means
of war would take place at. the expense of the weak de-
feated. Even if 1var should order given relationships
it would leave it and deeper mis-

Because the world conflict is mainly
the basis of opposition between systems, it has more of the
character of class of
and states. That is reason for its unusual severity and
sharpness. 1var 1vould of world and civil
war nations. N ot only would the
of 1var itself friglltful; its effects further free
development 1vould too.
of the 1vorld peaceful although
slower way, is the steady, and just 1vay.
It appears that the of the world
\vill effected th!'ougl1 opposition of systems, in
to the types of opposition 1vhich
1vas acllieved in earlier periotls.
This does mean that all are
merely due to conflicts bet\veen systems. Ther-e are otller
conflicts, those from former epoclls. the
conflict of systerns the to1vard >vorld of pr-oduc-
tion is r-evealing itself rnost clearly actively.
It 1vould to expect the of world
to achieved in the near The process will t.ake
long tirne, it 1vi11 the fr-uit of the efforts of
the econornic and other Ieading po1vers of be-
cause cornplete of actually cannot achieved.
PRESENT-DAY WORLD
197
The earlier unities 1vere attained as sornethina final this
. . '
too IS only as as sornetllina
toward. 1vllich. at least t.hat of the most developed
countries, asp1res.

of World War llad already confirmed
t.he t.o of systerns 1vorld scale. All tlle
countries fell Soviet influence, even parts of
t!'ies (Gerrnany, Kor-ea), acllieved rnore or less sarne
It 1vas the sarne on side.
The Soviet 1vere a1vare of this piocess. I re-
rnernber that at an intimate party in 1945 Stalin said: "In
rnodern war, tlle victor- vill impose his systern, 1vllich 1vas
the case past said tllis before the 1var 1vas over, at
tirne 1vhen love, hope, and 1vere at their peak arnona
Allies. In February 1948 he said to us, the Yugoslavs, and
to "Tl1ey, po1vers, 1vi11 make
country of their mvn of \Vest Germany and 1ve 1vill rnake
of our om out of East is
Today it is and to sorne extent to
evaluate Soviet policy as it 1vas before after deatll.
Ho1vever, Stalin did invent the systems, nor do 1vho
succeeded believe in less than did. has
since bls deatl1 is rnethod 1vllich Soviet
systerns, not. the
Did Khrushchev, at the mention
of socialisrn," "1vorld socialist systern," as some-
thing separate and special? practice tllis rneans notblna
upon into systems, into t.he
exclusiveness of o1m systern and

Because conflict West East is essentially
198
NEW CLASS
conflict of systems, it must take on the appearance of an ideo-
logical struggle. Ideological war does not wane, even when
temporary compromises are effected, it drugs into uncon-
sciousness the minds in the opposing camps. The more the
in the material, economic, political, and other spheres
sharpens, the more it seems as if pure ideas themselves were
in conflict.
In addition to the exponents of Communism capitalism
there is third type of country, that 'vhich wrested itself
from colonial dependence Burrna, the Arab
etc.) . countries are straining to construct in-
economies in order to tear themselves loose from
economic dependence. In them overlap several and
number of systems, and particularly the two contemporary
systems.
emerging natior1s are, for tlleir own
tional reasons, most sincere supporters of the slogans of
sovereignty, mutual understar1ding, and sim-
ilar ideas. However, they cannot eliminate t.he between
the two systems. They can alleviate it. In addition they
are the very fields of battle between the two systems.
role can significant and one but, for the present,
not decisive one.
It is important to observe that both systems claim that the
of the 'vorld will modeled on one or the otller.
Both take tlle stand, that there is need for world unity.
However, these stands are diametrically opposed. modern
world's tendency toward unity is being demonstrated and re-
alized through struggle between opposing forces, struggle
of unheard-of severity times of
The ideological political expressions of this struggle
are, as we know, Westem democracy Eastem Communism.
Since tlle unorganized tendencies toward unification are
bursting fort.h more in West, because of political
democracy and higher and cult.ural level, West
PRESENT-DAY WORLD
199
also appears as tlle of political intellectual
freedom.
One or another system of in
may check or stimulate this tendency,
However, the aspiration toward unity is wide-
spread. definite obstacle to this unification is the monopolies.
They unity, in their interest.s, but 'vant to ac-
complisll it an already obsolete of
of However, opponents-for example,
the English Labourit.es-are also of unity, but dif-
way. toward unity is also in Great
which out Moreover,
United States is carrying out as well, an even
vaster scale, changing form of but put-
ting portion of the national income into the
of the goverr1ment. If t.he United States should achieve
completely nationalized economy, tmvard the uni-
fication of the contemporary world would receive still greater
impetus.
4.
law of society and man is to expand and perfect
This law evidences itself in level
of science, etc., as tendency toward the
of world production. This is tendency as
rule, is so more if it involves people on
cultural and material level.
W estem toward world unification are expres-
sion of economic, other needs and, behind these,
of political and otller forces. The picture in the
Soviet is different. if there not been otller
reasons, the East, because it was backward,
would been compelled to isolat.e itseJf economically and
200
NEW CLASS
ideologically to compensate for its economic and other
1.veaknesses political measures.
It may sound strange, but. this is true: Communism's so-
called socialist mvnership is main obstacle to 1.vorld
cation. Tl1e collective total of new class
creates isolated political and economic system impedes
the unification of 1.vorld. This system does
but very slo>vly, and almost at all in regard to mixing
>vith otl1er in the of
Its are solely for the of
its o\\rn to type of
ideas, tl1is isolates itself. It
to>vard exclusiveness.
united >vorld even Soviet leaders desire only
as or less identical their own
and as peaceful coexistence of of
speak does to of
but tl1e static continuation of
.
Side >vhen tl1e otller cap-
italist defeated conodes
Tlle of tl1e bet>veen t>vo
does and llave ceased.
it is of colonial
basic of is revealed

over Canal kept
strife tlle t>vo of \Vl1at it
\Vas: \Vorld t.rade
l1appened to
old po>vers of Britain
all aspects of llas been
result of relations. Cold \Var llas
state of tlle \Vorld. Its
llave are it or
severe, it is no longer to it
It is first to
<:>
PRESENT-DAY WORLD 201
deeper, is of the
\VOrld, of especially of
cold today cause of increasing \vas itself
of deeper, earlier
Tlle wor'ld 1.ve live is 1.vorld of It is
of stupefying and
is to it is also 1.vorld of fear of
of 1.var.
Tbls vvorld 1.vill 1.vay It
remain as it is, diYided and to-
ward \Vorld
<:>
V\
7
ill ideal \Vitllout
1.vill better
Tlle present conflict. of does
tl1at is in of single
type of conflict only tllat
of \Vorld or, expressed, of
will
systems.
(endency to'lvard of world lead
everyvvllere to tl1e type of is, to same
of etc. of
expresses tlle aspiration tovvard of
artificial to and efficiency of
It fuller of
to local,
to\vard leads to coordination
of
It is does prevail tlle
\Vorld. tlle tl1e is
too fe;v. Most of all, is bad
IS tl1e exclus1ve Isolated of systems, of kind
may
greater bet>veen social stat.e
a!ld political in addit.ion to effi-
202 NEW CLASS
ciency of production, is one of the la\vs of society. Peoples unite,
man conforms morc and more to the world around him, but
at the same time he also becomes mor-e and more individualized.
The future \vorld \Vill mor-e varied, as
such, more Its imminent unification will made
variety, not of type personality. At
least that is the \vay it has up to this time. Sameness of
type personality would mean slavery stagnation; not
degree of freedom for production than today's.
nation which does not become aware of actual world
processes and will have to for it dearly. It will
lag the end will ltave to adjust to
of the no matter what its
military may N one will escape this, just as in the
past one nation could resist penetration of capital
the other world market.
is also reason why today every autarchical, or
exclusive, national its form of O\VIlership
or political order, or eyen its level-must fall into
true also
for social systems, ideas, et.c. The isolated system can offer
very modest it \vould to moye forward
solye about and
ideas.
Incidentally, \Vorld deYelopment already the
of the of
of socialist, or society one country, and
about the strengthening of the totalitarian despotism,
or absolute dominance of new exploiting class.
construction of socialist, or Com-
or any kind of society in one or in
large number of countries cut off \Vorld as in-
results in and consolidation of despotism.
It also causes the weakening of national potentialities for
PRESENT-DAY WORLD 203
economic and social progress of countries concerned. It
is to haYe, with progiessive economic and
democratic aspirations world, more bread and
for people generally, more just of goods, and
normal tempo of Tl1e for
is of existing property and political relation-
ships, since they are, because
of of ruling class, most
not only-obstacle to and world progress.
5.
tendency to\vard unification, for ot.her reasons, has also
in property relationships.
The and decisiYe, tole of
in economy, and to large in ownership as \vell,
is also expression of the toward \Vorld
it is manifested in \vays in various systems
countries, and eYen as an obstacle in places where-
as countries-formal state itself
conceals the monopoly and total of new class.
Great Britain private or, accurately expressed, mon-
opolist O\Vllership has already legally lost its sanctity and purity
Labourite nationalization. Over twenty per cent of
Biitish productiYe po\ver has In Scandi-
navian countries, in addition to state ownership, cooperative
type of collective O\vnership is
The role of in is espe-
cially of the countries until recently \Vere
and regard to
they socialist parlia-
(India), or military dictatorsblp (Egypt).
204
NEJV CLASS
government makes most of the investments; it controls
exports, seizes large portion of export funds, etc.
government appeais as an initiator of
and is more
'
form of
The situation is no in United States,
ti)' capitalism is most developed. N ot on:y can
see role of the lll
economy from great (1929) to tl1e present tlme, but
fe\v people deny the of tbls role.
vValker in The Epic of American
Industry:* growing bet,veen and
the life been one of
of century."
\Valker cites that in 1938 about 20 per cent of national
\vas socialized, \vhile in 1940 tllis per-centage \Vent up
to at Ieast 25 per cent. of
national began \vith RooseYelt. At tl1e the
of
particularly of the federal is
and Kross, in Tlze ancl D('velopment of the
Economy,t to the conclusions. af-
firm l1as been separated
that role of as gro\vn
"One of tl1e of the cen-
tury," say, "is constant of govern-
especially tlle influence over
affairs."
In \VOik The TYay,t Clough cites
illustr-ate expenditures and
debt.s of federal according to look
like tbls:
"New Yo1k, Harper, 1949.
t New York, Prentice-Hall, 1953.
New York, Crowell, 1953.
PRESENT-DAY WORLD
Expenditures of tlze Federal
Government
Year (in millions of dollars)
1870
1940
1950
309.6
8,998.1
40,166.8
Debts
(Federal)
205
(in thousands of dollars)
2,436,453
42,967,531
256,708,000
In this "\Vork Clough speaks of revolution,"
to rise of professional
mvners longer operate.
role, and solidarity growing in the
States, and of great business like D.
Rockefeller, Jolm and do
not any in tl1e States.
Fainsod and Government and the American
Economy, * already played
role in economy various social groups
to use of tbls role in economic life. Ho"\vever, are
now essential in this. The role of goYern-
has not only sphere of labor
in branches of the economy as impoitant
to as gas, coal, and
"Novel changes \vere also eYident in the
of an expansion of enterprise and concem
conservation of and
enterpr'ise became paiticularly in the banking and
ctedit field, in and in the pioYision of lo\v-cost
housing." They cornrnent that the goYernrnent has begun to
play far more irnportant than it played century
ago, even ten ago. "The of developrnents
has been to 'mixed econorny,' \vhich
governrnent-contiOlled private en-
"New York, W. W. Norton, 1941.
206
NEW CLASS
terprise, and relatively uncontrolled private all exist
side side."
These and other authors cit.e various aspects of this process
growth of of society for social welfare, edu-
similar are provided gov-
ernment as well as continual
relative and the of employed
goven1ment.
It is this process received im-
petus and intensity during Second World War because of
military needs. Ho,vever, after the war the process did not
subside but contintted at faster tempo during prewar
period. It not just the fact that the Democratic Party was
power. Even the government of
which was elected to po1;ver in 1952 the slogan of return
to private initiative, could 110t essentially.
The same thing happened 1;vith the Conservative
in Great it did succeed about de-
except the steel Its role in the
economy, of the Labour government,
has essentially decreased, it has increased

of in the economy is ob-
viously result of objective 'vhich already
the people's consciousness time ago. All
economists, beginning Keynes, have advocated
intervention of stat.e in No1;v this is more or
less an actuality 'vorld. State intervention and
state o'vnership are today essential and some places
detetmining factor the economy.
could almost conclude t.his there is no distinc-
tion or source of in the fact in the East.ern system
the state plays the major role, while in Western system
private ownership, or owne1-ship
plays major role. Such seems all the more war-
PRESENT-DAY WORLD 207
since role of private ownersblp in tlle West is
gradually role of state
However, this is case. Aside from other differ-
ences systems, is an state
ownersblp the of state in the economy. Though
state 1s to extent both
systems, . they tw? even contradictory types of
Th1s appl1es to role of the state in the
too.
Not single Western government acts like an owner with
to the In fact, W estern is
ne1ther the of property nor the owner of
funds wblch it has collected t.axes. It an
owner because it is subject to It must administer and
t.his property under control of parliament. In
course of of property, the is
ject to but it is not owner. All it does
is and well or badly, property which does
belong to it.
This is case The govern-
ment both property. The
class, or Its executive organ-the party
acts as the mvner is the owner. The most and
can hardly dream of such monopoly
the
similarities in ownership the West East
are fact real deep even
6.
Even after the World War, forms of were
an for the between the West
and U.S.S.R. Monopolies then played much more im-
portant role and they could not accept idea that one part
208
NEW CLASS
of the 1vorld-specifically the U.S.S.R.--was escaping their
TI1e had just recently
the class. .
Ov.'Ilersblp relationships have been v1tal to _the
U.S.S.R. in its deaHngs 1vith other countries. '\Vherever
its type of mvnership and
force. No how 1t 1ts
ness connections 1vith the rest of the 1vorld, It not go
beyond the exchange of goods, 1vhich been developed
during the period of national st.ates. _This was also
in the period of its break 1v1th Mosco_w. Yugosla_via
could not. develop any kind of significant
except for the exchange of goods, although she had and con-
to have hopes of achieving this. Her has re-
isolat.ed too.
There are other >vhich this picture
tl1ese relationships. If the of '\Vestern. tendencies
to\vard \VOrld unity of not to unde-
veloped in practice it \vould lead to the
of one nation-the United States-or, at best, of
the very of exchange, tl_1e _and the
life of the undeveloped and
'iorced to subordinated to the developed This
that the undeveloped can only defend
selves political rneans, and if
,vish to surviYe. Tbls is one \vay. The other way 1s to rece1ve
aid the the deyeloped There is
no ;vay. Up to no\v has been the beginning
alona the second >vay-aid in insignificant
the difference bet\veen the American and the
nesian is that bet\veen the
and the \Vealthy stockholder. In 1949
of tlle United States earned average of at least
$1,440.00; the Indonesian l/53rd as on1y
$27.00, according to United data. there is j?;eneral
PRESENT-DAY WORLD
209
that the rnaterial other differences de-
and undeYeloped courltries do not on the
they increase.
The inequality bet\veen the Western developed countries
and the reYea1s itself as rnainly
Traditional political
locallords is already on its 1vay out. No,v, as rule, the
of an politically gov-
is to sorne
Today no single people can willingly accept such subordinate
relationships, as single people can
the advantaaes rnade productivity.
u
ask Arnerican or West European \Vorkers-not t.o
mvners-villingly to the benefits offered
level of and rnore productive \Vork is as un-
as it \vould to poor Asiatic tl1at he
happy that he receiYes so little for his
Mutual aid bet\veen the gr-adual
tion of and inequalities bet\veen peoples rnust
born of need in order to becorne child of good >vill.
In rnain, econornic aid has far been extended only
in cases countries, low purchas-
ing po\ver and lo\v haYe becorne to the
developed The conflict bet\veen t1vo sys-
is the obstacle to of real econornic
aid. This is not only surns being spent for
rnilitary and sirnilar conternporary relationships also
blnder of production, its tendency tmvard
thus aid to underdeYeloped and
progress of deYeloped thernselYes.
Material bet\veen the developed
the a1so been registered their
life. It comp1etely to interpret
the \Vest only as an expression of solidarity of
rich in looting the poor ones; the W
210
NEW CLASS
were democratic before the time of extra-profits,

lmver level that of today.
democracy tlle Western
that of peiiod Marx were alive lies in
the fact of betweer1 the periods.
The similarity past democracy is not
gr-eater than that or capitalism
and statism.
his \vork, Place Fear, the British socialist Aneurin
observed:
It is necessary to distinguish between the of
and its Its was to 1vin power
the fonns of property t.hrown up the
Its achievement was to political power for
the people irrespective of property.
. . The of parliamentary democracy, uni-
versal franchise, historically is to expose \vealth-
privilege to the attack of the people. It is sword pointed at
the heart of property-power. The 1vhere the issues are
joined is
applies to Great It could
expanded to apply to countries, but only to the
\Vestern ones.
W est, which operate to\vard \vorld
have become the East, the Com-
side, political for such have always
The U.S.S.R. is of
that 1vhich it From this of vie1v the
could According to
its ideas, oppressed peoples are those some other
the Soviet one, is its rule. The Soviet
From page 9, Ne'v York edition, Simon & Schuster, 1952.
t From page 6, ibld.
PRESENT-DAY WORLD
2ll
its aid to others, the case of
to its political
Soviet has yet reached the point \Vhich
would drive it to 1vorld of Its contra-
diffi.culties The
system itself can survive despite its the
outside world. This is it is acbleved
the widespread use of force. tbls last
the reached. this will
of the of the political bureauc-
racy, or the class.
help achieve the goal of
world unification most of all political internal
to the outside
world. Ho1vever, it is remote from tbls. Is it actually
of such thing?
What of picture does have of itself
of the world?
the period of monopolies, the Marxism which
conceived the internal extemal
sltips Czarist countries had fallen
degree of accuracy. With this picture to spur it the
headed Lenin fought Stalin's
this ideology, again modified, was realistic to the extent
that it. defined, almost accurately, the role of
r1ew state The Soviet state, or the
class, 1vas good
to itself all that it could acquire.
Now the Soviet have hard time t.hem-
selves. They are of
reality. The world which they see is the that really
exists. It is either the that used to exist or that
they would \Vish to have exist.
to obsolete dogmas, the leaders
that all rest of the world would stagnate and de-
212
NEW CLASS
stroy itself in conflicts and struggles. This did not happen.
The West advanced both and intellectually. It
proved to united 1vhenever danger &:om system
threatened. The were freed, but dtd become Com-
did this lead to rupture with the mother coun-
tries involved.
The of capitalism through crises and
wars did not take place. In 1949 Vishinsky, at the Na-
the of the Soviet leadership, predicted
of ne\V crisis in States and
capitalism. The opposite was. because ca?t-
talism is good or bad, but because capttaltsm Sovtet
Ieaders rant about no longer exists. The Soviet leaders could
see that Arab states, and similar countries had
become they began to
o\vn reasons-Soviet of vie\v in foreign policy. Soviet
Jeaders did not. and do not. social democracy.
Instead, measure it the \vhich
measure fate of the Social Demoo-ats in their o\vn area.
Basina- fact did not
"' "'
development the Social foresa\v,
SoYiet. leaders that social democracy in the \Vest, as
well, is and
This is also \Vith to evaluation of the basic
systems, or basic
to\vard unification of Here too
is out of
declare this is bet,veen two dif-
social systems. of of
state there are classes, or classes
of and that. is state In
other foreign tlrere are
class crises all material goods are
"' "'"' .
the hands of private that the 1s
the tool of of greedy monopolists.
PRESENT-DAY WORLD 213
yiew of the world, believe
have been avoided if such had predomi-
the W est.
That is \Vhere the lies.
if relat.ionships the West were way Com-
would like them to be-the still
the \Vould more severe in this case.
For not. forms of o\vnership \vould differ; it
matter of different, aspirations, behind stand
modem the vital of
'Nhich parties, classes endeavor to haYe the
same solYed to their
SoYiet leaders rate the modern \Vestem
as of the are just as
as they are their own system as classless
society 1vhere is of society. Certainly
the play in politics of the
\Vestei"Il but no case is role as great or the
same as before the First \Vorld \Var, as before the
Second World is, in the something
more essential; an aspiration toward
of \Vorld. This is expressed more
statism and of
the in tl1e it is the
ence action of the monopolies.
extent tlrat. one class, party, or leader stifles criticism
completely, or absolute po\ver, it or falls
into an unrealistic, egotistical, and pretentious judgment of
reality.
This is today to leaders.
do not control deeds, but are forced into
There advantages in this; are IIO\V practical
than used to Hmvever, are also
because leaders basically lack or eYen approxi-
mately realistic, vie\vs. They spend more time
214: NEW CLASS
themselves from world reality and attacking it they do
in getting accustomed to it. Their adherence to obsolete dogma
incites them to senseless actions, from 'vhich, on more
thoughts, tlley constantly retreat, but with heads. Let us
latter will prevail 'vith if the
Communists interpreted world realistically, they might ]ose,
but they 'vould gain as human beings, as part of race.
any case, the world will and will go in direc-
tion which it llas been and must go Oil-to,vard
greater unity, progress, and freedom. po'ver of reality
the power of life always been than kind of
brutal force and more real than any theory.