The public opinion quarterly, Vol. 63, No. 2, Summer 1999, pp. 193-219. This article submits four important findings Based on identical questions asked of both mass and elite interviewees in Beijing. While the masses and elites shared similar views on government policy performance, they held quite different positions on issues of regime legitimacy, reform assessment.
The public opinion quarterly, Vol. 63, No. 2, Summer 1999, pp. 193-219. This article submits four important findings Based on identical questions asked of both mass and elite interviewees in Beijing. While the masses and elites shared similar views on government policy performance, they held quite different positions on issues of regime legitimacy, reform assessment.
The public opinion quarterly, Vol. 63, No. 2, Summer 1999, pp. 193-219. This article submits four important findings Based on identical questions asked of both mass and elite interviewees in Beijing. While the masses and elites shared similar views on government policy performance, they held quite different positions on issues of regime legitimacy, reform assessment.
Comparing Mass and Elite Subjective Orientations in Urban China
Author(s): Jie Chen Source: The Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 63, No. 2 (Summer, 1999), pp. 193-219 Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of the American Association for Public Opinion Research Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2991254 Accessed: 14/12/2009 17:52 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=aapor. 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American Association for Public Opinion Research and Oxford University Press are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Public Opinion Quarterly. http://www.jstor.org COMPARING MASS AND ELITE SUBJECTIVE ORIENTATIONS IN URBAN CHINA JIE CHEN Abstract Comparisons of mass and elite sociopolitical prefer- ences and levels of their attitudinal consistency are critical for under- standing mass-elite interaction and hence political development in such a rapidly changing society as China. Yet such studies are very scarce for urban China. Based on the responses to identical questions asked of both mass and elite interviewees in Beijing, this article submits four important findings. First, while the masses and elites shared similar views on government policy performance and the role of the individual in politics, they held quite different positions on issues of regime legitimacy, reform assessment, and democratic principles. Second, these two sets of political actors organized their subjective orientations to some issues similarly but to others differ- ently. Third, in general, the elites in this study had low attitudinal consistency relative to their counterparts in many other studies. And, finally, such relatively low attitudinal consistency among the elites seemed to be caused at least in part by the ongoing decay of the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) grassroots organizations. These findings have strong implications for the weakness and strength of the CCP's rule and hence China's sociopolitical stability. Do ordinary citizens and political elites in China share similar positions on major sociopolitical issues? Do the two groups construct their respective positions (or subjective orientations) similarly? These questions have a lot to do with explaining the nature and characteristics of the relationship between the two sets of political actors, and hence with predicting socio- political development in that rapidly changing society. Among studies of democratic and transitional societies, there are at JIE CHEN is associate professor of political science and director of the Institute of Asian Studies at Old Dominion University. The research reported here was supported by Old Dominion University, the Social Science Research Institute of the University of Tennessee-Knoxville, University of Wisconsin-River Falls, and the Public Opinion Research Institute of People's University of China in Beijing. The author wishes to thank Christine Drake, Robert Holden, Xiushi Yang, and the anonymous referees for their careful readings and insightful comments on earlier versions of this article. Public Opinion Quarterly Volume 63:193-219 ? 1999 by the American Association for Public Opinion Research All rights reserved. 0033-362X/99/6302-0001$02.50 194 Jie Chen least three major concerns that have motivated inquiries into congruence (or similarity) between mass and elite attitudes and constraint (or consis- tency) of their respective belief systems (e.g., Achen 1978; Converse and Pierce 1986; Dalton 1985; Hermann 1986; Huber and Powell 1994; Jen- nings 1992; Miller, Hesli, and Reisinger, 1995, 1997; Reisinger et al. 1996). In relation to congruence, a first concern has been about the quality of representation by the political elites. According to these studies, the degree of congruence between mass and elite subjective orientations to major political issues serves as a good indicator measuring how well polit- ical leaders represent the views of ordinary people in a society. As Manion (1996, p. 736) has noted, a high quality of representation is usually "re- flected in significant agreement between citizens and elected leaders or governing parties on specific issues or a general ideological dimension." Again, in the same context of attitude congruence, a second concern is about the sociopolitical consequence of the gap between mass and elite attitudinal preferences. Some analysts argue that the high level of dis- agreement between mass and elite attitudes can have serious political con- sequences, especially in societies experiencing profound economic and political reforms: "If the leaders . . . are significantly out of step with popular preferences, implementing difficult or controversial policies will be that much harder; similarly, if ordinary citizens have preferences that differ from those of the elite . . . they could come to view the political and economic reforms as either meaningless or lacking legitimacy. Under these circumstances the citizenry may not only fail to comply with the reforms but they may act to undermine them" (Miller, Hesli, and Rei- singer 1995, p. 30). In relation to attitude constraint, a third concern inspiring studies on this subject is about the communication between the masses and elites. As many analysts of constraint have argued, a significant discrepancy be- tween the levels of belief consistency of these two groups can cause a serious communication barrier between them in their dialogues on major policy issues. As Jennings has explained, for example, "if elites view the world in a decidedly more constrained and stable fashion, then it presum- ably becomes more difficult for them to fashion agendas and priorities that can appeal to large swatches of a more variegated, unconstrained rank and file. From the other side, if ordinary citizens do not put their political thoughts together in a consistent and stable fashion, or if they put them together in a quite different fashion than do elites, it is not difficult to see why they might be befuddled or discouraged by the behavior of what they see as doctrinaire of 'ideological' elites" (Jennings 1992, p. 421). In essence, these three major concerns addressed by previous studies are all about the nature, characteristics, and consequences of the interac- tions between the elites and the masses. I believe that although most of these studies deal with elite-mass interplay in democratic systems, their Mass and Elite Orientations in China 195 insights into and approaches to congruence and constraint can also be very useful for analyzing elite-mass interactions in post-Deng China. China today is by no means a democratic society by Western standards. Nonetheless, as Chinese society undergoes significant and rapid shifts in its political and economic structures, the "relations between the govern- ment and its people have changed dramatically" (Pei 1998, p. 77). One of the most important indications of such a dramatic change is that the local political elites have become-willingly or unwillingly-more re- sponsive to popular views as more channels and opportunities have be- come available for ordinary citizens' participation in public affairs, espe- cially at local levels, since the early 1980s (see, e.g., Bernstein, 1993; Jennings 1997; Manion 1996; O'Brien 1994; Pei 1994; Shi 1997; Shue 1988).1 In Beijing, for example, a growing number of municipal policies and regulations-on such issues as housing, pollution, unemployment benefits, and the appointment of district-government officials-have been "adjusted" or "corrected" by municipal leaders (of course, not without their initial reluctance) due, at least in part, to public complaints through various channels in recent years (see Shi 1997, chap. 2). Although the current elite-mass relationship can hardly be characterized as one between the representatives and the represented, this relationship has no doubt be- come more interactive, or reciprocal, than it was in the prereform era. Under these circumstances, the study of mass-elite attitude congruence and constraint as two key aspects of the interplay between these two sets of political actors seems to be more important than ever before. In this connection, a systematic analysis of attitude congruence and constraint can help shed some light on at least two urgent political issues in the context of the elite-mass relationship in contemporary China. One is sociopolitical stability. Measured by the concept of congruence, a high degree of similarity between mass and elite subjective orientations to the country's most salient sociopolitical issues will more likely be a factor fostering political harmony between the two groups, and hence social sta- bility. Conversely, as Miller and his associates (1995, p. 30) have sug- gested, a high degree of difference between elite and mass subjective ori- entations will more likely be a catalyst for serious conflicts between the two groups, and hence potential social instability (especially because China's political representation system is still very limited and fragile, and hence inadequate for resolving the conflicts effectively). Related to attitude constraint among the elites and the masses, the other political question is whether (given the use of coercion as a last resort) the current ruling elites can resolve their conflicts with the masses over some major controversial issues-such as major economic restructuring, 1. For example, citizens now have opportunities to participate in competitive elections of local administrators in rural areas and delegates to local people's congresses in both rural and urban areas. 196 jie Chen democratization, and the current regime legitimacy-in a consensual, peaceful manner without expanding the current, limited representation system. The current leaders have time and again rejected the idea of estab- lishing a "Western style" democracy in China. Nonetheless, given the lessons they have learned from the 1989 Tiananmen Incident,2 they have become more willing to play "kinder and gentler politics" (Pei 1998, pp. 69-73) through the party-led "dialogue" between the masses and the cadres to resolve conflicts and controversies (e.g., Jiang 1998). Any meaningful dialogue involves two-way communication that is signifi- cantly affected by the degree of similarity or difference between the levels of attitude constraint among the two groups involved in the dialogue (see Jennings 1992, p. 421). The high degree of similarity between the levels of attitude constraint among the elites and masses, as mentioned above, could enhance the feasibility and effectiveness of the dialogue and there- fore increase the chances of consensual resolution of controversies. Con- versely, a large gap between the levels of attitude consistency among the two groups could foreshadow difficult communication between them, and hence a dim future for consensual, peaceful resolution of controversies. In today's China, this issue of effective and meaningful dialogue between the political elites and masses has become increasingly important as more and more frustrated employees of state-owned enterprises slip into the army of the unemployed due to nation-wide economic restructuring.3 While a study of attitude congruence between local leaders and their constituents and selectors in rural China has just emerged (see Manion 1996), so far there has been no empirical study comparing the levels of attitude constraint among the elites and the masses in China, nor on the issues of either attitude congruence or constraint in an urban setting within that country. Therefore, as part of the concerted effort among students of Chinese politics and comparative politics to grasp new dynamics behind the elite-mass interaction, this study is intended to provide such a needed analysis of both congruence and constraint in an urban environment in China. Specifically, I begin my analysis with a brief discussion about the data and clusters of attitudinal items for comparison; I then examine the similarities and differences between subjective orientations of local politi- cal elites and the masses, analyze the difference between the levels of attitude constraint among the two groups, investigate major factors influ- encing the level of elite attitude constraint, and finally conclude with some 2. Although the current top CCP leadership has so far refused to reverse in public the original official verdict of the 1989 Tiananmen incident, it has done some soul searching in private regarding the domestic and international consequences of large-scale coercion (e.g., see Jiang 1997). 3. According to Hu Angang (1997), a leading Chinese scholar of labor markets, the actual unemployment rate in urban areas was as high as about 8 percent; this rate was expected to climb to 10-15 percent as soon as the government began to restructure state-owned enterprises. Mass and Elite Orientations in China 197 implications of my findings for future political and economic changes in post-Deng China. Data and Clusters of Subjective Orientations The data analyzed in this study come from a representative-sample survey conducted in an urban locale, Beijing, in late 1997 (see Appendix A). Two important and unique features of the survey data allow us to carry out this analysis. One is that this cross-sectional survey included respon- dents who were either ordinary citizens (626) or typical local, urban politi- cal elites (68). In this study, we defined local "political elites" according to two important criteria: administrative position and membership in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). In today's China, the administrative apparatus of local governments still prevails over the legislative apparatus (e.g., see Lieberthal 1995). Therefore, those who hold administrative posi- tions are typically considered political elites,4 since they have real power to influence the socioeconomic life of ordinary citizens. Moreover, most of the important administrative posts at local levels (at least in urban areas) are still occupied by CCP members, for the regime still insists upon exer- cising the "party leadership" at all levels of government. A typical ad- ministrative ranking system in urban areas stratifies cadres into three ma- jor categories: bureau-level (juji) leaders, who are considered high-level cadres (gaoji ganbu); department-level (chuji) leaders, who are mid-level cadres (zhongji ganbu); and section-level (keji) leaders, who are ordinary cadres (yiban ganbu) (see Shi 1997, p. 56). Political elite respondents in our sample covered all three categories (about 24 percent bureau-level, 36 percent department-level, and 40 percent section-level).5 And, as dis- cussed in the next section, all these cadres did have power to set "local" policies in their domains. The other important feature of the data is that the same questionnaire 4. When comparing elite and mass belief systems, Miller, Hesli, and Reisinger (1995) and Reisinger et al. (1996) also included administrators in the category of the elite. 5. Under the CCP's guidelines and supervision, juji and chuji cadres of both the municipal government and district governments (under the municipal government) are selected by the municipal people's congress (elected by the district people's congresses) or district people's congresses (elected directly by the people); most keji cadres are appointed by their higher authorities. But all of them may be removed from office by the municipal people's congress or district people's congresses (see Central Committee 1995). For exam- ple, in July 1996, the director of the financial bureau of the Beijing Municipality (juji, or high-level cadre) was removed from office by a motion passed in the Beijing Municipal People's Congress because of his misallocation of public funds (Wu 1998). In addition, all these cadres have been increasingly scrutinized by the masses through various channels, such as the news media and complaint bureaus. Thus, at least in theory, the cadres in our sample are expected to be accountable to their constituents, given that the former should not work to undermine the CCP's one-party rule. For a more detailed discussion on the cadre system and mass scrutiny of the cadres in contemporary China, also see Shi (1997). 198 Jie Chen items regarding attitudes toward major sociopolitical issues were applied to both elite and mass interviewees. These two features, therefore, facili- tate the following analysis of congruence and constraint, which is based on comparison of positions of the entire set of elites and the entire set of ordinary citizens-sampled from the same sociogeographic location6- on the same set of sociopolitical issues. Within our questionnaire, 33 questions were asked regarding respon- dents' subjective orientations. Rather than including all these questions in our analysis of congruence and constraint,7 we decided to select and categorize the questions according to their "naturally occurring clusters" (Miller, Hesli, and Reisinger 1995, p. 8). Following the steps of Miller, Hesli, and Reisinger (1995), we conducted an exploratory factor analysis with all 33 questions, using the sample of both mass and elite respondents. As table 1 shows, five major factors, composed of 24 questions (see Ap- pendix B), emerged from the factor analysis. These five factors dealt with subjective orientations to five substantive areas: instrumental support (or evaluation of government policies), affective support (or evaluation of regime legitimacy), political efficacy, assessment of reform, and demo- cratic values. These five factors together explain about half (48.6 percent) of the item variance among all 33 items. The instrumental support cluster (the most important factor) explained 19.2 percent of the item variance, while the other four major factors of affective support, political efficacy, reform assessment, and democratic values explained 9.8, 7.1, 6.8, and 5.7 percent of the variance, respectively. These five clusters constitute the focus for this analysis of attitude congruence and constraint. The remaining nine items, outside of the five major factors, loaded on five additional factors that together accounted for only about 10 percent of the item variance (from a low of 1.1 percent to a high of 2.5 percent). Due to their low percentage of variance explanation, these nine items were excluded in this analysis. The five clusters of questions, we believe, capture the subjective orien- tations to some of the most salient aspects of sociopolitical reality in con- temporary China. The instrumental support cluster includes eight items 6. Rather than matching each member of political elites with his or her constituents, Miller, Hesli, and Reisinger (1995, 1997) and Reisinger et al. (1996) also made a comparison of the entire set of elites and the entire set of ordinary citizens of the same "geographical location of their residence" when they studied belief congruence or/and constraint in post- Soviet societies. However, it should be noted that, unlike the elites in most previous studies (e.g., Converse and Pierce 1986; Jennings 1992; Miller, Hesli, and Reisinger 1995, 1997), who tend to have higher positions and come from larger geographical bases (national or regional), the CCP cadres in our study are local political elites who do not have direct influence on public affairs at national level and yet have more frequent contacts with their constituents. 7. Converse (1964) and Jennings (1992) once applied such an approach to the study of attitude/belief constraint. They divided all possible questions into subsets on the basis of face validity (Converse 1964, p. 229; Jennings 1992, p. 425). Mass and Elite Orientations in China 199 Table 1. Factor Analysis of All Attitudinal Items in the 1997 Beijing Survey Instrumental Affective Political Reform Democratic Support Support Efficacy Assessment Value Item (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) Q12.C .77 Q12.I .74 Q12.H .66 Q12.K .65 .27 .26 Q12.B .63 .30 .33 Q12.D .62 Q12.F .58 .38 Q12.E .56 -.36 .33 Q20.G .76 Q20.H .74 Q20.E .74 .29 Q20.F .72 -.27 Q20.I .28 .67 Q20.M .58 Q21.N .77 Q21.S .69 Q21.0 .65 Q21.P .53 .42 Q20.A .69 Q20.B .28 .66 Q20.D .59 Q20.L -.25 .68 Q20.K .66 Q20.J .29 .34 .52 Q14. .81 Q13. .73 Q12.A .28 .72 Q12.J .35 .29 .39 -.26 Q20.Q -.74 Q20.R .67 .29 Ql l. .70 Q9. .69 Q10. .77 SOURCE.-The 1997 Beijing Survey. NOTE.-Figures in this table are factor loadings of .25 or larger from the varimax ro- tated matrix for all factors with eighenvalues greater than 1.0. 200 jie Chen linked to public policy areas: minimizing the gap between rich and poor, combating pollution, providing welfare services to the needy, fighting of- ficial corruption, providing job security, improving housing conditions, providing adequate medical care for all, and maintaining order. Our pre- survey interviews indicate widespread interest in each of these policy areas. In other words, all these items collectively measure the overall eval- uations of and support for government policies. The affective support cluster contains six questions referring to the "diffused or generalized attachments" (Macridis and Burg 1991, p. 8) the respondents have for the political regime: its values and norms and its political institutions. Because these attachments or evaluations are all vital to the very survival of any type of regime, they are together consid- ered an indicator of regime legitimacy (e.g., Easton 1975; Miller 1993). This cluster of questions, therefore, distinguishes those who approve of the current political system from those who do not. The political efficacy cluster encompasses four questions referring to "the feeling that individual political action does have, or can have, an impact upon the political process" (Campbell, Gurin, and Miller 1954, p. 187). It has been argued that such feeling motivates people to pay atten- tion to and participate in politics and public affairs (e.g., Nathan and Shi 1993, Jennings 1997). Conversely, the absence of such a feeling of effi- cacy evokes political apathy and withdrawal (Chen 1997). The reform assessment cluster (composed of three questions) reflects respondents' satisfaction or dissatisfaction with the overall effects of post- Mao reforms on their material life and political status, and their prediction of the future of the reforms. These questions clearly differentiate those who have perceived themselves as beneficiaries of the reforms from those who have not and, therefore, those who are likely to support reforms from those who are not. Finally, the questions in the democratic value cluster capture respon- dents' attitudes toward three democratic principles: competitive elections of government officials by the population, equal protection and rights for all people regardless of their political views, and the existence of the inde- pendent news media with the freedom to expose and criticize government wrongdoing. These principles, among others, are critical to the emergence as well as the survival of a democratic system in any society (e.g., Chen and Zhong 1998; Gibson and Duch 1993). Therefore, those favoring de- mocratization are more likely to support these principles, while those sup- porting an authoritarian rule are less inclined to endorse these values. In sum, these five clusters of 24 questions together capture respondents' subjective orientations toward some of the most salient aspects of socio- political life in contemporary China. These questions thus provide a broad empirical basis for our comparison of mass and elite subjective value systems. Mass and Elite Orientations in China 201 Congruence between Mass and Elite Subjective Orientations How similar or different should we expect elite and mass subjective orien- tations to be in today's China? There are, as mentioned above, almost no survey-based empirical studies dealing with value congruence between ordinary people and political elites.8 As a result, the expectations about mass-elite belief congruence in this study are based mainly on some theo- retical analyses relevant to this subject. First, we expect that local political elites, or CCP cadres, are more sup- portive of major government policies than the mass public. The important reason for this expectation comes from the unique policy making and implementation system that is still characterized as a "top-down" process in China. In this process, while the central (or national) Party elites make major policies, the local cadres can make "necessary adjustments" (as local policies) when implementing the major policies (Shi 1997, p. 106). Therefore, the local cadres are better situated to make the current policies fit their needs or policy interpretations (e.g., Brugger and Reglar 1994; Jennings 1997; Pei 1994, chap. 3) and hence tend to have more positive evaluations of the policies (i.e., higher scores on the instrumental support items) than do ordinary citizens. Second, we anticipate that local elites in our sample are more supportive of the current political system. It is quite obvious that, because of the CCP's unchallengeable ruling position in the current political regime, its cadres still have many kinds of privileges that ordinary citizens do not enjoy, such as "unusual access to information and influential individ- uals" and more opportunities for "working the system" (Jennings 1997, p. 267). In other words, the CCP cadres are definitely the greatest bene- ficiaries of the current political system. Thus, they should score higher on the affective support items than the masses. Third, our expectation about congruence between mass and elite politi- cal efficacy is ambivalent: elite political efficacy could be higher or lower than mass efficacy. There are at least two important contending views that can be drawn from previous studies and field evidence. One is that CCP local cadres are less efficacious, since they still operate within a Leninist framework that emphasizes internal discipline and hierarchy, instead of a "sense of individual influence" (e.g., Zang 1993). This view seems to be supported by the numerous speeches made by the CCP top leadership stressing party discipline and harmony (e.g., Jiang 1998). The other view is that the local cadres may have a stronger sense of individual influence because they can make local policies and influence the implementation 8. An exception to this is Manion's (1996) study of mass-elite attitude congruence in rural China. 202 jie Chen of central policies due to the increasing autonomy that local governments and production units have gained since reform (e.g., Goldstein 1994, 274; Lieberthal and Oksenberg 1988). Fourth, we expect that political elites tend to give a more positive as- sessment of the reforms as a whole than most ordinary people do. In post- Mao China, all major reform programs have been carried out through the party-state hierarchy in a top-down manner. Although the local cadres do not have much say in initiating major reform policies, they do have privi- leges, which ordinary citizens do not enjoy, such as being better informed of the intents and prospects of reforms (e.g., via "central documents" or zhongyang weijian) and using their discretion (though limited) to "ad- just" and implement specific reform policies. As a result, local cadres are better situated to benefit most from these party-led reforms (e.g., Jennings, 1997; Pei 1994). Finally, we expect that political elites may be less democratic than, or just as democratic as, ordinary people may be. On the one hand, according to some China analysts, local cadres could be less democratic because they operate, as mentioned above, in a nondemocratic party system (i.e., a Leninist system) and have been constantly bombarded with authoritarian propaganda from the central party organ. On the other hand, according to another group of analysts, cadres' attitudes toward democratic values could be quite similar to ordinary citizens' attitudes, given that currently most cadres are younger, better educated, and more "technocratic" than old-generation cadres, and hence much less averse to the idea of democra- tization (e.g., Cheng and White 1990; Goldstein 1994, pp. 716-17; Lee 1991; Pei 1994, chaps. 2-3). To test these expectations against the empirical evidence collected in our survey, we compare the means of mass and elite attitude indices that are computed from the measures in each of the five substantive clusters.9 Figure 1 presents the results of the comparison.10 Elites were only slightly more supportive of current, major government policies than were ordinary people, and the difference between their evalu- ations was not significant (at the .05 level). Contrary to our earlier expecta- tion, this result implies that there was quite a high degree of elite-mass congruence on the issue of instrumental support. A possible reason for 9. We formed two additive indices (one for mass, the other for elite) for each of the five major factors by adding the values of all items in each cluster together. Then we rescaled all the indices so that the range of values for each index was 1-4. The same method was also used in an analysis by Miller, Hesli, and Reisinger (1995, p. 14). 10. In the meantime, following the same procedure as used for the comparison of elite and mass attitudes (see note 9), we also compared the means of attitude indices of two subgroups within the elites (juji and chuji cadres in one group and keji cadres in another) in all five attitudinal categories. The results (not presented in this article) indicated that the attitude index means of these two groups are not significantly different in any one of the five categories (at the .05 level), and that the means of keji cadres were much closer to those of juji/chuji cadres than to the means of the total masses. i r X~~~~~~~~~~~~~~r cUU Y '-0~~~~~- 0-4 0- E) > 0- D C OC/) .~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~c -C . . 4-'J;-44 4-. ;H co 0~ 0 E- C 0 cOle) ci xapuI Jo) Lrw~~U\ - xJpUIJ0 UP3N _ =~ 204 Jie Chen such an unexpected result could be that urban cadres had much less discre- tion than expected to manipulate major policies in favor of their own interests as central government regulations/legislations became increas- ingly extensive and pervasive (e.g., see Tanner 1994). Therefore, cadres no longer felt the impacts of major policies significantly differently from ordinary people. In terms of the affective support cluster, as we expected, elites were significantly (at the .001 level) more supportive of the current regime's norms and institutions than were ordinary people. Along with the above- mentioned finding, this result can be understood to mean that, although the two sets of political actors felt similar effects of specific government policies on their personal lives, cadres still had a higher degree of emo- tional and ideological attachment for the current Communist regime. It appears that the constant campaigns by the CCP central leadership to pro- mote its ideologies had made a difference among the local cadres (see Jiang 1998). As for the questions regarding political efficacy, we found that elites and masses were not significantly different (at the .05 level) in their sense of the individual influence on public affairs, although the masses scored slightly higher than the elites. This result may prove that the two compet- ing views, mentioned above, were both correct: on the one hand, urban cadres felt powerless when facing the formidable party hierarchy; on the other, they felt a bit more powerful when dealing with ordinary people under their direct control (Shi 1997). Yet, a mix of these two mentalities together produced a certain level of efficacy among the local cadres, which converged to some extent with the level of efficacy among the masses. In terms of the cluster of items dealing with reform assessment, we found that urban cadres registered a significantly (at the .001 level) more positive evaluation of post-Mao reforms as a whole than did the ordinary people. This result seems to confirm our earlier expectation. And it may further imply that given the current direction and speed of reform, local cadres will continue to be the stronger supporters of the reform programs initiated by the central authority. Finally, we found that local elites were significantly (at the .001 level) less supportive of some major democratic principles than were ordinary people. This finding apparently confirms one of the competing arguments mentioned above, that CCP cadres are less democratically oriented be- cause of the authoritarian influence from the party's organizational system and its ideological propaganda. In sum, our findings portray a mixed picture of congruence between mass and elite subjective orientations toward five major clusters of socio- political issues. Apparently, both groups shared very similar views on government policy performance and the role of the individual in public affairs and politics. Yet, there were some controversies, or at least uneasi- Mass and Elite Orientations in China 205 ness, between the two groups over the issues of regime legitimacy, reform assessment, and potential democratization. Can the political elites resolve these controversies by convincing a majority of ordinary people that the current political system is worth as much support as the elites believe? And can the elites persuade the masses that reform is equally beneficial to all, and that democratization should be at least delayed? These ques- tions, as we discussed above, can be better answered by comparing the levels of attitudinal constraint among the elites and masses. Levels of Attitude Constraint among Elites and Masses So far there have been no empirical studies comparing,the levels of atti- tude constraint, or consistency, among political elites and the masses in contemporary China. But there have been such studies in some well- established democratic systems and in post-Soviet societies, although, as some analysts point out (Jennings 1992; Miller, Hesli, and Reisinger 1995), the number of these studies is still very small. Our expectations about attitude constraint among these two sets of political actors, there- fore, are mainly derived from those studies in other systems. There seem to be at least three major areas of consensus in these studies. First, they have all found that the level of attitude constraint among elites, measured by average interitem correlations, is distinctly higher than that among the masses as a whole. Some analysts of these studies (Converse and Pierce 1986; Granberg and Holmberg 1988; Jennings 1992) argue that the higher level of attitude consistency among elites results from their constant contemplation and articulation of public policies and social goals, whereas the lower level of constraint among ordinary people as a whole is attributable to their lack of opportunities (relative to the elites) to engage in such activities. Second, most of these studies agree that within the mass public, attitudes and beliefs should be more consistent among the citizens who are most actively involved in politics and public affairs than among those who are not. This is because a higher frequency of involvement in politics or public affairs (instead of formal party or government positions) provides this segment of the public with more opportunities to be familiar with and articulate sociopolitical issues, which helps foster more consis- tent attitudes. And, finally, they have suggested that the levels of attitude constraint on more salient and personally relevant issues (such as regime legitimacy and specific public policies related to people's daily lives) tend to be higher than those on abstract and complex issues (such as foreign policy and democratic principles) (e.g., see Jennings 1992; Miller, Hesli, and Reisinger 1995). To test these three hypotheses, following the steps of the previous stud- 206 jie Chen ies (e.g., Granberg and Holmberg 1988; Jennings 1992; Miller, Hesli, and Reisinger 1995), we computed the average interitem correlation for each of the five major clusters for the total elites, the total masses, and the most active citizens.11 The results are presented in figure 2. In general, the empirical evidence presented in figure 2 confirms only some of our expectations, while contradicting others. First, in terms of the difference between the levels of constraint among the elite and the masses as a whole, only for the instrumental support and affective support clusters was it true that the level of attitude consistency among elites was distinctly higher than that of the general public. For the other three sub- stantive clusters, the levels of attitude consistency among the two groups were almost the same (only .01 or .02 difference for each cluster). In other words, relative to the masses, the level of elite attitude constraint was considerably lower than expected. These findings bring both good and bad news to the ruling elite. The good news is that since both groups share the same (or very similar) levels of attitude constraint regarding the role of the individual, reform assess- ment, and democratic principles, the elites should have little difficulty in convincing ordinary people that central-leadership guidance is more important than individual initiatives, that reform is or will be good for everyone, and that democratization-especially by the Western stan- dards-should be delayed at least for the present. But the bad news is that, because elites and ordinary people construct their values about regime legitimacy quite differently, elites will have a hard time persuading the public that the current authoritarian regime merits strong support. In addi- tion, although both elites and ordinary people now equally support major government policies (as fig. 1 indicated), the local elites may have a seri- ous problem justifying major government policies if policy performance declines (e.g., a higher inflation rate, a higher unemployment rate, or a climbing crime rate). This is because there is a distinct gap between the way elites and ordinary people organize their evaluations of government policy performance (see fig. 2). Second, the empirical evidence confirms the anticipated gap between the levels of attitude constraint among the most active citizens and among the rest of the public on all five substantive issue areas, although the gap was quite narrow for the clusters of political efficacy, reform assessment, and democratic principles. On the same three issue clusters, surprisingly, 11. We also computed and compared the average interitem correlations for each of the five attitude clusters for juji and chuji cadres in one group and keji cadres in another. The results (not presented in this article) did not show any remarkable distinction between the two groups in the levels of attitude consistency for any one of the five attitudinal clusters: the minuscule differences of the average interitem correlations between the two groups for the five clusters ranged from .0012 to .0028. Again, these results apparently suggested that keji cadres did belong to the same category of the "elites" defined in this study. 42, 0 m co E > (1) 0 C) 0 E m oo 't cu o cn m Cy) CY) 0 < 0 I--, C L) M 04 M 04 CO m C.) 64 75 Ea 6 6 6 Q- ui 0 C14 CIS 0 ct 0 cn LO 4.J -i-J 1.0 C:) C5 < Co Lt (U L) 4- 0 cu 0 co cT E CL co 2 C 0 L) > U LO cn N E C r CZ cn Q u CU uolj,ej3jjo3j3juj Ur3w cn CL 4-o C'O 0 0 0 E 0 F- > > -41 > C40 > > ct 208 Jie Chen the most active citizens had even higher (if not much higher) levels of attitude constraint than did the elites. This is, we believe, because the level of elite attitude constraint was far too low, which will be explained below. If the active citizens presumably play an "interstitial role" be- tween the elites and the mass public in communication, as Jennings sug- gests (1992, p. 421), then they might do so in two major issue areas instrumental support and affective support-since they scored between the general public and the elite in these two areas. Third, as we expected, the evidence confirms that, on all sociopolitical issues, both masses and elites tended to have more consistent views on the issues that were most relevant to their personal lives (i.e., government policy performance) and most salient to the society (i.e., regime legiti- macy). This finding further confirms the popular observations that, since the reform, people of all ranks in China have increasingly become in- volved in various activities to improve their personal lives, and thus are attentive to public policies affecting their pocketbooks and their jobs (e.g., Kristof and Wudunn 1994). Our findings also echo results from recent empirical studies in China indicating that many urban residents, especially in such a large city as Beijing, were frequently involved in discussions on government leadership in private or sometimes even in public (e.g., Chen 1997). Both masses and elites, however, had relatively low levels of attitude constraint on democratic values, overall assessment of reform, and political efficacy. This may suggest that these three issues were not as important or relevant as the issues of government policy performance and regime legitimacy among both the general public and the elites. Finally, as we expected, the level of attitude constraint among the local cadres was higher than (though quite close to) that among the most active citizens on instrumental support and affective support. However, the elites were less consistent than the most active citizens in thinking about issues concerning reform assessment, while the thinking of both groups was sim- ilarly consistent about the items regarding political efficacy and demo- cratic principles.12 This finding suggests that the level of attitude constraint among cadres was too low even to catch up with that among the most active citizens for at least one issue area. In order to grasp the above-mentioned findings in a larger context, we compare our findings in a summary manner with those from other studies. Table 2 presents the levels of attitude consistency (the averaged interitem correlations) across all 24 items for the elites, the total mass public, and the most active citizens in Beijing, on the one hand, and comparable fig- ures from studies of Western and post-Soviet societies, on the other. 12. Similarly, Miller, Hesli, and Reisinger (1995, pp. 20-21) also found low levels of attitude constraint among both masses and elites for the questions regarding democratic principles in post-Soviet societies. Mass and Elite Orientations in China 209 Table 2. Comparison of the Levels of Attitude Constraint (Average Interitem Correlations) among the Elite, the Mass, and the Most Active Citizens Most Total Total Active Place Elite Mass Citizen Beijing, China (1997) .37 .28 .33 Russia (Miller et al. 1995, p. 21) .39 .26 .34 Ukraine (Miller et al. 1995, p. 21) .38 .24 .35 United States: Converse (1964, p. 229) .53 .23 .29 Jennings (1992, p. 426) .46 .12 .22 France (Converse and Peirce 1986, p. 240) .61 .27 .33 Sweden (Granberg and Holmberg 1988, p. 73) .72 .27 .49 NOTE.-The figures for all other countries were also presented in the study by Miller, Helsi, and Reisinger (1995, p. 21). In general, the levels of aggregated attitude constraint among the three groups in Beijing are much more similar to those in the two post-Soviet societies (Russia and Ukraine) than to those in the Western societies (see table 2). As with the figures for the post-Soviet societies, our findings are similar to the studies in the Western societies only in terms of a distinct difference between the total mass public and elite, but do not show a significant distinction between the elite and the most active citizens. It is also worth noting that the difference between the consistency levels for the total mass public and the most active citizens, and the absolute con- straint levels for these two groups in our sample, are quite comparable to most of the data from the previous studies presented in table 2. In other words, the general mass public and the most active citizens in Beijing were just as consistent as their counterparts in the other countries in their attitudes toward major sociopolitical issues."3 All these findings echo the observations in post-Soviet societies (Miller, Hesli, and Reisinger 1995, pp. 19-22) that the level of attitude constraint among elites was too low to distinguish itself, in a significant way, from that among the most active citizens. The question as to why the level of elite attitude consistency was so low will be addressed in the next section. 13. Actually, the Beijing public scored highest in the group. This was probably due to its unique location, the capital city. 210 Jie Chen A Possible Explanation for Relatively Inconsistent Attitudes among the Elites In studies of Western and post-Soviet societies, one major difference stands out. The findings from the West clearly indicate, as mentioned above, that the level of attitude constraint among elites is remarkably higher, not only than that among the masses as a whole, but also than that among the most politically active ordinary citizens (e.g., Converse and Pierce 1986; Granberg and Holmberg 1988; Jennings 1992). How- ever, findings from the study of post-Soviet societies (i.e., Russia and Ukraine) demonstrate that the levels of constraint both among the elites and among the most active citizens were very similar (Miller, Hesli, and Reisinger 1995). The reason for the similarity between the mass and elite levels of attitude constraint is that "the level of elite constraint appears unexpectedly low" and not that "attitude consistency among the most active [citizens] is exceptionally high" (Miller, Hesli, and Reisinger 1995, p. 20). Moreover, a study of post-Soviet societies has suggested that the low level of elite attitude constraint is due mainly to the absence of cohesive institutions (e.g., strong political parties) that could promote consistent attitudes among political elites (Miller, Hesli, and Reisinger 1995, p. 23). The local cadres in our sample were definitely quite different from post- Soviet elites in terms of their political and ideological preferences. None- theless, just like the post-Soviet elites portrayed in the study by Miller, Hesli, and Reisinger (1995), Chinese local cadres may have similarly lacked the institutional arrangements that normally help foster consistency of their positions on major political issues. According to some analysts (e.g., Chen and Deng 1995, chap. 3; Chi 1991; Lieberthal 1995, chap. 7; Pei 1998), the party organizations at local levels have experienced "orga- nizational erosion" (Chen and Gong 1997, p. 148) since the post-Mao reforms. One of the most noticeable symptoms of this erosion is that fewer and fewer CCP members, including cadres, bother to attend routine party meetings that are considered the most important part of the so-called party "organizational life" (e.g., Chi 1991; Lieberthal 1995, chap. 7). The offi- cially prescribed purposes of these meetings are "creating consensus (tongyi sixiang) among party members [including party cadres], reaching decisions for the implementation of instructions from above," and deep- ening understanding of the party line and political situations (Chen and Deng 1995, p. 56). All these functions of routine party meetings should presumably help party members and cadres cultivate rather consistent be- liefs and values about politics and public affairs. Because the cadres have attended the meetings much less frequently since the reform, the level of attitude consistency among them, just like the post-Soviet elites, was not remarkably different from that among the most active citizens. In other Mass and Elite Orientations in China 211 Table 3. Attitudinal Constraint among Political Elites by Party Meeting Attendance Party Instrumental Affective Political Reform Democratic 24 Items Meeting Support Support Efficacy Assessment Value Combined Attendance .51 .48 .29 .45 .19 .48 Absence .26 .32 .18 .30 .33 .27 SOURCE.-The 1997 Beijing Survey. NOTE.-The entries are average interitem correlations. In our sample, 62 percent of the CCP cadres reported their attendance at the party meetings, while 37 percent of them registered their absence from the meetings and about 1 percent did not remember their attendance or absence. words, at least one of major reasons for the relatively low attitude con- straint among local elites in our sample is thought to be their low atten- dance at routine party meetings. Therefore, we expect that the absence from routine party meetings (as the major part of the party "organizational life") during a certain period of time is negatively associated with the level of cadres' attitudinal consistency. To test this expectation, we compare the levels of attitude constraint among party elites who attended with those who were absent from routine party meeting(s) during the latest 3-month period before the survey. The results are presented in table 3. Overall (with only one exception), the results of the comparison con- firm that absence from routine party meetings did have a significantly (at the .05 level) negative impact on levels of attitude constraint. Specifi- cally, the elite respondents who had not attended routine party meetings within the past 3 months showed significantly lower levels of attitude constraint on four of the five substantive issue clusters and the 24 items combined than did those who had attended. The only exception to this overwhelming trend was that those who attended party meetings exhibited a lower level of attitude consistency on the questions concerning demo- cratic principles. A possible explanation for this exception is that the con- cept of "socialist democracy" that has been promoted but never clearly defined by the CCP central leadership has so far caused noticeable confu- sion among the cadres. As Shi notes it, the term "socialist democracy" is so elusive that people can have quite contrary interpretations of it (1997, p. 37). Thus, attending party meetings may not help those cadres foster any consistent views on "democratic principles (or values)"; on the con- trary, party meetings could have made the cadres more confused about these principles because the message from the central party leadership on this subject was confusing. 212 Jie Chen In most cases, however, the results presented in table 3 have confirmed our proposed explanation that the relatively low level of attitude constraint among local political elites is caused, at least in part, by the relaxation of the party "organizational life" that normally promotes consistent views among the party cadres. Due to the rapid growth of the private economy and the dramatic restructuring of state-owned enterprises, the party's grassroots organizations will inevitably further deteriorate and become more irrelevant socially and politically (Chen and Gong 1997; Pei 1994, chap. 3). As the result of further organizational decay, the level of attitude consistency among the cadres could become even lower in the near future. Conclusion By examining a set of subjective-orientation items responded to by elites and masses sampled from one locale, we have been able to shed some light on both attitude congruence and belief constraint among the two sets of political actors in an urban setting of the People's Republic of China. Since the findings presented above are based on a local survey, we do not intend to generalize these findings to the rest of the country. Nonethe- less, we do believe that the findings from this study and their implications are theoretically and empirically heuristic for understanding how the masses and the elites may interconnect and interact on some important sociopolitical issues in this rapidly changing country, especially in its ur- ban areas. Table 4 highlights the major findings and their tentative but important implications. First of all, in terms of attitude congruence, we have found that, al- though the elites and masses were currently in harmony when talking about government policy performance and the role of the individual in public affairs, they did have significantly different views on regime legiti- macy, the overall impact of reform on society, and democratic principles. These results apparently suggest that there were still ongoing conflicts between the elites and ordinary people over these three issue areas (i.e., regime legitimacy, democratization, and reform assessment). Second, based on our investigation of attitude constraint, we have found that elites and masses constructed their views on the issues concerning government policy performance and regime legitimacy quite differently, while they organized their positions on the issues regarding the role of the individual, the impact of reform, and democratic values quite similarly. According to the theory of attitude constraint developed in previous stud- ies (e.g., Jennings 1992; Miller, Hesli, and Reisinger 1995), these findings could have at least two important implications. One is that the two sets of political actors will be able to resolve their existing or potential conflicts over the issues of individual role, overall reform assessment, and democ- 0 o X ON~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~O r-4 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ . rzo 0 - 2CC1 4-4 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ O O o) X)a $-4 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~; C~~~~~~~~ a g 0 =~ ~~ S 4 A C o~~~~ *= 0 , i ~~~~~ ea ? > = z ? e: D E F ~~ ~~ SQ XQ E 214 Jie Chen ratization since the structures of their attitudes toward these issues are quite similar. The other implication, however, is that the two groups might have serious difficulties in trying to resolve their existing or potential con- troversies over government policy performance and the CCP's right to rule because of the significant difference between the internal organiza- tions of their views on these two issues. Finally, the above-mentioned findings and implications also indicate both the weakness and strength of CCP rule in post-Deng China. On the one hand, the lack of consensus with the masses on the issue of regime legitimacy and the lack of ability to reach such a consensus (due to differ- ent constraint levels) constitute the weakest point of CCP governance. On the other hand, the existence of agreement with the masses on the issue of the individual's role in politics and the absence of communication barri- ers (due to the similar constraint levels) in this issue area represent the strength of CCP rule. If sociopolitical stability refers to social harmony under the CCP one-party rule, as the top party leadership defined it (see Jiang 1998), the most challenging, if not impossible, task for the ruling party and its cadres is to reach a general agreement with the masses on the legitimacy of such one-party rule. And the most valuable asset the CCP has for buttressing its authoritarian rule is the consensus between the elites and the masses that the individual should not play a very impor- tant role in public affairs and should obey authority. In short, the most consensual part of the interaction or "dialogue" between the elites and the masses in urban China is more likely to be based on their common understanding of the importance of central authority instead of their af- fective support for, or "emotional attachment" to, the current official ide- ology and political system. In conclusion, we emphasize the need for more extensive and inclusive studies comparing the beliefs and values of the masses and the elites at various levels and in different settings in this rapidly changing society. As China enters the next millennium, with its more modernized economy and society, the political attitudes and the structures of such attitudes among the two sets of political actors will almost certainly experience more dramatic changes, and such changes will eventually affect the future of this dynamic country. Appendix A Survey and Sample This analysis is based on a public opinion 1997 in cooperation with the Public Opir Mass and Elite Orientations in China 215 ple's University of China. Our sample site has two salient features. First, as the capital of the country, Beijing is viewed as the political center in contemporary China. Significant political events-such as the Cultural Revolution and the 1989 Democracy Movement-started in Beijing. Second, Beijing is the cultural center of China and has the most developed educational system in the country. As a result, Beijing residents tend to be better informed about political events and issues than do people elsewhere, especially those in remote and rural areas. The data for this study were obtained from a representative sample of 720 adults (including both ordinary people and local political elites) in the Beijing region. This probability sample was derived from a multistage sampling process. Eight urban districts (qu), including six regular-size districts and two large-size districts, were randomly chosen at the first stage of sampling. From each of the six regular-size districts, four residential neighborhoods (juweihui) were randomly chosen; from each of the two large-size districts, six residential neighborhoods were randomly chosen at the second stage of sampling. This process yielded 36 residential neighborhoods. Then 20 households were randomly chosen from each of the 36 residential neighborhoods at the third stage, producing a total of 720 households. At the final stage, one individual was chosen randomly from each of the 720 households as the interviewee. Of the 720 questionnaires delivered (by our field interviewers), 700 were brought back. Of these returned question- naires, we excluded six from our data set because they did not contain information about respondents' sociopolitical status (e.g., cadre vs. noncadre and/or party vs. nonparty member). Thus, the adjusted response rate of the survey was 96 percent (694), which was very high by Western standards, but quite similar to the response rates from other surveys conducted in China (see Chen and Zhong 1998; Nathan and Shi 1993). Among our respondents, 68 were local CCP cadres (ganbu), repre- senting all three major administrative ranks at the local level-16 at the bureau level, 24 at the department level, and 28 at the section level. They were from the municipal or district governmental agencies/organizations."4 The underlying demographic characteristics of the sample approximated those of the 1996 government census and an earlier survey conducted in Beijing. About equal numbers of men (51.4 percent) and women (48.6 percent) appeared in the sample. Similarly, the 1996 government census showed that males accounted for 50.7 percent of the population in Beijing (see Beijing Municipal Statistical Bureau 1997). The respondents in our sample represented all age groups, ranging from 18 to 76 years of age (with an average age of 42): 18-25, 11.3 percent; 26-35, 22.1 percent; 36-45, 24.7 percent; 46-55, 16.3 percent; 56-65, 18.4 percent; and 65 and over, 7.2 percent. The statistics of the 1996 census showed the age distributions of the Beijing population as follows: 18-25, 14.1 percent; 26-35, 25.6 percent; 36-45, 21.9 percent; 46-55, 13.2 percent; 56-65, 15.7 percent; and 65 and over 9.5 percent (see Beijing Municipal Statistical Bureau 1997). The average difference between our sample and the census in all age groups was 2.9 percent. The education levels of the respondents ranged from elementary educa- tion (13 percent), middle school education (24 percent), high school education (48 percent), to college degree (15 percent). Although there were no comparable 14. For the election, appointment, and removal of these cadres, see note 5. 216 Jie Chen statistics available in the 1996 census (or any government censuses in the past several years),15 the education levels in this sample approximated those in an earlier representative survey conducted in Beijing in 1995 (elementary education, 12 percent; middle and high school education, 76 percent; and college degree, 12 percent) (see Chen and Zhong 1998). Overall, this sample yielded a sampling error of less than 4 percent. Care was taken to minimize linguistic misinterpretations and respondent ef- fects. The original wording of our questionnaire (which was first designed in the United States) was reviewed by the PORI to fit the Chinese social and cultural context and to provide for seamless translation from English to Chinese. College students of journalism and sociology were employed as field interviewers; they were trained by project members in field interviewing techniques before the actual survey was carried out. Respondents were offered confidentiality and encouraged to provide answers that best captured their true feelings. In general, circumstantial evidence suggests that Chinese respondents feel much freer to express their views in such a public opinion survey as ours than is typically assumed in the West. This is in part because, since the reform, the Chinese government has not effec- tively censored or regulated public opinion research due to weakened party con- trol at the grassroots level and the lack of any consistent official rules governing survey research.16 Appendix B The Five Clusters of the 24 Items Revealed by the Factor Analysis INSTRUMENTAL SUPPORT CLUSTER Q12: Please rate government policy performance in the following areas, using a scale of 1-5 (1 = very poor; 2 = poor; 3 = good; 4 = very good; 5 = excellent). Q12.C. Narrowing the gap between rich and poor; Q12.I. Combating pollution; Q12.H. Providing adequate welfare to the needy; Q12.K. Eliminating corruption; Q12.B. Providing job security; Q12.D. Improving housing conditions; Q12.F. Providing adequate medical care for all; Q12.E. Maintaining social order. 15. The statistics (close but not comparable to our measures of education level) we could find from all the recent government censuses were only the figures of "graduates by level and type of school" and "student enrollment in institutions of higher education" in each year (see, e.g., Beijing Municipal Statistical Bureau 1997, 1998; State Statistical Bureau 1995). 16. For example, even some journalists from Taiwan were surprised by the fact that when interviewed by the media, average Chinese people could express opinions that contradicted official propaganda. See "Many Don't Want to See a Fight between Mainland and Tai- wan" (1996, p. A3). Mass and Elite Orientations in China 217 AFFECTIVE SUPPORT CLUSTER Do you agree with the following statements? (1 = strongly disagree; 2 = dis- agree; 3 = agree; 4 = strongly agree). Q20.G. I respect our governmental organs. Q20.H. In our country citizens' basic rights ate well protected. Q20.E. I am proud to live in socialist China. Q20.F. 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