Immigrant Mexican women use The Catholic Church as a type of informal support, study finds. Findings have implications for clergy, social workers working with Mexican families. The Catholic Church represents a safe haven and a place of refuge for many IMW and their families.
Immigrant Mexican women use The Catholic Church as a type of informal support, study finds. Findings have implications for clergy, social workers working with Mexican families. The Catholic Church represents a safe haven and a place of refuge for many IMW and their families.
Immigrant Mexican women use The Catholic Church as a type of informal support, study finds. Findings have implications for clergy, social workers working with Mexican families. The Catholic Church represents a safe haven and a place of refuge for many IMW and their families.
Mexican Women Living with Domestic Violence Catherine L. Marrs Fuchsel
In 2007, a qualitative exploratory study of nine in-depth interviews was conducted, using the original method of Grounded Theory to (a) examine the meaning of marriage and domestic violence among immigrant Mexican women residing in a large metropolitan southwestern city and (b) develop a domestic violence prevention model from ndings. One of the categories that emerged in the process of developing a theoretical model was reach- ing out for help and womens experiences with types of support systems. Immigrant Mexican women use the Catholic Church as a type of informal support. The ndings have implications for clergy (i.e., religious priests, deacons), as well as pastoral staff (i.e., persons working in parishes other than clergy), members regarding how they respond to incidences of domestic violence, particularly among immigrant Mexican women. In addition, social workers working with Mexican families may have a better understanding of how this support system offers services. D OMESTIC VIOLENCE IN THE UNITED STATES CONTINUES TO BE A prevalent problem for many women (Parmley, 2004). An un- derstudied and underrepresented group, immigrant Mexican women (IMW) experience domestic violence in our communities, yet little is known about their experiences and the types of support systems they use vary. A support system is dened as aid that helps someone cope with, manage, or handle a problem (Baker, Cook, & Norris 2003). Examples of formal support systems are social service agencies, shelters, police, and courts, whereas informal support networks include, but are Social Work & Christianity, Vol. 39, No. 1 (2012), 6687 Journal of the North American Association of Christians in Social Work 67 not limited to, family, friends, and clergy members. The Catholic Church represents a safe haven and a place of refuge for many IMW and their families. In their pastoral letter titled Strangers No Longer: Together on the Journey of Hope, the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops (2003) acknowledged the presence of immigrants and their challenges. Migrants and immigrants are in our parishes and in our communities. In both our countries, we see much injustice and violence against them and much suffer- ing and despair among them because civil and church structures are still inadequate to accommodate their basic needs. (p. 2) Understanding immigrants experience with the Catholic Church as a type of informal support is relevant and timely because immigrants reach out to the Church for assistance with problems related to immigra- tion as well as domestic violence incidences. For IMW living in the U.S., turning to formal support systems is difcult due to problems related to legal status, fear of deportation, and the inability to speak English (Ellison, Trinitapoli, Anderson, & Johnson, 2007; Murdaugh, Hunt, Sowell, & Santana, 2004). In addition, the majority of IMW in the U. S. only live with their husband and children; extended family members reside in Mexico. These women may have no friends or relatives with whom to discuss the abuse they are enduring (Marrs, Murphy, & Du- fresne, 2011), perhaps because they feel ashamed or afraid. Therefore, women reach out to clergy and pastoral staff of the Catholic Church to discuss and help cope with these issues. A deeper understanding of the types of informal support systems used by IMW will likely benet social workers who are assisting victims in social services agencies. Purpose of Study This study examined (a) the meaning of marriage and domestic violence among immigrant Mexican women and (b) one aspect of a pro- posed Domestic Violence Prevention Model (DVPM; see Table 1; Marrs et al., 2011) developed from ndings using grounded theory methodology (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). Grounded theory has its roots in quantitative analysis that examines hypothesis, theories, or theoretical models that are derived from ndings of studies. The resulting theoretical models are tested in future studies to examine the validity of the proposed idea SUPPORT FOR IMMIGRANT MEXICAN WOMEN LIVING WITH DOMESTIC VIOLENCE SOCIAL WORK & CHRISTIANITY 68 or theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). Within the last 30 years, grounded theory has evolved to include qualitative analysis of ndings (e.g., the examination of themes or categories that are found throughout the data; Glaser, 2001). One aim of the study was to examine the applicability of a specic facet of the DVPM that was derived from the ndings. This facet includes a set of hypotheses that examines IMWs understanding of marriage and domestic violence within the teachings of the Catholic Church (see Table 1: Part B) and how an increased understanding of this dimension may prevent IMW from entering into romantic relationships that may be domestic violence-related. This specic facet of the proposed DVPM is in the early stages of theory development and should be tested in future studies. By examining IMWs social support in the context of domestic violence, the researcher sought to ll a void in the literature by adding a domestic violence prevention perspective on ways to reduce incidences of domestic violence among this group of understudied women. In this paper, the researcher used grounded theory to examine (a) the theme reaching out for help and womens experiences with types of informal sup- port systems (i.e., the Catholic Church) and (b) IMWs understanding of the Catholic Churchs positions on marriage and domestic violence. Prevention strategies are addressed, including how the Catholic Church can take steps toward integrating prevention of domestic violence in faith formation programs that serve the community. Table 1: Outline of Proposed Domestic Violence Prevention Model (DVPM)* I. Domestic violence prevention model for domestic violence. /. women's increased understanding o relationships and themselves. 1. Reasons women nd a partner, enter a relationship. 2. women's sense o sel. B. Catholic Christian women's increased understanding o Catholic Church. 1. ncreased understanding about Catholic marriage. 2. ncreased understanding o reasons to nd a partner. 3. ncreased understanding o Catholic Church stance on abuse. . Domestic violence prevention or immigrant Mexican women. /. Dating patterns among Mexican women. B. The concept of familism, machismo, and marianismo. C. Parents' instruction and description to daughters o what it means to have a amily. *(Marrs, 2007) 69 SUPPORT FOR IMMIGRANT MEXICAN WOMEN LIVING WITH DOMESTIC VIOLENCE Literature Review Domestic Violence Domestic violence incidences may include physical abuse, verbal and psychological damage, sexual assaults, isolation from loved ones (i.e., family and friends), and control and manipulation by the abuser in current or previous relationships (Bent-Goodley & Fowler, 2006). It is estimated that nearly two million women experience a domestic violence incident per year in the U.S. (Myers & Jacobo, 2005; Rennison, 2003). Women living in domestic violence situations lack resources and types of support systems, such as reaching out to friends and family, due to the isolation they experience from their abuser (Murdaugh et al., 2004). Immigrant Mexican Women The Hispanic community, including legally immigrated and un- documented individuals, is the largest growing minority group in the U.S. (U.S. Census Bureau, 2006). In 2006, an estimated 43 million Hispanics were currently living in the U. S., of whom 28 million iden- tied as Mexican. Among Mexicans in the U.S., 61% identied as U. S. native-born individuals, whereas 39% identied as foreign-born (U. S. Census Bureau, 2006). Statistical data on rates of domestic violence among IMW is limited because of underreporting to law enforcement agencies and the need for more rened categories in obtaining statistical data on the prevalence of domestic violence among types of groups that fall under the umbrella of Hispanic (Edelson, Hokoda, & Ramos-Lira, 2007; Frias & Angel, 2005; Hancock, 2007). The National Violence Against Women Survey reported Hispanics experience 23% of domestic violence incidences in their lifetime (Klevens, 2007) and for Hispanic women living in rural parts of the U. S., 20% experience incidences of domestic violence (Klevens, 2007). For this paper, immigrant Mexican women include women who were born in Mexico, who self-identify as Hispanic, and who identify themselves as foreign born (i.e., immigrant or undocumented). Poverty, low education, poor English prociency, a failure to understand mainstream U. S. cultural norms, and undocumented im- migration status are all barriers to the help-seeking behaviors of this population of women (Frias & Angel, 2005; Brabeck & Guzmn, 2009; SOCIAL WORK & CHRISTIANITY 70 Vidales, 2010). In addition, ethnic differences in womens responses to abuse and how they manage incidences of domestic violence vary from Hispanic women to non-Hispanic women (Brabeck & Guzmn, 2008, 2009; Edelsen et. al., 2007; Klevens, 2007). For example, Edelsen et al. (2007) found that Hispanic women who were victims of domestic violence had greater parenting stress due to their childs behaviors and they experienced lower social and personal self-esteem than did non- Hispanic women. Hispanic womens experiences with domestic violence and how family social workers respond in current relationships has been examined (Hancock, 2007; Vidales, 2010). Additional research is necessary regarding responding to incidences of domestic violence within a cultural perspective and how that plays a role in the outcome of how couples manage problems related to domestic violence. A handful of investigations have addressed IMWs experience with the Violence against Womens Act (VAWA), legislation that aids undocu- mented women with incidences of domestic violence. An undocumented woman can le for a U-Visa (i.e., an application for legal status in or- der to reside and work in the U. S.) if she can prove that she was in a good-faith marriage to a legal resident and is experiencing incidences of domestic violence. Unfortunately, this is the only governmental assistance available to undocumented women in a domestic violence situation (Goldman, 1999; Parmley, 2004). Despite this, the number of U-Visa applications led is low because women may be not legally married to U. S. citizens, lack knowledge about VAWA resources, lack transportation, or be afraid of deportation (Goldman, 1999; Parmley, 2004). Because of these limitations in seeking help and receiving types of formal support, IMW are likely to turn to informal support systems, such as the Catholic Church. Types of Informal Support Catholic Church Across literatures, peer-reviewed investigations that specically examine the Catholic Church as a rst responder with incidences re- lated to domestic violence are scarce. More common are dissertations, reports, and editorials that address the Catholic Churchs and clergy members theological training on domestic violence and how clergy members should respond to incidences related to domestic violence (Cunningham, 2005; Gustafson, 2005; Hill, 2007; Strozdas, 2004). 71 However, the Catholic Church has taken a formal stand on domestic violence. In 2002, the U. S. Bishops assembled together to vote on a revised version of their 1992 pastoral letter, titled, When I call for Help: A Pastoral Response to Domestic Violence. The pastoral letter addresses why men batter and hurt their loved ones; why women choose to remain in these relationships; how the Church responds to domestic violence, based on biblical texts and church teachings on the sacrament of mar- riage; and how priests, deacons (i.e., ordained Catholic Church ministers called to serve), and pastoral staff members, as rst responders, can help women and children who self-disclose incidences of domestic violence. Despite these efforts made by the Catholic Church, there is limited information about how the Church addresses incidences of domestic violence specically among IMW. In one study, researchers explored how lay ministers in other Christian Churches can assist immigrant Hispanic families and couples living in rural areas of the U.S. with incidences of domestic violence (Hancock & Ames, 2008). The authors developed an environmentally-based model for domestic violence intervention and prevention for lay ministers and church leaders, which identied three ways to be effective with this group: (a) provide material, social, and educational supports, (b) provide assessments, referrals, and advocacy, and (c) provide counseling and advice (Hancock & Ames, 2008). It is difcult to determine how parishes in the Catholic Church respond to incidences of domestic violence among IMW and whether or not they use the preventative measures mentioned above. Further investigation is needed to assess how parishes implement effective strategies to re- spond to these situations. Other Christian Churches Previous investigations have examined clergy members needs in managing incidences of domestic violence, experience with assisting women who self-disclose incidences of abuse, and preventive measures to end domestic violence in Christian churches (i.e., Anglican, Prot- estant, and other Christian churches; Danielson, Lucas, Malinowski, & Pittman, 2009; Homiak & Singletary, 2007; Petersen, 2009; Wolff, Burleigh, Tripp, & Gadomski, 2001). To provide preventive measures in Christian churches, researchers have addressed the need for Christian churches to (a) train clergy members in their current position, (b) assist clergy members to understand the complexity of domestic violence, (c) coordinate with other community agencies such as social service or SUPPORT FOR IMMIGRANT MEXICAN WOMEN LIVING WITH DOMESTIC VIOLENCE SOCIAL WORK & CHRISTIANITY 72 health care agencies, (d) train clergy members on domestic violence in theological preparation, and (e) provide theological guidelines to ad- dress incidences of domestic violence in the Church (Danielson et al., 2009; Peterson, 2009; Wolff et al., 2001), preventative measures and recommendations similar to the Catholic Churchs. An important nd- ing is how Christian Churches and the Catholic Churchs responses are similar. Collaborative efforts should be made by both religious groups towards a coordinated response to address the needs of IMW. Womens experiences when they reached out for help varied among Christian Churches. Women oftentimes felt clergy members perception and understanding of domestic violence situations led to barriers in re- ceiving assistance (Copel, 2008; Potter, 2007; Pyles, 2007; Wendt, 2008). Because of these barriers, women have often turned to family members as informal sources of support (Bent-Goodley et al., 2006; Fowler & Hill, 2004; Fraser, McNutt, Clark, Williams-Muhammed, & Lee, 2002). More common are investigations of African American womens experiences when they reached out for help to members of churches and how women preferred to speak to friends or family members (Fowler & Hill, 2004; Fraser et al., 2002; Potter, 2007). Despite the fact that efforts have been made to address the intersection between religion and domestic violence, limited information is available with regard to IMW. Methodology Guided by grounded theory, the researcher conducted data collec- tion and analysis for this study. The main principles in grounded theory include: (a) theoretical sensitivity, (b) sorting, (c) theoretical coding, (d) theoretical sampling, and (e) theoretical memoing. The method of constant comparative analysis was used during the process of data analysis, throughout which the researcher coded and sorted emerging categories in the data. Sample and Sampling Procedures Following receiving study approval by the universitys Institu- tional Review Board (IRB), purposeful sampling (i.e., specic criteria the researcher uses to recruit participants) was the primary sampling method used in the study. The participants were nine women (M age = 43 years, SD = 9 years; Age range = 34-60 years) born in Mexico who had 73 SUPPORT FOR IMMIGRANT MEXICAN WOMEN LIVING WITH DOMESTIC VIOLENCE immigrated to a large metropolitan area in the southwestern U. S. The small sample size precludes generalization to other groups of women or women generally, but ndings are likely to contribute in-depth under- standing and meaning of IMWs experiences with reaching out for help. Legal status was not a criterion for inclusion because this might have deterred participation. Women were currently in an intimate partner relationship (i.e., dating, marriage, or cohabiting) and were involved in a domestic violence relationship in the past (e.g., dating during adolescence) or presently. Seven participants were living in Mexico at the time they entered into the relationship with their partner, whereas two of the women met their partners after residing in the U.S. All of the women had grown up attending the Catholic Church, and more than half had completed high school and were undocumented in the U. S. Participants were part of a 10-week, agency-based, closed support group for women. Each week, the women discussed facilitator-chosen topics related to womens issues (e.g., domestic violence, parenting, substance use, nances). Participants were recruited following the sup- port groups session on domestic violence. Interviews (approximately 2.5 hours) took place at the agency in which the support group was located, and participants received $45 for their participation. In this study, an important difference from traditional grounded theory data collection was necessary due to restrictions placed on the study by the IRB. Because the researcher was approved only to conduct interviews at one point in time with each participant for safety and condentiality reasons, theoretical sampling could not be used. Par- ticipants were not to be interviewed a second time, and the researcher could not select which kind of participant to interview next, based on the ndings in the data (i.e., theoretical sampling). For those reasons, the researcher chose instead to use criterion sampling, another form of grounded theory sampling. After each interview and having sorted and coded the data, the researcher was able to expand on the meaning of domestic violence and marriage by asking different questions to dif- ferent participants. By using this method, the researcher was able to discern and articulate theoretical relationships between the categories, a method used in grounded theory to develop theoretical models. A semi-structured interview with specic questions related to domestic violence and the meaning of marriage and relationships was composed to guide the interview. SOCIAL WORK & CHRISTIANITY 74 Data Collection and Analysis The researcher reviewed and analyzed a total of 288 pages of verba- tim transcribed interviews and 100 pages of typed memos and journal entries. A native Spanish speaker from Peru, the researcher conducted all interviews in Spanish, as the participants were native Spanish speakers and were most comfortable interviewing in Spanish. The interviews were audio-taped and transcribed in Spanish by a bilingual research assistant. The researcher began the process of open coding while reading the tran- scribed interviews in Spanish and she noticed that similar categories were emerging that could be theoretically linked to other categories. For that reason, the researcher decided to translate portions of the transcribed interviews into English that were relevant categories to the development of the prevention model. Native speakers from Mexico were recruited to assist with some of the translation of the Mexican words and expressions. The data were sorted using the constant comparative analyses fol- lowed from line-by-line coding (i.e., the process of examining each line of the data to develop categories) and open coding (i.e., the process of examining the data more generally to group categories). From the nine interviews, extensive eld notes, memoing, and a brief examination of the literature, a total of 231 categories emerged from the data. Examples of the categories included experiences with domestic violence, types of domestic violence, childhood trauma, coping strategies, and types of support systems. These categories were sorted into properties (e.g., reasons for marriage, external forces, the meaning of domestic violence, and families reaction to domestic violence) and collapsed into main and subcategories in order to develop relations between the categories. After having analyzed the data and the 231 categories, the researcher made the decision to begin the process of creating properties to develop the theoretical model. Researchers using the method of grounded theory do not use direct quotes from data but instead synthesize the data and interpret the meaning of what participants are saying (Glaser, 2001), of- fering interpretation of meaning and understanding of social problems. Researcher Bias and Methods to Check for Validity Due to the researchers potential for biased viewpoints as a pro- fessional social worker dealing with domestic violence situations, the researcher implemented journaling, peer debrieng, and memoing 75 throughout the study to monitor bias. Using feedback to check for validity, the researcher dialogued with peers, professors, community members, and domestic violence experts and solicited feedback as often as needed from native Spanish speakers from Mexico and from individuals who were also not familiar with domestic violence. In addi- tion, a research assistant compared the categories and codes emerging in the data for reliability. Receiving information from various sources assisted in minimizing threats to validity. Rich data refer to data that are detailed enough to provide a concrete picture of what is going on (Maxwell, 1996). The researcher utilized rich data by transcribing the interviews verbatim, which generated cat- egories or themes rather than by simply taking notes on the transcripts. The researcher maintained an audit trail that consisted of transcribed interviews, dictated documents, memos, eld notes, and a journal to ensure for credibility and validity of the study. Findings Reaching out for help was a theme that emerged in the data. Types of informal and formal support systems were identied and womens experiences with the Catholic Church and other Christian churches were explored. Although some participants discussed that they some- times used formal support systems, such as the criminal justice system and service social agencies, the focus of this study is informal support systems, because IMWincluding the participantsare more likely to use informal systems. Furthermore, a facet of the DVPM will be examined. Part B of the DVPM explores a set of hypotheses derived from the ndings that examines womens understanding of marriage and domestic violence within the teachings of the Catholic Church and how an increased understanding may prevent IMW from entering into romantic relationships that may be domestic violence related. . Reaching Out for Help: Informal Support Systemsthe Family When participants did seek familial support in Mexico and prior to migrating to the U. S., six of the nine women reported that family members, such as mothers, mother-in-laws, fathers, brothers, sisters, and participants own children, were not supportive when they revealed that domestic violence was occurring. One participant reported that her SUPPORT FOR IMMIGRANT MEXICAN WOMEN LIVING WITH DOMESTIC VIOLENCE SOCIAL WORK & CHRISTIANITY 76 mother said she had made the decision to marry and must remain mar- ried. Another participant reported that her father forced her back to the relationship because he was the father of the children, and the children needed two parents in the household. Although some participants did not receive family support, several did. Three of nine participants in the U.S. reported that cousins, brothers-in-law, and sisters listened to and encouraged them to think about the relationships and possibly leave the abusers. One participant described how her mother in Mexico supported, listened, and did not blame or place judgment on her or her situation because she had experienced domestic violence in her own marriage. This participants supportive mother led her to believe that living with domestic violence is not the norm and encouraged her to re-examine her situation. Reception to Disclosure of Domestic Violence: The Catholic Church and Other Christian Churches In addition to reaching out to family and friends as a type of infor- mal support, the participants also reached out to the Catholic Church. All of the women self-identied as Catholic and as having a Catholic upbringing during childhood. Four of the nine women reached out to clergy members in the Catholic Church for help, and two reached out to pastors in other Christian churches. Three of the participants described praying and asked God to help them in their relationships as opposed to reaching out for help to clergy members or pastors. The participants experiences with Catholic and non-Catholic pastoral staff varied from supportive to not supportive, and these are described next. Reception Experiences with the Catholic Church The participants experiences varied within the Catholic Church. One participant described how attending a spiritual retreat helped her learn about forgiveness and obtaining an annulment, the process in the Catholic Church in which a divorced person can ask the Tribunal Court to evaluate the marriage and ask to have their marriage deter- mined invalid. The experience of obtaining an annulment allowed her to begin the process of healing until she eventually felt she could move on. Another participant described that a priest encouraged her to help her husband and instructed that she could not leave the relationship; however, years later, when she spoke to another priest, he recommended 77 that her husband seek professional help from a psychologist. This priest gave her spiritual counsel, stated that the outcome of her marriage was ultimately up to God, and instructed her to pray for her husband. Two of the participants described how clergy members misinter- preted their experiences of domestic violence. For example, one partici- pant reported she felt the deacon did not offer words of encouragement when she visited to discuss marital problems. The deacon instructed the couple not to be angry when they spoke and to remain calm when they engaged in conversation. The participant believed the deacon was confused and misinterpreted her efforts to explain domestic violence incidences that were occurring in the relationship. In another example, a participant initially did not feel supported; however, after a domestic violence incident occurred, she felt comforted by a priest. The participant reached out to her pastor in her local parish to discuss a life-threatening situation with her husband and was disap- pointed when pastoral staff told her she had to make an appointment. In fact, a week later her husband confronted her with a gun during a ght. Fortunately, the participant and her children were not physically hurt by the gun; the police arrived shortly after her son called the authori- ties. After her husbands arrest, the participant was able to speak to the same priest a second time with her son and they both felt supported by his comforting words. The priest helped them see spiritually what had happened: God was there in the moment to save their lives and help them in order to keep living. Reception Experiences with Other Christian churches One of the participants discussed how her pastor was supportive and non-judgmental when she acknowledged the violence in her life. The pastor emphasized that it was wrong to have violence in the rela- tionship and commented on the type of relationship two individuals should experienceone grounded in respect and love, as opposed to a relationship engulfed by violence. The participant felt comforted and supported by his words and believed that she could move on from a very difcult situation. A participant who reached out to a group of women at a Bible study was not supported. Women in the Bible study told her she had to work hard to make her marriage work. The group members advised the participant to avoid talking to her husband when he was angry and not to anger him generally because he would hit her. In addition, the study SUPPORT FOR IMMIGRANT MEXICAN WOMEN LIVING WITH DOMESTIC VIOLENCE SOCIAL WORK & CHRISTIANITY 78 group instructed her that God was not in agreement with someones leaving the relationship. At one point, the confused participant con- cluded that God wanted her to live with violence. Further investigation is needed to determine how IMWs experiences with congregational members of the Christian church may offer assistance or barriers in leaving abusive relationships. A Proposed Domestic Violence Prevention Model The ndings revealed womens experiences when they reached out for help to family members and members of the Catholic Church and other Christian Churches. From the ndings, the researcher developed a set of hypotheses that examine IMWs understanding of the Catholic Churchs position on marriage and domestic violence toward future research with this population. Part B of the proposed DVPM addressed womens understanding of the teachings of the Catholic Church regarding marriage and domestic violence. The ndings indicated a lack of knowledge and understand- ing on the participants part about what marriage can look like within the teachings of the Catholic Church. In addition, the participants seemed not to realize that the Catholic Church does not tolerate acts of domestic violence. If Catholic Christian women were better informed about the teachings of the Catholic Church regarding marriage, and how any act of domestic violence violates what an ideal marriage encompasses, women would be less confused about what it means to marry within the Catholic Church. IMW would likely understand the dynamics of domestic violence and how the Catholic Church does not tolerate acts of domestic violence in marriage. This may lead IMW to make decisions about current relationships that are domestic violence related and it may assist them in their ability to detect early signs of domestic violence in dating relationships. This set of hypothesis must be tested in future studies. In addition, women oftentimes felt clergy members perception and understanding of DV situations led to barriers in receiving assistance. Further examination is needed regarding clergy members perception and understanding of DV and the impact it may have on women receiving assistance. 79 SUPPORT FOR IMMIGRANT MEXICAN WOMEN LIVING WITH DOMESTIC VIOLENCE Discussion Immigrant Mexican Womens Experiences with the Catholic Church In the U. S., one out of four women will experience domestic violence in her lifetime (Myers & Jacobo, 2005), and for Hispanic women, 23% will experience some type of violent incident (Klevens, 2007). The purpose of the study was to examine (a) the theme reaching out for help and womens experiences with types of informal support systems (including the Catholic Church) and (b) IMWs understanding of the Catholic Churchs positions on marriage and domestic violence. The women in this study reached out to the Catholic Church and other Christian churches as a type of informal support. Several partici- pants reported that the Catholic Church provided assistance with their relationships, whereas others reported on how they experienced barriers to getting help. For example, in one case, the deacon interpreted the participants problems as communication problems, and he decided that both partners had to work on their anger. Clergy and pastoral staff at churches must have a better understanding of what communication problems entail versus possible types of domestic violence. In another example, one of the participants described how she was told to make an appointment with a clergy member. The participant was experiencing severe acts of physical violence and reported that her husbands assaults were escalating; her situation became lethal one week later. Catholic clergy and pastoral staff must have a better understanding of lethal situ- ations related to domestic violence. A key point made in the pastoral letter (2002) states the importance of assessing the danger a woman and her children experience and how church members must familiar- ize themselves with reporting requirements of crimes in their states (e.g., in many situations, domestic violence is a crime). Often, women experience embarrassment and shame around reporting incidences of domestic violence, and they do not report the whole story. Perhaps if church members at this particular parish had asked the participant a series of questions pertaining to lethality, her outcome might have been different. The participant might have made the decision to leave a lethal situation and nd shelter elsewhere. SOCIAL WORK & CHRISTIANITY 80 Part B of a Domestic Violence Prevention Model: Prevention Strategies for the Catholic Church Recall from Table 1 that Part B of the DVPM addressed Catholic Christian womens increased understanding of the Catholic Church. To prevent incidences of domestic violence, the researcher proposes to extend Component I: Part B of the DVPM to include an increased understanding of domestic violence among clergy and pastoral staff of the Catholic Church. This increased understanding encompasses two perspectives: (a) what the Catholic Church teaches about the sacrament of marriage, the dignity of women, and the causes of violence (Kreeft, 2001); and (b) how secular groups and researchers describe and un- derstand domestic violence, such as the causes of domestic violence and interventions used which mainly originate from feminist ideology and the family violence perspective (Dobash & Dobash, 1979; Gelles & Straus, 1988). By understanding these perspectives, clergy members and pastoral staff will likely understand the complexities of domestic violence from two worldviewshow women have been inuenced by both the Catholic Church and the secular world and how to provide appropriate interventions within the teachings of the Catholic Church. The U.S. Bishops pastoral letter on domestic violence addresses how to respond to these incidences. Additional prevention strategies may help reduce domestic violence among women generally and IMW specically, including these: 1. Evaluate current strategies that address domestic violence among parishes that serve IMW and their families. 2. Evaluate whether local parishes use the pastoral letter and as- sist parishes in developing a comprehensive plan on domestic violence that can serve as a guide to respond to incidences. 3. Evaluate how domestic violence is addressed in sacramental preparations (the sacrament of Holy Communion, Reconcili- ation, Conrmation, and Marriage; Kreeft, 2001) in the local parishes. It is important to evaluate how the Catholic Church addresses do- mestic violence because of the implications it may have on immigrant Mexican families and social workers. Discussing and evaluating current strategies and whether the pastoral letter is used in local parishes, clergy and pastoral staff will likely raise awareness on domestic violence and begin the steps to develop some type of comprehensive plan to respond 81 to these incidences. In addition, evaluation of how domestic violence is addressed in sacramental preparations may contribute to the dialogue about healthy relationships and dating and how any type of violence in a relationship is not tolerated within the teachings of the Catholic Church. Limitations, Future Research Directions, and Conclusion Strengths and Limitations One of the strengths of this study includes an increased under- standing of womens experiences when they reached out for help with types of informal support systems in cases of domestic violence, how these experiences were helpful with incidences of domestic violence, and how ndings contribute to the social work body of knowledge. Another strength is how the researcher was previously trained on how to educate families on domestic violence and provided direct services to the immigrant Mexican community in a clinical social work practice setting. In addition, the examination of IMWs experiences with do- mestic violence begins to ll a gap in the literature regarding a clearer understanding of risk behaviors among this growing U.S. population. Finally, participants testimonies point to an important social support mechanism for prevention and intervention of domestic violencethe Catholic Church. Despite these strengths, there were several limitations in the study, especially pertaining to researcher bias. The researchers previous knowledge about domestic violence and her role as trainer on domestic violence for Spanish-speaking parishes in a local diocese in a south- western city limit her objectivity. The researcher was familiar with the position of the Catholic Church on marriage and domestic violence and was trained under these assumptions. These assumptions might have limited her ability to understand the perceptions and understanding IMWs experiences when they reached out for help. In addition, the nature of the qualitative study and the small sample size means that ndings cannot be generalized to the larger population, and the proposed theoretical model must be tested in future studies. Although the experiences of these women were likely to be common among groups of domestic violence victims, further evidence is needed regarding the experiences of IMWs with domestic violence and reach- ing out for help. SUPPORT FOR IMMIGRANT MEXICAN WOMEN LIVING WITH DOMESTIC VIOLENCE SOCIAL WORK & CHRISTIANITY 82 A third limitation in this study was the age of participants and how the women grew up in a different social and political environ- ment than younger women. The majority of the participants were older women. Additional research is needed on younger IMWs experiences with domestic violence. Several participants reported on their experi- ences with the Catholic Church in Mexico. Younger IMW who resided in the U.S. might have provided different experiences with clergy and pastoral staff of the Catholic Church in the U.S. because the women would have grown up in a different social and political environment. In addition, the participants in this study might have been inuenced by the Catholic Church on what it means to be married in the Catholic Church in Mexico. It is important to examine these differences because they may shed some light into how priests or pastors understood do- mestic violence and how they responded in two different countries. Implications for Social Work Practice Findings have implications for social workers who want to under- stand the unique experiences of IMW living with domestic violence. Social workers should engage in dialogue and work collaboratively with the Catholic Church on how to provide effective services because IMW use the Church as a type of support. In addition, social workers should advocate on behalf of this group because the Church serves as a rst responder. Working together with the Church, social workers must evaluate and develop a community comprehensive plan of responding to incidences of domestic violence. The Catholic Church is a safe haven with regards to issues related to immigration. The recent passage of S.B. 1070 in the state of Arizona, legislation that will likely increase IMWs fears in turning to the criminal justice system for formal support, may lead these women to increasingly use the Catholic Church as a type of informal support. Findings have implications for clergy and pastoral staff of the Catholic Church regarding how they can better serve IMW and their families in responding to these incidences. Clergy and pastoral staff may begin the process of evaluating current strategies that address incidences of domestic violence. Furthermore, clergy and pastoral staff may use the domestic violence pastoral letter as a resource to address issues related to domestic violence incidences. An important point to address is male support systems in the Catholic Church. Clergy, pastoral staff, 83 and social workers must be mindful that IMW approach male support system members (i.e., clergy members of the Catholic Church) with their domestic violence experiences. The women in this study identied men (i.e., husband or partner) as their abuser. Some IMW may be reluctant to seek support from male gures in general because they identify the male support system with the abuser. However, in this study, several participants reached out to male members of the Catholic Church regardless and found support. The ndings from this study indicated that the intervention efforts of the Catholic Church have value despite gender difference. Therefore, the prevention efforts have value for IMW. Some participants were advised by male pastors and clergy members when they disclosed incidences of domestic violence and they were open to spiritual guidance and sug- gestions to re-evaluate their situation. Prevention efforts can include clergy and pastoral staff partnering with social workers who can provide support groups in local parishes for IMW living with domestic violence. The support groups in the local parishes can address womens experi- ences with abuse and provide an increased understanding of what a healthy relationship encompasses. Several prevention strategies have been identied for members of the Catholic Church. One preventative measure may assist clergy and pastoral staff in the Catholic Church regarding integrating an under- standing of domestic violence in sacramental preparations (i.e., Recon- ciliation, Holy Communion, Conrmation, and Marriage) and regarding the recognition that violence in the sacrament of Holy Matrimony is never tolerated. Furthermore, other types of Christian Churches (i.e., the Protestant and Anglican Churches) may use the proposed theoretical model and prevention strategies to a) examine womens understanding of marriage and domestic violence, and b) respond to incidences of domestic violence by examining current strategies or documents they may have on domestic violence and comparing it with the preventive strategies proposed. Catholic Church clergy members can work toward a collaborative, faith-based-community response to reduce incidences of domestic violence by initiating conferences with other faith-based communities to investigate the topic. Finally, an increased understanding of domestic violence among clergy and pastoral staff of the Catholic Church would benet all types of families within the universal Catholic Church. The ndings in this study may promote dialogue and collaborations between service pro- SUPPORT FOR IMMIGRANT MEXICAN WOMEN LIVING WITH DOMESTIC VIOLENCE SOCIAL WORK & CHRISTIANITY 84 viders, social workers, and the Catholic Church with specic recom- mendations on how to coordinate services for IMW and their families residing in the U.S. and how to develop strategies to prevent domestic violence incidences. REFERENCES Baker, C. K., Cook, S. L., & Norris, F. H. (2003). Domestic violence and housing problems: A contextual analysis of womens help-seeking, re- ceived informal support, and formal system response. Violence Against Women, 9, 754-783. Bent-Goodley, T. B., & Fowler, D. N. (2006). Spiritual and religious abuse: Expanding what is known about domestic violence. Aflia: Journal of Women and Social Work, 21, 282-295. Brabeck, K. M., & Guzman, M. R. (2008). Frequency and perceived effec- tiveness of strategies to survive abuse employed by battered Mexican- origin women. Violence Against Women, 14, 1274-1294. Brabeck, K. M., & Guzman, M. R. (2009). Exploring Mexican-origin inti- mate partner abuse survivors help-seeking within their sociocultural contexts. Violence and Victims, 24, 817-832. Copel, L. C. (2008). The lived experience of women in abusive relation- ships who sought spiritual guidance. Issues in Mental Health Nursing, 29, 115-130. Cunningham, L. T. (2005). The effectiveness of domestic violence workshops for Catholic pastoral ministers and implications for practice. Unpub- lished doctoral dissertation, Adler School of Professional Psychology, Chicago, Illinois. Danielson, T., Lucas, P., Malinowski, R., & Pittman, S. (2009). Set free min- istries: A comprehensive model for domestic violence congregational interventions. Social Work & Christianity, 36, 480-493. Dobash, R. E., & Dobash, R. P. (1979). Violence against wives: A case against the patriarchy. New York: Free Press. Edelson, M. G., Hokoda, A., & Ramos-Lira, L. (2007). Differences in effects of domestic violence between Latina and Non-Latina women. Journal of Family Violence, 22, 1-10. Ellison, C. G., Trinitapoli, J. A., Anderson, K. L., & Johnson, B. R. (2007). Race/ethnicity, religious involvement, and domestic violence. Violence against Women, 13, 1094-1112. Fowler, D. N., & Hill, H. M. (2004). Social support and spirituality as culturally relevant factors in coping among African American women survivors of partner abuse. Violence against Women, 10, 1267-1282. Frias, S. M., & Angel, R. J. (2005). The risk of partner violence among 85 low-income Hispanic subgroups. Journal of Marriage and Family, 67, 552-564. Fraser, I., McNutt, L., Clark, C., Williams-Muhammed, D., & Lee, R. (2002). Social or support choices for help with abusive relationships: Perceptions of African-American women. Journal of Family Violence, 17, 363-375. Gelles, R. J., & Straus, M. A. (1988). Intimate violence. New York: Simon and Schuster. Glaser, B., & Strauss, A. (1967). Discovery of grounded theory. Chicago, IL: Aldine Publishing Company. Glaser, B. (2001). The grounded theory perspective: Conceptualization con- trasted with description. Mill Valley, CA: Sociology Press. Goldman, M. (1999). The violence against women act: Meeting its goals in protecting battered immigrant women? Family and Conciliation Courts Review, 37, 375-392. Gustafson, A. L. (2005). Seminarians response to domestic violence: Sex- role attitudes, just world beliefs, and formal training. Unpublished doctoral dissertation. falseAlliant International University, Los Angeles, California. Hancock, T. (2007). Addressing wife abuse in Mexican immigrant couples: Challenges for family social workers. Journal of Family Social Work, 10, 31-50. Hancock, T. U., Ames, N. (2008). Toward a model for engaging Latino lay ministers in domestic violence intervention. Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Social Services, 89, 623-630. Hill, C. (2007). Responses to domestic violence against women. Origins: CNS (Catholic News Service) Documentary Service, 36, 613-614. Homiak, K. B., & Singletary, J. E. (2007). Family violence in congregations: An exploratory study of clergys needs. Social Work & Christianity, 34, 18-46. Klevens, J. (2007). An overview of intimate partner violence among Latinos. Violence Against Women, 13, 111-122. Kreeft, P. (2001). Catholic Christianity: A complete catechism on Catholic beliefs based on the Catechism of the Catholic Church. San Francisco, CA: Ignatius Press. Marrs, C., (2007). For me that was the most importantThe family: The meaning of marriage and domestic violence among immigrant Mexican women. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Arizona State University, Tempe, Arizona. Marrs Fuchsel, C., Murphy, S. & Dufresne, R. (2011). Immigrant Mexican women and domestic violence: Developing a prevention model. Manuscript submitted for publication. SUPPORT FOR IMMIGRANT MEXICAN WOMEN LIVING WITH DOMESTIC VIOLENCE SOCIAL WORK & CHRISTIANITY 86 Maxwell, J. A. (1996). Qualitative research design: an interactive approach. California: Sage. Murdaugh, C., Hunt, S., Sowell, R., & Santana, I. (2004). Domestic violence in Hispanics in the Southeastern United States: A survey and needs analysis. Journal of Family Violence, 19, 107-115. Myers, R., & Jacobo, J. (2005). Violence against women: VAWAs strengths and weaknesses. Washington, DC: Crime Victims Report. Parmley, A. M. (2004). Violence against women research post VAWA, where have we been, where are we going? Violence against Women, 10, 1417-1430. Petersen, E. (2009). Addressing domestic violence: Challenges experienced by Anglican clergy in the Diocese of Cape Town, South Africa. Social Work & Christianity, 36, 449-469. Potter, H. (2007). Battered Black womens use of religious services and spirituality for assistance in leaving abusive relationships. Violence against Women, 13, 262-284. Pyles, L. (2007). The complexities of the religious response to domestic violence: Implications for faith-based initiatives. Aflia: Journal of Women and Social Work, 22, 281-291. Rennison, C. M. (2003). Intimate partner violence, 1993-2001. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics. Strozdas, L. J. (2004). Moral evil close to home: Responding to domestic violence. New Theology Review, 17, 26-37. United States Census Bureau. (2006). Current population survey: Annual social and economic supplement. (2006). Retrieved January 30, 2011, from http://www.census.gov/population/www/socdemo/hispanic/ reports.html United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB). (2002). When I call for help: A pastoral response to domestic violence against women. Retrieved July 13, 2010, from http://www.usccb.org/laity/help.htm United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB). (2003). Strang- ers no longer: Together on the journey of hope. Retrieved July 13, 2010, from http://www.usccb.org/issues-and-action/human-life-and-dignity/ immigration/strangers-no-longer-together-on-the-journey-of-hope.cfm Vidales, G. T. (2010). Arrested justice: The multifaceted plight of immigrant Latinas who faced domestic violence. Journal of Family Violence, 25, 533-544. Wendt, S. (2008). Christianity and domestic violence: Feminist poststruc- turalist perspectives. Aflia: Journal of Women and Social Work, 23, 144-155. Wolff, D. A., Burleigh, D., Tripp, M., & Gadomski, A. (2001). Training clergy: The role of the faith community in domestic violence preven- tion. Journal of Religion & Abuse, 2, 47-60. 87 Catherine L. Marrs Fuchsel, Ph.D., LICSW, is Assistant Professor, St. Catherine University and the University of St. Thomas School of Social Work, 2004 Randolph Ave. F-15, St. Paul, MN, 55105. Phone: (651) 690- 6146. Email: clmarrsfuchsel@stkate.edu. Key Words: immigrant Mexican women, domestic violence, prevention, Catholic Church, support systems Authors Note: This research was completed as part of a doctoral dissertation submitted to Arizona State University under the direction of Karen Gerdes. The author would like to acknowledge committee members Elizabeth Segal and Sharon Murphy, as well as reader Jodi Swanson, for helpful comments on previous versions of the manuscript. SUPPORT FOR IMMIGRANT MEXICAN WOMEN LIVING WITH DOMESTIC VIOLENCE Copyright of Social Work & Christianity is the property of North American Association of Christians in Social Work and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.