Digest # 13 (1994)

MACEDONIA

A BOX HALF-WAY OPENED

by ISO RUSI & SELADIN XHEZAIRI/ Shkup

A period of four years is a good opportunity to resume the effects of the activities of any
political party. When it regards the Party for Democratic Prosperity (PPD), all what has
happened since the times when new parties emerged and up to today, there is even more
reasons for these analyses. Almost a year and a half before the first elections in Macedonia, in
1989, it was already clear that Macedonia will act accordingly to the pattern applied by
former Socialist states and other parts of the Former Yugoslavia - Slovenia and Croatia-
meaning that the first "new" political parties will, in writing, proclaim the Western-like
liberalism, whilst in reality they would pretend to become national movements (in the ethnic
sense of the word). When it regards Macedonia, this was confirmed in the beginning. The
first swallow of a multi-party environment - the League for Democracy, then with an
expressed civil concept, which did not manage to draw the attention of a large number of
people, drowned in waters of elitism. The first attempt to create a Macedonian HDZ, the
MAAK, didn't fail because it was grounded on the all Macedonian assembly, but because its
ideologists were playing tactics with the then reformed Communists and the public which
was impressed by them. Their hesitating policy rapidly produced VMRO-DPMNE, the party
of surprise in the first multi-party elections in Macedonia. VMRO-DPMNE was then a
strange union of the young nationalist radicalism and the "serious" Macedonian national
concept, before all, under the strong influence of the (again) most popularized Macedonian
dissident, Dragan Bogdanovski. It's said a strange union of radicalism and wise approach,
because the program of this party which was offered by Lupce Georgievski, Vladimir
Golubovski, Boris Zmejkovski and Dragi Arsov, as founders of the new national party, was at
the level of political dilettantism, and was reduced to thirty lines, which in essence only
requested independent and "clean" Macedonia. The influence of Bogdanovski, who had first
appeared with his program of the Democratic Party for Macedonian national unity, for the
youth and the "Green" was such that they immediately started unification, which enabled the
"ones lacking experience" to gain a solid program, whilst the ones "with experience" and tired
after all, the national dissidents, to get more enthusiasm and energy.

Then it was clear to everyone that in the first step towards democracy and introduction to the
flows of Western civilization they reached only organization on ethnical basis, which couldn't
be even fought back by the "left" parties. Other populations in Macedonia had it also clear
that something should be done for their own people. But all of them had previous
experiences and that forced them to be more careful. Let's just remind the readers that the
announcement of the formation of the PPD in Macedonia had caused many reactions not
because of its programs and documents, where the national and Albanian orientation couldn't

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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even implicitly seen, but because of the "in Macedonia".

According to the old schemes of the struggle against Albanian nationalism and irredentism, it
was interpreted, among others, also as an expression of the nonrecognition of Macedonia as
their state, by the founders. On the other hand, it was clear that in times of many parties, let's
put it in this way, some "old debts" had to be settled. People who were persecuted in the
eighties, in the party (the League of Communists of Yugoslavia), when they were afterwards
differentiated in the places they used to work, or simply lost their jobs because they had been
expelled form the then only existing party, had to find a way to articulate their postures. Thus,
the initiative of the political organization of Albanians started in Tetova, and not by chance,
where the mentioned differentiations in education were most expressed. And the core of the
founders was made up of people who had precisely been persecuted in the same way. Since
the beginning, the first political party of the Albanians had gotten full support of the Albanian
population. Albanians, who in times of the old regime had been represented in the
institutional organs by "honest Albanians" based on the famous "key", fully supported the
creation of PPD because they understood it as a victory of the new space of their freedoms.
But this brought problems to the initiators and first leadership. From this distance, we could
ascertain that these people were struggling to be careful towards the government as well as
the requests of the followers, which covered a wider spectre. As the first political force, the
PPD reached to gather them all under one roof. This was evident after the People's
Democratic Party (PDP), with its radical requests, didn't manage to get such support. The case
was the same with other Albanian parties and organizations.

The euphoria which emerged amongst the membership and the leadership was a result of the
feeling that all Albanians in Macedonia had united. That feeling of power, regardless of the
percentage of Albanians in Macedonia then, the fact that this party was a factor that couldn't
be ignored in the political scene of Macedonia, on one hand decided to participate in the new
government (at the beginning by getting inside the Parliament and later with the silent
approval of the ministerial positions for Albanians who at that time didn't belong to any
party), which was proven to be a wise political move, even more, a step which safeguarded
the stability of Macedonia. But, some "children's diseases" appeared. As if the leadership of
the party was not prepared for such a national support. Full football stadiums and national
symbols were more a manifestation of political irrationality of power, which primarily was in
favor of the others. Thus, even though it couldn't be claimed that the PPD and the
VMRO-DPMNE were similar parties of different ethnic groups, with totally unnecessary acts,
the PPD allowed to be damned, first of all in the eyes of the Macedonian public, in the same
was VMRO-DPMNE was.

With the constitution of the Parliament of Macedonia and the initiation of its labors, it was
clear that PPD was a very strong parliamentarian group in quality. But, on the other hand, this
created a tension inside the party. A sort of parallelism was created inside the PPD - the
political leadership saw the parliamentarian group as competition. In the "who is the boss"
game, it very often happened that they were working against their interests- either by the
attempt to apply the party centralization, or by the replacement of people, or politically
unwise acts such was the declaration of the Republic of Illyrida, or, finally, not having it clear
which is the basic strategy of the party. The first party leader and the first leadership were
thus criticized by many, from different positions, from different sides. The other part is
classic. The leadership had become a problem to all. The leadership and their leader
considered themselves to be invulnerable, because they were popular among the masses. The
frictions inside the party from the First Congress of the Party and to the final division proved

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that it was impossible to remove Nevzat Halili (first PPD Chairman) from his post. The
stratification according to different political options in one national movement, before all,
created the conditions for different practical agreements between fractions. In that scheme,
both parties had sufficient arguments to attack the others.

In consequence, a bout a year ago there were very "hot" discussions regarding as sort of
"perestroika" in the leadership of the PPD, but unfortunately the discussions were done
behind closed doors, whilst the appearance of Menduh Thaçi who was seconded in public by
Arbën Xhaferi, as "assistance" from Prishtina, made the crisis end the way it is now, with the
full support of determined circles in Tirana. The LDK has not pronounce itself clearly, apart
from the appeals for reconciliation!

Regardless of this, the President of Albania's Parliament Pjetër Arbnori, in an exclusive

interview for KOHA, which will be soon published, declared that: "Tirana had nothing to do
with this issue, and it had no reason for involvement in issues that regard the Albanians living
in Macedonia, because I think that Albanians living there are a mature people and know how
to solve their own problems. Without mentioning quarrels that happen everywhere in the
world, I would say that the most important thing for Albanians today is that they should fight
for a fair population census to finally determine that Albanians are Albanians and to finally
know which are the pretensions of each side. Secondly, after the quarrels inside the PPD, I
would say that another phase will come: after quarrels there will be meetings, conversations,
agreements, in order for everyone to put aside his own problems to set aside the people that
have stopped their evolution and to accomplish a unity which favors Albanians. And those
who have intentionally made a mistake, they should be told farewell by the others..."

Menduh Thaçi says that the reason why the "Joint Congress" failed was the disrespect of the
vote. Abdurrahman Aliti, the then Chairman of the Preparations Committee of the Congress
claims that "the main issue was which will be the criteria for the functioning of the joint
Board up to the Congress. All of us agreed that the grounds of the agreement would be the
statutory norms. However, the so called Gostivar group didn't not respect this agreement,
regarding the number of delegates, the "key" to the election of the delegates and second, that
the Congress had to include the members of the Central Board of the Party, members of the
parliament, the minister and finally the chairmen of the branches. Tell me, what kind of a
Congress of a party is it if the members of the Central Board are not allowed to participate,
and how is it possible to say that this is a Congress, if people responsible for the creation of
the strategy and politics of the party are not present?", thus excluding any possibility of
having had a "before-hand prepared scenario". "Out of 244 delegates of the Congress, our
Congress was attended by 147", explains Aliti.

In the meantime, from to Tetova Congresses and up to now, as if the PPD was consolidating
its lines. An impression is gotten that dealing with oneself in this phase of transition of colors
of the local reality only proved the typical Albanian wrath and one lecture: pluralism can't be
comprised of only three parties. Therefore, the "box" called PPD, at the beginning so
jealously kept, is now half-open...

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LBANIAN LOBBY IN THE USA

THE ALBANIAN ISSUE IS A MACRO-ISSUE

by LINDITA IMAMI/Washington

According to the definition, a lobby is a group of people which is engaged to influence upon
the American legislature, i.e. the laws, and to try and find ways to influence the legislators in
favor of a certain interest. Following this pattern, the Albanian Lobby in America was
established in 1986, known as the American Albanian Civic League.

According to Joe DioGuardi, Chairman and one of its founders, the Albanian-American Civic
League (AACL) is the only organization registered as the Albanian Lobby in the USA. Even
though DioGuardi doesn't deny the existence of other groups and other means that the
Albanian community applies to influence upon and inform the American circles, he thinks
that their activity is concentrated only in the engagement to act regarding one Congress
representative within his labors among the electors. DioGuardi states that such an activity is
ran only in the electoral zones of the city and state of New York, inhabited by a large number
of Albanians. Going back to the activity of the AACL, he adds: "We are the only official
Albanian Lobby seated in Washington and we are supported by American-Albanians and not
by Albanian governments or political parties. The League is an independent NGO and an
American product of the American Albanians who think that there is an interest to exert
influence on the American Congress regarding the Albanian issue in the Balkans, and to
promote interests which we, here in America, think that are important for the Albanians that
live there. We do not represent the Kosova Albanian government nor that of Albania, but the
American Albanians who want to tell the truth about the Albanians in Kosova, Albania and
Macedonia. Thus, we represent not only the concerns of the American-Albanian community,
but also the international geo-political and cultural interests of the Albanians."

DioGuardi used to represent the New York's 19-th District at the American Congress from
1985 to 1989, in which time he was noticed not only for his ideas regarding the financial
regulation of the Congress budget, for he is an accountant by profession, but also because of
his labors advancing the Albanian issue. "I worked together with my staff until early morning
in order to elaborate the strategies which I would then defend in the Chamber. The experience
in Washington helped me to know Washington better. I am the key person of the League in
Washington. I know the ways to contact Congressmen, how to phone them, when to approach
them. Every Lobby must have a key person well acquainted with Washington. Even though I
own an accountant's diploma, I think I have a Ph.D. on Albanianism, because during my long
experience, I have achieved to know the Albanians very well" - says DioGuardi.

During the first five years since its formation, the AACL has organized visits of some of its
members and American political figures to Kosova, Albania and Macedonia. Joe DioGuardi
is well remembered for his visit to Kosova in 1989 and especially his press conference in
Belgrade in the International Press Center, where he spoke of Kosova. In 1990, AACL
developed a successful activity to organize the first public debate on Kosova in the Congress,
where respected figures of Kosova Albanians spoke about the situation. The same year,
DioGuardi and Congressman Tom Lantos visited Albania, a visit which was evaluated by
many, as an important base of political pluralism in Albania. Still in the same year, the
League organized a massive demonstration of Albanians in front of the Capitol and the White
House and influenced in the approval of the Bill presented by Senator D'Amato regarding the

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sanctions against Serbia, which was later approved by the American Congress.

In 1992, DioGuardi spoke before the Foreign Affairs Commission of the Senate, visited
Albania during the first elections and assisted the pre-electoral campaign of the Democrats
with 59 private vehicles from Macedonia. The same year, he visited Macedonia and presided
a delegation of the League which was invited by President Berisha to celebrate the 80-th
anniversary of Independence in Vlorë.

In 1993, a delegation of the AACL lead by DioGuardi visited Albania. In April, the
delegation visited Shkodra, whilst in September they went to see what was the situation in the
Albanian Army like. In Macedonia, the AACL presented President Gligorov its concern about
the unequal treatment of the Albanian population in Macedonia.

Apart from these visits, the AACL has cooperated with other groups to organize
demonstrations, has published informative booklets, articles and a book titled "The Agony of
Kosova", which is a compilation of informations, exchange of letters, speeches, essays and
studies about and regarding the issue of Kosova, with a special emphasis on the situation in
Kosova.

"The Albanian issue is a macro-issue", says DioGuardi, taking into account that Albanians
live in Albania, Kosova and Macedonia. "There will be no peace in the Balkans is the
Albanian issue is not solved and the aspirations of 7 million Albanians who live there",
stresses DioGuardi. The solution, according to him is the withdrawal of all Serbian troops
from Kosova, an International Trusteeship over Kosova and its independence, a more
intensive American and international program for development and reconstruction in Albania,
full equality of Albanians in Macedonia, the organization of a just population census and the
guarantee of equal civil and human rights of Albanians in Montenegro, Preshevë, Medvegjë
and Bujanoc. "Any other status apart from independence will not be successful in Kosova".
Albanians can't trust Serbs, and finally there will be no security and there will be always
tensions between Albania and Serbia in Kosova doesn't become independent". These postures
have been published by DioGuardi persistently in the American papers and so has he stated in
the correspondence with Congressmen and American Officials. "All of these are known to
American officials". We have to exert influence upon the American President through the
Congress and this is achieved through a strong Lobby".

"Albanians, wherever they are, must cooperate and must learn to think as one people and to
convey one message which the world can understand." Expressing the urge to act before
Kosova is endangered, he says: "With a stronger Lobby in Washington we can achieve
success. All must understand the need to have a coordinated central Lobby with a
concentrated message". DioGuardi very often mentions the Jewish Lobby in the USA as an
example of concentration and organization, the American system which according to him is
the most democratic and pluralist way as well as the coordinated activity of the Albanians in
1990. Referring to the activities of the Albanian Community he says: "Albanians have a
tradition to sit in a round table, but when it comes to the Lobby and its activity, people must
be selected professionals". This is the only way that leaders such as Berisha and Rugova
should consider us, they must present us their needs, and then we will push them through our
channels.

According to DioGuardi all other groups that deal with the Albanian issue are registered as
agencies at the Ministry of Justice, as Ruder Finn for example, or are branches of political

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parties as is the LDK. "By law, we are not allowed to pay Congressmen for their electoral
campaign. We are volunteers, whilst our trips, phone and fax bills are covered by the
contribution of the American-Albanian community".

DioGuardi is by origin an Arbëresh, whose family had immigrated to the States in 1929, from
Southern Italy. "My father was alive when I started dealing with the Albanian issue. He was
happy about my enthusiasm regarding this matter. This is the same enthusiasm I wake up
every morning with".

Asked whether the Albanian community was supporting him for re-election, he answered by
telling a story: "Some Jews headed towards Jerusalem had seen an old man, 99 years old,
planting a tree. They asked him why was he planting the tree if he would not be able to enjoys
its fruits. The old man replied that he had found many trees when he came to this place and
that he wanted the others find the same in the future. History will prove my honest motives
and the results of my labor".

DioGuardi is actually running for Congress.

Dr.Sami Repishti is a person who knows very well the Albanian community in America,
especially its political activity. He was also one of the founders of the League. Even though
he had been active in political life of the Albanians, writing articles is his political activity
now. Actually he is writing a book about Albanian-Greek relations which is expected to be
published during this year. "Even when I was active in politics, I was independent. Now we
are trying to create a cultural and artistic association which would help the Albanians to get
an education here and at home", says Repishti. "I think that the Lobby has been reduced to
one person. There is no person that can deny the merits of DioGuardi, because he is a man of
great authority and has opened thousands of doors. But when in 1991/92, when the
democracies were established in Albania and Kosova, the role of the Lobby should have
changed and become the foundation of the Albanian policy in the USA". Repishti thinks that
when it was established, the Lobby was acting as the Albanian government in order to present
the Kosova issue, because the Albanian Communist government wouldn't do it.

"I don't think that someone has the moral and legal right to represent the politics of Kosova or
that of Albania in America, because we don't live and don't suffer there. We established the
League because of the needs of the time".

According to Repishti, the AACL attempts to keep the same role, that is of an organization
that makes politics of the Kosova and Albania in Washington. "No one has the right to speak
on behalf of Kosova or Albania. We must get instructions form there and if it is necessary
this will be conveyed to us by presidents Berisha and Rugova in their meeting with the
community. If it is necessary, this we have to do by all mean".

"Now we need new activities in Washington, because the problems are of other nature. We
need moderate and not euphoric people and I don't believe that the Lobby is so expanded that
it can represent Kosova and Albania in America, and that it can face the problems of the two
states."

In the USA, the Albanian Public Affairs Committee (APAC) exists too, and its task is to
collect contributions for electoral campaigns of candidates running for Congress.

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Asked about APAC, Repishti replied that its activity is necessary and it is a part of the
American system. "We must have a strong APAC, for thus we exert influence on American
legislature and inform the American public, especially the governmental one". Asked where
does the difference between the AACL and APAC rely, Repishti said that APAC was much
more restricted that AACL since it concentrates on gathering contributions whilst the Lobby
organizes conferences, seminars, meetings, etc. According to Repishti, they complement each
other.

Finally, Rrustem Ibraj, chairman of the LDK for New York, New Jersey and Connecticut is of
the opinion that the LDK is the best organized political subject of the Albanians in America,
and that according to him is having the most dense political activity. This includes the
influence in the American Congress as well as informing the American opinion bout the
Kosova issue. "Even though there us a need for a better coordination, we haven't stopped our
labors", says Ibraj. He said that the lobbying activity of the LDK is coordinated with the
Government of Kosova and not the Presidency of the LDK because of the technical obstacles
to reach Kosova.

Asked about what has the LDK done to influence the decisions of the American Congress, he
said: "I think that we have influenced in several decisions and resolutions". Regarding the
individual actions of some individuals, he said that they shouldn't be stopped, but on the
contrary they must be supported because they take advantage of their connections in the
Congress. Regarding the unity of the Albanian political subjects, he said that the LDK
supports the AACL, but that they think that it should cooperate with Kosova. Concretely, it
hadn't been active in this direction. The LDK would really want DioGuardi's reelection.
However, there must be a long-term plan regarding the diaspora, supported by Albania and
Kosova.

Thus, the influential function of the Albanian Lobby, along the AACL is also achieved by the
LDK and individuals. Even though the ultimate goal of groups and individuals is the same,
the exertion of influence upon the Congress regarding teh Albanian issues, it happens often,
that members of these groups or the individuals confuse the public, which can't determine
which is the Albanian Lobby and which one of them best represents the Albanian interests.

MACEDONIA

"WHERE DID THE PPD NOT GO WRONG?"

Dr. Xheladin Murati, Vice-President of the Macedonian Parliament and one of the founders
of the PPD, took over the leadership of the continuity part of the PPD, the one which is
represented in the Parliament, after the withdrawal of the chairman Nevzat Halili. As a
responsible person in the party and government, and as a connoisseur of the situation since
pluralism was installed in Macedonia, he made a re-evaluation of everything that has
happened for KOHA.

KOHA: PPD is slowly transforming from a political movement into a political party with
clear political contours, but this was done by using the most austere method of being declared
"traitors, quislings...". In fact, where did it go wrong?

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MURATI: If we are seeking for mistakes, then many could be found. But I think that we must
not look for mistakes, but find solutions.

It is undisputable that PPD was established as a political party, but under a populist euphoria
of some of its activists. It immediately got dimensions of a movement, which came back to it
as a boomerang. Today, the PPD is a party that pretends to be modern, with a clear political
and programmatic vision.

The method applied to destroy the PPD, has no precedence in democracy, but is very common
in a Communist totalitarian system. It happened, and we are trying to heal the wounds.

You ask me of what did PPD do wrong? It is harder to say where it didn't do wrong.
Evaluating our mistakes right now would be too subjective. The mistakes should be seen in
the whole complexity of their appearance.

KOHA: It seems as if the main cause was the "weapons' affair", which is interpreted in
different ways. What do you think of this?

MURATI: In this short four years' period we faced many problems, but the "weapons' affair"
was the biggest surprise to me, which had shaken the whole Albanian factor, the Albanians in
Macedonia and wider. I am sorry to say that I was the last one to know of such activities.
There will be different interpretations of the affair for much longer. Regarding this issue, we
must make a clear distinction between the initiative, action and what is organizing an activity
and finalizing an activity. I think that the problem was blown up too much, with a purpose
hidden behind, and which is not in the interest of coexistence in the Republic. It aims at
presenting Albanians as a destabilizing factor, to be beware of. Therefore, the method of
suspicion, intimidation, insecurity is being imposed, and it is groundless. But unfortunately,
this is how it happens, and no one accepts the guilt, whilst the Courts have it difficult to justly
and unbiasedly evaluate the whole situation and release the accused. I myself am confused
about everything. The arising topic is, what kind of dominating tendencies are being
expressed now and how could the reflect themselves in the perspective? The straight answer
should be given by analysts.

KOHA: And the role of Albania?

MURATI: I honestly tell you that I don't know. I know that someone is putting the authority
of the Democratic Party of Albania at stake, and I am sorry for this.

KOHA: After the "affair" burst, as if Tirana has turned its back to the Presidency that you are
presiding?

MURATI: My evaluation differs from your's. I am convinced that there are problems in
communication and that it has not ignored us or turned the back on us. If this were the case,
then a question would be put: Why? What did we do wrong? I even think that it is fair for any
subject to chose whom it will cooperate with. My conviction is, and I might be wrong, that
there were different evaluations, lack of information, even disinformation, which were
expressed in the organization of the PPD. If there is something else that separates us, a
problem of ful political and national character, of which I know nothing, I allow the
possibility of indifference towards the leadership of the PPD. However, the virus of
indifference has probably passed away. Time brings conscience back, affirms, judges and

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re-evaluates. We are not infallible, but we not made mistakes on purpose.

KOHA: What is there to change in the leadership of the PPD, now that the "informal" (as
declared by the Ministry of Interior) leadership headed by A. Xhaferi pretends to be the
legitimate leadership of the party?

MURATI: The PPD with all its organs, branches, MP's, and ministers is working according to
the statute and the program. It manifests a high level of responsibility, political and national
maturity. It is interested to cover all areas, parts and segments of the societal and political
activity in the institutions of the system and to adopt the democratic space. If someone
pretends to usurp the PPD, then it would have to be done by force. The changes that are
being done favor the reorganization of the PPD, the improvement of the quality of work, the
strengthening of the political labor and mobilization of the membership for the actions to take
place in the future. I am not speaking of the ones who are pretending the legitimacy, we know
them, we were once together, and we can keep on being together. There is no reason for
division, if anyways we are so separated and I ask whether there is any sense to divide the
divided again. We must look how to unite and get united. Lets set aside the wrath, jealousy,
careers, self-enchantment, and similar. Even if we are separated, in two different political
parties, it would still be in our favor, because we would have conditions for cooperation
grounded on democratic principles, I see nothing wrong there. Political will, understanding
and good will is needed.

KOHA: Now you are facing the Census and in November come the elections. What do you
expect from these events?

MURATI: These are two very important events of political value and national responsibility.
I expect the census to be objective, realistic and self-explanatory about the declaration of the
citizens of Macedonia. This is in our interest and that is why the mobilization of all the
Albanian political subjects and citizens is needed to successfully accomplish this operation of
statistical, evolutional and national importance.

We expect the elections to be as democratic as possible, to be regular and we expect

cooperation among the Albanian political subjects in the Parliament, because it is evident,
voting is essential while approving acts and laws. We could accuse each other, we could lie to
one another about what is happening in the Parliament, but 23 votes are impossible to stop the
approval of any law. Therefore, elections must receive us better prepared, because they are
also a test for democracy in the Republic, but also for the internal Albanian democracy.

MACEDONIA

TWO PORTRAITS

by KIM MEHMETI

In politics there are three categories of people: the leaders, those who trust the leaders and the
"watchman of the political toilets". This kind of categorization can't be done among the
Albanians in Macedonia, because there is still no political leader with a totally defined
portrait, and neither the masses to have a "political appertaining" which would be grounded

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on a clear political concept which would gather people with the same political goals. Only the
"watchman of the political toilets" of the type of Qani Mehmedi (journalist of Radio Tirana,
Albanian from Macedonia) who has published in sequels, a piece about the political situation
in Macedonia (in "Rilindja", Tirana issue), and who could be briefly characterized in two or
three sentences: those are type of people who don't like a thing because they can't understand
how could the future be projected without their active presence. So, according to their logic,
in Macedonia there are no Albanian intellectuals, neither do the little institutions left, where
they attempt to defend their national identity, worth something; therefore, all Albanians that
have at least a gram of knowledge and some days of school are against people and a such
should be cleansed. A well known thesis and goal. Bravo!

The question arises: how much have the Albanians in Macedonia articulated their political
tone and this looked upon from the prism of their largest political party and leaders of that
party, the PPD. Since long ago, this party had been divided into two fractions which could,
conditionally be called as the fraction which "is recognized by the state of Macedonia" -
headed by Xheladin Murati, and that which is not recognized by them- lead by Arbën Xhaferi.
Another theme would be which were the criteria that the state chose to take the side of the
PPD they consider to be legitimate, but it is more than evident that months in a row, both
fractions consider themselves to be legitimate, which means that we are speaking of the train
that is riding on the same rails, but that is pulled by two engines. It is an impossible and
absurd thing.

At first sight one could get the impression that there are two concepts, which is not true. If a
superficial analysis of the leadership of the two fractions is made, then the truth is that the
problem is the speed and not direction of travel. Whilst on one side we have the crawling
"train" pulled by the engine called Xheladin Murati, which is inclined to adapt its speed to the
signals that the others masterly set before it and, on the other side, the one lead by Arbën
Xhaferi and which would like to have an electronic engine, which would equal the speed of
that of the generation they belong to- meaning that they want a "220 clicks per hour ride".
Therefore, the division inside the PPD is not of ideological basis and not even so much
conceptual, but is really a confrontation of generations.

Whilst all other political parties in Macedonia make changes and refresh their rows, PPD
didn't even let some air inside its wagons, and made no renovation whatsoever to its engine.
And, whilst Nevzat Halili and his vice-chairman Sami Ibrahimi thought that their knowledge
of English would be enough for them to remain in the leadership of the party, the new
generation headed by Menduh Thaçi surprised only those who couldn't tell the right political
time and the new calendar of the disposition of the basis. It, in first sight, differs two political
figures - Xheladin Murati and Arbën Xhaferi - and it is not only the "diplomatic" neatness of
the first one and the beard and sports image of the second one. It is not even that people say
that Xheladin Murati, besides a house he owns in Tetova, also has an apartment in Shkupi,
whilst Arbën sleeps at his friends'. However, precisely these superficial differences conceal
the more serious ones: the first one was product of a time in which an individual was
cultivated to always compare the good to the bad that could have happened, whilst the second
one equals the realized good to the optimal highest peak which could be conquered in
political games. Therefore, there are no differences about which is the goal to achieve, but
precisely which is the speed to drive towards the goal. Xheladin Murati is surrounded by
those who think that all could, the least, be ambassadors in Washington of deputy director of
Macedonian Radio and Television, whilst Arbën is surrounded by youngsters who know how
to conquer the "curves" in high speed. So, Xheladin Murati was imposed a great carefulness

- 10 -
in case of political turns, which at times makes the turn either to late, or non-productive,
whilst Arbën Xhaferi is always supported by his followers who increase the speed, always
counting on the eventual accidents.

In such a situation, Xheladin Murati and Arbën Xhaferi are maybe acting as if they weren't
noticing all the time that they are waiting for the third one to come. If they continue thus, then
it will not be a surprise, that behind these two, a person like

Gafurr Thaçi would emerge, somebody who is masterly building his political image before
the young generation, which as any young generation like high speed and very wisely uses the
political mistakes of the future Albanian "ambassadors". The question how could Xheladin
and Arbën reconciliate, remains without an answer. Looked upon this reconciliation from the
aspect of pragmatism, it could start with Xheladin giving Arbën his apartment in Shkupi, so
this intellectual could solve his housing problem, whilst Xhaferi could, in exchange, reveal
the formula of the respect of the young Albanian intellectuals in Macedonia. Once Arbën
solves his housing problem, and Xheladin discovers that it is not only the beard that makes
Arbën be respected by the young intellectuals, the third one- Menduh Thaçi - will offer new
surprises.

Could this happen- to have the confronted groupings of the PPD united? The answer to this
question is not as easy, as that of the question regarding the next step of the "watchman of the
political toilets". It can be foretell what Qani Mehmedi will write about in his piece (his
leading idea is clear and simple - "After my arrival in Tirana, in Macedonia there are no more
honest and wise Albanians left"), but when it comes to the relations amongst the two groups
in the most massive Albanian party in Macedonia, the PPD, nobody can make a prediction.

These days, new movements could be expected: both Xheladin and Arbën were in Tirana.
Luckily enough, there they have contacted with intelligent people and not Qani Mehmedi, for
if they would have, the next step they should have taken was to "cleanse" Albanians from
Albanians. To finish up the job which for years has been dreamed by the Slav chauvinist
cuisines.

MACEDONIA

THE NAME IS NOT IMPORTANT ANY MORE

The name of Menduh Thaçi is always linked to qualifications going from "leader of the
radical wing of the PPD" up to "the Albanian extremist leader". He became popular as the
representative of the line of discontinuity in the PPD, when Nevzat Halili was Chairman. As
a person who has criticized that time and as vice-chairman of the PPD (the part which has
been declared informal by the Macedonian administration), evaluates the past, the present and
the future of the Albanians in Macedonian pluralism.

KOHA: Where do you see the genesis of the crisis called PPD?

THAÇI: The genesis of the crisis which alarmed the public for over a year ago, started in the
first months since its foundation. I see three segments of activity which have made this crisis
erupt: one would be the lack of professional qualifications of the leaders of the party, I mean

- 11 -
political qualifications, the second aspect is the lack of intellectual preparedness to face high
level problems and third, there were also moral problems present in all provinces, therefore
among Albanians in Macedonia too, meaning that there misunderstandings among people.

The crisis has its roots in the non-realization of the program tasks, and the responsible for this
are the former leaders of the party, but also the officials in Macedonia. The Macedonian
officials were not ready to intellectually, mentally and practically face the Albanian issue, and
this has influenced the crisis to become deeper.

KOHA: You will maybe agree that the crisis reached its peak after the ATSH (Albanian
News Agency) comment. What do you think, was this the way to divide the leadership?

THAÇI: I don't agree that this was the culmination. Maybe that was the last thing that forced
the presidency to resign. The crisis was deep enough even before the comment, and the
presidency was just before resignation. I do agree that the comment was pretty harsh, but if
we analyze the other side, and that the effects of the politics that was made by the former
leadership were harmful, maybe it was necessary to be harsh and to show them the place
where they belong. To tell the truth, before the comment they had been discharged by 29
signatures, and from that day they had usurped the political functions, they were not the
Presidency any longer. Now I know that this particular comment has shocked both individuals
and their families. If any of them thinks that he is not guilty, and that is his right, then he will
have the chance and time to prove the opposite. Finally, I would add that ATSH most
probably had the proof to make such a comment.

KOHA: Your wing is accused of coming to power by violating statutory norms. They also
mention the so called historical Gostivar Convention. How strong are these accusations?

THAÇI: Our wing, our people, our leaders are members of this party. We used to have
different functions, chairmen of branches, activists, etc. The Gostivar Convention! To me it is
not historic. I agree it was not, but it was a normal, extraordinary convention of a party. And
now, usually, people in one political party, at least this is my opinion, unite because of the
political and ideological aims, the idea unites them, whilst the statute is a document which
they elaborate themselves. I want to say that the essence is much more important than the
form.

KOHA: After this and other events that occurred, an agreement to have a joint congress was
reached. When it started, it lasted one hour. Afterwards, there were two congresses and two
leaderships of one sole party!

THAÇI: Yes, there was an agreement. The contours were the following: seven were members
of the Gostivar Board, seven from the Congress Preparatory Board and 17 representatives of
the branches. The present presidency of the Party, the then Gostivar Board always lead in
votes by seven (19:12). It is another problem that in the second meeting three MP's and two
ministers quit the joint Board, and I think this was planned beforehand. I myself was
convinced that they were going to organize another surrogate congress of the kind. I think that
this is because they were all ex-Communist leaders. It is hard for them to accept the free
election. The other option is that they could have had an order to act thus, because the victory
of the former Board of Gostivar was not only a victory inside the PPD, but it would also
influence the other Albanian structures and the relations with the Macedonians, in the
governmental coalition. I claim that no one has the right to deny the other to have a different

- 12 -
opinion or organization. But when we are referring to the Congress, I totally agree with
people to organize and think differently, but that in all cases the votes are decisive. The
majority must win. The Congress reached the majority, so no one could stop the others from
leaving the room, but they should have established another group and not a surrogate
congress and engage the government, Ministry of Interior, the PTT, etc. to take away the
legitimacy. This is the first time I say it, and I think that maybe the time has come to state that
it is not important any longer, who will hold the name of the party, for they might be
movements in this direction, there might be other parties emerging, because insisting on
keeping the name is out of date. It is more important not to have any other serious problems.
We are not interested to have them.

KOHA: And it the meantime, the Ministry of Interior had to intervene to differentiate the
PPD!

THAÇI: Yes, it is true, based on the old law on the registration of the political parties, the
Ministry of Interior has that competence. The new law, which must be approved, gives this
competence to the Courts. The Ministry of Interior, in this concrete case, gave legality but
not legitimacy to the others, and this was expected to happen. Because if the legality was
given to us, then the coalition had to be renewed, or the party remaining in coalition had to
get a new name.

KOHA: Is there any chance for reconciliation?

THAÇI: I expected you were going to ask me whether unification is possible. I like your
question. I like it because there must be chances for reconciliation. There might be no
chances for fusion or unification, but there must be chances for reconciliation. A moratorium
of mutual attacks must come, so all of us can work in favor of the mutual interest. Unification
is impossible. Before the Congress, there were still some chances. Our political opponents
have created different structures in branches and sub-branches. I want to say that we have
double organs and it is very hard for them to join up again. I think the Albanians would lose
so much time doing this, that there will be no time remaining for the political parties to think
why were they established for. This unification would not be important. It is important to
have people not hitting each other any more, for their problems will be solved in the next
elections. The ones with good rating, will win.

KOHA: Maybe when this issue of KOHA will reach the readers, the Census in Macedonia
might have started. Maybe...

THAÇI: This Census is organized because of the Albanians, since in 1991 they were
boycotted by the authorities. Then the Albanians showed civil disobedience, but when the
new law is compared to the old one, it is very clear that this one is even more restrictive. It is
so transparent. In 1991 you didn't need a citizenship certificate, the population was not
divided in residents and non residents, and now the Government requests these documents.
Usually, those who have voted this law, I am referring to Albanian MP's, when they explain
the reasons why they did so, they claim that presidents Berisha and Rugova are in favor of the
census. This is normal. There is no Albanian - a normal person - who is against the census.
However, president Berisha didn't declare himself in favor or against any of the provision of
this law. When to this you add that the law itself is not being respected by the administrators,
who are in their majority Macedonians, then it is clear that the number of Albanians to come
out has been determined beforehand. We were not involved in conversations and the work of

- 13 -
different commissions, therefore we have no responsibility. The responsible are the ones who
voted the law. The results of the census will not oblige us.

KOHA: Once you had declared that if the census were fair, the next elections would produce
one third of Albanian MP's. The elections are near. Will the Albanians participate as divided
or...?

THAÇI: The participation of Albanians in the parliament will also depend on the electoral
units. Here is a concrete example: in 1990 Tetova had circa 120 thousand voters, it had nine
candidates, whilst Manastir (Bitola) had 89 thousand voters and had as many candidates as
Tetova. This is enough to conclude that the vote does not have the same value everywhere in
Macedonia. When the minimum value is assured, then will the Albanians have 30% of the
seats in the Parliament, then they will become a serious political force, for then they will gain
the right to veto. In the next elections, we will have to see what other manipulative project
will be approved by the Government, maybe they will ask for the citizenship certificate which
almost 50% of Albanians do not possess.

I don't agree with you claiming that we are divided, because honestly, total national
homogenization is very dangerous. Albanian political parties must compulsorily agree upon
the disputable electoral units. Maybe we will also have the good will of another relevant
Albanian political subject and will try to win what we deserve.

EDITORIAL

SEARCHING FOR AN IDEA

by VETON SURROI

The activity of the flies around the heads of the policemen on the southern borders seems to
be the same everywhere. In the border between Mexico and Belize, I had seen the stoic
posture of a policeman who had even trained his eyelashes not to react to any initiative of the
insects. Last week, whilst the miserable attack, continued I saw on the Greek side, between
Macedonia and Greece, a new contribution to the description of the southern policeman:
hanging cheeks, which wouldn't move even a millimeter whilst the lips barely opened to
explain whether you can or can't cross the border.

With the hand in the pockets, the smell of day before yesterday's sweat and always open to the
dialogue of bribery, the Greek policeman was presented to me as the best of the experiments
of failure: the transformation of Greece into a Western-European country.

For this failure to occur a century was needed, or only one moment, whatever. Greece, since
its liberation from the Ottoman Empire made the same gestures as any other newly liberated
Balkan state which felt it was a mini-power: it created the great idea, the idea of expansion,
the idea of grabbing as much land as possible and their ethnic "cleansing". Afterwards, with
the cold war another great idea placed Greece into movement, that of the creation of a unique
military-political front against the expansion of Communism. The idea of the Atlantic Treaty
tried to save Greece from the Balkans mud in which this country had, some many times,
politically drowned in, and the presence of the European Community was an attempt to save

- 14 -
it from the economic sludge presented, who knows why always with the symbol of the
donkey, as the emancipated transporting means in the Balkans, as the most emancipated
Hellenic means of transportation.

The failed idea: from the political aspect Greece still remains in its reactions as a problematic
state (Macedonia, Albania, Cyprus, the non-recognition of minorities inside the state), and in
the economic sense it still lives very much on the subventions of the European Union,
especially in agriculture. Even in the relations with other countries of the European Union
there are still paranoid noisy tones: for example, the constant threat to Holland that its butter
shall not be consumed any longer if it doesn't change its Balkan policy.

Thus, and not without a reason, in a meeting of NGO's last week in a place close to Athens,
the deputy chief of foreign affairs and son of the present Primer-minister Yorgos Papanderou,
expressed the Greek fear regarding the future membership in the Western European alliance,
especially when the twelve will become the fifteen with a tendency to grow. "We need a
utopia", he said. A utopia about the Balkans full of understanding, tolerance and cooperation.

The third idea for Greece in this century? The true one. Who knows. The important thing is
to see how will it develop in the future, especially if it is admitted, even if it is implicitly done
by the Greeks proper, that they are far away from their partners of the twelve, but also far
away from the ideas that make Western Europe a consensual space of life. Going back to the
roots is called a trend. It is even more important, when it comes from a man as young
Papandreou, brought up in Sweden and the States, who is rediscovering himself as a Greek
and a Balkan's person.

KOSOVA

BETTER ONE TRUST THAN MANY CAPTAINS

by BEHLUL BEQAJ

(Reply of Behlul Beqaj, BA Political Sciences, to our question regarding the need of have in a
decision making center in Kosova).

After a relatively long lethargy, the political panoramic of Kosova is characterized by two
tendencies which are irreconcilable in surface. On one hand, because of different motives, the
attempts to present the situation objectively are evident, and on the other hand, there are
attempts to idealize the political goal of the Albanians.

In the public and partially in political circles, there is a political tendency which prejudges
that the people shouldn't be burdened with something which is not achievable right now, but
that each purpose should be approached without any dilemmas, with a tendency which would
live even without a considerable part of its co-nationals, with a multiply retarded economy,
with the continuation of the dilemma "will we win or not", only for the sake of the realization
of the expressed political will. Briefly, a political tendency which has before itself the
national ideal, but which is concentrated on pragmatically verified criteria, is rubbing against
the tendency which is lead by the national political ideal which abstracts and minimizes the
pragmatic consequences. As a result of this friction, we had, on one side, alleged traitors of

- 15 -
the nation, collaborationists of the anti-Albanian regime, criticizers of the actual policy of the
dominating political forces, and spies of different intelligence services, and on the other side,
there were the true patriots. The "hunt" of enemies is intensified, because we will allegedly be
closer to the achievement of our purpose, if we declare "war" against each other, and not if we
intensify the activities against the anti-Albanian regime. We don't have it clear yet that the
"hunting" of old and new enemies is as dangerous, as is the exclusive national prepotency of
people that act under the firm of the dominant political forces which, in the pragmatic plane
show an upsetting impotence. It is forgotten that we will be far away from our purpose if we
restrict our front, and persistently discover "enemies and opponents" amongst our
co-nationals and others.

The internationalization of the Albanian issue should not be taken a priori as a national
success, for it could happen that a wrong therapy of the external factors could cause Kosova
and the Albanians long-term consequences. Regarding the injustice that London has done to
us, we had the excuse that the world didn't know us, but today it would be hard to find an
explanation for the failure of the international factor and ourselves. This is why we must
concentrate on the practical realization of the framework of our political determination and
not to produce "enemies and opponents", and fight for a fictitious power. It is in our national
interest not to trust anyone and everyone a priori, but we must trust only those who are
concretely moving things in the direction of the national interest. It is good that Albanians
have understood the national interest and are trying to affirm it as a democratic issue.
Therefore, the Albanian movement has harmonized its political purpose with the way of
realization, but because of the discrepancy with the possibilities and the lack of support of the
international factors, who are declared in favor of peace, dialogue, multi-ethnicity,
multi-culturism and who concretely, in the case of the former Yugoslavia are guided by the
results of war, we must reconsider, complement, have invention, make refreshment of cadres,
in order to advance the issue and not debilitate the Movement.

The way and the models of the solution that are circulating in the different offices of the
decision-making centers in Europe and America make us aware that the issue of Kosova and
the Albanians is being approached precisely in the way which will make it remain open all the
time! The reason is simple as much as a paradox. The involved factors in the former
Yugoslav crisis change the proclaimed principles every time their interest is in danger. The
contradiction between the principles and the interest, is the main reason why the crisis is still
lasting and maybe even reason of escalation of the crisis in the region. The inconsistency
could be overcome only with our consistency regarding the purpose to become a sphere of
interest of a certain external political factor. As much hesitation that we have in this direction,
that bad will we pass through. However, worse than being an open issue, is to be a closed one
against the expressed political will. Therefore, the evaluation of the political, geo-strategic,
economic, religious, military and friendship interests, must be done thoroughly.

Until Serbia doesn't understand the national issue as a democratic one, and until it won't
harmonize its aim wit the way of realization of the interest, on one hand, and until the
International Community, on the other hand, doesn't concretely affirm the declarative
principles, as the pivot of the unique international interest, the Albanians, that is their lands
will remain for some time within the formal and pragmatic plane of the Serbian interest,
depending on whether they will work on the constant elevation of the possibilities and not the
national sacrifices. Finally, the world might not back-up independence, even though it has not
presented any arguments against the right of the Albanians but, from the examples of Croatia
and Bosnia, we have at least learned that the nation and an individual who are not engaged to

- 16 -
accomplish their own rights, deserve to be subjugated.

To prevent coming into this situation, we must change something in our political thinking and
acting. The functional institutions of the Republic of Kosova must get a New Center (The
National Resistance Council) attached, which will be the pivot of the political-liberation
activities. The number and cadres' profile would be determined by the functional need, in
which two criteria would dominate: the verified determination and the undisputable
professional capability. This new feature is necessary in our political life, apart from
arguments that have been circulating lately, because of the following:

a) our issue today, objectively overpasses the possibilities of our present political
organization,

b) the multi-party environment is necessary, it is our determination and democratic and

civilizing interest, but it has converted into a scenario and interest of the Serbian regime and
partially the external factor, therefore we need a complete party moratorium inside, and
especially abroad,

c) in conditions of specific occupation there can't be any development of different opinions,

and its improvisation is doing more good to the anti-Albanian regime, than the Movement.

d) the usurpation of political space of one-another, could easily result with disorientation and
conflict inside the nation, even before starting to unknot our issue, and especially afterwards,
which is not in our interest.

e) the possibilities of political solutions are drying out, therefore a substitute of the Parliament
and government must exist, an organ which would lead the people with competence and
authority.

If the leaders involved in politics think that, personally, in their own way, they represent a sort
of a decision-making center, maybe the formation of this Council would be unrealistic, as it is
not realistic to think that the Parliament of Kosova could be constituted in these conditions,
but the unpredictable dynamics of processes and the possible individual and collective
endangerment will make the creation of this body an imperative of time.

Precisely taking into account these arguments which should be discussed even more
thoroughly, the political subjects that represent the national interests, should finalize the
constitution of the joint body with a decisive national program which would create an
adequate system and harmonized political platform, which understands, above all, the
elimination of the organized repression of the actual Serbian regime. Without the elimination
of violence, there can't be any activity of the political subjects, for violence, according to the
definition is an anti-thesis of politics. This is why any official political conversation in
conditions of occupation, is only a new mistake which not even in better domestic and
international conditions could create desired and real political content. If the actual regime
has been defined as an occupying one, then our attitude should be adequate to the evaluations,
for like this we are only giving the regime space enough to intensify the repression, and on
the other hand, the violence and terror against Albanians will be treated as a consequence of
the protection of the "Serbian state" from the invented anti-Serbian danger. We must
constantly have in mind that the purpose of this regime is to achieve its goals with less
resistance and consequences possible. Hope is necessary, but it is dangerous when it doesn't

- 17 -
rely on indicators and objective facts. The leaders might forget their promises, but the people
remembers. Therefore, it would be better if the "Kosova ship" would have one trust of
authoritative leadership, instead of many captains which could mislead us.

INTERVIEW

NORMAN ANDERSON, Head of CSCE Mission in Macedonia

WE ARE NOT RELAXING, WE ARE FOLLOWING UP THE SITUATION

Interviewed by IBRAHIM MEHMETI/Shkup

KOHA: Mr. Anderson, Macedonia is becoming more attractive to the international opinion.
It is said that Macedonia is the future focus of crisis in the Balkans and there are also people
who call it a "corner of stability". It is evident that there are reasons enough to sustain both
claims. How do you, as head of the CSCE Mission in Macedonia, evaluate the situation in
Macedonia?

ANDERSON: The CSCE is following up the situation in Macedonia and regularly submits
reports. This is our main activity.

I would say that in the past two years the situation has become stable, and it is quiet for the
time being. However there are still some threats which are present, and we are concerned
about any threat coming from abroad, we are concerned about the relations of different ethnic
groups inside, and we are also concerned about the economic problems. Even though from
the outside the situation might seem stable and quiet, we are not relaxing, but on the contrary,
we are following the situation very carefully, so we can be sure that it wouldn't turn into a
crisis. Right now, I don't think we are facing a serious crisis of any kind.

KOHA: Speaking of the stability of Macedonia, this issue is often linked to the inter-ethnic
relations, especially that of the Macedonians and Albanians. How stable are these relations
according to you?

ANDERSON: We are carefully following the development of the relations between the
Albanian community, the government and the Macedonian community. We were concerned
when we found out that the Albanian community had split, however, since we were in
constant contact with all of them, we have concluded that both fractions of the Albanian
community are in favor of democratic dialogue and that none of them represents any violence
or extremism, and this is a very positive factor.

I think that in the future, it is very probable, we will have problems which concern Albanians,
and one of them is the future population census. The CSCE will assist, in the sense of
monitoring the census. The CSCE is closely cooperating with the European Council and
other international organizations. In case a problem or a contest appears, we will try to solve
it.

KOHA: The census will start in a couple of days, but the impression is that there are still
problems in this respect. Do you think there will be an unpredictable problem?

- 18 -
ANDERSON: I think that the time to prepare the census was short, but the experts engaged in
it seem to have done their job, therefore it is my impression that the census will take place in
a regular and professional way. There might be questions arising in the future regarding the
census, but I think that they'll be solved along the way. But, even after the end of the census,
the processing of the data will take some time, for sure, therefore if there are still problems, I
think that they could be discussed and solved subsequently.

KOHA: Some time ago the relations between Macedonia and Albania had deteriorated, but
recently a positive change is visible, especially after the meeting of presidents Berisha and
Gligorov, and after Albania agreed to vote in favor of the membership of Macedonia in the
CSCE. Some time ago, you had visited Albania, so could you please comment both issues?

ANDERSON:I am glad to see that the relations are improving, especially after President
Berisha's visit to Ohër. I think that we can already see the results of those talks. As you said,
Albania will support Macedonia's membership in the CSCE, and that is very positive.

I visited Tirana and some other parties in Albania and I am very satisfied with the
conversation with President Berisha. On this occasion, I was convinced that Albania is
supporting the stability of Macedonia and that there was a great interest on both sides, to start
a cooperation in transportation and economic relations and I feel that we will witness an
evolution of good relations in the future. The economic cooperation between these two states
could be very important in the future and it should be developed because both sides could
profit on it.

KOHA: In this direction, a great contribution could be that of the construction of a railway
which would connect Albania, Macedonia, Bulgaria and Turkey.

ANDERSON: I think that it would be a great contribution, since right now, the
communication links between these two states are inadequate. I think that expanding the Port
of Durrës would also help a lot. I suppose that these projects need large investments and they
will depend on foreign assistance, and they will also take some time, for they can't be
accomplished so rapidly.

I believe that the construction of these lines will help the economic development of both
states.

KOHA: The Greek-Macedonian contest is not new but, still, it is very actual and harmful for
the political and economic life in Macedonia. Which are the instruments that the CSCE could
use in the solution of this problem?

ANDERSON: Regarding the CSCE we, naturally, know that the Greek embargo is causing
many problems to the economy of Macedonia and also, that this embargo could increase the
instability in this state, therefore I think that this is very unfortunate. We hope that the
embargo will stop soon and that this request will be presented in the conversations mediated
by Cyrus Vance.

KOHA: We are witnessing a new conflict arising: that between Albania and Greece. What
repercussions could this have for Macedonia?

ANDERSON: The relations between Greece and Albania are not part of our mandate, but I

- 19 -
think it would be good to have a stable situation in the region. Thus I think that all of us
would want to have this region stabilized, because our labor too, depends of the general
stability in the Balkans.

MONTENEGRO

IN PLURALISM AS IN MONISM

by NAIL DRAGA/Ulqin

With the introduction of pluralism in Montenegro (1990), it was justly expected to have
essential changes in the system. This was most expected by Albanians, but it seems as this
were just an illusion.

What is even worse, the situation hasn't changed even after the second pluralist elections
(1992), which is proving in practice that in Montenegro, for some more time, even though in
pluralism, the situation will be the same as in times of monism, when speaking of national
equality, in some aspects even worse, which is anachronic to our time.

Despite the fact that the Constitution of Montenegro (approved in Sept. 1992) guarantees a
civil society, it is a national one, regardless of that it contains a whole chapter on the rights
and freedoms of national and ethnic groups. It must be stressed, that Muslims, Albanians,
Croats belong to this category, according to the authors of the Constitution, whilst the Serbs
are a people, because Montenegro is part of a federation it shares with Serbia.

From this constitution, it is clearly seen that the citizens of Montenegro are divided into two
groups: in people and national minorities or ethnic groups. The mentioned chapter has
determined some rights as are the language, culture, information, education, etc., rights which
the state should guarantee and make the realization possible.

Such issues represent a juridical corpus which shouldn't be underestimated, but it is another
issue whether something has started being applied in practice. Even though two years have
passed since the approval of the Constitution, until now, nothing worth mentioning has
happened in this sense. This would also be another element for criticism, but it shouldn't
surprise us, for this was the way the regime has acted in the past five decades, even though
the former Communists have allegedly converted. The fact that the Albanians in Montenegro
couldn't realize none of the rights that the constitution has guaranteed them, speaks enough of
the permanent ignoring they have been subject to.

In this precise political moment in Montenegro, when Albanians are not present in the
Republican parliament, the question arises who is to represent Albanians in Montenegro. If in
the first multi-party elections in Montenegro the Albanians, through the Democratic League
of Albanians in Montenegro (DLAM) in coalition with the SDA, had been represented in the
parliament, in the last elections they failed to do so, because they couldn't assure the 4% of
votes, which were a condition to participate in it. Looked upon the situation from this aspect,
the Albanians are out of the game, because they are not where they should and where they
deserve to be. The fact that in Montenegro is visited by foreign delegations and figures but
that the Albanians have no chance to meet with them, speaks itself of the fact that Albanians

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are at the margins of political activities.

The Democratic Forum of Albanians, a non-political association exists in Montenegro, but its
functions have been totally paralyzed, which deserves all criticism, even though it has many
merits for having approved the Memorandum on Special Status of the Albanians in
Montenegro in 1990. But, since this time, after the initiative for the activation of a Board
which would be in charge of the realization of the Memorandum, the Forum did not have any
activities at all. Thus, in such a situation, the Albanians were abandoned to themselves. Since
there is no coordination of actions, everything is done ad-hoc.

In November last, another Albanian political party was established in Montenegro: the
Democratic Union of Albanians seated in Ulqin (Ulcinj), which has enriched the pluralist
mosaic in this environment. In this precise moment, this is an opposition party and it will
remain as such until the next elections. It seems as if the non-existence of another political
party since the Democratic League of Albanians in Montenegro was established, has been a
weakness of the Albanians in this state. The sole fact that the DLAM did not have an
organized opposition, made it act with euphoria, which resulted with the defeat in the
elections, where the Albanian electorate has lost the most.

From now on, it is believed that many things should change, with the only condition that the
political parties act seriously to make the public opinion aware of the position and requests of
the Albanians for national and civil equality in Montenegro. Only thus, and not dealing with
oneself, could something be done, because of the contrary everything will be as before,
without any prospects for the better. It is the last moment to competently deal with our issues,
because the others act accordingly to their political options.

It is more than necessary to establish a dialogue with the government, regarding those issues
that can be accomplished based on the Constitution, and not to act just through press
communiques. Since until now nothing has been done in this sense, such an action is as much
necessary, that much reasonable, since this is the way to start the dialogue and regulate the
inter-ethnic relations in Montenegro.

It should be stressed also that the passiveness of the Albanians in Montenegro has favored the
government too, because this was an argument enough for the rulers, that since Albanians
were not requesting anything, they had them all. But, it is the last moment for Albanians to
become permanently active.

Only thus will the Albanians overcome anonymity, especially in respect of the international
public.

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