ISTROS, XVI, 2010, Brila, p. 235-265.

IMAGES OF GENDERED IDENTITIES.

NORTH-THRACIAN CASE 5
TH
3
RD
CENTURY BC

VALERIU SRBU, MAGDALENA TEFAN (ROMANIA)


Key-words: gender, North-Thracian, iconography, Greek vases,
funerary archaeology
Abstract. The authors intend to raise the discussion about how the
identity of the dead was constructed with reference to male-female social roles,
in the case of North-Thracian tumuli graves, attempting in an extended
perspective to debate the meaning and specific attributes of gendered identities
in the Thracian society.
The clearest references about how sexual identity was perceived and
represented, and to what degree it influenced the distribution of active roles in a
society, may be accessible to archaeologists essentially as twofold data:
anthropological analyses of skeletal remains in relation with associations of
deposited grave goods, and iconographic representations of men and women
performing their roles either in a social or symbolic context. As both burials and
iconography are constructs to be manipulated and loaded with ideological
content, any gendered identity model identified is to be seen as a declaration on
the ideal social organization or even on individual aspiration.

This essay is a first attempt to approach the complex task of
understanding gendered identities in the Thracian society of the 5
th
-3
rd

centuries BC. Our objective has been to propose an analytic structure of
the subject by organizing and evaluating the available data sources and
identification of leading investigation directions, methods and applicable
criteria. As the targeted topic tackle a variety of domains: funerary
archaeology, artistic representations, literary sources, cultural and
physical anthropology, we state from the beginning that a complete
review is out of the purpose of this text.

Gender as constructed identity
The first element to be highlighted is that gender is as much about
social construction as it is grounded on biologic, natural inclination of the
human body. The affiliation to a certain category of gendered identity
Valeriu Srbu, Magdalena tefan


236
entitles or deprives an individual to rights, obligations, performance of
roles or assignment of status. Any abnormality from the natural
inclination of the human body or from what is perceived as ideal order for
the specific community is a challenging situation, concluding in a
marginal status in relation to the society. Age, social role, physical
aspect, special skills, talents, may lead to the transgression of normal
social boundaries of biological sexuality, resulting therefore in including
or excluding someone from its natural-agreed group. However, this status
is dynamic as the gendered identity may evolve with age or social context
(Gilchrist 1999: 7576). For example, in many societies children were
perceived as genderless until the moment of puberty when the occurrence
of certain physical transformations transgressed their status to that of
male or women. In the same way, an old woman who had lost her
distinctive feminine looks or her ability to give birth could perform social
roles usually denied to regular women (Aldhouse-Green 2000: 55.).
Virgin women were often invested with special roles as they were
challenging the regular female model: the Roman Vestals (Plutarch, Life
of Numa, 9-10) had the right to conduct autonomous business as men
exclusively were entitled. Between gender and social context is a
reciprocal degree of impact. Consequently, being a matter of identity with
social implications, individual gender has to be expressed and recognized
by the group. This is being accomplished by displaying specific attributes
and coded behavior, either physical or socio-cultural. All these actions are
elaborated constructions, representations of an ideal order of that
respective society, declarations about the individual or communitarian
expectations.
We therefore agree to regard the construction of a gendered image
as a basic element which defines the individual identity and we expect to
find traces of this image in all forms of identity expression, including
burials, iconography, art and literal production. We identified several
categories of representations of gendered identities in the case of Thracian
society of the 5
th
3
rd
centuries BC: representations of Thracians created
by themselves through funerary rites and iconography, and images of
Thracians assembled by Greeks in their literary sources and painted vase
iconography.
Further we will explore how gendered identity was represented in
relation to social actions and roles in each of these situations, taking into
account that all these circumstances represent ideologically distorted and
Representations of Gendered Identities in North-Thracian society


237
encoded discourses. In the same time we acknowledge that the relation of
an individual with the gender categories may vary along lifetime and that
different resulting images of this process were produced.

Greek discourse
The Athenian taste for depicting Thracians on their ceramic
vessels began in the second half of the 6
th
century BC. This practice
continued along the 5
th
century BC, rapidly declining towards the end of
the century and totally disappearing in the next. After analyzing a sample
of approximately 200 Greek vessels from the Beazley Archive depicting
elements which refer to Thracian origin, we remark that 120 of them may
be roughly dated in the first 3 quarters of the 5
th
century and less than 20
in the end of the century and in the 4
th
century BC.
Along these 15 decades, a remarkable homogeneity of the themes
and representations has to be noted, revealing that the Greek approach
towards the Thracian identity was functioning in a system of models
rather than as a reflection of real facts. Thracians, along with other
barbarians, like the Scythians and Persians which had been pained since
a little bit earlier (before the middle of the 6
th
century BC), were depicted
in situations and with features (physical, behavioral) which clearly
distinguished them from the Greek ideal of men and women but not
necessarily in a negative posture (Tsiafakis 2000; Hall 1989). This
approach of the subject was synchronous with the treatment received in
Greek contemporaneous literary productions.
The elements which identified a character as a Thracian were
usually related with clothes and behavior as reflected by the participation
in a certain scene. Thracians attired special caps made from furs called
alopekae, long mantles with geometric contrasting patterns called zeira,
distinctive boots with high topping band, made of animal skins and furs
called embades. They were equipped with special weaponry as the round
small shields or crescent-shaped small shields called pelte, quite often
with spears, swords, arches, and sickle. These garments were described as
well by Herodotus (VII, 75). The majority of men in Thracian costumes
were depicted as warriors, either pedestrian or on horseback, hunting,
fighting or lining in meditative postures (Fig. 1-1, 2, 4). They were
represented alone or in groups in the company of other warriors, either
barbarians or Greek. Their warlike nature and ability to handle horses was
a common topos of Greek literature regarding Thracians, since Homer
Valeriu Srbu, Magdalena tefan


238
time (Iliad 13.4-13.756). When judging the previously mentioned analysis
sample, we quickly observe that in more than half of cases (125 out of
205) the painters selected Thracian men as their subject These men
handled horses in 60 cases and had weapons in 78. An interesting scene
type is that of warriors departing, greeted with phiala and oinochoe by a
woman, which is a typical Greek style theme (BA 211333 Paris; BA
213644 Vatican City; 214622 London)
Even if there were some typical elements used by the painters to
individualize someone as a Thracian, occasionally these elements were
mingled with characteristics known as typical for other people (for
example an archer wearing Thracian alopekae and Scythian gorythos, was
represented on a cup BA 200503 Florence. There are situations when a
clear distinction between Thracians and Scythians is difficult to be made.
This evidences the existence of a common Greek imaginary (elongated
capes, pointed beards, red hair, colorful clothes) regarding barbarians and
the intention of the painter to suggest foreign origin rather than a specific
identity. There are also circumstances in which warriors are represented
wearing Greek helmets but having in the same time other typical Thracian
attire elements (BA 203706 London) However, in the majority of cases
the Thracian men were painted as dressed, as opposite from the Greek
ideal of male beauty which is that of a fully exposed naked body.
Thracian identity was as well suggested by painters for those
heroes for whom Greek mythology assigned a Thracian origin: Orpheus
(Fig.1-5), Thamyras (Fig.1-7), Dionysus (Fig. 1-6), Boreas, Lykurgos,
Triptolemos, Zagreus. All these characters were peculiar, either by their
wild behavior, savage, overcome with hybris, ran by incontrollable
feelings, or bearers of a tragic fate. As they distanced themselves from an
ideal Greek normality, their abnormality was suggested by depicting them
as foreigners. The most popular tragic hero was Orpheus depicted on 70
vessels, followed by the other musician, Thamyras, on just 7 vessels.
Orpheus, denying his normal social role as man, retired in the woods,
singing and mourning his deceased lover Euridike. His beautiful music
allured Thracian men, reason which infuriated some Thracians women.
Overcame with rage, violent and sadistic, they tarred Orpheus into pieces.
By far, the commonest depiction of Thracian women on Athenian
vases was in the context of Orpheus death (51 cases out of 62 Thracian
female apparitions from the regarded sample). They were represented as a
band of crazy violent women attacking and killing Orpheus, or in single
Representations of Gendered Identities in North-Thracian society


239
postures, while running, with disheveled hair, caring various types of
weapons: swords, spears and also some not-honoring death-giving
devices like the sickle (used for castration) and stone boulders (Fig. 2.1-3,
5)). The warlike, violent character of these women was completely
opposed to the Greek ideal of femininity and normal social roles. They
were man killers, fact which may be regarded as a gender abnormality.
These women were often depicted tattooed on their arms, legs and neck.
This was a clear accepted mark of Thracian origin. As Herodotus informs
us, for the Thracians, the tattoo was a sign of noble birth, quite opposite
than for the Greek for whom it was the mark of slavery. It is also known
that Thracians sold their children into slavery (Herodotus 5.6). They are
few representations of women in domestic scenes with tattoos or Thracian
zeirae, acting as slaves (Fig. 2.4.): nursing youngsters (BA 8184
Cambridge hydria, BA 211358 Schwerin skyphos) or caring water (BA
205691 Paris hydria).
During the fifth century BC, Thracians were evidently present in
the Athenian political environment through alliances or as mercenaries,
especially in the context of the Peloponnesian War and colonialist activity
of Athens in the area of Amphipolis (Isaac 1986, Danov 1976, Archibald
1998). Some royal Thracians were granted Athenian citizenship and a
clear phenomenon of intermarriage may be argued (Plutarch, Kimon 4.1-
2, Law of Pericle 451). Some wealthy Athenian possessed properties in
Thrace (Thucydide 4.105). Athenians were familiarized with real
Thracians from the Chersonese and Aegean coast and it is acceptable to
believe that Thracians slaves were not uncommon.
The representation of some of the Thracians tattoos clearly reveals
a degree of authenticity, for example the representation of a stag on the
arm of a Thracian woman attacking Orpheus (Cohen 2000:113, Fig.4.4,
BA 211325 Athens). However it is clear that Greek images of Thracian
men and women were a form of portraying a world upside down in
relation with the proper Athenian order logic in which there was no
great need to preserve the correspondence with real models. Out of 95
vessels for which the place of origin is known, 63 were found in southern
Italy and only one was found in places inhabited by Thracians - the
Athenian red-figure mug from Apollonia Pontica (BA 16506 Sozopol,
Lazarov 1990: 56-57, no.16).


Valeriu Srbu, Magdalena tefan


240
Funerary identity
One of the richest sources of identity expression is represented by
funerary assemblages. Nevertheless the images reflected from this
direction are distorted in two ways. First of all, only a part of the
deposited grave goods survived, those crafted out hard materials.
Secondly, funerary identity is ideologically constructed and resides in the
realm of symbolism and declarative image, therefore not necessary
depicting real social roles, but rather ideal models. Despite these
shortcomings, one would still expect to obtain valuable information
concerning the social implications of biologic sex by matching the
anthropological identified sex with categories of artifacts deposited in
graves.
People in all societies are in a way or another defined by their
costume. The exterior of a person is the commonest language of
expression, of self-representation. Gender affiliation is easily expressible
and readable through attire and garments, but so are social status, age and
ethnic origin. The assumption that funerary inventory may reflect identity
is common (Arnold 2002). Unfortunately, even commoner is to assign an
archaeological sex by taking in consideration common sense. Gendering
trappings and paraphernalia, as archaeologists do, represent however a
challenge and the potential for mystification between status and gender is
significant.
Male identity for the European Bronze and Iron Ages was
definitely linked with independence, selfhood, display, warfare, hunting
and feasting, and manifested itself particularly in tomb-furnishings and
grave-goods (Treherne 1995: 105144). In turn, women appear associated
with domestic sphere and, sometimes, with ritualistic activities.
Consequently graves with weapons are immediately characterized as
belonging to men and those with adornments as belonging to women. As
it was said before, gender is functioning both as a communitarian and
individual structure. Gender model may be dictated by normative
community or by the personal choice of the individual. So, even if the
general model would be corresponding, as the iconography seems to
indicate for the Thracian case, still, the situations of ritualistic and
symbolic use of artifacts or the circumstances involving exceptional
individuals challenging their social/gender limitations might remain
indiscernible without additional data.
Representations of Gendered Identities in North-Thracian society


241
In the case of famous early Iron Age Vix burial in Burgundy
(Knusel 2002) the presence of male identity emblems like torcs and
drinking vessels was understood as symbolic items reflecting status rather
than warfare. The recent discoveries in the Sauromatian and Sarmatian
necropolis from Pokrovka (Davis-Kimball 2002) in the Southern Ural
steppes, proved how the anthropologic analyses may change perspective
about what functions were assignable to different sexual categories. It
became clear that for some societies, as that of the nomads from
Prokrovka, women were performing roles of warriors and priestess-
warriors, while males could be buried alongside children. Weapons in
women graves were interpreted as fulfilling both functions: symbolic
status in priestess cases and functional items for warrior females.
For the Thracian case, anthropologic analyses are almost absent
(Gergova 1992: 120; Boev 1992). We used however the result of a
statistical analysis previously performed (Dutescu, Stefan 2008) on a
sample of 90 tumuli graves from North Balkan Thrace which took in
consideration functional categories of artifacts (weapons, armor, harness,
drinking vessels, adornments, dress accessories, clay figurines, clay pots,
imported ware). The diversity of features characterizing the investigated
monuments (spatial distribution, chronology, quality and quantity of
inventory categories) led to a diversity of phenomena which had
influenced the structure of the funerary inventory. An obvious
unintelligibility of the major trends should be a consequence of this.
Nevertheless, several models of associating artifacts were identified.
The strongest evidenced statistic group contained weapons, armor
and harness items. 47 graves containing various items of warrior
equipment were identified. From 91 analyzed graves only in 8 cases we
identified the complete horsemen equipment. Military equipment items
could be completed in two ways: either with drinking metal sets for
symposium and Greek ceramic vessels: Rouets (Velkov 1928), Svetlen
(Velkov 1928), Brestovitsa T2 (Stancev 1994) or with dress accessories
and adornments Gvani (Haruche 15), Kjolmen T1G01 (Dremsizova-
Nelcinova 1970: 223), Mumdijlar T2 (Feher 1934: 108-114), Zimnicea
C1, C2, C6 (Alexandrescu 1980).

Simple
warriors
Warriors+
drinking sets
Warriors+
adorments/ dress
accessories
Warriors+ drinking sets+

adorments/dress accessories
Valeriu Srbu, Magdalena tefan


242
11 9 11 12 (among which 7 had more
than 6 inventory categories)

A distinct group featuring graves with varied inventory (more than
six contained inventory categories) was identified through Kernel Density
Estimation (Sirbu et alli 2008: 86, fig.1) This group included those graves
generally recognized (Archibald, 1998; Marazov, 1998; 2005; Srbu,
2000: 183-211; 2006: 117-127; 2009) as princely: Tombs no. 2 and no. 3
from Mogilanskata Mound Vratsa(Torbov, 2005; Theodossiev, 2000:
144-14), gighiol (ndrieescu, 134 Berciu, 16 16b), Peretu
(Moscalu, 1986: 59-70; 1989: 129-190, pl. 41-64), Kjolmen G1 TIV,
Kjolmen G1 T1 (Dremsizova-Nelinova, 10 20-229), Branichevo G1
TX (Dremsizova, 1962: 165-16), Koprivets (Stanev, 14 13-178),
Vurbitsa (Filow, 1937: 1-116), Telia (main grave) (Simion, Cantacuzino,
1962: 373-32). Except for Telia, all these graves contained pieces of
military equipment.
In addition to the warrior model, the analysis highlighted the
existence of a non-military group. This group was composed of two
distinct models. One was suggested by the strong correlation between
typical feminine items adornments, dress accessories, mirrors (
graves): TX G02 (Dremsizova 1962: 176-7), Zimnicea C7 (Alexandrescu
1980: 23, 24, 99, 101) Drumevo T2 (Dremsizova-Nelcinova 1965: 57,
60), Telia (Simion 162), Brestovitsa T3 (Stancev 1994). The other
comprised less rich inventories knives, local ceramic vessels,
amphorae (34 graves) which seemed to represent a later phenomenon. We
noticed that, even if the mirrors were positioned in the feminine group,
4 of 6 items were found in graves containing military equipment. In all
these 4 cases, clay miniatures accompanied the mirrors
1
. The presence of
weapons in these contexts: like in the case of Kjolmen TIV G1, may
suggest the interment of high ranked woman, in which weapons
functioned as symbols. Moreover, the various pieces of adornments:
pendants, beads, necklaces were equally distributed in graves with
weapons and graves without. Surprisingly the findings of earrings were
done exclusively in associations with weapons: Golemani (Die Thraker:

1
Kull (1997: 341-356) considers that the graves south of the Balkans (Duvanli)
containing clay miniatures and mirrors as belonging to rich and important women
connected with cultic activities (other similar graves are Opulchenets, Voitinitsa
Archibald 1998: 162).
Representations of Gendered Identities in North-Thracian society


243
p. 146. nr. 198), Kralevo T3 (Die Thraker: p.168, 224), Koprivets, Vratsa
Mogilanskata Tomb2. It is significant add that Koprivets, Vratsa
Mogilanskata Tomb2 and Kralevo contained as well clay miniatures. In
Kralevo T3, the military configuration was represented by harness golden
appliques and a large bronze axe which was undeniably a power symbol.

Iconography
When taking in consideration iconography we traced the following
analysis directions as significant when assessing gendered identity:
Physicality of images: how is the human body represented,
indications of biologic sex, garments, traces of body
transformation (hair fashion, facial hair, tattooing)
Behavior Context of action Type of scene, gestures, pose
Insignia, tools, symbols, paraphernalia
Spatial iconographical organization of the scenes, number of
participants
Representation of couples: spatial relation, size and detail relation
Type of artifact
Find type
Analogies
Chronology
Representation of animal sex

Males
The majority of anthropomorphic representations in Thracian art
are those traditionally assigned to male models: horsemen galloping,
hunting with a spear. Occasionally, even their pray was illustrated. These
images are of single individuals and functioned as symbolic insignia.
They appeared on harness appliques (Letnitsa, Lukovit) (Fig. 3.1-2),
armor (Agighiol helmet) (Fig. 3.6), belt (Lovets) (Fig. 3.1) and drinking
vessel (Rogozen jug 159) The male character was represented fully
dressed, exhibiting either a kind of chain-armor costume with pants and
pointing boots or chiton and chlamys (Lukovit).
The complex relation between age as a transforming factor in
gender identity and corresponding social role is visible in the set of
harness appliques from Letnitsa (Fig.3.8). They depict a sequence of
moments in the life of a male character. The evolution is remarkably
suggested by enhancing body transforming circumstances: different hair
Valeriu Srbu, Magdalena tefan


244
fashion and the presence or absence of beard. Hair is important in terms
of puberty, adulthood and transformation, being the clearest sign of
maleness. The appearance of body-hair and facial hair symbolize the rite
of passage from childhood to manhood and full beards designate maturity.
The same was valid for classic Greece. A transformation occurs however
at the time of Alexander the Great, when clean shaved faces became
favored by men regardless of age and status. The occurrence in
Macedonian graves (Drougou 2005) of strigili and razors denotes a
typical preoccupation for male body transformation as a sign as of gender
and status. These kind of artifacts were absent from Thracian funerary
inventories. Bearded men are realistically portrayed by the bronze head
from Golyamata Kosmatka mound (Fig.7.5), funerary golden mask from
Svetitsata grave (Fig.7.6), golden ring from Malomirovo-Zlatinitsa
(Fig.8.1) and different coins of Odrysian rulers (Fig.7.1, 4). Phrygian type
helmets depict beard on their chick-plates (Fif.5.7)
In one exceptional case, the leading male character of Letnitsa set
was represented wearing on the left foot a greave with anthropomorphic
knee plate (Letnitsa) (Fig. 3.8a). One of the appliques from Letnitsa
(Fig.8.7) depicted an erotic scene involving a male with beard and a
woman with breasts, both with clearly illustrated genitalia, nevertheless
equally fully dressed. What is evidently significant for our study is that
the horse appearing in several cases was symbolized as stallion.
Mounted men holding various insignia (rhyton, bow and arrow) in
non-combat or non-hunting scenes are those from Agighiol greave (Fig.
3.7), Malomirovo Zlatinista greave (Fig.3.5) rings from Teteven (Fig.3.3)
and Duvanli (Fig.3.4). Males holding drinking vessels may as well sit on
chairs as the case of Greave 2 from Agighiol (Fig.4.4). This posture, as it
will be further described, was apparently affordable for females. In this
case the images of sited characters holding drinking vessels like those
from Baiceni (Fig.4.1), Malomirovo-Zlatinitsa (Fig. 4.2) remain difficult
to gender even if some details seem to suggest the presence of a chain-
armor costume.
A distinctive image of a male character was depicted on the
Cotofenesti helmet (Fig.4.3, 5.6). In this case, the character was
represented during the slaying action of a kneeling ram. The military
outfit (chlamys, chain tunic, dagger scabbard and pointed cap) was totally
empowered by the raising hand, holding the dagger, in a moment just
before taking the animal life and the superior position on top of the
Representations of Gendered Identities in North-Thracian society


245
sacrificed animal. Control over life and death, force, authority were
clearly exhibited in association with male identity.
Considering the general schematization of human figure in the
Thracian anthropomorphic iconography we notice the special attention
given to hair style: curly hair was especially carefully treated in all the
representations and despite the fact that horses were represented adorned
with appliques, the males didnt exhibit any special decoration in their
attire.
A later development in the artistic Thracian discourse and
consequently in the depiction of characters, had taken place through
employment of funerary painting (Fig. 6). The practice of richly
decorating the plastered interiors of chamber-tombs built under tumuli
was synchronized and derived from the Macedonian funerary fashion
established after the middle of the 4
th
and in the beginning of the 3
rd

centuries BC (Tsbidou-Avloniti 2005). Spatial organization of painted
scenes, color schemes and subjects of painted Thracian tombs (Kazanlak,
Alexandrovo, Ginina Mogila) were evidently connected with Macedonian
models. Noteworthy is that the representation of individual identity
evolved accordingly in the limits of these new models: clothes fashion,
item fashion and symbolic image. For example, the traditional image of
male as hunter was enhanced in a double manner. The males became as
well visible as warriors involved in combat scenes. In addition,
representation of hunts became more complex, as involving multiple
prays and participants, reflecting the oriental fashion of the royal mounted
multiple-quarry, adopted and spread by Macedonian elite in the 2
nd
half of
the 4
th
century BC. A model for the scene from Alexandrovo (Fig.6.3, 7)
is to be seen in the faade painting of Tomb II in Vergina (Fig. 6.8). Even
if it looks like a single scene, the fresco represents the result of multiple
episodes taking place in different places and in different seasons being
assembled together. The main character-hunter, usually identified as the
deceased occupant of the tomb, was depicted in each scene as hunting a
different pray (Borza, Palagia 2008). Big-game, collective hunt were
favorite subjects for decorating funerary monuments in western Persian
Empire in the 4
th
century BC (the Sidon sarcophagi, the Nereid
Monument, the Mausoleum in Halikarnassos, etc) (Tripodi 1998: 74, 76-
79). The multiple-quarry from Alexandrovo, in contrast with the
Macedonian model, depicts dressed characters (with one exception).
Valeriu Srbu, Magdalena tefan


246
The participation of a male crowned figure in a symposium
together with servants and wife on the Kazanlak paintings (Fig. 8.6)
should be placed in the same Macedonian model context.

Women, gender ambiguity
The illustration of femininity on Thracian toreutic items is
occasional or remains difficult to identify. There are just several cases in
which the sexual markers are represented in a distinctive manner. This is
the case of the famous set of harness appliques from Letnitsa (Fig. (9.7).
In this context women with breasts and genitalia were explicitly depicted.
Even in these situations, the characters appeared as fully dressed. In one
case, a feminine character dressed in a long costume with clearly marked
breasts is riding a fantastic beast, a serpent with a horse head. The other
two feminine images appear on the same item. A woman is engaged in an
erotic act with a bearded male, while behind her stands another female
character with breasts and long garment, holding a jug and a branch. On a
third applique there is a similar character riding a fantastic animal, a
serpent with three heads, holding an object in the right hand, maybe a
mirror (Fig.9.7b). In this last case, the sexual identity is not emphasized
but the similarity in attire and pose with the rest of the scenes suggest a
female categorization for this character. What is significant for our
present review is the participation of feminine characters in the initiatic
process of a male character, the main subject of the symbolic story
depicted on this harness set. The female, either divine or mortal, was
essential to fully empower the male role and status, however the male
identity, expressed through traditional activities like hunting and horse
riding was the primary focus. A substantial element in gender structure is
that male and female identities exist by reference to each other.
Opposition, separation, affinity and balance are all involved in
perceptions of gender; in the case of Letnitsa applique as in other cases of
couple representations (Fig.8) the relationship exhibit elements of
equivalence (similar treatment of body image in terms of details and
relative size) as well as difference (different insignia).
The schematization of Thracian artistic representation of humans
in general and the little focus given to facial features makes gender
differentiation and especially feminine traits identification to rely heavily
on costume and type of scene. This is quite constraining as it does not
allow a more complex approach of the relationship between gender and
Representations of Gendered Identities in North-Thracian society


247
social roles, totally subduing the feminine image to those situations not
associated with a clear male identity. part from Letnitsa
representations, there are several other cases of characters interpreted by
analysts as women by taking in consideration their costume - a long tunic
without sleeves, rolling in multiple folding, fastened in front of the body
or a long dress with long sleeves: jugs 155, 157, 158 from Rogozen
treasure (Fig. 9. 1-3) and the Poroina rhyton. (Fig. 9.6). These are cases of
ambiguous gendered characters in which the display of sexuality is not
significant for the social role they plaid. These characters perform
different roles and actions and exhibit a variety of emblems. On the
Poroina rhyton there is a couple of characters with remarkably identical
physical features, one standing in a hieratic pose and the other sited on a
small stool, holding a phiala and rhyton. The characters illustrated on jug
157 are riding wild beasts, while in their right lifted hand, they hold a
bow and arrow. The manner in which they ride the beasts is completely
unnatural for a male, as both legs are on the same side of the animal and
the feet are crossed one over the other. The style in which the weapons
are carried is again done in non-combat fashion. The pose is identical
however with Agighiol greave 2, on the side of which a horseman,
apparently male, is holding up a bow and arrow in an unusual not
functional position (Fig. 3.7). On the jug 157 the characters are riding in
pairs two affronted qvadrigae with winged horses. Their pharaphernalia
include bow and arrow, the efflorescent branch, phiala The heads
depicted isolate in the action field of the hunting scenes from on Letnitsa
appliques (Fig. 8h) and Rogozen jug 159 were interpreted as belonging to
females. Clearer feminine portrayals found in Thracian contexts are those
divulging a Greek artist or a Greek artistic model: Borovo jug (Fig. 9.4).
However in these cases, reading gender models through iconography
undergoes ambiguity as it is not clear which society they actually reflect.

Names, Property
Another manner of assessing the relation between social roles and
gender identity is to consider the occurrence of names, the objects on
which they appear or functioning context, if known. For the Thracian
case, we have a limited number of inscriptions, however significant. The
most famous are the inscriptions on the vessels (Alexandrescu 1983;
1984; Zournatsi 2000) from Rogozen, Agighiol, Vratsa and Alexandrovo
which describe them as being in the property of men. The same is the case
Valeriu Srbu, Magdalena tefan


248
with the oinochoe handle (Fig. 7.8) and helmet (Fig. 7.7) from Golyamata
Kosmatka Tomb, objects bearing the owner name Seuthes. Male ruler
names appear as well on coins in associations with realistic portrayals of
these individuals (Fig. 7. 1, 4).
Female names appear in two interesting situations. One is the great
inscription from Seuthopolis containing the name of Berenice, wife of
Seuthes. She has authority to sign treaties and is representing her royal
family in a period immediately following the death of Seuthes III king
(Archibald 1998: 310-1). Her name denotes her Macedonian origin. The
other case is the tomb from Smyadovo, Shumen (Bouzek&Domardzka
2006) bearing an epitaph written with Greek letters above the entrance on
the faade, which reveals in the same genitive form the owner of the
monument (Fig. 7.3). What is really valuable for our analysis is that the
name belongs to a woman of Thracian origin Gonimasedze. The epitaph
contains also the indications that she was the wife of Seuthes. The
authority and status given to royal women has to be understood in the
context of similar evolutions in the Macedonian court (Le Bohec-Bouhet
2006). where high ranked women begun to perform authority roles and
were buried in impressive funerary constructions This evolution is as well
illustrated by the portrayal of a woman adorned with jewelry and vales,
sited on a throne in the central symposium scene from Kazanlak tomb.
As we explored in turn different manners of expressing identity in
the Thracian society of the 5
th
-3
rd
centuries BC, the polyvalent social
functions of gender, revealed themselves as constructs reflecting both
individual aspirations and communitarian models of ideal social
organization. Gender is in the same time social regulation and expressive
language, standing at the very grounds of human identity.
Valeriu Srbu
Museum of Brila and Institute of rchaeology Bucharest
E-mail: valeriu_sirbu@yahoo.co.uk

Magdalena tefan
University of Bucharest
E-mail: madi.dutescu@gmail.co


Figures explanations

Representations of Gendered Identities in North-Thracian society


249
Fig.1. 1) representation of a horseman dressed in Thracian costume with spears,
on a red-figure Athenian cup attributed to the Antiphon Painter (500-450 BC), Louvre
collection (CP10896), CVA Paris, Muse de Louvre 19, 14-15, pl (1235-1236) 30.6.-8,
31,1-6; 2) representation of a warrior in Thracian costume, fighting on foot, caring the
crescent type shield-pelte and a javelin, on a red-figure Attic cup attributed to the
manner of Onesimos (480-475 BC), Cambridge, Arthur M. Sackler Museum collection
(1959.219), Perseus-Vase Catalog: image:1990.01.1768; 3) representation of an archer
with Thracian alopekae and Scythian gorythos, on a red-figure cup attributed to Oltos
Painter (525-475 BC), Florence, Museo Archeologico Etrusco collection (1B24), CVA
Firenze, Regio Museo Archeologico 1, III.I.3, pl (376) 1.24; 4) representation of
horsemen in Thracian costumes with spears fighting a pedestrian warrior in Greek
costume, on a black-figure Attic amphora attributed to the Bareiss Painter (350-520 BC),
Malibu, Jean Paul Getty Museum collection (86.AE.85), Tsiafakis 2000: 371, fig. 14.3;
5) representation of Orpheus with lire singing for several Thracian men, two naked, in
meditative postures but with spears, on a red-figure krater attributed to the Orpheus
Painter (440 BC), Berlin, Antikenmuseen collection (V.I.3172), Perseus Vase Catalog
image:1992.07.0563; 6) representation of Dionysus in Thracian zeira and menada with
alopekae on a black-figure Athenian amphora attributed to Antimenes Painter (550-500
BC), Zurich University collection (8), CVA Zurich, Offtentliche Sammlungen 1 7-19,
pls. (49, 51) 7.5, 9.1 -4; 7) representation of Thamyras in Thracian costume on a red-
figure amphora attributed to Latter Mannerist (450-400 BC), Saint Petersburg State
Hermitage Museum (71 1 ST1685), Mannack 2001, pl.62.
Fig. 2. 1) Death of Orpheus wearing embades by the hands of several Thracian
women caring a variety of weapons, two warriors with spears in Thracian costume, Attic
red-figure hydria, attributed to the Niobid Painter (460 BC), Boston Museum of Fine
Arts collection (90.156), Caskey&Beazley, no 107, plate LVII; 2) death of Orpheus by
the hand of a Thracian woman with sword, embades and tattoos, on a red-figure lekythos
attributed to the Achilles Painter (460 BC), Boston Museum of Fine Arts collection
(13.202), Caskey&Beazley, no 49 plate XXII; 3) death of Orpheus by the hands of
several Thracian women with tattoos and zeira, on a red-figure Athenian stamnos
attributed to the Dokimasia Painter (490-480 BC), Zurich University collection (3477),
Tsiafakis 2000: 391, fig.15.1; 4) slave woman as nurse dressed in Thracian costume on a
red-figure Attic hydria (440-430 BC) Cambridge, Harvard University Art Museums
collection (1960.342), Perseus Vase Catalog image:1990.01.1531; 5) Thracian women
with tattoos killing Orpheus, on a red-figure Attic stamnos attributed to Hermonax
Painter (470-450 BC), Paris, Muse du Louvre collection (G 416), Perseus Vase Catalog
image:1992.06.0855.
Fig. 3. 1) boar hunting scene with horseman with spear and pedestrian with
bow, Lovets belt, (5
th
c. BC), Venedikov&Gerasimov 1973: pl. 250; 2) horseman
hunting a wild beast, Lukovit harness aplique (2
nd
half 4
th
c. BC), Srbu 2006: p. 243, fig.
55/5; 3) horseman with rhyton, Teteven ring (2
nd
half of the 4
th
c. BC), Marazov 2005:
p.118; 4) Golyamata Mogila, Duvanli golden ring (5
th
c. BC), Die Thraker: p. 161, fig.
214e; 5) horseman with rhyton surrounded by snake, Malomirovo-Zlatinistsa greave
(middle 4
th
c. BC), Tesori della Bulgaria: p. 73; 6) horseman with spear, Agighiol
helmet (2
nd
half of the 4
th
c. BC); 7) horseman with bow and snake Agighiol greave 1
(2
nd
half of the 4
th
c. BC), Srbu 2006: p. 234, fig. 46/1c; 8) various hunting scenes with
Valeriu Srbu, Magdalena tefan


250
horseman with spear , Letnitsa harness appliques (2
nd
half of the 4
th
c. BC), Kull 1997: p.
208-9, ab. 4a-b
Fig. 4. 1) character on throne with rhyton, phiala and snake, Baiceni helmet (2
nd

half 4
th
c. BC), Petrescu-Dambovita 1995: fig. 1; 2) characters, one on throne with
phiala, Malomirovo-Zlatinitsa greave, (middle 4
th
c. BC), Tesori della Bulgaria: p. 73; 3)
character with dagger and pointing cap, sacrificing a ram, Cotofenesti helmet (2
nd
half 4
th

c. BC), Srbu 2006, p.239, fig. 51/2b; 4) character on throne with bird and rhyton,
Agighiol greave1 (2
nd
half 4
th
c. BC), Srbu 2006: p.234, fig. 46/1c; 5) character leading
qvadriga, Vratsa jug (last quarter 4
th
c. BC), Torbov 2005: p. 171, tab X.3
Fig. 5. 1) Vratsa greave (3
rd
quarter 4
th
c. BC); 2) Agighiol greave2 (2
nd
half 4
th

c. BC) ; 3) Agighiol greave 1(2
nd
half 4
th
c. BC); 3) Malomirovo Zlatinitsa greave,
(middle 4
th
c. BC) Tesori della Bulgaria: p.72; 5) Peretu helmet (middle 4
th
c. BC),
Moscalu 1989: p.142, Abb. 7/1; 6) Cotofenesti helmet (2
nd
half 4
th
c. BC); 7) Phrygian
type hemlet, unknown place of discovery (4
th
c. BC), Die Thraker: p. 295, fig. 215; 8)
ceramic human head, Vratsa tomb (2
nd
quarter 4
th
c. BC), Torbov 2005: p. 181, tabXV.1;
9) Silver head, Peretu tomb, (middle 4
th
c. BC), Moscalu 1989: p. 145, Abb. 9/1;
10) glass bead Mavrova tomb (beginning 3
rd
c. BC), Die Thraker: p.165, fig.222a; 11)
silver pendants, Lukovit treasure, (2
nd
half 4
th
c. BC), Kull 1997: p.210, ab.10; 12) phiala
Rogozen treasure (2
nd
half 4
th
c. BC), Die Thraker: p. 200, fig. 230e
Fig. 6. 1) painted scene in Kazanlak tomb (280-270 BC), men, one with a
pointed cap, leading horses, Marazov 2005: p. 8; 2) painted combat scene between a
horseman and a pedestrian both wearing pointed caps, Kinch tomb, Lefkadia (300-250
BC), Rhomiopolou 2000: p. 38, fig. 34; 3) painted hunting scene in Alexandrovo tomb,
Haksovo (2
nd
half of the 4
th
c. BC), Kitov 2009: p. 45, fig. 60; 4) floor mosaic depicting
a deer hunt from the House of Hellen in Pella (325-300 BC), Siganidou&Lilimbaki-
Akamati, 2008: p. 25, fig. 11; 5) painted combat scene in Kazanlak tomb between
pedestrians, one wearing chlamys and the Macedonian cap kausia, Marazov 2005: p.106;
6) painted scene with warriors participants in a symposium, wearing kausia, Ag.
Athanasios tomb, Thessaloniki, last quarter of the 4
th
c. BC, Tsibidou-Avloniti 2005: pl.
35; 7) multiple hunt painted scene in Alexandrovo tomb, Haskovo, Marazov 2005: p. 88;
8) multiple hunt scene in Vergina tomb II, 2
nd
half of the 4
th
c. BC, reconstruction
drawing of the facade, Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 2004: pl. 8.
Fig. 7. 1) coin of king Seuthes III (324-311 BC), Venedikov&Gerasimov 1973:
pl. 323; 2) inscribed phiala from Alexandrovo belonging to Kotys, (4
th
c. BC), Zournatsi
2000: p. 687, fig. 9; 3) Smyadovo, Shumen district. Tomb with epitaph of Gonimaseze,
wife of Seuthes (4
th
c. BC), Bouzek&Domaradzka 2006, fig. 1; 4) coins of Hebryzelmis
(390384 BC) and Kotys I (384358 BC), Die Thraker: p. 121; 5) bronze head found in
front of the entrance in tumulus tomb Golyama Kosmatka Shipka, end of the 4
th
-
beginning of 3
rd
c. BC, Tesori della Bulgaria: p. 67; 5) golden funerary mask found in
Svetitsa tomb, Shipka, Stara Zagora, end of the 5
th
c. BC, Tesori della Bulgaria: p. 47; 7)
bronze helmet inscribed with the name of Seuthes found in tomb Golyama Kosmatka
Shipka, Kitov 2005: p. 51, fig. 22; 8) handle of a silver oinochoe inscribed with
inscription and Seuthes name, found in tomb Golyama Kosmatka, Shipka, Kitov 2005
p. 49, fig. 20
Fig. 8. 1) golden ring found in Malomirovo-Zlatinitsa tomb, Jambol, middle 4
th

c. BC, representing a woman offering a wreath to a horseman, Tesori della Bulgaria: p.
Representations of Gendered Identities in North-Thracian society


251
69; 2) painted scene representing a woman offering a wreath to the deceased equipped as
warrior on the facade of Bella tomb, Vergina, first half of the 3
rd
c. BC, Drougou&
Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 2008: p. 65, fig. 90; 3) painting on the funerary chamber wall from
Sveshtari Ginina Mogila representing a woman offering a wreath to a horseman, 3
rd
c.
BC, Srbu 2006: p. 196, fig. 8/4; 4) couple affronted on a golden ring found in the Small
Tomb (Malkata), Shipka, Kazanlak (middle of the 4
th
c. BC), Ancient Gold: p. 97, fig. 5;
5) woman offering a rhyton to a horseman, Brezovo golden ring (end of the 5
th
-
beginning of the 4
th
c. BC), Venedikov&Gerasimov 1973: pl. 209; 6) painted scene
representing a couple banqueting, Kazanlak tomb, Mikov 1954: pl.IX.2; 7)
representation of an coupling scene, Letnitsa silver harness applique, 4
th
c. BC., Srbu
2006: p. 241, fig. 53/6.
Fig. 9. 1) Rogozen, jug no. 157, Srbu 2006: p.244, fig. 56/2; 2) Rogozen, jug
no. 158, Srbu 2006: p. 244, fig. 56/3; 3) Rogozen jug no. 157-main scene expanded,
Marazov 1996: p. 157; 4) Borovo rhyton-jug, Srbu 2006: p. 240, fig. 52/1b: p. 222; 6)
details with characters on Poroina rhyton, Srbu 2006: p. 239, fig. 51/1b-c; 7) harness
appliques Letnitsa set, Kull 1997: 208, 4a. All dated 2
nd
half of the 4
th
c. BC.
Fig. 10. 1) clay figurine Bugeac, grave 110 (4
th
c. BC), Irimia 1992: fig. 3-4 ; 2)
clay figurine Zimnicea grave C2M4 (2
nd
half of the 4
th
c. BC-beginning of 3
rd
c. BC)
Alexandrescu 1980: p. 105, fig. 55.5; 3) clay figurines Vratsa, (2
nd
half 4
th
c. BC),
Torbov 2005: p. 181, tab. XV.

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Fig.1. 1) Louvre collection (CP10896); 2) Cambridge, Arthur M. Sackler Museum
collection (1959.219); 3) Florence, Museo Archeologico Etrusco collection (1B24);
4) Malibu, Jean Paul Getty Museum collection (86.AE.85); 5) Berlin, Antikenmuseen
collection (V.I.3172); 6) Zurich University collection (8); 7) Saint Petersburg State
Hermitage Museum (71 1 ST1685).






Representations of Gendered Identities in North-Thracian society


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Fig. 2. 1) Boston Museum of Fine Arts collection (90.156; 2) Boston Museum of Fine
Arts collection (13.202); 3) Zurich University collection (3477); 4) Harvard University
Art Museums collection (1960.342); 5) Paris, Muse du Louvre collection (G 416).
Valeriu Srbu, Magdalena tefan


258


Fig. 3. 1) Lovets; 2) Lukovit; 3) Teteven; 4) Golyamata Mogila, Duvanli;
5) Malomirovo; 6) Agighiol; 7) Agighiol; 8) Letnitsa.
Representations of Gendered Identities in North-Thracian society


259

Fig. 4. 1) Baiceni; 2) Malomirovo-Zlatinitsa; 3) Cotofenesti; 4) Agighiol; 5) Vratsa.
Valeriu Srbu, Magdalena tefan


260
Fig. 5. 1) Vratsa; 2) Agighiol; 3) Agighiol; 4) Malomirovo; 5) Peretu; 6) Cotofenesti;
7) Phrygian type helmet, unknown place of discovery; 8) Vratsa tomb; 9) Peretu tomb;
10) Mavrova tomb; 11) Lukovit; 12) Rogozen.
Representations of Gendered Identities in North-Thracian society


261




Fig. 6. 1) Kazanlak tomb; 2) Kinch tomb, Lefkadia; 3) Alexandrovo tomb, Haksovo;
4) House of Hellen in Pella; 5) Kazanlak; 6) Ag. Athanasios tomb, Thessaloniki;
7) Alexandrovo tomb, Haskovo; 8) Vergina tomb II.


Valeriu Srbu, Magdalena tefan


262







Fig. 7. 1) coin of king Seuthes III; 2) Alexandrovo; 3) Smyadovo, Shumen district;
4) coins of Hebryzelmis and Kotys I; 5) Golyama Kosmatka Shipka; 6) Svetitsa tomb,
Shipka, Stara Zagora; 7) Golyama Kosmatka Shipka; 8) Golyama Kosmatka, Shipka.


Representations of Gendered Identities in North-Thracian society


263









Fig. 8. 1) Malomirovo-Zlatinitsa; 2) Bella tomb, Vergina; 3) Sveshtari Ginina Mogila;
4) Small Tomb (Malkata), Shipka; 5) Brezovo; 6) Kazanlak tomb; 7) Letnitsa.
Valeriu Srbu, Magdalena tefan


264

Fig. 9. 1) Rogozen jug no. 157; 2) Rogozen jug no. 158; 3) Rogozen jug no. 157;
5) Borovo rhyton-jug; 6) Poroina rhyton; 7) Letnitsa
Representations of Gendered Identities in North-Thracian society


265






Fig. 10. 1) Bugeac, 2) Zimnicea grave C2M4 3) Vratsa