1

r
,
:
1
Dednitions and history
I
----<> \ I . ,..-. \
.J.r/\ '{ "1,' O1 f..,!
1
te, t"c:J C.\
'/
(
"

1.1'-1'
'..l..
\
(
!
DEFINITIONS
Both words jn rhe ride of chis book have been a souece of puzzlement foc rhe
swdent of inrernacional relatiol,s, Iris worrb examining them more closely
before rurnjng ro the realires they represenr when joined rogerher.'-The cecm
mernacional, thoughr ro be che crearion of Jeremy is ofren seen as
a misnomer. lnsread, ir is claimed, rhe rerm 'ntersrace' or
mental' should be used when describjng an acrivjry - war, diplomacy,
re/acions of Rny kind - cond ucred between rwo sovereign srares and their
governmentRI ,represencarives. Thus calk of an 'incernacional agreemcm'
berween scate!A and srare B ro limr arms produccion or ro conccol rhe
seJJing of compueer cechnology reiers nor ro an underscandiug berween che
armamenr of 1\ and B or ro a pacr berween their computer
firms, bur ro an arrangement by A's governmental representarjves wjth
rhose of srace B. .
This scate government-orjenced vjew of rhe word 'iacernacional'
has been incteasingly challeoged Qver che pasr four decades, lc is 00
longer used syoonymously with 'jntergovernmental' to mean 'joterstate'
oc relarions berween che official represenrarives of sovereign stares.
Inscead rhe cerm has come 'Co include acrivities between jndividuals and
groups in one:srare and individuals and groups in anocher srare, as well as
relRrons. The [irsr cypes of re!arionshps - rhose noc
involving actviries berween governmenrs only - are known as rransna-
donal relarions, Conneccions berween one bmoch of governmeot in one
state (say a defeoce minisrri) aod a branch o[ governmenc io anorher
country (ics defeoce miniscry or irs secrer service, for example), which do
nor go rhrough rhe normal foreign policy-making chaooels, are called
transgovernmenral. AlI rhese reiarjonships - incergovernmencal, cransna-
tional and craosgovernmenra! _ are now usually included under rhe
heading 'inrernarional'.
The dual meaning of ics <ingular form, and irs incerchanging jo rriany
books w,ich rhe word 'instirutions', confuses rhe use of the cerm
I /\' .
-. (
,
(JI
4 DefirJitiom arJd hiJtory
apate late medieval Europe. Ptior ro 1648, rhe coocept of a uoified Christian
Europe dominated the thinking, if nor the practice, of polirical !ife in
Europe (Bozeman 1960: 514; Davies 1997: 7-10 and Chapters 6 aod 7;
Hinsley 1967, Chaptets 1 and 8). The waning temporal power of the papacy
and the Holy Roman Empire demonsttared the difficulties of unifying such
a diverse geographical area as the continent of Europe, even when its peoples
were thteatened by the march of the Otroman Empire. Despite this, a form
of unity was offeted by 'the doctrine of a God-given natutal law above
mankind, adhetence ro which provided an opporeunity for Chtistian culets
and eheie subjects ro belong ro a greater commonwealth.
With the questioning and laret rejection of naeural law eenees by certain
philosophers, and with rhe 'civil war' between Christian princes from 1618
ro 1648, the prospecr of a polirically united Europe faded into the pase. The
Peace of Westphalia and the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713 laid the basis for the
sovereign state syseem in Europe, a system larer extended ro the rest of the
wotld. This sysrem recognized the right of srates with defined geographical
boundaries, including more oe less settled populations (terrirorialiey), ro
have theit own forms of governmene (non-intervention) and eo conduct teJa-
tions with ooe another on an equa! legal basis (sovereign equaliry). Mosr
culers no longet utilized the narural law ro guide relatiOlls between states;
nstead thete emerged rhe concepr of an international law founded on che
ptactice of states volunrarily makng mutual agreemencs based either on
rreaty or on cusrom. 'The Wesrphalia conception includes the idea rhat
national governments a.re the basic SOUtce of ordet in incernational sociery.'
For international re1arions it means 'decenttalised concLol by sovereign
seaees' (Falk 1969: 68-9).
Given the existence of che sovereign stare system, why did governmentS
not create a network of ineernational organizarions throughout rhe eigh-
teenth cemury' Inis Claude (1964: 17) sees four preconditions before such
action couId be taken: the exisrence of a number of seates functioning as
independent poltical unirs; a subsrancial measure of contace between these
subdivisions; an awareness of problems rhat arise from srates' co-existence;
and theie recognition of 'che need for creation of iostieutional devices and
syseematic methods for regularing eheir relations with each oeher'. Only the
frst of these ptetequisires manifestly exsred befare rhe nineteenrh century.
A form of diplomacy existed between the courts of rhe European powers,
and rrade and ttavel grew throughour Europe dutiog the eighteench centuey.
The measute of contacr built up berween states in che 150 years following
Wesrphalia could scarcely be described as substantial, and an alJ-roo-
common form of concan was warfare. Ir has been calculated rhar there were
sixty-seven significanc wars in the period from 1650 ro 1800, a time parcic-
ulady noriceable for the large number of major wars in which gteac powers
parricipared on each si de (Wtighr J965: 636-51).
The internarional system that exiseed outside Eueope before rhe area was
integtared into the European system in tbe nineteench cenrury also showed
DrjinJliof/' and f.;lftory ')
jtde propensiry for creating Inrernarional organlzarions. Thf' vanolls
arrangemencs of Chinese Empire rang:ng from the feudal system of rhe
Wesrern Chou srarring some 1, J00 years DC) to the imperial rule of
he Manchus (froril the [atrer half of rhe scvenreenrh cenrury llnril rhe revo-
of 1912); the divided warring India of the staresman Kautilya (abour
300 BC) ro that qf rhe decaying Mogul Empire of rhe seventeenrlt cenrury;
and the Islamic i Ortoman Empire, were aH familiar wrh war, tradt',
alliances, federaciQns and even forms of diplomacy, bU[ none produced rhe
permanent instirJrions of internacional organiz;[rions. One possible excep-
rion s the Amphictyonc COllncils of ancimr Greece
which were somerhing berween a Church Congress, an Eisreddfod and a
meeting of the Lea-gue ofNations Assembly... AJthough rhe main purpose
of rbese as o[ the petmanenc secl'etariat whicb rhey man-
rained, was the safeguarding of shrines and treasllfes and (he regularon of
the pilgcim f,raffic, rbey also dealr with poltical marcers of common
HeJlenic incerest and, as such, had an important diplomatic lUnction.
'; (NicoJsoo 1969: 18-J 9)
I
A forecunner of humanitarian inrernari.,)JlaJ organizacions can possbly be
seen in the Knights of Sr John of Terusa:em (Iater known as rhe Order of
Malta), who administered hospirals' in rhe Holy Land during rhe Crusades
from the twelfrh cencury ro the rhirreenrh century. They later had their
headquarters on Medirerranean islands of Rhodes, Cyprus and Malta
before being baseCi in Rome. However, it seems rhar rhis ineernacional order
(drawn from cirlzens of many European seares) exercised elemenes oE
soveregney ovee in whch it operated, and indeed c1aims 'i sovereign
existence even roday (Beigbeder 1992: 61-3).
Apart from the!se examples, rhe various polities in rhe systems menrioned,
as in those of pre"nineteenrh-century Europe, found (har conean with orber
poltical units waS either in a beJligerenr form or, if peaceful, cnuld be saris-
fied by the of che merchants and the occasional envoy. In 1786,
Thomas Jefferson; later ro become US president, proposed an internarional
naval f1eet under .the control of a council of ministers and an ambassadorial
commirtee in order ro concrol rhe pirares of the I3arbery stares in Norrh
Africa. However, rhe idea demanded cooperarion berween hostile European
states and the establishment of a f1eer funded by guoras ar a rime when
national navies were often shorc of money (Szasz 198 J).
The reasons why the nineteenth century provided such fertiJe ground in
Europe for international organizations can be found in Claude's fina! rwo
,roints: an awareness of the problems of srares' coexisrence and rhe recogn;
fion of rhe need for means differene from rhose already used ro regulare
relationships. Governrnenrs' growing acceprance of new Jevices with which
ro conduct their relarons arose parrly oUt of rhe changed polrical situaron
rosr1815 and parrly from economic and social Jeveloprneors.
4 Definitions and bistory
aparr lare medieval Europe. Prior ro 164B, rhe concepr of a unified Chrisran
Europe dominaced rhe rhinking, if nor rhe pracrice, of polirical life in
Europe (Bozeman 1960: 514; Davies 1997: 7-10 and Chaprers 6 and 7;
Hinsley 1967, Chaprers 1 and 8). The waning remporal power of rhe papacy
and rhe Holy Roman Empire demonsrrared che difficulties of unifying such
a diverse geographical area as rhe concinenr of Europe, even when irs peoples
were rhrearened by rhe march of rhe Orroman Empire. Despire chis, a form
of uniry was offered by 'rhe doctrine of a God-given nacural law abo'le
maokind, adherence ro which provided an opporcuniry for Christian culers
aod eheir subjeces ro belong ro a greacer commonwealrh.
Wirh che quesrioning aod later rejeceioo of nacural Jaw tenets by cercain
philosophers, aod wirh rhe 'civil war' becweeo Christian princes from 1618
tu 164B, rhe prospecr of a polirically uniced Europe faded inro rhe pase. The
Peace of Wesrphalia and the Treaty of Ucrechc in 1713 laid che basis for che
sovereigo srare sysrem in Europe, a sysrem !arer exrended co the eest of rhe
world. This sysrem recognized rhe righc of sraces wich defined geographical
bonndaries, including more or less sectled populacions (rerricorialicy), ro
have rheir own forms of governmenr (non-iocervenrion) and ro conducc rela-
rions wirh one anorher 00 an equ:ll legal basis (sovereign equalicy). Mose
rulers no longer urilized rhe natural law ro guide relaciolls between states;
insread rhere emerged rhe concepr of ao internariooal law founded on rhe
pracrice of srares voluucarily makiug mucual agreements based eirher on
rreary or 00 cusrom. 'The Westphalia conceprioo ineludes che idea thac
narional governmenrs are rhe basic source of order in internacional society.'
For iocernarional relarions ir means 'deceocralised concrol by sovereign
scares' (Falk 1969: 68-9).
Given che exisrence of rhe sovereign scace syscem, why did goveromencs
nor creace a nerwork of inrernacional organizacions rhroughour the eigh-
reeorh cencury' Inis Claude (1964: 17) sers four precondicions before such
accion (ould be rakeu: rhe existence of a oumber of srares functioning as
indepeodenc polirical units; a subsrancial measure of concacc becween rhese
subdivjsions; an awareness of problems ehac arise from scaces' co-existence;
aod rhejr recognirion of 'rhe need for crearion of insritucional devices and
sysremaric merhods for regulacing their relations wirh each orher'. Only che
firse of rhese prerequisires manifesdy existed before che ninereench cencury.
A form of diplomacy existed berweeu che courcs of che European powers,
and rrade and rrave! grew throughour Europe during che eighceench cencury.
The measure of conracr built up becween scaces in che 150 years folJowing
Wesepha!ia could scarcely be described as subscancial, and an all-coo-
common form of conean was warfare. Ir has been calcuJared chac rhere were
sixry-seven signiftcaor wars in rhe period from 1650 ro 1BOO, a rime paecic-
ulady noriceable for the large number of major wars in which grear powers
parricipared on eachside(Wrighr 1965: 636-51).
The incernational sysrem rhat exisced oucside Europe before the area was
incegraced ioto rhe ElIropean sysrem in rhe nineteenrh century also showed
Dej/lllllom anr} hHtoyy ')
lireJe propensiry: for ceeacng inrernari l1al organzaflom. The various
arrangemenrs of tpe Chinese Empire rang:ng from rhe feudal sysrem of che'
Wesreto Chou peiiod srarring sorne 1,100 years BC) ro the imperial rule of
rhe Manchus (frory, rhe larrer half of che scventeenrh century uncil the revo-
!urion of 1912); che divided warrjng Indw. of rhe sraresman Kaucilya (abour
300 BC) ro rhar df che decaying Mogul Empire of the sevenreenrh cencury;
and rhe Islamic IOrtoman Empre, were alJ familiar wirh war, rra<ie,
alliances, and eveu forms o[ diplomacy, bue none produced rhe
permanenr instirJcions of internacional organizations. One possible excep-
rion s the Amphictyooie Councils of ancienc Greece
which were someching berween a Church Congress, an Eisteddfod ami a
meering of che League of Narioos Assembly... Alrhough che main purpose
of rhese as of the permanenr secrerariac which rhey maio-
rained, was rhb safeguarding of shrines and rreasures and rhe regularion of
rhe pilgrim affic, chey also dealt with political mauers of common
Hellenic inrerbsr and, as such, had an irnporranr diplomaric fuocrion.
(Nicolson 1969: 18-19)
i
A forerunner of humaoicarian incernari')nal organizarions can possbly be
seen in che Knights of St John of Jerusalem (Jarer koowo as rhe Order of
Malta), who adminiscered hospirals in rhe l-Ioly Land during rhe Crusa<ies
fram che rwelfthJcencury ro che ri1irreer:rh cencuey. They larer had cheir
headquarcers on che Medirerranean islands of Rhodes, Cyprus and Malea
before bejng based in Rome. However, ic seems rhar this internarional order
(dr'awn from ciclzens of many Eurapean srares) exercised e!emenrs o[
sovereignty over aceas in which ic operared, and indeed c1aims a sO\fereign
exisrence even roday (Beigbeder 1992: 61-3).
Aparr fram examples, che various polities in lhe syscems menrione<i,
as in rhose of pre"nioeceenth-cencury Europe, found rbat contacr wirh orher
polirical units wa$ eirher io a belligerenr form or, if peaceful, could be saris-
fied by rhe of che merchanrs and rhe occasional envoy. In 1786,
Thomas Jefferson; lacer to become US president, proposed an Jlternarional
naval fleec under :rhe concrol of a council of minisrers ao<i an
commicree in order ro concrol rhe pirares of rhe Barbery sraces in North
Africa. However, rhe idea demaoded cooperation becween hosrile European
srares and the escablishmenr of a fleec fuoded by guoras ar a rime when
narional navies were often shorr of mooey (Szasz 19B1).
The reasons why rhe ninereench cenrury pravided such ferrile graund in
Eutupe for inrernarional organizarions can be found in Claude's final two
.,points: an awareness of rhe prablems of srares' coexisrence and {he recogni-
\ flon of the need for means different from rhose already lIsed ro regulare
, relarionships. Governmenrs' growing acceprance of new devices wirh which
ro conducr cheir reiarons arase p:lrdy our of rhe cbanged polilica] sifllarion
posr-1815 an<i partly from economic ami social df"velopmenrs.
7
6 DefmitioTls cttld bistory .
Peace and security
Pirsr, rhe Vienna Congress of 1814-15 codified rhe mies of diplomacy,
rhereby esrablishing an accepred mode of regular peaceful relarionships
among mosr European stares. This was an imporranr development in one of
the key instimtions goveroing imersrare relations, mrning diplomacy from a
rather discredired acrivity ro one [har served rhe international system as well
as the individual srare (Nicolson 1969: ch. 1).
The American Revolution, which led ro the independence of rhe United
Srates of America in 1776, and to rhe French Revolurion of 1789, bmught
jnto play novel political facrors Oil rhe inter[,arional scene. Previously the
imporrant European srares had been monarchies of one form or anorher; the
interesrs of che srare and rhose of the miel' were heJd ro be convergent.
Cromwel1's Commonwealrh in England deviared from rhis pattero and larer,
when cerraio political leaders considered James Ir unsarjsfactory, a new
dynascy was insral1ed. Still, ir was rhe King's parliament, rhe King's army
aod che King's peace thar exisred in England. The two revolurions in
America and France made a change by popularizing rhe srate. The srare 00
longer, even in legal rheory, had ro be rhe property 01' the rrusr of a monarch.
Ir could be che instrumem of popular will: 'Governments are instiruted
among Men, deriving their jusr Powers from the Consenr of the Governed,
rbar whenever any form of Governmenr becomes destrnctive of rhese ends, it
is rhe Righr of rhe People ro alter or ro abolish ir' (The American
Declaration of Independence).
There were immediare and noriceable effeets on imernarional relations by
rhese two revolmions: the vicrory of rhe American setrlers weakened Britain;
rhe new revolurionary Franee was soon ar war with rhe rest of Europe, and
Napolenn (rhe son of rhe Revolurion and Madame GuilIorine) had marched
his armies across Europe from Iberia ro Russia, from the Mediterranean to
the Baltic Ir rook rhe might of Austria, Britain, Prussia and Russia ro defeat
Napoleon and ro resrore the pre-revolurionary monarchy to France.
The represemarives of rhe vicrorious powers, meering at Vienna in 1814,
had the details of a peace rreaty ro prepare, bur rhey also had wider problems
for considerarion. They had had ro combine in order ro defear Napoleon and to
preveO( him from ruroing Europe inro a French empire. Their remporary uniry
hall overcome rheir foe and given rhem a chance ro reruro ro a sysrem of
sovereign stares based on rhe Wesrphalian concepr. The states represenred ar
rhe Congress of Vienna rook rhe opportuniry of srandardizing and codifying the
mIes of diplomarjc practice and pmnouncing on orher problems in rhe interna-
rional system, such as' slavery. Their major contribmion, however, was rneir
mutual promise ro 'concert togerher' againsr any future rhreat ro rhe sysrem. By
Article VI of rhe Treary of Chanmonr, Ausrria, Brjrain, Prussia and Russia
agreed ro renew ar fixed intervals, eirher under rhe immediate auspiees
of the Sovereigns rhemselves or by rheir respective Mnisters, meerings
for rhe examjnation of rhe measures which ar each of these epochs shall
DefiJ'lllioJ1J and hlnry
be considered most salurary for rhe repose and propriety of rhe NarlOos
and for rhe mainteoance of the peace of Europe.
(Hinsley 1967: 195)
Previously, represenratives had mer ro sign peace rrearies ar the end
of a war, bur the agreement thar emerged after rhe Congress of Vienna was
ro meet in tirAes of peace co prevent war. After 1814 rhe Great Powers mer
rogether ro quescions such as Greek independence and revolurion in
roe Iralian Fucchecmore, the gathecings were cegular - 'ar fixed
intervals' - anorhec novel concepr for governmenrs.
These congress meetings, as they were rermed, saw a dplomaric struggle
berween Bcitaln, represented by Foreign Minister Casclereagh, and che Holy
Alliance of the reacrionaty rulers of Ausrrja, Prussia and Russia over rhe
aims and methods of common anion. The Russian Czar's idea of the Great
Powers intervening in Europe ro uphoid the starus quo was opposed relene-
Jcssly by Castleceagh, who was more appreciative of the forces of change in
Europe (Davies 1997: 762-3). What eventually emerged fcom rhe congress
system was rhe looser formar the Concerr of Europe, with the Grear
powers consulting rogecher on problems as they arose rarher chan rrying to
prc-emp( rhem at regular meecings. The eoncepc remained of a group of
powerfnl coumries discussing quesrions of mutual imeresr ac a garhering of
ambassadors or membecs of governmenc: rhis was an innovative lmprove- .
mene on tradicional bilateral diplomacy. Despire this innovacon, many of
rhe decisions concerning war and peace during rhe ninereerJrh cenrury were
made in tbe chancecies of Europe wich [irtle prior with orber
governmenrs, except ro acrange alliances.
During che chird quacter of che nincteench cenrury there was a reversion
ro holding internarional meetings afcer conflicc rarhec rhan using chem ro
prevent a waL The Paris Peace Conference ended the Crjmeao War io 1856,
Vi enna in 1864 ended the War, Prague rhe Seveu Weeks
War in 1866, and Frankfucr broughc ro adose the Franco-Prussian War in
187 L However, che chircy-uve years before the srart of rhe First World \'Q'ar
saw the Great Powers nf Europe again rrying ro avoid conflkr by mutual
agreemenr: rhe Berlin Congress of 1878, after che Russo-Turkish War,
artempred a moce long-cecm sertlemene of rhe Balkan quesrion; the Berlin
Congress o[ 1884-5 agreed on rhe division of Afcica; and rhe Algeciras
Conference in temporarily relieved pressure over nval c!aims in North
Afcica. Bur theSe gatherings did lictle ro ease che basic censions between rhe
Great Powecs: their growing empires and wish for expansion, rheir alliances
and rbeir increased milirary mighr.
The period from che end of the congress syscem in 1822 to. rhe Firsr
World War was, however, oot one of a srraighrforwatd descenc inro
Armageddon. Apart fcom powers concinuing rhe pracrice esrablished by rhe
Concert of Europe of meeting rogerher to decide marrers o[ general
European 'conccrn, chere were orher landrnarks which dcmonstrared che
8 Definitions and history Definiti{iflf i7nd hi.. tory 9
efforcs of governmenrs to cake a more organized approach ro the problems 01 from rhe heginnIOg: and how much more sf'nsible ca have meetlngs abour
peace and securiry. A faccor pressing staces in chis direction was rhe interna rhese matrers convened separately from a congress primarily aimed at enoing
tionalization of the European system. Norrhedge (1976: 73-5) has discerned a war. Such thoughrs were scarcely the majn motivaring force behintl Czar
seven major srages in this process of expansion, starring with rhe Treaty 01 Nic
h
ol
3s
'
s
call in 1898 for an inrernarional conference tO discuss disarma-
Paris in 1783 by which the United Srares received jnrernational recognirion menr; he waS more concerned with rhe abiliry of his own counrry ro stand the
Of rhese seven sreps, five were raken before rhe starr of rhe twenrierh financial srra,ln of the arms race. Twenty-seven srares arrended this conference
century: the inclusion of rhe Unired States; the recognition in 1823 of th! and, whilsr mosr of them were European counrries, China, Japan, Mexico,
new Latin American srares by Canning, Britain's Foreign Secreraty; the Siam (now thailand) and rhe United Stares also sent represenratives. The
admission of the Qtroman Empite (and Romania) into the Concerr 01 Second Haghe Conference of 1907 drew a response from forry-four stares,
Europe system hy rhe Treary of Paris, 1856; Japan's joining the sysrem afrel including eighteen Latin American countries (D rown 1909: 528).
the opening-up of thar cOllntry by Commodore Perry in 1853; and rh! Although: the Bague meerings did not prevenr the cacastrophc of Augusr \.
imposition in che mid-nineceench cenmry of diplomaric relations and 1914, they did produce some modest achievemenrs and also poinred the way ,)
unequal rrearies by Brirain on China, rhereby making ir a rarher foc rhe inscirurional developmenr of organized inrernacional relations (Desr r'
memher of rhe inrernarionalized European sysrem. 1999: 619-34). A panel of arbirracors was esrablished wirh rhe inrenrion of
This exrension of che sysrem faced rhe leaders of the major Enrepean making rheir services available on a regular basis and rhe Firsr Conferencc
powers wirh a dilemma. In seeking to control events wirhin Europe, che) adopred a Convenrion for rhe Pacific Serrlemenr of lneernacional Dispures.
could cominue holding conferences among rhemselves, admirring re rh! Precedenrs for such moves can be found in rhe Alabama Case (1871), when
negotiaring chamber any orher power with an obvious nreresr. Such inri and rhe USA serded a dispure by arbirrarion rarher chan conflicr; the
mate arrangemems were less likely co work if che number of powers in Pan-American Conference of lR89, ar which sevenreen Norrh American and
accendance doubled or cripled, and jf chese represenrarives came from landl Lafin American sraces rried escablish an arhicrarion rribunal for dispures
ourside rhe central srage of Europe. Yer if general rules for rhe maintenanct bur ended up wirh an agrcemenr on ad hoc rribunals; and the Anglo-
of che scate syscem were to be successful, eicher the non-European srares had American Arhicrarion Treaey in 1897. The lacrer rwo arremprs
co be forced ro follow che wishes of the Grear Powers (as happened wich were nor very sllecessful: rhe Pan-American agreemenr was signec! by eleven
China in rhe mid-ninereenrh cenrury) or rhey would have ro be given rh! srares and only racifif.'d hy one; the Arbicrarion Treary was subjecr ca scrin-
chance to subscrihe volunrarily ro che cenets. The larrer opcion was caken up genc Brirish reservacions and failed ro obrain rhe approval of che US Senare
in rhe Declararion of Pars ar rhe end of the Crimean War in 1856, whid (Hinsley 1967: 267-8).
esrablished che principIe of free navigacion for craders on al! inrernational Despire rhese meagre resulrs, rhe Hague Conferences nd rhe corre-
rivers and also dealt with rhe quesrion of naval warfare, rhe abolicion 01 sponding American efforrs still represenred an advance in rhe method of
privareering, rules for neucral flags in times of war and blockades. As arranging relacions berween srares (Besr 1999: 619-34). Hinsley 0967:
Hinsley (1967: 233) commenrs: 266) poines our rhe inerease in rhe number of arbirrarion rrearies posr-1870
and rhe need ca regularize incernatioual conracts by sraees new ro rhe
To be effecrive ehese rules required rhe accession of orher srares beyond 'comiry of narions' as beng che driving force behind che legalisric
rhe signarories of che Declaration (rhe Grear Powers, including Turkey. approaches of rhe Hague and inrer-American conferences. Claude 0964:
and Sardinia); fourreen orher SCaees acceded ro them in 1856, Japan in 26), describing che Hague conferences as meering in an 'armospbere heavy
1886, Spain in 1908, Mexico, iu 1909. with unrealiry', underlines rhe diplomacic difficulries in rhe way of any scare
wishing ro rurn down ehe Czar's invlarion. Wharever che morivaron for rhe
Furrhermore, Prorocol 23 of che Treacy srared: Hague meerings, once governmenr represenrarives were rhefe, rhey experi-
enced rhe innovation of conference diplomacy even wirh recommendarions
the desire thar Scates ... should, befare appealing ro arms, have recourse, (voeux) being passed by a majority vOCe. The legalisric norions hehinci rhe
so far as circumscances allow, to rhe good offices of a friendly power. The Hague concepc - char rhe crearion of rhe correer insrirurions ro make judge-
Pleniporentiaries hope chac governmenrs nor represenred ar rhe menrs on inrernarional dispures would coneribure si.nificanrly to peace -
Congress will unire in che senrimenc which has inspired rhe desire were larer ro' inspire rhe Permanenr Court of Internacional Jusrice (PCf]) and
recorded in rhe Prorocol. rhe Inrernarional Courr of Jusrice (lC}) and rhe wicle mcmbership of the rwo
conferences was a precursor of rhe League of Narions' Assembly. The verdicr
How mllch easier co bring orher governmenrs iota general agreemenrs 01' Inis Claude is rhar
1O DefinitioTlJ and history
rhe aborrive system of rhe Bague called atrenrion ro the emerging
realiry of a global, rather than a merely 'European, stare system, rhe
demands of small states for participar ion in the management of rhac
sysrem and che need for insrmtionalized procedures as well as impro-
vised settlements, in rhe conduct of inrernacional relarions.
(Claude 1964: 28)
This is a superocially amacrive opinjon but it js perhaps far-fetched in
typifying Hague as anyrhing resembling a global state system - even an
\ emerging one. Ir was more a demonsrratjon rhar rhe European stare system,
\ with Eucopean-based law, European diplomacy and ocher European institu-
tions, had been extended ro inelude outsiders. Whilsr rhe conferences
cerrainly brought our the demands of smaller staces and 'rhe need for insri
tutionalized procedures' _. presumably new procedutes such as arbitracion -
rhe concinuation of Great Power diplomacy in Europe, North Africa, rhe
Middle Ease and China demonsrraced thar the rime was nor chen tipe for rhe
general adoprion of such changes. The concerr sysrem of che eady parr of rhe
cemury may have lasted ro che end of rhe nineteench century, bur by chen ir
only masked struggles and complex aHiances. It was coo much ro expecr rhe
Bague meerings to reverse complerely rhis downward spiral. Whilst the
methods used at che Hague and sorne of the recommendarions were useful
models for later considerar ion, rhe rwo confecences primarily indicated the
limirs reached in the institmionalization of inrernacional relations by che
end of che nineteemh cenrury. A system so imbued by rhe primacy of rhe
needs of individual governmems, and which had passed over the idea of
collective action implied in rhe Concerr of Europe for the more scraighrfor-
ward and rllrhless advancemenc of srare inreresc, was scarcely a good
breeding grollnd for institutional innovarion.
Economic and social questiom
1n rhe area of economic and social mattecs, rhe nineceenrh cenmry was a1so a
period of growrh in international co-opecation. Anocher consequence of rhe
French revolution and the Napoleonic Empire lay in rhe popularization of
tbe stace as already mentioned. It seems far-ferched ro claim thar during che
posr-Napoleonic period, 'the advance of democraric ideas, the belief that aH
hum,ln beings were of equal value, foscered the norion of egalicarian partici-
parion by all stares in international organizacio.ns responsible fot ensuring
peace and progtess' (Gerbet 1977: 11). What the French - and indeed che
American - Revolution did was tO make the stace more responsjve ro the
needs of a wider seetion of the popularion. The demands of che new middle
class, ler alone the working elass, were nor jusr fot a nightwarchman srare.
Political liberalism in the ninereemh cenmry built on strands of Chrisrian
belief in advancing ideas of social jusrice (Beigbedet 1992: 11-12). By the
end of rhe nineteenth c:entury a numbec of European governments were
! Defillitions and Imtory I1
I
illcceasingly inteJening in rhe economies of rheir coumries and were
becoming more inyolved wirh rhe welfare (if rheir cirizens, a facr thar was to
be reflecred in internariona1 relarionships. lM. Kcynes (1919) wrote of
the pre-1914 world economy: 'the internationalization d cconomic life was
almosr complere'. :
During rhe nin'ereenth cencury, rhe stares of Europe were, (if necessiry,
fashioning new means fot co-operacion over rhe issues of peace and conflicr
and were being wich a growing need ro co-ordinate acrion in rhe socio-
economic areas of life. A furcher consequence of induscrial developmenr was
an improvemenc in communicacions. The sceamship rep1aced sail, che
raiJway overrook d.e sragecoach, rhe relegraph was jntroduced 10 1837, and
by j 850 a submrine relegraph cable joined England and France. By
ncreasing common Inks, chese changes underlined che need for co-
ordinaron berween states and also communicacions berween
governmenrs easier. Pasrer rrave1 aIlowed government delegarions ro convene
rogether more readily; rhe relegraph gave them rhe possibiliry of consulting
wirh and receiving insrrncrions from home.
Commerce was being increasingly inrernarionalized, and many nineteenrh-
century acdviries of rhe public internarional unions oc internacional agencies
refleGed chis (Murphy 1994: 2-7). The reprf'sentarives of srares were broughc
tugerher ro manage aspects of public life normally associated wich rravel,
romrnunkations, commerce or weIfare, the good governance of wbich would
orherwise be aflected by sra.re boundaries. In 1804 rhe Converlflon of Ocrroi '
ser up a ceneralized supranarioual adminisrration ro subjecr rhe navlgarion of
[he Rhine ro ineernariona1 conerol, buc this was done ar a time when Europe
was r10minared hy;Napo1eonic Prance. The hrsr posc-Napoleonic agencies
followed rhe opening-up of che internacional waterways ro aH rraders by the
Congress ofVienna (Arricles 108-16 of che Final Act of rhe Treary ofVieuna).
An internacional commission for che Elbe escab1ished in 1821, one for rhe
Rhine in 1831, and Arricle 15 of che Treaty of Pars (1856), escablished a
European Danube Commission ro supervise rhe free navigarion of thar river,
inrlependent of nacinal control as the 'sysrem of nacional administracions had
urredy broken down, incompetene co deal wilh rhe modern world of sbipping
and internacional tratre' (Woolf 1916: 373).
The idea of having a group of experrs and administrarots performing
particular funcrions on behalf of sraces was taken fmrher by rhe establish-
menc in 1868 of the Internarional Telegraphic Bureao (larer named rhe
Internacional Telegraphic Unjon, lTU) and in 1874 of the General Poscal
Union (lacer Universal Postal Union). Both organizations were a response ro
rechnological advances and the parent need to co-ordinare narional develop-
mencs in these areas.
As governmenc involvemenr in rbe social and economic sphere of irs cci-
zens' Jives grew, so did the requirement ro ensure thar these accivicies were
nor unduly confused by che exisrence of narional borders. The Internacional
Bureau of Weighrs and Measures (1875), che 1nternarional Union for rhe
I
,
12 De(initio1'lS and htory
De(il1i/iom cmJ Nr/m')' 1:;
( Publicacion of Cusroms 'Ia.riffs (1890) and rhe Mecric Union helped ro ease dernonsrrated rbe necessiry ror governmenral activity and co-operariqu acm,s
\ incernacional crade, wbilsr cbe internacional healrh oftlces escablished in fronriers. 'Ihe Inrernational Commitree of rhe Red Cross, a privare inrerna-
Havana and Vienna in 1881 and Paris in 1901 demonsrraced increased riona] unjon, promored rhe intergovernmenral Geneva Convenrions of 1864,
governmenr concern in matters of public healrh a.nd a recognition rhat 1906, 1929, 1945J and 1977. In sorne cases a privace union was a forerunner
disease knew no fronriers. of a publjc i.nrernarional union: for example, che Inrernarional Associacion of
A major innovacion of {hese agencies was rheir secrerariars. Ac che end of rhe Legal Pcorecrion of Labom led to rhe establishmene of che Internarional
che sevenreenth ceneUty, William Penn had included internarional civil Labour Organizaron (ILO) in 1919. 'Ihe Union of Inrernarional
servancs modelled on rhe clerks of cbe English House of Commons in bis Associarions, esrablished in 1910 because of the growrh of privatt unions,
proposals for a general European padiamenc. However, ir is more ofeen rhe laid down aS condicions of membership thar che assoclacion should possess a
bureaux of the public internacional unions, wbich are seen as che foretun- permanenc cirgan; thar ics objecr should be of imeres! ro al! or some nacions
ners of the secrecariacs of larer universal organizations such as the League 01 and nor be ohe of profir; and rhar memhershp should be open ca indivJduals
Narions. 'Ihe inrernarional aspecr of cbe bureaux should noe be overesri. and groups from differenr counrries. Despire this diSIlncrion between
mared; for rhe most parc rhey were basee! on rhe narionals of rheir host private and public associarions, a number of tbe organizarions had mixed
counrry, chough rbey did provide concinuiry and a sense of purpose. In memberships witb represenratives of governmenr bodjes sirring rogerber
many of chese unions, represenratives of a. few selecred member scaces with individoal members. Present-day examples are che Internarional
formed a governing body whicb direcred policy berween che regular policy- Srarisrical I'scirure and rhe Incernacional Council of Scientitlc UnollS
making conferences of al! rhe member scates. 'Ibis scruceure poineed up che (Bowen 1970: 4-5).
tension between che desice of scaces noc ro be bound by acrions ro which 'Ibis rise Qf inrernacional public and privare associarions during rhe nioe-
chey bad not agreed and the need fO[ tbe unions ro funceion eftlciendy_ lo reenrh cenrucy was a response ro sciencific and cechnological changes. An
[he end mosc of cbe organizacions scruck a balance by allowing rhe Americ:tn wrirer observed rhar:
governing body ro deal wirh non-conrroversial rechnjcal guesrions, respon- I
sibilicy for which rhe narional governmenrs were bappy ro delegare, wbilsl Evenrs Jl1 rhe inrernarional sociecy have been fol1owing chose in rhe
rhe conferences agreed on che broad policy lines. national sociecies of which ir is composed. 'Ihe sarnc new invenrions, rhe
. In rhe half of rhe nineteenrb centu?" .cbe rise rbe privace inr:rna- same jnttnsificacion and of social life have led ro great
tlonal aSSOClatlOns mlrrored rbac of cbe pubhc lllcernarlOnal unJOns. NarlOnal Jl1crease 10 Jmtrnaonal regularlOns whJch have en do wlch rhe relanons
humanitarian, religious. economic, educacional, scientific and political orga- of Haces :in the econnmjc and social felds and whlcb affen cbe daily
nizarions arranged inrernarional meerings. Probably rbe 6rsr such garherin}j lives of individuals.
was rbe World Alll-Slavery Convemion of 1840: ir was rhis sotr of associa- (Chamberlain 1955: 87)
tion chac spawned pecmanenc organizations wirh rhe machinery of
secrecarja.cs, boacds and assemblies (Woolf 1916: 165). 'Ihe interesr 01 Anorher American academic bas suggesred thar che ljnk becween partic-
governmenrs in their citizens' accivicies, oucside those rhar mighr endangel ular inrernarional organizacioTls and indusrrial change is more direCL Craig
the securiry of the scace, was fairly mnima!. 'Iherr were few official resrric- Murpb)' considered [har:
tions on chose who wished co [[ave! and indulge in meecings of rhe
International InsricU{e of Agriculruce, rhe Inrernarional Law Assocjatjon 01 the grearesr jmpacr of rhe world 0rganizarions rhemselves has been on
the Universal Peace Congress, alchough che representacives of anarchisr. industrial lhange. 'Ihey have help"d creare international marhrs in
socialis( and working men's assodations normatly received police arcention industrial goods by ]inking (IJTrl7lllmzcal1Q11 and tran.rportation in(raJtrttc/tlre,
when chey crossed fconciers. According ro rhe Union of lnternarional protrcring intellectual prf)per/y, and reducing legal and econornic barriers
Associacions, whilsc rhe number of intergovernmental organizacions rose
ro Irr,de.
from seven in the 1870-4 period ro chirty-seven in 1909, rhe number 01 (Murphy 1994: 2; original
internacional non-governmenral organizarions had already reached 176 by I
the latrer date ('r'carbook o( 11'Itematiorzal OrgarJizatiorlS, 1974, vol. 15, 'Iables 1 Tn parriculat Murphy srressed rbe role of inrernarional organizarions 'in che
and 2). ,l(fowrh and developmenr of indusrrial s'lCiery for ()ver a century' and che way
'Ihe re!atonship between tbe internarjonal public and privare associarion.l rhey have contribured ro 'rhe rise of rhe new leading indusrries of rhe nexr era
has usually been symbiotic. 'X'hj!sr many of rhe private associarions clearly
of poltical anel economic growcb' (Murphy ISJ94: 9). He outlined four
reflecced individua.! interescs of !iule concern ro rbe stare, sorne of rhern
srages 10 tbe bL\ilding of a Public Unon as beJOg:
I
14 OefinirionJ and hiJtory
The proposirjon of a design: someone has (Q suggesr a new inscitution ro
solve a perceived inrernarjonal problem.
2 Sponsoring a conference: key governmenrs or monarchs were needed ro
do rhis.
3 Supporr of an experimenral Union by a powerful individual or gove,n-
menr ofren resulred from rhe conference.
4 By developjng.a consriruency of supponers benefiring from irs activi-
ries, rhe U nion could rhen become more permanenr.
(Murphy 1994: 71)
The fnncrionaJ. approach raken by borh rhe privare and public associa.
rinns - rhar ir made sense (Q co-operare across fronriers on specific marrers
of a rechnical or adminisrrarive narure - was srrongly affecred duting rhe
Firsr World War. On che negacive side, rhe prosecurion of che war
rhroughour much of Europe pur paid ro a number of nineteench cenrury
pub1ic internarional unions such as rhe Inrernarional Associarion of Public
Barhs and Cleanliness. Orhers became privare unions, such as rhe
Internarional Geoderic Union (Murphy 1994: 82-3). However, conflicr
also broughr more postive change. The pressures of rhe war economy
forced rhe AlIies ro consider afresh rhe organizarjon of imporranr areas of
economjc life. On rhe polirical side ir was found necessary in 1916 ro co-
ordinare rhe war efforr rhrough rhe Inrer-Allied Commirree, consisring of
prime minisrers, relevanr mjnisrers and rhe necessary experrs, and which
was advisory in characrer wirh irs proposals subjecr ro rhe approvaJ of rhe
governmenrs involved. As rhe war cominued, rhe AlIies esrablished a
Supreme War Conncil, served by a permanenr Secrecariat, which hacl
aurhoriry over rhe range of inter-AJlied councils covering rhe economic,
milirary and poltical aspecrs of rhe war. On rhe economjc side, rhe aim
was ro make rhe maximnm use of limired resources by pooling rhem and
disrrjburing rhem where mosr needed. The execurive commirrees of rhese
councHs consisred of governmenr officials, such as Bricain's Archur Salrer
and France's Jean Monner, who had a wide remir to organize provision of
food and rransporr in a way rhar fnncrioned besr rather rhan (Q suir
narional sensitivities.
THE FOUNDATIONS OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS
The paricjpan rs ar rhe Paris Peace Conference of 1919 had rhe dual rask of
making a sertlemenr of victor over vanquished and of esrablishing a func-
rioning inrernarional sysrem afrer che disrurbances cteared hy a wodd war.
Duriog rhe course of rhe war, various individuals, groups and govern
menrs had srarred .work on plans for organizing posr-war inrernarional
relarions so rhar 'rhe Great War' would be 'rhe wac ro end al! wars'.
Presidenr Wilson of rhe Uni red Srares was commirred ro 'a geueral associa-
rion of naClons' and his adviser, CoJone/ House, drew up plans ro rhis end
01'//171/ I'm, hl</"Wl I
(Armsrrong; ef al. 1996: 18-19). An Brirsh cOlTImjsson unclu Lord
Phl!limore ;had examl11ed a number of schemes, inc!udng rhose of rhe
SJxreenrh arkl seveoreenrb-cenrury pilosophers, and had decided rhar
nrernarionl relariuns (Quid nor be radicalJy changed, a more organi:z.ed
form of inrersrare diplomacy was desirablc, wirh s[[res submirring dispures
ro a Confernce of rhe Al1ied Srares. Thc Freneh proposal, advaneed by Leon
Bourgeois, !was more mbusl. Ir imagined an intern:1onal rribumd chal'
could pronounce on issues open co legal decisions, 'In internarional body of
delegares of rhe League member srares which would rake decisions on
dispuces, and an imeroarional force wirh a permanem sraff whch would
ensure rhe execmion of rhe cribunal's decisions and oveccome any armed
opposirion ro rhe League. In his scheme, rhe South African sracesman, Jan
Smurs, srressed che need for a small Council of League mmbers ro discuss
tnrernariomll affairs and he placed srore on deliberar ion and clelay during
dispures so rhar pubJic opinion could be oeganized to cool clown war
passiuns. ,
Ar rhe Versailles Peace Conferellce, Presidenr \X!llson himsel[ chajrce! a
$pecial Cmmission on rhe League of Narjons. al' which rhe
Bridsh-Acrierjcan-Sourh African ideas, as expressed In rbe Hllrsr-IVfdler
'drafc, were dominanr. The sratesmn mOlllding rhe new League found rhar
the plans before rhem reJied hea,ily on rhe experience of rhe prVJOllS
hundred years: [he congress and coneerr syscems, che pubJic inrernarional
unions andi rheir privare counrerparrs, and rhe Hagne meerings. They also
had sometl-1'ing e/se on rheir minds: rhe warrime experience. One side of rhe
coin was rh'e determinaron ro prevenr rhe collapse of jnrernadonaJ relaciuns
inco generl war: che orher side was rhe experience of Allied co-operacon
during rhe 'war which helped rhe leadecs ro decide ar Versai!les on particular
schemes fo rheir posr-war relarionships.
The of rhe League of Narions reOecred rhe somewhar jumbled
hopes and fears of rhe AlIied and Associare powers' leadership (ste
Armsrcong:et al. 1996: ch. 1 for an accounr of rhe negorarions leading ro
the League's esrablishmenr). The new organizarion had as rs aim rhe promo-
rion of internarional co-operarion, peace and securiry. To achieve rhis, ir
requred the form of relarions between srares to be upen, lawfu[, jusr and
peaceable.
In Ene wirh whar had been sougbr al' rhe Hague meerings of 1899 and
1907, che Covenant scressed rhe need ro concrol rhe sinews of war. \Vhereas
agreemems of rhe njnereenrh cenrury had dealr wirh rhe laws of war and rhe
Haglle conferences had nor produced any radical suggesrions on rhe copie,
rhe arms race preceding rhe war and rhe carnage of [914-18 led ro che
inclusion of Anide 8 in rhe Covenanr. This recommellded rhe reducrion of
armamenrs and rbe limirarjon of che privare manufacture of armamenrs.
Anide 10, by which rhe members of che League underrook 'ro respecr
and preserve as againsr exrernal aggression rhe rerrimrial inregricy and
exisring policical independence o[ al! Members of rhe League', was rhe work