The MIT Press and Leonardo are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Leonardo.

http://www.jstor.org
Leonardo
Leonardo da Vinci: A Review
Author(s): Kim H. Veltman
Source: Leonardo, Vol. 41, No. 4 (2008), pp. 381-388
Published by: The MIT Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20206632
Accessed: 18-08-2014 11:20 UTC
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content
in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship.
For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
This content downloaded from 84.205.227.38 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 11:20:15 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Leonardo da Vinci: A Review
KimH. Veltman
ABSTRACT
I he article reviews
scholarship
on Leonardo da Vinci
during
the 20th
century.
An initial
fascination with a handful of
paintings
has led to a
nearly
comprehensive understanding
of his art. A
catalogue
raisonn?e
for Leonardo and his school
has
yet
to be made. Aware
ness of Leonardo as a scientist
began
with a
vague reputation
of a universal
genius
who never
finished
anything.
Some
praised,
others
sought
to limit him as an
artist-engineer.
The 20th
century
revealed that Leonardo made
substantial contributions in the
domains of
physics, mechanics,
optics, perspective
and medi
cine. Even so, nearly
500
years
after his
birth,
much remains to
be done in
understanding fully
one of the
great geniuses
of
all time.
s ^yome
persons
are so
famous,
one would think
that there could be little more to
say
about them. In the case
of Leonardo da
Vinci,
the
Bibliograf?a
Leonardiana,
started
by
Verga (1905-),
became the Biblioteca Leonardiana?a
catalogue
of the works on Leonardo at
Vinci?by
Guerrini
(1987)
and is
now
being developed by
Monica Taddei at the
Library
at Vinci
as the
Bibliograf?a
Internazionale
Leonardiana,
with over
12,000
titles
[1].
There is both an online version and a
preliminary
CD-ROM. Even so, this review will
suggest
that there is still
much to be done.
Introduction
In the course of the
past century
we have
gained
an idea of
how Leonardo worked. His basic
approach
was
simple.
He had
tiny
notebooks,
which he carried around in his
pocket
so he
could
jot
down
things
as he traveled. When he came home we
can
conjecture
that he had two main
piles
of
notes,
which were
large
folio size. One was focused on the world of
nature,
ani
mals and human
beings.
This
eventually
became the collection
at Windsor. The other was focused on the man-made world:
machines, fortifications, inventions,
etc. This is
essentially
the
Codice Atl?ntico
today.
These two
piles
served as work in
prog
ress. As his ideas on a theme became
clearer,
he would start
copying things
into a notebook of octavo or
quarto size,
often
numbering diagrams
as he went
(as
in the Madrid
Codex)
and
sometimes
crossing
out a
passage
in the
original
notes with a
line after he had
developed
it elsewhere. These
manuscripts
then became the basis for more advanced
versions,
which he
planned
to
print
[2].
Leonardo da Vinci
(1452-1519)
was born two
years
before
Gutenberg
introduced the
printing press
in the West?a tech
nology
that had been invented in Korea around 805
A.D.,
the
oldest extant
printed
Chinese book
dating
back to 866 A.D.
Leonardo was interested in
having
his works
printed,
but he
faced a
problem.
His notes had tens of thousands of
drawings,
ranging
from
tiny rough
sketches to
very carefully composed
presentation drawings. Printing
at the time could not deal
seriously
with
complex
technical and scientific
drawings. By
the time the
technology
had
begun
to catch
up, namely
in the
1540s,
Leonardo was
dead,
and his student Francesco Melzi
(1493-1570)
was
getting
older. We know that in
1566,
Melzi
showed an anatomical treatise of Leonardo's to
Giorgio
Va
sari. Four
years
later Melzi
died,
and the
manuscripts
were
dispersed.
A
good
deal of the collection
stayed
in Milan at
the Bibliotheca Ambrosiana.
By
1590, part
of the collection
was in the hands of
Pompeo
Leoni,
who made an
attempt
to rationalize the two
piles.
When he found human
portraits
or caricatures in what became the
CodiceAtlanticohe
snipped
them out
with his scissors and
pasted
them
into the other
pile,
which went to
Madrid
[3]
and
eventually
ended
in the collection of Her
Majesty
the
Queen
at Windsor Castle. When Na
poleon
came to
Italy
he "borrowed"
most of the Ambrosiana's
holdings
on Leonardo. After the
Napoleonic
wars there were
protests
from
Italy;
subsequently
the Codice Atl?ntico
came back. The
Manuscripts
A-M
stayed
in Paris and are still at the In
stitut de France. Other
manuscripts
went to London.
By
the late 19th
century,
the
manuscripts
were con
centrated in four
places:
Milan, Windsor,
London and
Paris,
with individual
manuscripts
in
Turin, Madrid,
the
Vatican,
the
collection of the Earl of Leicester
(now
in the hands of Bill
Gates)
and
drawings
in
Milan,
Venice and a number of
private
collections
[4].
The
past
50
years
have also seen considerable
movement in the
ownership
of individual
drawings, especially
from
English private
houses; many
of these have now landed
in the
Getty
and other American collections. Carlo Pedretti
made an
important
list of
manuscripts
in 1969
[5].
An
updated
catalogue
of where
everything
is
today
does not
yet
exist.
Societies
In some
senses, serious
scholarship
on Leonardo did not
begin
until the turn of the 20th
century.
In
Milan,
Luca Beltrami
founded the EnteRaccolta Vinciana
(1905) [6],
which became a
focal
point
for national
scholarship.
It was
gradually expanded
in
scope
to include the work of
leading
scholars in the field
around the world. Then in the mid-1970s a decision was taken
to cancel all the international members. The Raccolta
Vinciana,
which had led the
field,
now became
largely
a
body
focused
on local realities. This had two
consequences.
First,
the main
tenance of the Leonardo
Bibliography
moved
quietly
to
Vinci,
which
through
its annual
lectures?begun
in 1960?now be
came a
pole
for scholars focused on Leonardo.
Second,
Ken
neth D. Keele founded a Leonardo
Society
in London based
at the
Warburg
Institute,
the
quiet hope being
that this would
"embarrass" the Milanese back into a more
proactive
role.
Meanwhile,
in
Brescia,
there were the contributions of
Nando de
Toni,
a
private
scholar
who,
in the best tradition of
learned
engineers,
had his own
mini-institute, which,
in con
junction
with his
sons, hosted annual lectures on Leonardo.
De Toni worked with Andr? Corbeau
(Lyon) [7]
in
preparing
an
independent transcription
of the
manuscripts.
Their work
Kim H. Veltman
(scholar), VMMI, Europalaan 63, Maastricht 6226 CN, Netherlands.
Web site:
<www.sumscorp.com>.
E-mail: <kim_veltman@hotmail.com>.
?2008 Kim H. Veltman
LEONARDO,
Vol.
41,
No.
4, pp. 381-388, 2008 381
This content downloaded from 84.205.227.38 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 11:20:15 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
I
pointed
to the lost Madrid Codex before
it was
accidentally
rediscovered
by
an
American scholar.
There were other
developments
out
side
Italy.
As noted
earlier,
Leonardo cre
ated two
piles
of folio
notes,
one focused
mainly
on the natural world
(anatomy,
botany),
the other
mainly
on the man
made world
(mechanics, science);
Pom
peo
Leoni cut human
figures
from the
former and
pasted
them into the latter.
In
1957,
an Italian
reporter
from near
Bologna
did an unusual bit of investi
gative reporting.
He
published
a book
showing exactly
which
pieces
from the
Codice Atl?ntico had been
pasted
in a
spe
cific
spot
in the Windsor collection. This
monograph
came to the attention of El
mer
Belt,
a medical doctor in Los
Angeles
with an amateur
passion
for
Leonardo,
who had amassed his own
library.
Elmer
Belt
brought
this
investigative reporting
to the attention of his friend Franklin D.
Murphy,
then
university
chancellor,
and
thus was Carlo Pedretti made a
professor
at the
University
of
California,
Los
Ange
les
(UCLA).
He went on to become the
most
prolific
author of his
generation
on the
topic
of
Leonardo,
with books on
Leonardo's work in
architecture?espe
cially
his work at Romorantin?as well as
books on Leonardo's Lost Book A and on
his Treatise on
Painting.
Through
his commentaries on
Jean
Paul Richter and collaborations with
Kenneth Clark and Kenneth D.
Keele,
Pedretti became the world
authority
on the
chronological
dimensions of the
Leonardo notebooks. Pedretti often of
fered dates that differed from those of
other
experts. Understandably,
he some
times offered different dates as his own
insights
evolved. The
good
news is that
we now have dates for most of the draw
ings
and individual notebook
pages
of
Leonardo's work. A
challenge
for the
next
generation
lies in
making
a concor
dance of all these dates and
being
able
to see a
bigger picture implicit
in this
ocean of minutiae. Carlo Pedretti's
pro
digious output,
with
1,060
entries in the
bibliography
at
Vinci,
makes him
by
far
the most
productive
Leonardo scholar
in the world.
Although
his over-enthusi
asm in
attributing paintings
to Leonardo
has sometimes been
noted,
this has had
the
very positive
side effect of
drawing
attention to a
large corpus
of works in
the circles around Leonardo that
previ
ously
had been
ignored.
His involvement
in the
catalogues
of the collection of the
Countess of
B?hague
[8],
and the Leo
nardo schools at
Naples
and Florence
[9]
are but two
examples.
In
1961,
Elmer Belt donated his collec
tion to
UCLA,
which has since
grown
to
10,000
titles
[10].
In
1980,
Armand Ham
mer
acquired
the Codex Leicester. This led
to a Hammer Centre
being
connected
with Pedretti's activities at
UCLA,
and
to an Achademia Leonardi Vinci. When
Hammer died in 1990 the
manuscript
was sold to Bill
Gates,
and
by
1997 the
Achademia had closed its doors. Pedretti
retired and now lives near Vinci. There
have been intermittent
reports
of a Leo
nardo da Vinci Centre instituted in 1992
in Odessa. Martin
Kemp,
now a
professor
at
Oxford,
who wrote an
award-winning
general
book on
Leonardo,
has created
a useful site called Universal Leonardo
[11].
Even so, the
poles
of
activity
remain
in
Vinci,
where Leonardo was
born,
and
in
Milan,
where he did his
major
work.
Thanks to initial
funding,
a Centro In
ternazionale di studi e documentazione Leo
nardo da Vinci was founded in 2006
by
the
University
of Florence and the Biblioteca
Leonardiana. This center has launched
a resident summer school that
organizes
annual courses at a
specialist
level
[12].
EDITIONS
For the
general public
there have been
two
important publications
that
give
an
overview of the richness and wealth of
Leonardo's
writings.
First,
there was the
Literary
Works
of
Leonardo da
Vinci,
by Jean
Paul Richter
(1883) [13],
with a second
edition
(1939)
and a third
(1969),
fol
lowed
by
Pedretti's two-volume commen
tary (1977). Second,
there was Edward
McCurdy's
Notebooks
of
Leonardo da Vinci
(1953).
While
extremely helpful
in
pro
viding quotes
and
passages by
Leonardo,
these works lacked a firm
scholarly appa
ratus and
gave
no idea of the
images
in
Leonardo's world.
Given the
dispersal
outlined
above,
serious editions of the notebooks were
not
published
until Ravaisson-Mollien's
edition of the
Manuscripls
A-M
(Paris,
1881-1891)
and then the Codice Atl?ntico
(1897-1904). Although published
in Mi
lan
(Hoepli),
this edition was
promoted
and
sponsored directly by
the Accademia
dei Lincei in Rome. It is
significant
that a
Galileian tradition should have launched
this
study
of Leonardo?a
topic
that the
Museum at Vinci is
examining
anew. In
Turin,
Mario Baratta in 1903 broached
the idea of a first national edition of the
complete
works of Leonardo.
By
the
1930s,
work had
begun
on such a na
tional edition in
conjunction
with the
Tipogafia
dello Stato. At the National
Museum of Science
(Milan),
an
impres
sive set of models was built. These were
formed more due to the nationalistic
fervor of the time than careful
scholarly
analysis.
Meanwhile, Mussolini,
anxious
to
prove
that Leonardo had done
every
thing,
commissioned a wonderful two
volume collection of
essays (1939) [14],
which remains
important
even
today.
Subsequent attempts,
such as Z?llner
(1999) [15],
while more
impressive qua
color,
add little
qua depth.
After World War
II,
a handful of schol
ars in the next
generation
read all the
manuscripts
[16].
In
1962,
the monks at
Grottaferata restored the Codice Atl?ntico.
They
took the enormous bundle and re
bound it in 12
separate
volumes.
Augusto
Marinoni
patiently
transcribed the whole
text for a new edition
(1975-1980)
and
went on to
produce
a new edition of
the Paris
Manuscripts. Together
these
became a
centerpiece
for a new vision
of an Edizione Nazionale
(1964-) [17],
for which Giunti
(Florence)
became the
official
publisher.
While this marked an
enormous
contribution,
there were two
shortcomings.
First,
they
were deluxe
editions aimed
solely
at
wealthy
collec
tors. The cost of the 12 volumes of the
Codice Atl?ntico was
roughly
$20,000
at
the time. As the dream of a national edi
tion neared
completion,
the dream of an
affordable edition remained elusive. Sec
ond,
although they produced
a serious
transcription
of the
text,
there was no ef
fort to number the individual
diagrams.
Independently,
Kenneth D. Keele from
1975 to 1980
produced
a
painstaking
three-volume critical edition of the Ana
tomical
Manuscripts
in the Collection
of
Her
Majesty
the
Queen
at Windsor
Castle,
with a
commentary by
Carlo Pedretti. This did
number the
diagrams,
but the
problem
of exorbitant cost remained
[18].
A
sys
tematic
application
of Keele's method
of
numbering paragraphs
and
diagrams
has
yet
to be
applied
to the
corpus
as a
whole.
As we
approach
the 500th
anniversary
Printing
at the time could not deal
seriously
with
complex
technical
and scientific
drawings.
382 Veltman,
Leonardo da Vinci
This content downloaded from 84.205.227.38 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 11:20:15 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
of Leonardo's death
(2019),
an afford
able,
systematic
edition of the
complete
works is not
yet
in
sight?although
there
is new
hope.
Thanks to the
patient
and
excellent work of Romano
Nanni,
di
rector of the Museum at
Vinci,
and his
team, there is now an E-Leo
[19],
the
first web site with the
complete (extant)
manuscripts
of Leonardo da
Vinci,
Vil
lard De
Honnecourt,
Francesco Di Gior
gio
Martini,
Kyeser,
etc.,
with an index
of
drawings
and a
glossary
based on
the
dictionary
of the Accademia dalla
Crusca. This
digital
archive of the
history
of
technology
and science
finally places
Leonardo's work within a
larger
context
and is
effectively
a first
complete
works
in electronic form
(see
also the section
"New Visions"
below).
Art
Although
Leonardo is
typically
called a
universal man, it was
mainly
as an artist
that he was
known,
and then
mainly
in
terms of a handful of
masterpieces
such
as Mona Lisa and the Last
Supper.
Freud's
study (1910) [20]
sparked
much debate
but offered little concrete advance. A
fundamental
study by
Wilhelm Suida
(1929) [21]
offered a first serious
survey
of
major paintings by
Leonardo's school.
Goldschneider
(1943) [22],
Popham
(1949) [23]
and Baroni's
monograph
(1952) [24]
did the same for Leonar
do's
paintings
and some of his
drawings.
Meanwhile,
Kenneth Clark's
Drawings
at
Windsor Castle
(1937) [25]
introduced a
first detailed
glimpse
into the enormous
complexity
of Leonardo's
figurative
world. With a terse and lucid
English
he drew attention to
myriad
details. In a
second edition
(1965), produced jointly
with Carlo
Pedretti,
a serious
attempt
at
chronological sequence
and
develop
ment
emerged.
In
many
cases, Clark as
sumed that the
drawings
were idealized
landscapes.
It was not until the 1970s
that a series of studies demonstrated that
what Clark
interpreted
as a
generic
river
scene
depicted
a
specific spot
on the
River D'Adda near Melzi's house. What
had seemed to be idealized
drawings
were
actually specific
views of the Italian
landscape
[26].
Gradually,
the
image
of
Leonardo as an artist of idealized scenes
gave way
to a Renaissance version of him
as a recorder of nature: someone who
would have loved
using
a
digital
camera
as he traveled
through Italy
and France.
In the
early
1980s,
a series of exhibitions
with critical
catalogues brought
to
light
further the richness of Leonardo's draw
ings
in collections such as the Accademia
(1980) [27]
and the Ambrosiana
(1981)
[28].
Two
generations
of art historians
gave
depth
to this
emerging picture
of Leo
nardo's artistic
world,
notably Ludwig
Heydenreich,
Anna Maria
Brizio, (Sir)
Ernst
Gombrich,
Andr? Chastel and Cor
rado Maltese. Hans Ost in 1974
[29]
ex
plored
the
interplay
between Leonardo's
paintings
and
sculpture.
Gombrich's
work on Leonardo's
drawings
and carica
tures
[30]
has been further studied
by Jo
hannes Nathan
(1992) [31]
and Michael
Kwakkelstein
(1994) [32].
In terms of
Leonardo's
influence,
the work of Shear
man
[33]
and Summers
[34]
brought
to
light
how Leonardo's
paintings played
a
crucial role in the so-called
serpentine
pose (posa serpentinata),
which became
an emblem of the
High
Rennaissance
and Mannerism
(
la
maniera).
Brizio
(Milan)
had one serious stu
dent,
Pietro
Marani,
who
began
with a
study
of Leonardo's fortifications and
went on to become the
leading expert
on Leonardo's art
[35].
For a
time,
he
was
responsible
for
overseeing
the res
toration of the Last
Supper
conducted
by
Pinin Brambilla Barcillon
(1977-),
which marks one of the
major experi
ments in new conservation and resto
ration
technologies.
He was also at the
Brera
Gallery
and increased his
range
of
study
to include the school of Leo
nardo
[36],
a field where Patricia
Trutty
Coohill
[37]
and David Alan Brown
[38]
have also made valuable contributions.
More
recently,
Marani has studied Leo
nardo's work in
sculpture
and the role
of Gianfrancesco Rustici in
sculptures
previously
attributed to Leonardo. With
284
publications
in the
bibliography
at
Vinci,
Marani is
clearly
the most
signifi
cant scholar in the field at
present.
As a
teenager,
Leonardo
began
his
career
by moving
to Florence. It is inter
esting
to note that scholars linked with
the Uffizi are
quietly transforming
our
understanding
of Leonardo as a
painter.
The studies of Antonio Natali
(now
di
rector of the
Uffizi)
on the Adoration
of
the
Magi
and the
Annunciation,
both at
the Uffizi
Gallery
[39],
and the exhibi
tion he
organized
on the birth of the
"modern manner"
(maniera moderna)
[40]
have transformed our understand
ing
of the
early
Leonardo with
respect
to his treatment of sources and his rela
tions with
religious patrons
who commis
sioned his work. Alessandro
Cecchi,
also
at the
Uffizi,
has
developed
a new?as
yet unpublished?interpretation
of the
sources of the Battle
ofAnghiari.
Three recent exhibitions attest both to
the continued
public
interest and to on
going
research on Leonardo as an artist.
An exhibition entitled Leonardo e il mito
di Leda
(2001 ) [41 ]
brought
to
light
new
WEM
aspects
of his sources: on a
stylistic
front
||SiS
(Dalli Regoli
and
Natali) ; with
respect
to
?1P8
ancient sources
(Monaco);
and in terms
IlliS
of
iconology
and with
respect
to medi-
llllllll?
eval sources
(Nanni),
thus
developing
an
^H
interpretative approach
introduced
by
????111
Clark and continued
by Kemp,
Pedretti
H
and Arasse. This has raised a series of
?Sllllll
critical
problems
and
questions
for fu-
H?I
ture
study.
An exhibition
organized by
|??|?||j||||j
Viatte
(Paris, 2003) [42]?with
further
^^
notes on Leonardo's work on
physiog
nomy
and
drapery?and
an exhibition
by
Bambach
(New York, 2003) [43]
have been the
largest expositions
ever
of Leonardo's
drawings.
Technology
In the
past
half
century,
our understand
ing
of Leonardo's
engineering
activities
has increased
considerably.
In terms of
general
context,
Bertrand Gilles
(1964)
wrote an
important
book on the artist
engineers
of the Renaissance
[44].
The
studies of Ladislao Reti
played
a funda
mental role in
deepening
the field. Fol
lowing
initial work on Leonardo's
impact
on the
history
of
chemistry
and the steam
engine
(1956) [45],
his Lettura Vinciana
[46] (Vinci 1964)
drew attention to a se
ries of connections between Leonardo
and Brunelleschi and Sienese architects
such as Francesco di
Giorgio
Martini and
Taccola. Reti
(1974)
edited a collection
of
essays by
the
leading
scholars of his
generation
called the Unknown Leonardo
[47],
which remains one of the best
gen
eral
surveys
of Leonardo's contributions.
All this led to a basic edition of Francesco
di
Giorgio by
Maltese
(1967) [48];
and
subsequent important
studies
by Prager
and
Scaglia
on Brunelleschi
(1970) [49]
and Taccola
(1972) [50]
and a further
study by
Saalman
(1980) [51],
the same
year
that
Scaglia
further
explored
these
themes in the 20th Lettura Vinciana
(1980) [52].
The work of Graham Hol
lister Short
(2000) [53]
made further
contributions in this domain.
Models
Leonardo's activities as
engineer
have
become
particularly
famous
through
a
series of models. We noted earlier how
this
began
with models made in Milan
in the 1930s. In
1941,
a number of these
models toured America. When these
models were
destroyed by
bombs,
IBM
commissioned Roberto Guatelli
[54]
to build a new set for the IBM museum
in New York. This was a
starting point
for later
patronage by
IBM to create
Veltman,
Leonardo da Vinci 383
This content downloaded from 84.205.227.38 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 11:20:15 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
models for the museums at Vinci
(where
Leonardo was
born)
and Amboise
(Clos
Luce,
where he
died)
and also for the
National Museum of Science and Tech
In
1987,
Jean
Guillaume and Paolo
Galluzzi
organized
an exhibition for the
Montreal Museum of Fine
Arts,
which
combined models with new media
[55].
Although open
to debate
qua
details
of
interpretation,
it was
important
in
showing
how electronic methods could
potentially
illustrate historical themes.
Particularly important
was an exhibi
tion at the Museum for the
History
of
Science
(Florence) organized by
Gal
luzzi
(1991),
which showed in detail
that the Florentine achievements owed
much to the innovations of Siena
[56].
While some see this as more a work in
sociological history
than in the
history
of
technology proper,
it remains a basic
contribution.
Galluzzi's team then turned to look in
greater
detail at the Florentine context
from Brunelleschi onwards.
Comparisons
were made between
existing
machines,
manuscript drawings
and Leonardo's
notebooks.
Computer
reconstructions
were then made. This became one of
the four
examples
used for the G7's Pi
lot
Project
5: Multimedia Access to World
Cultural
Heritage
(Midrand, 1995),
led
to exhibitions
[57]
and is now
largely
available online
[58].
The bravura of
the demos was not
always
matched
by
the
catalogue,
which does not reach
conclusions about the
precise position
ing
of the crane in
building
the
cupola
of the cathedral in Florence.
Meanwhile,
the
accuracy
of some of the reconstruc
tions has since been
questioned.
Other
models have been made at
Vigevano
[59].
Reconstructions of Leonardo's
tank in
conjunction
with Martin
Kemp,
Universal
Leonardo,
Central Saint Mar
tins
College
of Art and
Design,
and Uni
versity
of the Arts
(London)
have raised
questions
about the
practical
realities
of Leonardo's
drawings
[60].
A team
of
young engineers
connected with the
Museum at Vinci are
re-examining
the
critical contributions of
existing
models
and
creating
new ones. Both will be the
subject
of an
upcoming
volume,
Leonardo
e le arti meccaniche.
As a result of such efforts we are in a
position
to
recognize
that the war ma
chines,
with which Leonardo is
closely
associated in the
popular
mind,
were
perhaps
the area where he was least
innovative. His contribution
lay
not so
much in the
gadgets
as in his new
ways
of
drawing
them and his methodical
ap
proach
to their
underlying principles.
In
short,
his
technology
looks
good,
but his
real contributions came in method and
science.
Science
Our notions of Leonardo as a scientist
have evolved
slowly; they
have been and
remain an area of
great debates,
which
have
gone
hand in hand with
differing
schools. Leonardo tells us at one
point
in his notes that he is an omo sanza kttere.
In the United
States,
this has
frequently
been taken
literally
to mean that he was
illiterate or,
as one American scholar
put
it,
a clever craftsman
working
in an intel
lectual vacuum. One
problem
with this
view is that Leonardo had 119 books in
his
private library by
1494,
which was
very
large by
the standards of the
day.
Cicero,
whose
literacy
was never in
question,
had
also said he was sine
ingenio,
sine litteris.
The
desirability
of a less literal
reading
looms.
Meanwhile,
in
Europe
a different
picture emerged.
A monumental
(745
pages)
if
slightly
chaotic
study by
Uzielli
on Paolo dal Pozzo Toscanelli
(1894)
[61]
drew attention to a rich combina
tion of
mathematics,
astronomy,
astrol
ogy
and
philosophy
in
15th-century
Italy, especially
Florence. In the autumn
of
1903,
Pierre Duhem came across a
manuscript
of
Jordanus
Nemorarius,
in
which he
recognized
themes also found
in Leonardo's
writings.
This led to a
three-volume
study
of Leonardo's con
text
[62]
and
inspired
a new
approach
to the
study
of medieval science.
It also
inspired
a series of
important
reactions and further studies. Uccelli
(1940) [63]
published
a
major compi
lation of Leonardo's work on mechan
ics.
Meanwhile,
an extreme version
of Duhem's
interpretation suggested
that Leonardo had
copied everything
from his medieval
predecessors.
Alistair
Crombie's work on Grosseteste
(1970)
[64]
pointed
in a
parallel
direction: that
many
of the
key
ideas of
17th-century
sci
ence found in the work of
Galileo,
Mer
senne and Descartes were
already being
discussed in Oxford in the 13th
century.
In the United
States,
Marshall
Clagett
set
out to
study
in detail what had
happened
with Archimedes
during
the medieval
period
as a means of
addressing
these
questions
and
implied
that Leonardo
had added little. Duhem's
approach
also
had
strong
critics,
notably
Garin
(1953)
[65],
Koyr? (1953) [66]
and
Luporini
(1953) [67],
themes taken
up
anew
by
FabioFrosini
(1998) [68].
In the 19th
century,
much of the his
tory
of science in
Italy
was based on a
general assumption
that
experimental
science did not
begin
until
Galileo,
an
idea shared even
by major
scientists such
as Vasco Ronchi
[69],
whose work on
both
contemporary optics
and
history
of
optics opened
new avenues of research.
Clagett's
student,
David
Lindberg,
while
critical of
Ronchi,
followed in this tra
dition,
as did Clifford Truesdell
(1982)
[70].
The fundamental difference in
early
modern
science,
said such
scholars,
turned on the
question
of
experiments.
The medieval authors were content with
thought experiments. Early
modern sci
ence,
they
claimed,
began
with
physical
experiments,
which were
repeatable.
In
their
view,
that came after Leonardo.
In the
early
1970s,
Kenneth D.
Keele,
then at the Wellcome Institute for the
history
of
medicine,
set out to demon
strate that Leonardo had a scientific
method based on
physical experiments
in the modern sense. In addition to sev
eral
catalogues
and his edition of the
Windsor
manuscripts,
this led to one
major
book
by
Keele
(1983) [71]
and a
further two books
by myself,
his student
(Veltman 1986, 1994) [72]. Meanwhile,
Enzo
Macagno,
an
engineer
at the Uni
versity
of
Iowa,
set out to
explore
in de
tail Leonardo's work on
hydraulics.
In a
series of over 20
publications
he was able
to show that
here, also,
Leonardo had a
systematic approach
in fluid
hydraulics
[73].
These
insights
were
among
the
high
lights
of a world conference
[74]
or
ganized by
Nora
Bonetti,
the editor of
Scientia,
and attended
by
2,000 persons
in the Castello
Sforzesco,
where Leo
nardo had done his most
important
A team of
young engineers
connected
with the Museum at Vinci are
re-examining
the critical contributions of
existing
models and
creating
new ones.
384 Veltman,
Leonardo da Vinci
This content downloaded from 84.205.227.38 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 11:20:15 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
work. The earlier neo-Kantian notion of
artists as scientists
(K?nstler
als
Forscher)
of the late 19th
century,
which
inspired
romantic visions of creative
artist-engi
neers
envisioning
the
future,
now
gave
way
to a new
image
of Leonardo as a man
who worked
patiently, methodically
and
systematically
towards a new vision of the
world. Leonardo had an
experimental
approach, whereby
he focused on the
idea of four
powers
of nature
(weight,
motion,
percussion
and
force)
and stud
ied these in a handful of
disciplines,
notably anatomy, perspective, optics,
as
tronomy,
mechanics and
hydraulics.
Meanwhile,
the
writings
of Thomas
Kuhn had launched enormous debates
about scientific revolutions. The
popular
notion that a scientific revolution could
be
pinned
down to a dramatic event on
a
given day
or even a
specific year
shifted
toward an awareness that
early
modern
science evolved
slowly
in a series of
stages
in the course of several centuries. Leo
nardo was now once
again
one of the
seminal
figures
linked with the rise of
early
modern
science,
but in a more nu
anced sense. His
experiments
occurred
in times of
great
turmoil. He
began
things
that others would later
develop.
It was not until the late 16th
century
that
a new
generation
of instruments made
possible
a
synthesis
of
mechanical,
ob
servational
(astronomy, surveying),
and
mathematical
(trigonometry
and
loga
rithms)
sciences.
Hence,
although
Leon
ardo foresaw what was
coming,
he could
not be a Galileo or Descartes
[75].
All this is
leading
also to a more critical
approach
to models of Leonardo's de
vices and inventions. For
instance,
the
Museum at
Vinci,
ably
led
by
Romano
Nanni,
is
gradually transforming
their
exhibition
spaces.
In
2004,
they opened
two rooms on
machines,
especially spin
ning
and
weaving
machines. In
2005,
they opened
a new room devoted to
Leonardo's
optical
research. There are
new
models,
now
focusing
on his de
tailed scientific
method,
which combine
physical
demonstrations with multime
dia
techniques.
The
young engineers
are
working
on new demonstrations with
respect
to
flight
and water.
One of the
interesting developments
has been attention to Leonardo's work
in other fields of science. Baratta
(1903)
[76]
drew attention to Leonardo's work
on fossils and
geology,
a theme taken
up
anew
by Ligabue (1977) [77]
and Ste
phen Jay
Gould
(1998) [78].
Emboden
(1987) [79]
examined Leonardo's stud
ies in
botany.
Nanni
(2005) [80]
recently
published
on Leonardo and the
Dispu
tationes
pichiane, tracing
Leonardo's
way
via
astrology,
in the tradition of
Ficino,
to
early
modern science. Leonardo the
craftsman and
artist-engineer
is now
emerging
as Leonardo the
early-modern
scientist who also had a
great impact
on
artistic
theory
and
practice.
New Visions
In the
past
decade there have been a
series of
developments
with
respect
to
historiography,
a
lexicon,
plans
for new
museums and
increasing
online
pres
ence.
Historiography
A new awareness of Leonardo is
slowly
emerging.
If the 18th and 19th centuries
saw the
emergence
of
myths
about Leo
nardo and the 20th
century brought
a
series of
attempts
to attack those
myths,
a
newer
generation
is
exploring
how those
myths
were
formed,
in terms of
historiog
raphy
and
reception history.
For instance
an exhibition and
catalogue by
Carlo
Sisi e Roberto
Ciardi,
Uimmagine
di Leo
nardo
[81],
explores
these
themes,
partly
building
on
approaches
introduced
by
the
Warburg
School,
in order to re
assess
images
of the artist-scientist in the
modern
age.
Lexicon
Augusto
Marinoni,
who was a
leading fig
ure in Leonardo studies of the
past gen
eration,
wrote an
important
two-volume
work on Leonardo's
grammatical
and
lexical notes
(1944-1952) [82].
Ironi
cally,
he was not trained as a
linguist.
As
editor of
many
of Leonardo's
writings,
he
gained important insights
into Leo
nardo's
vocabulary
and use of
language
that have remained
unpublished.
Now a
lexicon is
being developed
in the context
of
E-Leo,
promoted by
the Bibliotheca
Leonardiana and financed
by
Cleio,
the
center for
linguistics
at the
University
of
Florence,
which is also the home of
the
prestigious
Accademia della Crusca.
Paola Manni and Marco
Biffi,
two mem
bers of the
Academy (Cruscanti),
are
leading
this work. This is fundamental if
we are to achieve a detailed awareness of
how Leonardo fits into Renaissance Ital
ian. There is
every
reason to believe that
he
played
a role similar to that of D?rer
for the German
language
in
coining
new
technical and scientific terms for the ver
nacular. This is
something
that can soon
be
explored.
New Museums?
In the
past
five
years,
a new
approach
to
Leonardo has come from an
unexpected
quarter.
In
Milan,
two
researchers,
Ma
rio Taddei and Edoardo
Zanon,
joined
forces with a media
expert,
Massimil
iano
Lisa,
to found a
company
called
L3
(Leonardo3) [83],
which now has its
own research center and a team of 20.
They
made virtual 3D reconstructions
of machines in the Codice Atl?ntico and
linked these with electronic
images
of
the
manuscript pages.
This became an
exhibition
(Milan, Tokyo, Chicago
and
Wichita)
and an electronic book. These
engineers
are
looking
anew at the draw
ings
from an
engineering point
of view
and are
coming up
with new
interpre
tations of what the
drawings
mean. At
some
point
in the near
future,
we shall
need a concordance that shows us a
given
drawing
and then offers us a
history
of
interpretations.
In the
longer
term,
this
needs to be
put
into the
larger
context
suggested by
the exhibitions in Florence
and the work at Vinci.
The work of L3 is
awakening
new levels
of interest in Leonardo and is
important
because it is
coupled
with two visions.
First,
there is a renewed vision of a com
plete
works at affordable
prices,
a
project
envisioned
by
Keele and
myself,
but not
possible
at the time. L3 is on their
way
to
making
this a
reality.
For
instance,
their
book + CD-ROM of the Codex Atlanticus is
$29.95,
and new codices are
coming
out
using
the same
approach?The
Codex on
Flight of
the Birds
appeared
in 2007
[84].
The Codex Arundel and the
Manuscript
B
are
planned
for 2009. A
complete
new
edition of The
Manuscripts of
France is
planned.
It remains a
challenge
to en
sure that these honest
attempts
to make
Leonardo more
popular
reflect
fully
the
richness of
scholarship
of the
past
cen
turies.
Second,
there is a vision of a new mu
A
systematic catalogue
raisonn?e
of
everything
Leonardo
did,
with
a record of owners over the
centuries,
has
yet
to be done.
?ill
11111111
Veltman,
Leonardo da Vinci 385
This content downloaded from 84.205.227.38 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 11:20:15 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Iseum, which could
finally
become a fo
cal
point
for Leonardo studies at a new
level.
Indeed,
there are
plans
for three
museums. The main museum would be
in Milan and there would be versions in
the United States
(Chicago)
and Asia.
These museums are to have exhibitions
for tourists and to include
spaces
for
scholars to
study,
meet and share
ideas,
as well as academic courses related to cul
tural
heritage
and innovative technolo
gies.
If it becomes a
reality,
we could be
on the threshold of new
insights
into
Leonardo's
extraordinary
worlds.
Electronic Versions
In the
past
decade,
major
collections
such as the Ambrosiana
[85]
have shown
a commitment to
putting
their works on
line. The
Queen's
Collection at Windsor
[86],
which allows one to zoom in on
the wonderful
drawings,
is
particularly
impressive.
In
France,
the
Joconde
[87]
database of the R?union des Mus?es de
France
provides
access to 259 items
by
or
related to Leonardo. While these devel
opments
have contributed
enormously
to our access to and
understanding
of
Leonardo's
art,
a
systematic catalogue
rai
sonn?eofeverything
he
did,
with a record
of owners over the
centuries,
has
yet
to
be done. The E-Leo site mentioned ear
lier marks a
very important step
forward.
A series of new links with the
major
col
lections and further
integration
remains
a
challenge
for the 21st
century.
CONCLUSIONS
The
past century
has revealed that Leon
ardo owed much to
(a)
classical and me
dieval sources, (b)
artist-engineers
in the
tradition of Brunelleschi and
(c)
contem
porary artist-engineers
such as Francesco
di
Giorgio
Martini. At the same
time,
we
have learned two reasons
why
he stood
out from all these talented
individuals,
who were also at the courts of
Florence,
Milan and elsewhere.
First,
Leonardo de
veloped
a
systematic
method in his draw
ing
of both the natural and man-made
world.
Second,
he had a method in his
approach
to science. Where his fellow
engineers
focused on the what and how
of new
machines,
gadgets
and
devices,
Leonardo focused on the
underlying
me
chanical and
physical principles.
Accord
ingly,
three centuries before Reuleaux's
famous
catalogue
of kinds of
machines,
Leonardo had recorded 21 of the 23
kinds that his
19th-century
successor
would later
identify
[88].
Leonardo was
modest but also
very
conscious of
being
special:
he
explicitly
stated that someone
of his level was not
likely
to come
again
for the next five centuries. It is not
by
accident that the
general public
remem
bers Leonardo and not the names of his
contemporaries.
Over
12,000
publications
exist on
Leonardo. We now have a National edi
tion,
which includes most of the manu
scripts
but at
prices beyond
the means of
the
ordinary public.
The E-Leo
project
provides
us with a first electronic edition
of his
writings.
An affordable
complete
edition of his
writings
and a
catalogue
raisonn?e of all his
drawings
and
paint
ings
are still needed. We have
Popham's
Drawings of
Leonardo as a Dover
Reprint.
We need the
equivalent
of a Dover Re
print
of the
complete
works. There is still
much to learn about this man. The 19th
and
early
20th centuries had a
general
view of Leonardo as a universal man.
The 20th
century
saw
attempts
to reduce
him to an
artist-engineer
or dismiss him
as a clever amateur and then
gradually
brought
a new awareness of his role in
early
modern science and art. Let us
hope
that the 21st
century
will
bring
us
further in this
quest
to understand one
of the
great
men of all times.
Acknowledgments
I am
particularly grateful
to Dr. Romano
Nanni,
the
Director of the Museum at
Vinci,
for
kindly reading
this text and
generously pointing
to a number of
recent
developments.
I am
grateful
also to Massimil
iano Lisa and the team at L3 for their view of recent
developments.
References and Notes
Unedited
references
as
provided by
the author.
1.
Bibliograf?a
Internationale Leonardiana:
<http://
www.bibliotecaleonardiana.it>.
2. Cf. Kim
Veltman,
Leonardo's
Method, Brescia,
1994.
3. "The real Da Vinci
code,"
The
Guardian, London,
Wednesday August
30, 2006:
<http://arts.guardian.
co.uk/features/story/0?
1860869,00.html>;
Kelley
Helmstutler Di
Dio,
"The chief and
perhaps only
antiquarian
in
Spain. Pompeo
Leoni and his collec
tion in
Madrid,"
Journal of
the
History of Collections,
2006
18(2):137-167. <http://jhc.oxfordjournals.
org/cgi/content/abstract/18/2/137>.
4. Scholars estimate that the known
manuscripts may
represent only
some 40% of what Leonardo
actually
wrote: The rest is
destroyed
or still
forgotten.
5. The
Literary
Works
of
Leonardo da Vinci,
Compiled
and edited
byjean
Paul
Richter,
3rd Edition
by
Carlo
Pedretti,
London:
Phaidon, 1969, pp.
108-109. This
list was
updated
in Pedretti's
Commentary
on the
above: London:
Phaidon, 1977, pp.
93-97.
6. Ente Raccolta Vinciana:
<http://www.comune.
milano.it/webcity/documenti.nsf/0/C307BC71D8
6EF049C1256E2E0039E26F?opendocument>.
7. Corbeau 's Biblioteca Corvina de Vincianis has
since been
given
to the
University
of
Lyon: <http://
ca?ame.ish-lyon.cnrs.fr/rss.php?lang=fr&geo=16>:
"Il ?tait
parvenu
? rassembler les manuscrits de
L?onard de Vinci
pour
en faire la
reproduction
int?grale accompagn?e
de la
transcription diplo
matique.
Cette base
pr?sente:
-Des ?ditions en fac
simil? avec la
transcription
des carnets manuscrits
dispers?s
en
France,
en Italie et en
Angleterre
-Des
?ditions diverses des trait?s de L?onard de
Vinci,
tir?s des manuscrits des
transcriptions
de toutes les
sources de
langue europ?enne
-Des documents cri
tiques
constitu?s
par
Andr? Corbeau au cours de
son travail."
8. Carlo
Pedretti,
"La raccolta leonardesca d?lia con
tessa de
B?hague
nel Castello di
Vinci",
in La raccolta
leonardesca d?lia contessa de
B?hague,
Vinci,
Castello dei
Conti
Guidi,
aprile-luglio
1980. -Vinci : Comune di
Vinci ; Firenze: Giunti
Barbera, cl980. This led to:
Leonardo da Vinci. Die
Gewandstudien,
Mit Texten
von
Fran?oise Viatte,
Carlo
Pedretti,
Andr?
Chastel,
Munich:
Schirmer, Mosel,
1983.
9. Leonardo e il leonardismo a
Napoli:
Museo di
Capodi
monte, 16
novembre-7gennaio.
Florence:
Giunti,
1983.
Catalogue by
Alessandro Vezzosi and Introduction
by
Carlo Pedretti.
10. Elmer Belt:
<http://www.library.ucla.edu/arts/
collections/belt.htmx
11. Universal Leonardo:
<http://www.universal
leonardo.org/>.
12. For the
program
of the
precious year
see: <www.
renaissance-heritage.net>.
Future courses will be an
nounced on the site of the Biblioteca Leonardiana.
13. The
literary
works
of
Leonardo da
Vinci, comp.
and
ed. from the
original manuscripts, byjean
Paul Rich
ter, London,
S.
Low, Marston,
Searle &
Rivington,
1883.
14. Leonardo da Vinci: edizione curata dalla Mostra
di Leonardo da Vinci in
Milano,
Novara: Istituto Ge
ogr?fico
de
Agostini,
1939, 2 volumes.
15. Frank
Z?llner,
Leonardo da
Vinci, 1452-1519,
Cologne,
London:
Taschen,
cl999.
16.
Notably: Augusto
Marinoni,
Anna Maria
Brizio,
Ladislao
Reti,
Kenneth D.
Keele,
Enzo
Macagno
and soon Carlo Pedretti.
Meanwhile,
a few scholars
simply
continued their work: Nando de
Toni,
Lud
wig Heydenreich
and
(later Lord)
Kenneth Clark.
Art historians
(Sir)
Ernst
Gombrich,
Andr? Chastel
and Corrado Maltese addressed individual
aspects
of the work.
17. Edizione
Nazionale,
Giunti:
<http://www.
leonardonline.it/progetto-leonardo.html>.
18. Kenneth D.
Keele,
Anatomical
Drawings
in the Col
lection
of
Her
Majesty
the
Queen,
New York: Harcourt
Brace, 1975-1980.
19. E-Leo:
<http://www.leonardodigitale.com/
login,
htmlx
20.
Sigmund
Freud,
Eine
Kindheitserinnerung
des
Leonardo da
Vinci,
-
Leipzig
[u.a.]: Deuticke,
1910
(Schriften
zur
angewandten
Seelenkunde; 7).
21. Wilhelm
Suida,
Leonardo und sein
Kreis,
Munich:
Verlag
F. Bruckmann
A.-G, 1929.
22.
Ludwig
Goldschneider,
Leonardo da
Vinci,
Lon
don: Phaidon
Press,
1943.
23. A.E.
Popham,
The
Drawings of
Leonardo da
Vinci,
London:
Cape,
1946,
made 320 of Leonardo's draw
ings
accessible.
24. Leonardo da Vinci. Tutta la
pittura
di
Leonardo,
a cura di Costantino Baroni.
-
Milano:
Rizzoli, 1952.
(Biblioteca
d'arte
Rizzoli; 4)
25. Leonardo da Vinci. A
catalogue
of the
drawings
of Leonardo da Vinci in the Collection of His
Maj
esty
the
King
at Windsor Castle
/
by
Kenneth Clark.
-
Cambridge
: At the
University
Press,
1935.
26.
Sergio
Escobar, Empio Malara,
Barbara
Croce,
Barbara,
Adriana
May, Luigi
Chilo,
Leonardo e le vie
d'acque,
Florence: Giunti
Barbera,
1983.
27. Luisa
Cogliati
Ara?o,
Leonardo da
Vinci,
Disegni
di
Leonardo e d?lia sua cerchia alle Gallerie dell 'Accademia
di Venezia. Milan: Arcadia:
Electa,
1980. An earlier
catalogue by Heydenreich
had
explored
this field.
386 Veltman,
Leonardo da Vinci
This content downloaded from 84.205.227.38 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 11:20:15 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
28. Leonardo da
Vinci,
Disegni
di Leonardo e d?lia sua
cerchia alia Biblioteca Ambrosiana di Milano. Milan: Ar
cadia:
Electa,
1981. The earliest
catalogues go
back
to 1785: Leonardo da
Vinci,
Raccolta di
disegni
incisi
da Girolamo Mantelli di Canobio
sugli originali
esistenti
nella Biblioteca Ambrosiana di mano di Leonardo da Vinci
e de suoi Scolari lombardi. Milano:
[s.n.],
1785.
29. Hans
Ost,
Leonardo
Studien,
Berlin: De
Gruyter,
1974.
30. Ernst Hans
Gombrich,
"Le teste
grottesche
di
Leonardo: introduzione all?
studio",
In Leonardo:
saggi
e ricerche.
-
Roma: Istituto
poligrafico
dello Stato:
Librer?a dello
Stato, pp. 541-556,
1954.
31.
Johannes Jakob Nathan,
"Some
drawing practices
of Leonardo da Vinci: new
light
of the St.
Anne,"
In
Mitteilungen
des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz.
-
Bd.
36,
Heft
1-2, pp. 85-101, 1992.
32. Michael
Kwakkelstein,
Leonardo da Vinci as a
physiognomist. Theory
and
Drawing
Practice,
Leiden:
Primavera
Press,
1994.
33.
John
Shearman,
Only
connect: art and the
spectator
in the Italian Renaissance,
Princeton: Princeton Uni
versity Press, 1992.
(The
Mellon Lectures in the fine
arts; 1988).
34. David Summers,
Michelangelo
and the
Language of
Art,
Princeton: Princeton
University
Press,
1981. Cf.
<http://www.virginia.edu/art/arthistory/faculty/
summers. html>.
35. Pietro C.
Marani, Leonardo da Vinci: The
Complete
Paintings,
New York:
Abrams, 2003.
36. Leonardo e i leonardeschi a
Brera,
Milan:
Cantini,
1987;
Leonardo e i leonardeschi nei musa della Lombar
dia, Electa: Milan, 1990.
(Guide
artistiche
Electa).
37.
Drawings by
Leonardo Da Vinci and His Circle in
the American
Collections,
Giunti
Gruppo
Editoriale
(March 1993).
Cf.
Ibid,
Studies in the School
of
Leon
ardo da
Vinci,
Ph.D.
Dissertation,
Pennsylvania
State
University,
1982.
38. David Alan
Brown,
Andrea
Solano,
Edizioni Electa
(December 31, 1987)
39. Antonio
Natali,
"Prime sale:
percorso
dal Du
gento
a
Leonardo," Gli
Uffizi,
Florence: Centro
Di,
1993, pp.
88-121.
40.
L'officina
della maniera: variet? e
fierezza
nelTarte
florentina fra
le due
repubbliche (1494-1530): [catalogo
della
mostra/a
cura di Alessandro Cecchi e Antonio
Natali],
Venice:
Marsilio,
1996.
41. Leonardo e il mito di Leda:
modelli,
memorie e
metamorfosi
di un
'invenzione,
a cura di
Gigetta
Dalli
Regoli,
Romano
Nanni,
Antonio Natali.
-
Cinisello
Balsamo
(MI):
Silvana
Editoriale,
2001.
(Catalogo
della mostra
omonima, Vinci,
Palazzina Uzielli del
Museo
Leonardiano, 23
giugno-23
sett.
2001).
42. L?onard de Vinci: dessins et
manuscrits,
commissaires
de
l'exposition Fran?oise Viatte,
Varena
Forcione,
Paris: R?union des Mus?es
Nationaux,
2003.
43. Leonardo da Vinci master
draftsman,
edited
by
Car
men C. Bambach, New York: The
Metropolitan
Mu
seum of
Art,
2003.
44. Bertrand
Gilles,
Les
ing?nieurs
de la
Renaissance,
Hermann, Paris,
1964.
45. Ladislao Reti,
"Leonardo da Vinci nella storia
della macchina a
vapore,"
In Rivista di
ingegneria.
-
Vol.
6,
n. 1
(genn), pp. 27-38,
1956.
46. Ladislao
Reti,
"Tracce di
progetti perduti
di
Filippo
Brunelleschi nel Codice Atl?ntico di Leon
ardo da Vinci": TVLettura
Vinciana, Vinci,
Biblioteca
Leonardiana,
15
aprile
1964. Firenze: Giunti
Barbera,
1965.
([Letture vinciane]; 4).
47. The unknown
Leonardo,
edited
by
Ladislao
Reti;
designed by
Emil M.
B?hrer,
London:
Hutchinson,
1974;
The unknown
Leonardo,
edited
by
Ladislao
Reti;
designed by
Emil M. B?hrer. New York: Abradale
Press:
Harry
N.
Abrams, Inc.,
1990.
48. Francesco di
Giorgio
Martini. Trattati di architet
tura,
ingegneria
e arte militare, a cura di Corrado
Maltese;
trascrizione di Livia Maltese
Degrassi.
-
Milano: II
polifilo,
cl967.
-
2 v.
(Classici
italiani di
scienze tecniche e
arti/a
cura di Renato Borelli e
Paolo
Portoghesi;
vol.
3).
49.
Prager,
Frank
David, Brunelleschi,
Cambridge,
MA:
MIT,
1970.
50. Mariano di
Jacopo
da
Siena,
detto II
Taccola,
Mariano Taccola and his book De
ingeneis,
Frank
D.
Prager
and Gustina
Scaglia [eds.].
-
Cambridge,
MA:
MIT, cl972.
51. Howard
Saalman,
Filippo
Brunelleschi: The Cu
pola
of Santa Maria del
Fiore, London:
Zwemmer,
1980.
(Studies
in
architecture/edited
by Anthony
Blunt and
John Harris;
vol.
20).
52. Giustina
Scaglia,
Alle
origini degli
studi tecno
log?a
di Leonardo: XX Lettura
vinciana, 20
aprile
1980/Gustina
Scaglia; [traduzione
di Giovanna
Ragionieri;
a cura di Alessandro
Vezzosi].
-
[Vinci]
:
Comune di
Vinci;
Firenze: Giunti
Barbera,
1981.
([Letture vinciane]; 20).
53. Graham
John
Hollister-Short,
"Before and after
the Newcomen
engine
of 1712: ideas, Gestalts, prac
tice,"
In
Konjunkturen
im
Europ?ischen Bergbau
in vorin
dustrieller Zeit:
Festschrift f?r
Ekkehard Westermann zum
60.
Geburtstag, Stuttgart:
Steiner, 2000;
Graham
John
Hollister-Short,
"The literature
relating
to Leonardo
da Vinci's work on textile machines: a critical
review,"
and "The sector and chain: an historical
enquiry,"
Journal
de la
Renaissance,
Vol. 5
(2007).
54. "Leonardo da
Vinci,"
The
Official Campus Grape
vine,
University
of
Mary Washington, May /June
2002 Issue:
<http://www.umw.edu/archive_mwc/
publications/read/grapevine/Archive/2002/May
June02/index.htm>.
55. Paolo
Galluzzi,
ed. Leonardo da
Vinci,
Engineer
and Architect. Introduction
by
Carlo Pedretti. Exh.
cat, The Montreal Museum of Fine Arts.
Montreal,
1987.
56. Paolo
Galluzzi,
ed. Prima di Leonardo: Cultura d?lie
macchine a Siena nel Rinascimento. Exh.
cat., Siena,
Magazzini
del Sale.
Milan,
1991.
57. Paolo
Galluzzi,
Gli
ingegneri
del Rinascimento da
Brunelleschi a Leonardo da Vinci Exh. cat., Florence,
Palazzo Strozzi.
Florence,
1996.
58. Istituto e Museo di Storia della
scienza,
Forenze:
<http://brunelleschi.imss.fi.it/ingrin/indice.
htmlx
59. Leonardo da Vinci in the
territory:
the
places,
the studies and the machines of the
genius.
Perma
nently
on show
up
at the water Mill of Ludovico il
Moro in
Vigevano.
30 km from Milano:
<http://
www.lacittaideale.org/index_english.htm>.
60. Louise
Jury,
"Decoded: the Genius of Leonardo
da
Vinci,"
The
Independent,
London, 12
September,
2006:
<http://findarticles.eom/p/articles/mi_
qn4158/is_20060912/ai_nl6718264>.
61. La vita e i
tempi
di Paolo Dal Pozzo
Toscanelli/
ricerche e studi di Gustavo
Uzielli;
con un
capitolo
(VI)
sui lavori astronomici del Toscanelli di Giovanni
Celoria.
-
Roma:
auspice
il Ministero della Pubblica
Istruzione,
1894
(Roma:
Forzani e C.
Tipografi
del
Senato). (Raccolta
di documenti e studi
pubblicati
dalla R. Commissione Colombiana
pel quarto
cente
nario dalla
scoperta deH'America;
Pt.
5).
62. Pierre
Duhem,
Etudes sur Leonard de Vinci. Ceux
qu'
il a lus et ceux
qui
Tont
lu, Paris, 1906,
1909 and
1913, 3 vols.
63. Leonardo da Vinci. / libri di
meccanica;
nella rico
struzione ordinata di Arturo
Uccelli,
preceduti
da
un'introduzione critica e da un esame d?lie fonti.
Milano:
Hoepli,
1940.
64. Alistair C.
Crombie,
Robert Grosseteste and the ori
gins of experimental
science,
Oxford: Clarendon
Press,
1970.
65.
Eugenio
Garin,
"Il
problema
d?lie fonti del
pen
siero di Leonardo." In Atti del
Convegno
di studi vin
ciani indetto dalla Unione
regionale
d?lie
province
toscane
e dalle universit?
diFirenze, Pisa, Siena,
15-18
gennaio
1953.
Florence,
1953.
pp.
157-172.
66. See for instance: L?onard de Vinci et
l'exp?rience
scientifique
au XVfe
si?cle, Paris, 4-7juillet
1952. -Paris:
Centre national de la recherche
scientifique.
Universitaires
de
France,
1953.
(Colloques
internationaux du Cen
tre national de la recherche
scientifique.
Sciences
humaines).
67. C.
Luporini,
La Mente di
Leonardo, Florence,
1953.
68. Fabio
Frosini, "Leonardo da Alberti a Bacone
(e
oltre)
": In Tutte le
opere
non son
per
istancarmi.
-
Roma:
Edizioni
associate, 1998, pp.
145-158.
69. In the two-volume book on Leonardo
(1939)
sponsored by
Mussolini,
Domenico
Argentieri
wrote on the "L'ottica di Leonardo"
(pp. 405-436),
wherein he claimed that Leonardo
might
have had
the
makings
of a
telescope. Argentieri
was Director
of the National Institute of
Optics.
His successor was
Vasco
Ronchi,
whose
important
Storia della luce
(Bo
logna, 1939)
raised
important questions
about the
history
of
optics
but continued to assume that Gali
leo was the first to use
telescopes.
Ronchi
explored
Leonardo's contributions
generally
in: Leonardo nella
scienza e nella t?cnica: atti del
Simposio
internazionale di
storia della scienza:
Firenze-Vinci,
23-26giugno
1969, [a
cura di Vasco
Ronchi]
-
Firenze
-
[1975].
70. Clifford A. Truesdell. "Fundamental mechanics
in the Madrid
Codices,"
In: Leonardo e Vet? della ra
gione.
Milan:
Scientia, 1982, pp.
309-324.
71. Kenneth David
Keele,
Leonardo da Vinci's elements
of
the science
of
man, New York
[etc.]
: Academic
Press,
1983. Cf.
Ibid,
Leonardo da Vinci and the art of sci
ence, Hove:
Priory
Press,
1977.
72. Kim H.
Veltman,
Linear
perspective
and the visual
dimension
of
science and art; in collaboration with Kenneth
D. Keele. M?nchen: Deutscher
Kunstverlag, [1986].
(Studies
on Leonardo da
Vinci; 1).
The 1992
publi
cation is cited in note 2 above.
73. For a
bibliography
of Enzo
Macagno
see:
<http://
www.wolfson.ox.ac.uk/~mhl/index33.html>.
74. Carla
Bonetti, ed.,
Leonardo e L'eta della
ragione,
Milan,
1981.
75. This new
approach
to Leonardo is not univer
sally accepted.
For
instance,
Zwijnenberg (1999)
explored
Leonardo's
writings
and
drawings
in rela
tion to
early
modern
thought
and sees the chaos of
his notes as a source of
creativity.
Robert
Zwijnen
berg,
The
writings
and
drawings of
Leonardo da Vinci:
order and chaos in
early
modern
thought,
translated
by
Caroline A. van
Eck,
New York
(N.Y.): Cambridge
University
Press,
1999.
76. Mario
Baratta,
Leonardo da Vinci ed
iproblemi
della
Terra,
Turin:
Bocea,
1903.
(Biblioteca vinciana; 1).
77. Giancarlo
Ligabue,
Leonardo da Vinci e i
fossili,
pref. Jean-Pierre Lehman,
Vicenza: Neri Pozza.
78.
Stephen Jay Gould,
Leonardo's mountain
of
clams
and the diet
of
worms:
essays
on natural
history,
New
York: Three Rivers
Press,
1998.
79. William A.
Emboden,
Leonardo da Vinci on
plants
and
gardens,
foreword
by
Carlo Pedretti.
-
Portland
(Or.):
Dioscorides Press in
cooperation
with The
Armand Hammer Center for Leonardo Studies at
UCLA,
1987. This built on an article
by
the same
author in 1973.
80. Romano
Nanni,
"Le
?disputationes? pichiane
sull'astrologia
e Leonardo. In: Leonardo e Pico: analo
gie, contatti,
confronti:
atti del
convegno
di
Mir?ndola,
10
maggio
2003/3.
cura di Fabio Frosini.
-
Firenze:
Olschki, pp. 53-98, 2005. This was
presented
in De
cember 2005 at the Palazzo Vecchio and is
part
of a
book on Pico and Leonardo with
significant
contri
butions
by
Toussaint e Frosoni.
81.
L'immagine
di Leonardo: testimonianze
figurative
dal
Ill
?III
li
Veltman,
Leonardo da Vinci 387
This content downloaded from 84.205.227.38 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 11:20:15 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
XVI al XIX
sec?lo,
a cura di Roberto Paolo Ciardi e
Cario Sisi. Florence:
Giunti;
Vinci: Comune di
Vinci,
1997.
82.
Augusto
Marinoni,
Gli
appunti grammaticali
e les
sicali di Leonardo da
Vinci,
Milan: Castello
Sforzesco,
1944-1952. 2 v.
83. L3:
<http://www.leonardo3.net/leonardo/
home.htmx
84. Leonardo3 Store:
http://www.leonardo3.net/
leonardo/store_eng.htm
85. Ambrosiana:
<http://www.ambrosiana.it/
ita/ca_sfoglia.asp>; <http://www.italnet.nd.edu/
ambrosiana/ita/cercare.html>.
86.
Royal
Collection,
Windsor:
<http://www.royal
collection,
org.uk/eGallery/maker.asp?maker=
LEONARDO>.
87.
Joconde: <http://www.culture.gouv.fr/public/
mistral/joconde_fr>.
88. This was discussed in the Unknown
Leonardo,
ed.
Ladislao Reti
(London: Hutchinson, 1974),
and is
now the
subject
of a new book Francis C.
Moon,
The
Machines
of
Leonardo Da Vinci and Franz Reuleaux: Ki
nematics
of
Machines
from
the Renaissance to the 20th
Century,
Berlin:
Springer Netherland, 2007.
Manuscript
received 18 March 2007.
CALL FOR PAPERS
Lovely
Weather:
Artists and Scientists
on the
Cultural Context of Climate
Change
Leonardo
Special
Section
Editorial Committee: Julien
Knebusch,
Ramon
Guardans,
Annick
Bureaud,
John
Cunningham,
Andrea
Polli,
Janine
Anderson, Jacques Mandelbrojt
Leonardo seeks to document the
ways
in which artists and scientists are
addressing
climate
change
in a cultural
context. As
contemporary
culture
grapples
with this critical
global
issue,
this
3-year project
will document
cross-disciplinary explorations by
artists,
scientists and
engineers, working
alone or in
teams,
addressing
themes related to
global warming
and climate
change.
Partial list
of
Leonardo articles and
projects
concerned with
global warming,
climate
change
and related issues:
George
Gessert,
"Gathered from Coinci
dence: Reflections on Art in a Time of
Global
Warming,"
Leonardo
40,
No.
3, 231
-236
(2007).
Julien
Knebusch,
"Art & Climate
Change,"
Web
project
of the French Leonardo
group Leonardo/Olats (l'Observatoire
Leonardo
pour
les Arts et les Techno
Sciences)
,
<http://www.olats.org/fcm/
artclimat/artclimat_eng.php>.
Julien
Knebusch,
"The
Perception
of Cli
mate
Change,"
Leonardo
40,
No. 2
(2007)
p.
113.
Andrea
Polli,
"Atmospherics/Weather
Works: A
Spatialized Meteorological
Data
Sonification
Project,"
Leonardo
38,
No.
1,
31-36(2005).
Andrea
Polli,
"Heat and the Heartbeat
of
the
City: Sonifying
Data
Describing
Climate
Change,"
Leonardo Music
fournal
16
(2006)
pp.
44-45.
Andrea Polli and
Joe
Gilmore,
"N.
April
16, 2006; LMJ16
CD Contributor's
Note,
Leonardo Music
Journal
16
(2006),
pp.
71-72.
Janine
Randerson,
"Between Reason and
Sensation:
Antipodean
Artists and Climate
Change,"
Leonardo
40,
No. 5
(2007).
Ruth
Wallen,
"Of
Story
and Place: Com
municating Ecological Principles through
Art,"
Leonardo
36,
No.
3,
179-185
(2003).
Angelo Stagno
and Andrea van der
Straeten,
"0-24 Licht: A
Project Combining
Art and
Applied
Research," Leonardo 40,
No. 5
(2007).
We welcome
manuscripts
and
Gallery proposals.
Please send
inquiries
to
<isast@leonardo.info>.
388 Veltman,
Leonardo da Vinci
This content downloaded from 84.205.227.38 on Mon, 18 Aug 2014 11:20:15 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions