In our pursuit of knowledge about maritime piracy, we must be attentive to the question of justified true belief. While some social scientists abstract from the question of whether our beliefs are true/false and/or reliable/unreliable, the standard account of knowledge requires more than just the study of the generation, transformation, and dissemination of beliefs. For, if we limit the field to these topics, then we fail to recognize that maritime piracy requires more than the collective recognition by epistemic agents that some individual counts as a pirate or some event counts as a piracy incident. It also requires that “various external, objective features” be satisfied above and beyond mere beliefs. This obliges an epistemological account of maritime piracy grounded in true-belief conduciveness.
In our pursuit of knowledge about maritime piracy, we must be attentive to the question of justified true belief. While some social scientists abstract from the question of whether our beliefs are true/false and/or reliable/unreliable, the standard account of knowledge requires more than just the study of the generation, transformation, and dissemination of beliefs. For, if we limit the field to these topics, then we fail to recognize that maritime piracy requires more than the collective recognition by epistemic agents that some individual counts as a pirate or some event counts as a piracy incident. It also requires that “various external, objective features” be satisfied above and beyond mere beliefs. This obliges an epistemological account of maritime piracy grounded in true-belief conduciveness.
In our pursuit of knowledge about maritime piracy, we must be attentive to the question of justified true belief. While some social scientists abstract from the question of whether our beliefs are true/false and/or reliable/unreliable, the standard account of knowledge requires more than just the study of the generation, transformation, and dissemination of beliefs. For, if we limit the field to these topics, then we fail to recognize that maritime piracy requires more than the collective recognition by epistemic agents that some individual counts as a pirate or some event counts as a piracy incident. It also requires that “various external, objective features” be satisfied above and beyond mere beliefs. This obliges an epistemological account of maritime piracy grounded in true-belief conduciveness.
843.271.6891 ph pacificislandssociety.org web Domestic Non-Profit Organization The Social Epistemology of Maritime Piracy Guest: Mr. Michael Edward Walsh Affiliation: SOAS, University of London Published: August 25, 2014
The central focus of your doctoral research is to provide a social epistemological account of maritime piracy. Why is this research topic so important?
In our pursuit of knowledge about maritime piracy, we must be attentive to the question of justified true belief. While some social scientists abstract from the question of whether our beliefs are true/false and/or reliable/unreliable, the standard account of knowledge requires more than just the study of the generation, transformation, and dissemination of beliefs. 1
For, if we limit the field to these topics, then we fail to recognize that maritime piracy requires more than the collective recognition by epistemic agents that some individual counts as a pirate or some event counts as a piracy incident. It also requires that various external, objective features be satisfied above and beyond mere beliefs. 2 This obliges an epistemological account of maritime piracy grounded in true-belief conduciveness. It is therefore my contention that we must not give into the temptation to treat as immaterial whether a person genuinely qualifies as a pirate so long as everybody believes that he does and acts accordingly. 3 Indeed, this temptation is especially strong in the case of maritime piracy, since the simple fact is everyone hates pirates. 4 Accordingly, if everyone believes that a particular person killed or captured off the coast of Somalia is a pirate, it is quite easy to forget about the conditions needed for that particular person to qualify as a pirate since the public sentiment of outrage will be appeased, the preventative effect on prospective wrong-doers will be achieved, and the (victims) will feel avenged. 5 But, this would undermine our knowledge of maritime piracy. Practically speaking, it would also make it more difficult for individuals to understand the policy tradeoffs at stake in counter-piracy discourses. Recently, there was a report of a piracy attack underway in the Western Indian Ocean. 6 Some have attributed this report to fear mongering by private military contractors. How big of a concern are such cases from an epistemological perspective? The false alarm aboard the MT Bon Atlantico should serve as a reminder that higher-level epistemic agents always have a responsibility to not blindly accept knowledge claims advanced by lower-level epistemic agents. There are a number of reasons why this is the case. The one that has drawn the most interest in the press is the fact that not all epistemic agents are motivated by true-belief oriented values and goals.
1 This approach is known as doxology as opposed to epistemology. 2 Finn Collin. Social Reality. New York: Routledge,1997, pg. 133. 3 Ibid, pg. 134. 4 Shashank Bengali. Suspected Pirates Face Unprecedented Trial in U.S. Court, Los Angeles Times, 6/1/2013. 5 Collin, pg. 134. 6 David Rider. Indian Tanker False Alarm in Gulf. Maritime Security Review, 8/13/14.
Interviews
Pacific Islands Society Interviews | August 25, 2014 Pacific Islands Society PO Box 632 | Ebensburg, PA 15931 | USA 843.271.6891 ph pacificislandssociety.org web Domestic Non-Profit Organization As a consequence, it is often argued that certain actors (e.g., private military contractors, foreign navies, ship-owners) are prone to intentionally report false beliefs or not report true beliefs. Obviously, such social practices undermine public knowledge about maritime piracy if they go undetected.
While I share this concern and accept that it is an endemic problem, our collective fascination with the behavior of private military contractors and foreign navies obscures a much larger issue. At the bottom of the epistemic agent pyramid for maritime piracy, we typically have seafarers, private military contractors, and military professionals. For arguments sake, let us assume that these agents are motivated solely by veritistic virtue. As a consequence, they are not reporting false beliefs or pragmatic acceptances. This alone does not mitigate concerns about the truthfulness and reliability of their reporting. Even in this case, they can still report a (sincere) belief that turns out to be neither true nor justified.
A social epistemological account of maritime piracy must therefore better address all such cases. It must account for true cases of piracy that go unreported and false cases that are reported. Our failure to do so systemically undermines public knowledge claims made by higher-level epistemic agents since this problem is located at the lowest level in the epistemic agent pyramid. The only way to fix this problem is to change social practices at multiple levels of the epistemic actor pyramid. We must ensure that relevant data is more reliably collected, processed, analyzed, and disseminated through individual and social knowledge pathways.
You highlighted the case of someone sincerely reporting a false belief. What is the criterion by which a specific belief about maritime piracy is determinately false?
There are a number of reasons why someone might report a belief that is not true. If the case is determinate, we might say that individual(s) reported a false belief. We can do so in the case of social facts like maritime piracy under a number of specific conditions. One is when a pattern of outward behavior is traced back to an inner meaning (belief) to the effect that this pattern of action was agreed on in a community-wide decision and should be adhered to. 7
With respect to maritime piracy, that community-wide decision was declared in Articles 100 - 107 and 110 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of Sea (UNCLOS). Maritime piracy is therefore a term with a fairly determinate field of application. There are a set of corresponding rights and obligations to ensure that the convention is upheld so long as there remains collective agreement that it should be adhered to by the contracting parties. And, UNCLOS remains a living document housed in a membership organization (IMO) that helps to maintain the collective acceptance of this fact. Maritime piracy is thus an exemplar institutional fact.
It is important to also point out that a belief that is not true need not necessarily be false. There are many reasons for indeterminacy in a social facts field of application. One of the most important is the phenomenon of vagueness. In some sense, most if not all social facts exhibit some degree of vagueness since they are brought into being through linguistic social practices. As a consequence, they often exhibit borderline cases, lack sharp boundaries, and are susceptible to sorties paradoxes.
Since there remains great disagreement - even among philosophers - over whether these cases should be considered true, indeterminate, or false, one cannot blame a seafarer for extending a pragmatic halo of truth over these cases and accepting the fact that someone is a pirate even if that individual genuinely considers it an indeterminate case.
Lectures on the Philosophy and Practice of Slavery: As Exhibited in the Institution of Domestic Slavery in the United States, with the Duties of Masters to Slaves