CrossCultural Use of Machovers Figure Drawing Te,t

JOHN J. HONIGMANN AND RICHARD N. CARRERA

University of North Carolina
HI S brief article will be of interest mainly to ethnographers who may
T contemplate use of projective figure-drawing tests such as Machovers
(1949) in field situations. The aim is not to report substantive findings, but
to present information which may aid in evaluating the instrument for cross-
cultural research. Toward this end, the paper describes an analysis of human
figure drawings collected from Eskimo children at Great Whale River, Que-
bec, in 1950, and Cree Indian children at Attawapiskat, Ontario, in 1955.
Personality-wise the two communities were known to be different and the main
object of the analysis was to see what differences, if any, wauld be reflected in
the test? Protocols were secured according to Machovers directions (except
that male-female pairs and notes on performance could not consistently be ob-
tained). Sampling was not attempted. Eskimo children worked in the presence
of the anthropologist (J J H) in a small private room. Cree Indian children drew
their pictures in the classroom of the Roman Catholic mission school under
direction of a nun, who had been briefed without being told to record subjects
behavior. Most of the analysis was carried out by the psychologist (RNC),
who knew little about the artists other than that they consisted of Canadian
Indian and Eskimo children, their ages, and sex.
Apart from the general assumption that the test would reflect personality
differences, we entertained the hypothesis that the intelligence of the Attawa-
piskat children, as measured by applying Goodenough (1926) norms to the
drawings, would be higher than that of the Eskimo, This could be explained
as a function of the Indian communitys more intense involvement in Canadian
society. Resident priests, brothers, nuns, and a school in Attawapiskat, and
the fact that many adults have spent one or two years in a Roman Catholic
residential school, are indicative of the communitys greater assimilation to
Canadian culture. Few Eskimo have gone to school? I n both communities
English is seldom spoken, but adults are literate in their respective languages.
It was expected that intelligence might be below American norms in both cases.
This, we assumed, could be explained in the light of the relative marginality of
the communities. That is, the experiences of these children would not favor
them in a test standardized on children of a different cultural tradition.
PROCEDURE AND RESULTS
Prior to analysis, Eskimo and Indian drawings were coded and shuffled to
control halo effect. Four analytical procedures then followed.
1. Subjectively, bearing in mind the Machover criteria for interpretation,
the psychologist examined each pair of drawings in an attempt to gauge the
childs personality. These individual interpretations were later assessed on a
group basis to arrive at an overall picture of the personality characteristics of
the Eskimo and Indian children.
650
[HONIGMANN AND CARRERA] Cross-cdtura,! Drawing Test 65 1
Results of this first procedure follow:
Eskimo: The drawings of six boys (approximate ages 8 to 13; mean 11)
and three girls (12 to 14; mean 10) could be interpreted. Considering the boys
first, dependence is a feature in five out of six cases (sometimes accompanied
by mother identification); at least three reveal anxiety or guilt about sex
(presumably masturbation) ; generally there emerges a picture of inadequacy
and low self-confidence in dealing with the world; the drawings are relatively
poor and in five cases are crowded into a corner of the page, as though the
individual were effacing himself. I n the girls drawings, sexual anxiety or
conflict shows up in two out of three cases and hostility to the opposite sex in
the same number; there are no clear signs of dependence but a fund of aggres-
sion is indicated; the drawings are also relatively poor, although the figure is
always in the center of the page and seems to reveal more assertiveness than
in the boys drawings. Compared to the Indian group, these Eskimo children
seem relatively better adjusted. The incidence of sexual conflicts is lower.
The greater frequency of the terms regressive and defective in the inter-
pretation of the Eskimo drawings seems to reflect poor drawing skill.
Indian: The drawings of seven boys (approximate ages 8 to 12; mean
10.4) and an equal number of girls (8 to 12 ; mean 9.2) could be interpreted.
The boys as a group are quite variable, but four out of seven records reveal
guilt or conflict in the area of sex (presumably over masturbation), and there
are other signs of insecurity or feelings of inadequacy; four boys are timid and
dependent but three demonstrate signs of assertiveness or aggression; only one
shows conflict with the opposite sex; the quality of the drawings is more vigor-
ous than for the Eskimo boys, and there is no crowding of the figures into the
corner of the page. The girls are more homogeneous in their figures; five out
of seven sets of drawings reveal conflict or guilt associated with sex (masturba-
tion?) and the same number reveal conflicts in relation to the opposite sex-a
tendency to depreciate males or to feel hostile to them; other signs of fearful-
ness and insecurity are clear in four cases, and more or less controlled aggres-
sion in three (including two 8 year olds); signs of dependence are not out-
standing (showing up only in one case) ; the drawings are in the center of the
page and rather badly drawn. Generally, the Indian children tend to be
maladjusted, endowed with more conflicts (especially sexual) and with more
hostility or assertiveness, as well as personality disorganization. Three of the
drawings suggest psychotic trends, including those offered by two siblings.
2. The second procedure utilized a less subjective approach. The examiner
sought to interpret the same records but with the aid of three rating scales
that supposedly measured aggression-submission, dependence-independence,
and the presence or absence of intrapersonal sexual conflicts. Ratings on each
depended on seven signs drawn from Machovers (1949) criteria of interpreta-
tion (for example, a wide stance was assumed to indicate aggression; absence
of a continuous line or a receptive mouth were taken as signs of independence,
and a heavy waistline was one of the marks of sexual conflict). With the data
for the three scales arranged on a 2x 2 contingency table, inspection alone
632 American Anthropologisl [59, 1957
indicates that the aggression-submission and independence-dependence scales
do not differ between the Eskimo and Indian children. The ratings for sexual
conflict look more promising, and when evaluated by chi-square method, with
the subjects arranged for degree of sexual maladjustment, show a difference
between the groups significant at the .09 level. According to this procedure, the
Indians are more maladjusted sexually than are their Eskimo contemporaries.
3. The examiner applied the norms of the Goodenough (1926) Draw a
Man Test to the male figures drawn by ten Eskimo boys (6 to 14 years old;
mean 10) and four Eskimo girls (7 to 16; mean 12.2), as well as to the six
Indian boys and seven girls (one 12 year old boy omitted from this procedure).
I.Q. scores demonstrate a large difference (significant at the .05 level) in favor
of the Indians, who possess a mean I.Q. of 86 (S.D. 21) compared with the
Eskimo mean of 64 (S.D. 33). The large S.D. for the Eskimo group is due to
one individual with an I.Q. of 140; with his score omitted, the mean Eskimo
I.Q. becomes 53 (S.D. 18).
4. Each set of drawings (subjects the same as in the first and second pro-
cedures) was scored according to the Short Scale of Figure Drawing I tems
developed by Machover for the study by Witkin and others (1954:518-524).
The underlying assumption, borne out by the Witkin study, is that individual
personality characteristics correlate highly with the degree to which an in-
dividual is influenced in his perception by the prevailing visual field. Persons
much influenced by the prevailing visual framework, who have difficulty in
keeping an item separate from its context (high index performers), make
drawings expressive of a low evaluation of the body, infantile defenses against
anxiety, low self-assurance, difficulty in accepting adult roles, and passivity
coupled with uncontrolled hostility and aggression. People able to perceive an
object independently of context and to resist prevailing field conditions (low
index performers) demonstrate in their drawings a high degree of narcissistic
investment in the body, more sophisticated defenses against anxiety, greater
self-assurance, identification wi th the desirable characteristics of both sexes,
strong drives, and manipulative control of their drives (Witkin et al. 1954: 247-
248). h/Iachovers short scale consists of 40 items for males and 45 for females
which were found in the Witkin study to discriminate between high and low
index performers. When applied to the subjects of this study, the short scale
fails to discriminate between the two groups. The mean Eskimo score is 20.9
(S.D. 5.6) and for the Indians, 21.6 (S.D. 5.1).
DISCUSSION
Admittedly the research used no sampling. Analysis depended on relatively
crude rating systems as well as on drawings which were often unaccompanied
by descriptions of performance. The analyst did not have extensive previous
experience in interpreting projective materials of this type. These facts may
be related to the results obtained.
According to procedures 1, 2, and 4, presently available criteria for inter-
preting the Machover test do not show the nine Eskimo and fourteen Indian
HONIGMANN AND CARRERA] CrOSS-CUltUral Drawing Test 653
subjects to reflect the differences that a field worker observes between the overt
behavior of Eskimo and Indian adults and children. Relatively intensive
field work in Great Whale River and Attawapiskat also suggests some pro-
found covert personality differences in the individuals of each group that are
not brought out by test as applied to the particular subjects. I n general, per-
sonality data revealed by the test are meager.
It is true that the first mode of analysis indicates some differences, apart
from adjustment, between the Eskimo and Indian boys, the latter generally
being more self-assertive. Field observation did not suggest this conclusion.
The second procedure shows more sex conflict for the Indians, and this finding
will be evaluated later. I n both communities, more girls than boys reveal hos-
tility and conflict with the opposite sex. Field data so far examined offer no
independent evidence to support such an interpretation. However, it is con-
sistent with what one of us found to be the case in another northern Canadian
community where Indian women seemed dissatisfied with their roles (Honig-
mann 1949a: 197-198, 291-294). Interpretation further reveals that anxiety
and tension about sex (perhaps over masturbation) characterize children in
each group who took the test. Such anxiety appears to be greater among the
Indians. The interpretation of high sexual anxiety is compatible with the
relatively severe sexual morality associated with Christian values in both cul-
tures. Theoretically speaking, should the Indians reveal more such anxiety?
The finding that they do is consistent with the generally freer association
between boys and girls throughout childhood among the Eskimo (Honigmann
and Honigmann 1953). I n Attawapiskat, on the other hand, boys and girls
cease to play with one another at an early age. At adolescence, interaction
between Indian boys and girls is fraught with intense shyness and overt signs
of conflict. This finding was also noted in another northern community
(Honigmann 1949: 158-165, 295-299). According to the first analytical proce-
dure described above, the boys who were our subjects reveal dependence more
clearly than do the girls. Field data at this point offer no corroboration but
Rorschach and TAT data, when analyzed, may be relevant. There is no inde-
pendent evidence in field notes for psychopathology in the Indian subjects.
The frequency with which interpretation makes use of concepts of adjustment
or maladjustment is unavoidable, and is of course related to the fact that
Machover standardized the test under clinical conditions. Perhaps this feature
of the technique contributes to its failure to discriminate to a greater extent
between the two groups of subjects.
We do not regard the large difference in intelligence (in the direction pre-
dicted) as an indication of a real difference between the two groups of test
subjects. The experience of the anthropologist and his family (including two
children) with these and other children hardly suggests that either Eskimo or
Indian youngsters are subnormal or unable to cope with ordinary problems
of their existence. Although practice in drawing is held to have little influence
on Goodenough test performance, webelieve that serious consideration should
be given to the hypothesis that the lower Eskimo I.Q. score is related to the
654 American Anthropologist 1.59, 19571
poorer skill they evidence in drawing. Such a difference in skill can be ac-
counted for, as already noted, in terms of the relatively greater assimilation of
Canadian culture in Attawapiskat.
If the present small number of cases and modes of analysis allow any
general conclusion, it would appear that the Machover technique offers little
promise for anthropological 6eld study. This is not to deny that i t may possess
some validity in clinical and other situations. A few indications of possible
validity have been pointed out.*
NOTES
1 Gratitude is due to the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research and the
Institute for Research in Social Science of the University of North Carolina for financial assistance
to do field work. Sponsorship by the Institute enabled analysis of the protocols to be carried out.
Only a small portion of field data for Attawapiskat and Great Whale River has been analyzed or
published. See Honigmann l948,1949b, 1951,1952,1953, and 1956; Honigmann and Honigmann
1953 and 1954.
* The drawings have been deposited in the microcard file of personality materials being or-
ganized by Dr. Bert Kaplan of the University of Kansas.
* I n 1955 a Royal Canadian Air Base was established at Great Whale River. Obviously the
references to that place made in the paper no longer apply.
4 I n the spring of 1957 J ohn Grant, working under the Cross Cultural Laboratory of the Uni-
versity of North Carolina, gave the Machover Figure Drawing Test to over one hundred Cherokee
Indian school children. One object was to see if the instrument could distinguish between mem-
bers of progressive and conservative families. It did not do so in a satisfactory manner. The report
on this study is in preparation.
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1954 Notes on Great Whale River ethos. To be published.
HONIGMANN, J . J.
1948 Foodways in a Muskeg community. Unpublished report; microfilm in Wilson
Library, University of North Carolina.
1949a Culture and ethos of Kaska society. Yale University Publications in Anthropology,
no. 33.
1949b Incentives to work in a Canadian Indian community. Human Organization 8, no.
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1952 Intercultural relations at Great Whale River. American Anthropologist 54: 510-
522.
1953 Social organization of the Attawapiskat Cree Indians. Anthropos 48: 8W-816.
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Personality projection in the drawing of the human figure. Springfield, Thomas.
Personality through perception. New York, Harper.
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MACHOVER, K.
WITKIN, H. A., H. B. LEWIS, M. HERZW, K. MACHOVER, B. P. MEISNER, and S. WAPNER
1949
1954