Koha Digest # 27 (1994)

MACEDONIA

MARKETING ABOVE ALL

by ISO RUSI / Shkup

After the cool start, the pre-electoral campaign in Macedonia is slowly but surely, becoming a
harsh race: villages and towns are full of caravans of politicians and entertainers who promote
their candidates. The political TV-spots, engaged commercial programs and similar have
become a normal phenomenon in the local TV stations, the electoral slogans have ousted the
regular commercials from the radios, while the newspapers are full of ads. And everything,
for the time being, is going on without any larger incidents. Even though it was expected that
the electoral campaign will be hot in the beginning, now everybody is fearing the day between
the two rounds. But the parties and the followers do not spare their opponents at all. There is
almost no meeting, tribune or confrontation in which "strong" words against the opponent are
used.

Let's take for example the meetings which are organized mainly by three political groupings.
In those which the VMRO-DPMNE is promoting its candidates. In "red-black" decorations,
in the sign of the electoral slogan "Dignifying Macedonia", they start with the "Macedonian
people" story, and a monodrama spiced with a lot of national Macedonian feeling in which
one can't distinguish what is Macedonian literary heritage or quoting verses and what is pure
political propaganda. There are always the followers who are well trained to applaud or
whistle, in regard to what is said. The "garde" is also there, wearing uniforms, which is in
charge of the public order, lead by an ex-police official who efficaciously prevent any
incident similar to the one in Kumanovë, on what occasion a group yelling "Death to
Bulgarians, long live Yugoslavia", was rapidly removed.

After this warm-up, the sympathizers are fully exited with the presence of Georgijevski,
leader of VMRO, the other candidate for President. Georgijevski started his campaign with
serious accusations against Gligorov, and he is still faithful to this formula. However, he is
careful not to use words that can be offending in a certain area, as for example in Western
Macedonia. His speech addressed to the Albanians started with a call for loyalty, advising
Albanians not to listen to the politicians that might lead them to a civil war nor to the local
functionaries who are corrupt.

Georgijevski offered the right to life, or something similar to what he told them in
Kumanovë: "I don't offer you co-existence, I promise you life!" This time he was not stressing
the slogan "Macedonia to Macedonians", but he mentioned the civil society concept of state!
Usually the last speaker is always Georgijevski, afterwards comes a popular singer, and the
show is over.

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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Nevertheless, it could be said that the main meetings are those of the League for Macedonia
and those of the Democratic Party. The League, which had planned to organize rallies in five
larger towns at the beginning, now afraid of the success in the presentation of Petar Gosev's
party (reformed Communists), decided to send Gligorov, and the leaders of the coalition party
Branko Crvenkovski, Stojan Andov and Kiro Popovski, possibly all together, to all
municipalities of Macedonia. The scenario is simple, Popovski and Andov speak of the
reasons of the creation of the coalition, while Crvenkovski and Gligorov speak of the
successes of the government. The League and the sympathizers take care of the order and
peace. Of course, these too, are trained to stop any provocation coming from other parties.

The rallies of Gosev's Democratic Party are clearly designed by experts and resemble political
meetings of the West. Gosev is the only speaker. Of course, he too starts with accusations for
incapability of the actual government, but also for corruption, blackmail and organized crime.
Gosev offers reform, the decrease of the taxes, improvement of the banks and the large
enterprises and promises that in the first 100 days of government, every Macedonian citizen
will get his privatizing check.

The Democratic Party, which has appointed its leader as candidate for Prime-minister in case
it wins the elections, offers three things: a Government, ten times as capacitated as this one;
that the Constitution and the laws be applicable for all, equally, and that this would be a
Government of clean hands.

If the fact that Gosev's party is strongly opposing the marketing of the League is added to this,
then it is clear to understand the panic which has captivated the opponents. If the actual
coalition would take the state media with it, it is clear that they would do everything to "open
the eyes of the public and reject all those who work against Macedonia".

The (ab)use of children in the electoral campaign is evident and this is done by all parties. On
all meetings, children hold the flags and posters. Only God knows what could happen in the
days between the electoral rounds when parties or candidates who feel they are loosing, or
those who consider that they could loose in the second round, according to the old premise
that any means can be used to reach the aim, they would undertake anything they might thing
could help them. Parliament Speaker Andov has nowadays offered a Declaration on fair and
democratic elections, and for those who will accept it, it will be a piece of paper, and it is not
hard to understand why the majority don't want to sign it.

MACEDONIA

WHERE ARE THE ALBANIANS?

by RAMUSH TAHIRI / Shkup

The electoral fever has captivated Macedonia. Even though these are the second
parliamentarian elections, they are sensed as if they were the first and this is manifested with
an euphoria, with an emotional outburst, with different promises, followed by outstanding
marketing.

About sixty parties participate in parliamentarian elections, meaning that an average of 15

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candidates is running for one seat. The main struggle is developed between the left wing
parties which were in power in the past period and the Macedonian national parties. The
candidates running for president have been proposed by these two groupings. As a third
grouping, but not a monolith, is the grouping of the Albanian political forces, which is
confronted with two other political groupings.

In order to win the support of the electorate, the parties are promising whatever they can.
They don't care about the real and the possible. They present themselves as saviours of the
people, of the Macedonian issue, of Macedonia, as the creators of the new circumstances, as
magicians for the solution of any problem: as breakers of blockades, guards of the sovereignty
of, the name, as the inventor of all formulas for all issues, as eliminator of all problems... All
of this with the only purpose to have the citizen elect them precisely. Because all the others he
will do once elected MP. The projects are ready: milk and honey are pouring all over.

These is the ordinary electoral fever, ordinary promises, and when elections are over,
everything will go back to normal, the regular life. Anyways, according to Macedonian laws,
the MP can't be revoked during the mandate they had been elected for.

The left Macedonian parties which held the power in the past four years: the
Social-democratic League of Macedonia, the Liberal Party, the Socialist Party have created
the alliance called the League for Macedonia and present themselves with a joint political
platform. In it, their praise their work so far and promise the creation of a Macedonia as a
civil society, democratic and stable state. They promise equal rights for all, they promise
prosperity in economy, culture, education, etc.

The national-Macedonian parties are lead by VMRO-DPMNE, criticize the actual leadership
that it was not able to assure Macedonia the deserved place on the international arena, that it
accepted to be recognized in the UN as FYROM, which allowed negotiations about the name
and the national symbols, that it created an unnatural coalition, that it subjugated to the
economic blockade from abroad. The successes achieved are not a merit of the parties in
power, but of the people and its vitality to safeguard independence and trying to assure the
existence, states VMRO in its political program, which promises the national Macedonia
state, because "while some people can have three states, our people can't even have one".
VMRO promises the others rights according to he international standards, and the individual
civil rights. They promise a stable state and achievements in economy, culture, art, science,
education, etc. They promise the preservation of independence, the name and national
symbols but also promises the customs union with friendly neighboring countries (read:
Bulgaria), and they even promise a monetary union.

The Albanian parties which in average have four candidates per one MP seat, set as their
purpose not to allow Albanians to be second rate citizens, but become constituents of
Macedonia, have the same rights and obligations as Macedonians. The Albanians thing that
Macedonia should be a civil society, an European, modern state with high standards of the
realization of human rights and freedoms for all.

Macedonia is considered as multi-national, multi-confessional, multi-cultural, with equal

rights for all.

The biggest struggle is the regulation of the internal situation in Macedonia, in the relations
between nationalities living in Macedonia, the keepers of the ethnic purity, the tradition,

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cultures, but also the idea of state-hood.

The international community, is interested to have a stable and quiet Macedonia. The national
concepts and dealing with politics and the concepts of the solutions of problems on ethnic
bases are unacceptable, regardless who is leading them.

The elections will take place of Oct. 26, but still the basic things have not been clarified. The
electoral lists have not been completed. It is not still who will participate in the elections. The
Electoral commission stated that all citizens who have new personal documents, or that have
a citizenship certificate, despite the fact whether they are on the lists or not, can participate in
the elections.

The Albanian parties insist that all citizens with permanent residence in Macedonia, and who
have the old, but still valid documents, should participate in the elections.

The Macedonian officials are making the lists according to the citizenship criteria, ie. the old
electoral lists and take them to the Republican Institute for Statistics. They come back
incomplete from there, because all citizens who were still not granted citizenship are deleted
from the lists. According to Macedonian media, these lists contain 145 thousand people less
than last time.

The Albanian parties have publicly stated that if Albanians are not allowed to participate in
these elections because of the citizenship certificate, they will not participate in the elections
at all. In order to solve this problem, they are in permanent contact with President Gligorov
and Minister of Internal Affairs Frckovski, who have promised that this problem will be
solved. The deadline is Oct. 10, 1994. After this date, it will clearly be known whether the
Albanians will boycott these elections or not.

The international factor is interested to have the elections take place as foreseen, so they
wouldn't be used as means to increase tensions on ethnic bases, and the creation of parallel
states within one state. It is stated that Macedonia without the presence of Albanians in the
Parliament and Government is not acceptable and that it wouldn't be a factor of stability.

Which is the alternative?

If over 100 thousand Albanian voters are not included in the lists, the question is whether
there will be participation in elections or not. Which would be the alternative in this case. The
Albanians say that they would create a parallel system of elections in areas inhabited by
Albanians and constitute all necessary bodies. They claim that the have the support of the
people and the Macedonian state can't stop them. The Albanian parties consider that if they
are forced into this, the Macedonian leaders should think about the consequences, because the
Albanians have no reason to be concerned about the fate of Macedonia more than the
Macedonians themselves.

The Albanian parties consider that if they are forced to undertake this step, then they should
harmonize their postures with the other parties in the Albanian space, because this issue
trespasses the local borders. What will happen in the future states in Macedonia? Could there
be inter-ethnic confrontations.

The Macedonian officials seems to be determined to have only citizens of Macedonia

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participate in the elections. VMRO-DPMNE even threatens that all of those who don't have
the citizenship (about 150 thousand according to this party) should leave Macedonia. The
argument of the Albanians that the process of granting citizenship has not ended yet, is not
respected at all, because it is considered a fait accompli. Even the ruling coalition promises
the future Citizenship Bill will be liberal and that gradually will the issue of the citizens who
remain without citizenship, which means without property, no jobs, no schools, social and
medical insurance, etc., be solved soon. The Albanians are not willing to become part of such
organisms with one fourth of its population, because it is now clear that the Citizenship Law
was not directed against the Yugoslav Peoples' Army, as the coalition partners were told
secretly, but in fact the intention was to decrease the percentages of nationalities in
Macedonia in order to prove this state, as a typical Macedonian state.

The Albanian political subject is divided, there are several candidates for one post, and
different political platforms. One of the intentions of the Macedonian authorities was the
partition of the strength of the Albanian political parties, so none of them would be the
representative of the people, so none would mobilize the Albanian people for political
purposes, meaning the boycott of elections.

Has this project been achieved already?

KOSOVA

by HAZER SUSURI / Prizren

One of the most serious persecutions and draconic sentnces which expresses the nervousness
and the last signs of life of the aged Serbian state organs in Kosova, is the framed political
trial against Ukshin Hoti, professor of the University of Prishtina and Chairman of the
UNIKOMB political party.

Ukshin Hoti was arrested by the Serbian police on May 15, 1994, on his way to Prishtina.
After the investigating proceedings ended, he was detained and meanwhile other
investigations were carried on, until the indictment was made public and the trial held on
Sept. 28, 1994.

On the day of the trial, the interest of the public was big. In front of the Prizren Regional
Court, a large mass of people was gathered, because not only were they interested to
participate in the trial, but also protest against Ukshin's arrest.

The same day, the building was surrounded by large police forces.

It was a tense atmosphere. A hard trial. Ukshin had been in detention for over four months.

In the meantime, Ukshin was escorted to the building. His entrance was dignifying and he
showed no signs of concern. He turned towards the public, greet them and looked at his
family, and seemed to be very happy about the presence of his son who, even though young,
had come to follow the trial.

In the meantime, the Court's council of the three entered the room, while the rest, the

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prosecutor and five defending attorneys of Ukshin: Hazër Susuri, Hysni Bytyçi, Destan
Rukiqi, Bajram Krasniqi and I. Gashi were awaiting for the statement of the accused.

The Chairperson of the Council verified the general data on Ukshin, who after emending
some errors, confirmed them as correct before the Courts.

The trial at the Regional Court in Prizren started as the prosecutor started reading the
indictment. Ukshin was standing and listening to the accusation, in a dignifying way.

The Prosecutor claimed the following:

"Ukshin Hoti, born on June 17, 1943 in Krusha e Madhe village, Rahovec mun., masters
degree on political sciences, sentenceded for having committed crime under Art, 133 of the
Criminal Code of Yugoslavia, to 3,5 years of prison, whilst now in detention since May 17,
1994, because:

in the first semester of 1994, as member and candidate for Chairman of the illegal
organization "UNIKOMB", has prepared and undertaken actions to, with the use of force and
other anti-constitutional means, threat the constitutional order of the FRY, to detach part of
the territory of the RFY and the R. of Serbia - the territory of Kosova inhabited by Albanians,
in order to create a separate state, as Chairman of this illegal organization, has undertaken the
realization of the Program and the Statute of this illegal organization, and after the agreement
was reached about his appointment, elaborated the "Political declaration" in which he
proclaims the establishment of a national state of all Albanians - the Republic of Kosova, as
the means for this purpose he mentions the war option, ie the forcible takeover of the
government in Kosova and the secession of this territory from Serbia, and on which occasion
he is engaged in the initiation, development, strengthening of the processes which take to the
realization of this purpose which was proclaimed to be achieved in phases, and also as the
member of the hostile illegal organization "LPRK" (Movement for the Republic of Kosova),
by the headquarters in Switzerland, which from 1990 and on has been engaged in the
publication the magazine "DeA", and from which he got instructions, concrete tasks and
instructions for hostile activities in order to create the Republic of Kosova and the secession
of that territory from the territory of the FRY, while his activity has been more expressed in
the region of Prizren, in what way he has committed the crime under Art. 116, par. 1
punishable according to Art. 138 of the Criminal Code of Yugoslavia", said the prosecutor
and asked that the accused be sentenced according to the law.

The judge asked Ukshin whether he had understood the accusation and asked him to defend
himself.

When he started his statement, he said: "Respected gentlemen, Chairman of the Council,
prosecutor and my defending attorneys, the indictment presented against me by the public
prosecutor because of the mentioned actions which are incriminated as the crime of threat to
territorial integrity referring to the territory of Kosova and its secession from, as the
prosecutor says the FRY, ie. Serbia, have neither theoretical nor practical grounds. None of
my actions can't be incriminated because those actions are not a threat to the territorial
integrity, but are my first patriotic task to contribute to the institutionalization of the Republic
of Kosova.

The Republic of Kosova has de facto being recognized by the Republic of Serbia, and it

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remains to be acknowledged de iure, to allow the creation of the Government of Kosova, its
ministries, Albanian police, the Albanian army and other ministries. The Republic of Kosova
will not be institutionalized in spite of Serbia, but as a need of the majority of the people in
Kosova, of the Albanians in their ethnic lands, so the Albanians finally become free and
become owners of their own Republic of Kosova, and especially because of the interest of
peace in the Balkans. I had been sentenced in 1981 because I was the first one to ask the
recognition of the status of Republic for Kosova, and I was sent to prison for three years and a
half. Now I know I was right and that my idea shared by others to, about the Republic of
Kosova is a reality today. I stress that I am one of the founders of the Republic of Kosova
since the eighties.

In the sense of the institutionalization of the Republic of Kosova, addressing the Court and
the prosecutor, Ukshin claimed that this is the place for the judges of the Republic of Kosova,
the prosecutor of this republic, as he was being defended by the attorneys of the Republic of
Kosova.

My arrest since 15 May 1994 is an agreement between the Republic of Serbia and that of
Kosova about my total isolation, which is lasting over 13 years, in which one party arrests me
and the other accuses me seriously.

The arrest and persecutions taking place and conducted by the military organs of Serbia are
only a practice of force of the occupier to persecute the loyal citizens of the Republic of
Kosova.

The democratic revolution has won in 1990, lead by the Albanian democratic forces,
however, it is being suffocated and prevented by the Serbian occupying forces which have
occupied the Republic of Kosova.

The Albanian people is the oldest in Europe, with an ancient and dignifying culture and
tradition, and while elaborating its right to self-determination, it is it necessary right, and as
such it must accomplish it itself, or with the assistance of its European, American and other
allies. In this context, the Albanian people will by all means have to accomplish the
proclaimed principle in the Political declaration, which I had prepared for discussion in the
Presidency and Convention of the UNIKOMB, ONE PEOPLE, ONE STATE or A NATION
STATE, and this principle is the one which will be realized in the case of the Albanians,
because the unification of the Albanians and their lands is a national need and a need of time.

The proclaimed principle during the phase of the creation of the national states in Europe,
NATION STATE, despite the will of the Albanians was not accomplished because more than
half of the Albanian people and more than half of their territories remain outside the Albanian
state. This division was forcibly achieved at the London Conference in 1912/13, by
safeguarding the peace in Europe and the balance of the Great Powers. This right of
Albanians was violated for the sake of a peace which never saved Europe from wars, but the
Albanians became tragic victims of state terror and violence . In this sense, after WW II, over
40 thousand Albanians were killed, while a large number of them was forced out from the
country. This is why the development of integrating processes and the unification of Europe,
as well as the creation of a new world order have helped the engagement of the open and legal
struggle for the unification of the Albanians and their ethnic lands in one state, which will
advance the processes linked to the unification of Europe and the development of a new
international order and thus the unification of the Albanian land and people, engaged in the

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conditions which allow the realization of the ONE STATE ONE NATION principle which
will be vitalized.

Elaborating the occupation and the long Serbian domination and occupation in Kosova and of
Albanians, Ukshin Hoti stressed that the times of domination of the Serbian government has
passed. The Albanians, in these democratic conditions are deeply convinced in their future
independence from Serbia and the unification of the ethnic lands, which were groundlessly
divided by the European great powers. The Serbian super-imperialism is over and Serbia as a
state and the Serbs as a population have to be aware that time is on the side of the partitioned
Albanian people and the side of the interest of the Serbian population. Serbs have to give up
on their super-imperialist purposes, because they are not in the interest of the Serbian people,
therefore they have to allow the Republic of Kosova to breathe and spare the Albanians from
the Serbian repression.

The institutionalization of the Republic of Kosova must be done only with democratic means
and agreements, and not with war, because this is not in the interest of any of us.

Thus, Serbia must also de iure allow the institutionalization of the free will of the Albanian
people sublimed in the Republic of Kosova. The Serbs will have all their rights in the
Republic of Kosova.

This separation of Kosova from Serbia with the institutionalization of the Republic of Kosova
must be primarily done peacefully allowing both states to become bordering neighbors.

At the end of his defense, Ukshin Hoti stated that these are his political opinions and his
personal scientific opinion about the Albanian issue.

At the end of his defense, he made some requests, such was the liberation of all political
prisoners in Kosova and the republic of Albania.

Thus, Ukshin Hoti finished his defense which lasted over three hours and which had been
written in prison.

The Chairman of the Council, continuing the political and police framed trial asked him
several questions.

The first one was regarding the purpose of UNIKOMB - the unification of the Albanian
people. What were means he had foreseen to be used in this sense?

The answer was that this principle is the main principle of UNIKOMB and it should imply
the spiritual, economic and political integration with peaceful means. The next question was
regarding whether he was member of the LPRK, to what he replied negatively. The next
question was regarding "DeA" magazine, which is considered as LPRK's newspaper. He
replied that this is not LPRK's magazine, but a magazine of independent intellectuals
published in Ljubljana. All the questions were attempting to fulfil the indictment which had
almost no material proof, it was pale and could not be substantiated at all.

It was the attorneys' turn to try and clarify some dilemmas and the presentation of new
evidence which would totally reveal the weak indictment. He was asked whether the political
declaration was discussed in any of UNIKOMB's bodies; whether it was copied and

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distributed to its members or any other person; where was DeA being published and whether
it was distributed in Kosova; whether it was banned by the prosecutor or any court; how many
issues were published and why did the publication stop; which were the means foreseen to be
used for the realization of the ONE STATE ONE NATION principle; have you published any
of your works which were confiscated by security police and other opened issues in the
solution of the Albanian issue, and similar questions which attempted to free Ukshin Hoti
from all the charges.

Ukshin determinately answered all our questions which proved that these were only his
personal, scientific ideas and that he suggested only the use of democratic means to solve the
problem, Therefore the accusations about the violent secession were groundless. Blocked, the
prosecutor couldn't make any questions, because he knew that this was only a verbal delict, a
personal opinion on the Albanian issues and that in this trial there was nothing concrete that
could make the indictment stand.

When presenting proof, the attorneys proposed that the request of UNIKOMB sent to the
Federal Secretariat of Judiciary of the SFRY on 21.09.1991, in order to get a registration in
the Register of the political parties of the former Yugoslavia, stating that after 30 days the
ministry had not replied, which according to the Law on political organizations in SFRY,
meant that if the reply didn't come after 30 days, it was considered that the party was
registered.

The then attorneys presented 5 issues of "DeA", which clearly prove that three issues were
published in Ljubljana, with the permit of the Ministry for Information of Slovenia, while the
other two had been published in Prishtina, and that no issue had been banned by the
competent Prosecutor's office. It also proved that this was a magazine of independent
Albanian intellectuals in Ljubljana and not the LPRK, and which had been freely distributed
in the press booths of "Rilindja".

After the presentation of the proof which was accepted as valid by the Court, the judge asked
the prosecutor to have his final speech delivered. He stated that he still remains behind his
accusation and proposed Ukshin Hoti be condemned for having committed the crime under
Art. 116 in connection to Art. 138 of the Criminal Code of Yugoslavia. He didn't reply to the
accused nor the attorneys who had given proof enough that Hoti was not planning to use any
violence to secede Kosova and eventually unite with Albania, that he was not member of the
LPRK, that "DeA" magazine was not of the LPRK, and many other details which remained
vague during the procedure.

Ukshin Hoti's attorneys used the final statement to claim once again that none of the proof
that is accusing Ukshin Hoti for the incriminated action has in fact ever been proven, which
means in lack of proof, he should be released, stressing that he doesn't deny being Chairman
of UNIKOMB (National Unity Party) seated in Prishtina and that he had participated in a
meeting where he obliged himself to prepare the Statute, Program and Political Declaration
for the Presidency and Convention, based on which the Party would function in the future.

The attorneys have presented evidence which proves that UNIKOMB is a legal and not illegal
party, since UNIKOMB didn't get a reply from the Secretariat of Judiciary of the SFRY
within 30 days, which meant that it had been automatically registered. They also stated that
the Political Declaration is Ukshin Hoti's work, it had not been adopted by the competent
bodies to become a Declaration, and when it was confiscated, Hoti had it only in handwriting,

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and even in case it would be a legal juridical document, it would still be the Declaration of
one legal party. Hoti had also foreseen that the institutionalization of the Republic of Kosova
and the unification with Albania should take place only by peaceful means. Today in his
defense, he has expressed his professional and scientific point of view regarding the open
Albanian issue within the framework of the independence of the people in the former
Yugoslav federation, with the aim of accomplishing the well known principle ONE NATION
ONE STATE. This altogether proves that there are no elements of the crime he is accused of
committing, therefore the thesis of the indictment is totally ungrounded, therefore it should be
rejected and free Ukshin Hoti from the accusation, because on the contrary his opinion would
be sentenced, and you very well know that the verbal delict has been suppressed since some
time ago.

It was 14:40 hrs when the final statement of the attorneys ended. Everyone in the room was
silent and following everything what was happening in the courts. The policemen did the
same thing.

The judge stated that the trial had ended and that the verdict would be made public on Sept.
28, 1994 at 13:00hrs.

People started leaving. Ukshin, taking advantage of the moment, turned towards the public
and greet it again. He was taken by the guards back to prison. His parents, family and friends
approached the window to see him walk away. Under the police control, the public left the
room.

The next day, on Sept. 28, 1994, the garden of the regional Court in Prizren was packed-up
with people, who had come there even before 12:30, trying to enter the court room and listen
to the verdict.

At 13 hrs. in a full room, with everybody standing, the judge was reading the sentence:

"In the name of the people, the accused Ukshin Hoti is pronounced guilty of having
committed crime of threat to the territorial integrity...therefore this court sentences him to five
years of prison. The verdict will be delivered in writing in order to present the appeal within
the legal term..."

All were surprised and shocked. Ukshin started talking:

"Madame Judge, you have condemned the free opinion" and wanted to continue but he was
stopped by the judge's order "Take him!", and the Council left as fast as possible.

Ukshin turned towards the public and said: "Thank you. Lets celebrate the united Albanian
lands", and he was taken to prison.

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ALBANIA

IS ALBANIA THE FIRST

by IBRAHIM REXHEPI / Prishtina

The Referendum on the approval of the first constitution according to the European
standards, as it was evaluated by the President of Albania, Sali Berisha, has become an
instrument of propaganda and means to convince the public that the whole job in legislature
is being completed. This act shouldn't be underestimated, and it could be even said that this
might be the biggest enterprise in Albania since 1990, ie. the suspension of the old
Constitution and the approval of the Constitutional Law still in force. The laws that were later
adopted had no grounds whatsoever. An impression was created, and this was, that the ones
who were making these acts almost knew what will the new Constitution contain, and
therefore it should be believed that all legal norms will be in full compliance with the highest
legal act of the state. This conviction promises that there will be no discrepancies when the
Constitution is approved nor will there be juridical vacuum. At least this shouldn't occur in
the sphere of ownership, because this would mean a new chaos for Albania.

The reform of the land has ended, and in agriculture it has given considerable results.
Transformation has stagnated, ie. the privatization of the medium and large enterprises,
because there was not clear posture what to do, who could become the owner, how should the
relations with the partners develop and what treatment will a part of the population have in
this process. Let's just remember the hunger-strike of the ex-political prisoners, which,
regardless of the political connotation, was grounded on the request of this category to
participate in the process of privatization. Also, there are no definitions of what to do with the
mammoth combines, as is the Elbasan Metallurgy, for which, as it seems, there are no
prospects. Should it close-down or is there any other solution? The answer is not final,
however, it seems, that there is no other alternative but the first. This and similar cases create
large unemployment, other serious social problems, but also the loss of the perspective for a
part of the population.

Since then, Albania has been reaching the highest level of development, compared to Poland,
the Czech Republic, Hungary or any of the Baltic states, which had inherited a much stronger
economic base and a high working tradition and culture. Albania started from zero, therefore
any step forward means progress. If the percentages which the IMF mentions are calculated
by European standards, then the 8% increase should not be underestimated, but, if it is known
that it has to do only with the internal relations of the Albanian economy, compared between
two periods, then it is clear how far away is this state for the level of development of many
countries of the old continent.

Another special chapter is inflation. It decrease from 217% last year to 88% this year, is a
very important measure of stabilization. How could it be achieved it production is at a very
low level, when the market is still filled with goods from the import, when the largest part of
the population survives on the assistance coming from the Albanian emigration and the
European community? How is the budget fulfilled, ie. is its deficit so small that it can't
generate any inflation?

There are many other moments, which at times are impossible to understand, but are the
Albanian reality. This reality will be even more clear when the new Constitution will be

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adopted, which should give a definitive answer to which direction is the economy oriented.
There are no dilemmas that it is the market economy, the many modalities of property and the
new international standards. However, it is very hard for it to become part of the game
immediately, when it is known that the internal contradictions are enormous, the capacity to
absorb external capital is small and the possibility to penetrate the foreign markets with
domestic products is almost non existing.

Maybe only with the working force, half disorganized, because there are lack of mechanisms
in this area too. Albania has found its path which, without any doubt, will be much more
fruitful than the previous one.

ALBANIA

THE REFERENDUM ON THE CONSTITUTION, FOR THE FIRST TIME

by BATON HAXHIU / Tirana

The President of Albania, Sali Berisha, declared on Monday that he had signed a Decree
which states that the Constitution of the Republic of Albania will be adopted in a
Referendum. The elaboration of a democratic constitution had been a long desired aim. This
is why in the first steps of democracy there was a need to derogate the old Communist
constitution. The new Constitution will be the base of the creation of new norms and
relations, it will be the basis of the new legal state and the institutionalization of the political,
judicial and juridical life of the state. Thus so far the judiciary had been much too restricted:
the public order was maintained with many problems and the Criminal Code could not be
written because it had no legal act it could use as grounds.

The opinion of the public in this regard consists in the fact that this constitutional delay has
been expressed especially in the institutionalization of the state. This situation has been
noticed especially in the sphere of economy, where many foreign investors were announcing
their withdrawal for any ventures, because there were no legal guarantees for any investments
to take place. This was the last moment, claim the respected couloirs in Tirana, to make a
Constitution which will be respected by all.

However, after this communique, Albania faced harsh reactions from the opposition, whether
this Constitution has to be adopted by the parliament or the people in a Referendum.

President Berisha made use of Art. 16 of the Constitution which foresees both possibilities for
the approval of the constitution. Thus, after the constitutional crisis it had, Albania will soon
adopt a Constitution which is a compilation of the Western Constitutions adapted to Albanian
circumstances. The Draft Constitution consists of 126 articles and projects to be one of the
democratic acts. The pro et contra debates about the act, are more party postures than
constructive criticism. All political parties, apart from the Democratic Party, are against this
constitution and all party newspapers mainly concentrate on the language of party attacks and
almost don't deal with the structure, form and its contents. For example, "Aleanca" in an
article, attacks the Constitutional commission and also adds that this commission was given
the text two days before the draft was made public. This newspaper, which represents the
Party of Democratic Alliance is of the opinion that the Draft-Constitution has no legal

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determination whether Albania will be a Parliamentarian or Presidential state. The opposition
has requested, continues the newspaper, a strong parliament with a strong executive body and
a presidency with restricted competencies. It is also of the opinion that the Parliament is the
body that should adopt the act with the consensus of all political parties. The MP's of the
Democratic Party think that the problem is not the Constitution and its internal construction,
but it seems as if through these kind of discussions and the creation of such political
relationships, the opposition is trying to create a constitutional crisis and force the celebration
of extraordinary elections.

In relation to this, MP Arben Imami declared that "...our purpose is to create a modern
constitution, but Berisha had never asked for the opinion of the opposition parties. How does
the President know whether the opposition will vote against? Imagining and hallucinating
things won't do any politics, but just create harm." His fellow member, Neritan Ceka, goes
even further by stating that the way this Constitution is to be approved practically means that
this is a cowardly coup. In the domestic public opinion, Ceka is known as a politician who
openly supports the Greek tendencies for the ruin of political creations. A similar posture is
that of the members of the Socialist party, who criticize the way President Berisha's decree
was proclaimed. They are especially worried about the accusation coming from Berisha
himself, that the Socialists have aimed to have a state without a Constitution and that they
have not given their consent for its approval. They accuse the President for monopolizing the
problems and the Constitution. "He'd better not think that he will become part of the history
for being the one who created the first democratic Constitution, but he is a grave-digger and
he knows no compromise", says "Zëri i Popullit".

The Socialist Party, evaluated beforehand by the intellectuals as of a destructive posture, is

the only which fights back any initiative or tendency for the creation of a new system of
values. The impression is that it is not a matter of the content on the Constitution. Even if
they would give their own proposal for a new constitution, say the analysts, they would again
come out with rejecting postures and contradiction, just to create an unstable atmosphere.
These are the reasons for the political cries of the Socialists, say the citizens of Tirana.

The newspaper which is always sensational and full of shocking and offending titles is "Koha
Jonë", known as a pro-Greek journal, claims that President Berisha is on his own and that
Albania is going through the Jeltsin syndrome. In his comment, Frrok Çupi states that what
President Berisha has done is not without any precedent in the history of the states and
governments. The last president who did this, was Jeltsin. Last year he turned the tanks
against the parliament and after this he had a very hard time. In order to achieve this, he used
the path of referendum for a Constitution which gave full power to Jeltsin. Isn't the same
thing happening in Albania? But one thing should the Albanian president remember: Jeltsin
had the support of the big powers. Has Berisha found it?, comments Çupi.

At the end, we must mention that Tirana is facing huge polemics about the Referendum. This
is happening only one day after Berisha gave his proposal. The groups of the largest
parliamentarian parties have gathered to determine their line of action in this respect. It must
be stated that the postures are once again contradicting, going from superlative evaluations to
the contradictory ones which are accompanied by serious accusations. The ruling Democratic
Party is of the opinion that the Referendum is the best solution in the present political
circumstances. It is a rational solution and in accordance to the real possibilities of the
political forces in Albania and there is no other favorable solution right now.

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AIDS

THIS IS THE WAY TO DIE OF "LOVE"

by VIOLETA REXHEPAGIQ & LAURA HASANI / Prishtina

Prishtina, October 3, 1994, 13 hrs, at the Infective Clinic. Our purpose is to meet the
Albanian youngster, born in 1968 in Prishtina, infected by AIDS and who is being treated
here. When we arrived at the Clinic we thought that we could reach H.S. by climbing the
balcony on the second floor. Assisted by a patient suffering from hepatitis, we were informed
that the person we were looking for was in another floor, and that the only chance, according
to him, was to go down to the first floor. Strangely enough, none of the patients on the first
floor was aware of the fact that they had an AIDS patient among them. After we found out
that there was no other possibility than to enter the hospital building and get the information
from the officials, we approached the staff member on duty, who said that she was not willing
to give any information in this respect, and that no visits were allowed. Then we asked her to
set us an appointment with the director of the Clinic, Stevan Baljosevic,. He received us with
a smile and told us the following: "This patient came to the hospital in a very serious
condition. He is the tenth patient coming with this diagnosis. Eight have died". Among other
things, Baljosevic stated that the patient should not be visited. When asked whether this is a
matter of our personal safety or something else, he replied: "It is a matter of professional
ethics, and you can see him once he goes home, since his illness has reached the culmination -
now he is suffering from TB". Baljosevic proposed to us to some on Friday at 8 o'clock, when
the patient is usually visited by the members of Doctors of the World (DOW). He also
suggested we talk to DOW's representative who is well acquainted with his case.

We didn't give up on the idea to meet him, anyway. Coming down from the second floor,
where the director's office is, we started wandering around, acting as we had lost our way out.
Thus we walked down the corridor of the first floor, looking into each room. At the end of the
corridor we saw a patient who didn't seem to suffer from any disease. Nevertheless, we
approached and entered a room, guided by the intuition. It was precisely the place we were
headed to. At the doorway we told him: "We have been looking for you for over one hour and
a half, and we barely found you. Can we have a talk?". His reaction was furious and
explosive: "We have nothing to talk about" and "Why do you need to talk to me?". We told
him that we wanted nothing more than an honest human conversation, and if he was not
willing, we would leave immediately. He hesitated for a moment, thought it a while, and then
decided to speak about the whole thing freely and openly in order to inform the others about
the fate which had become his by chance, but which could happen to anybody anytime.

"This could happen to anyone", he said at the beginning. "It happened to me by chance, in one
contact or a six months' long relationship with a girl from Prishtina called Myrvete, who used
to live in Holland and whose closest relatives were in Switzerland. I started doubting that I
got AIDS when I took Myrvete to a hospital in Amsterdam, because she was in a lot of pain
and her gums were constantly bleeding. I started doubting that she was hiding something
from me, because she didn't want to visit the doctor. One night, the pain was so strong and the
bleeding wouldn't stop, and I decided to take her to the hospital. They took her blood sample,
and then shortly after I heard the diagnosis: AIDS! I also knew then that this was my death
sentence. Myrvete started crying and acting as if this were the first time it crossed her mind
that she could have AIDS. Even though I was trying to comfort her, the same day I decided to
break my relationship with her and started living in constant fear. This is how expensive a six

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months' affair with a girl, unfortunately an Albanian, could cost!

Myrvete is not alive any longer. She committed suicide. She did this after we separated in
Holland, and she went back to her family in Switzerland. What doesn't give me rest is the
news about her death. I was not her only deliberate victim! Before she started the relationship
with me, she had another liaison which lasted much longer than our affair. He was also an
Albanian, the only son, and he had died earlier from the same "love". Thank God, I have four
brothers, and I consider that when I pass away, my home will not be deserted.

Even though I am 26, I finished only elementary school. I started working in different places
and later I went abroad. Lately, I had been engaged in illegal transport of Albanians from
Kosova through the Czech Republic to Holland, Germany, Switzerland, etc.

I can't stand the reaction of our people and their posture towards this disease. For example,
when I arrived to the hospital and when I was taken to the X-Rays room, one woman took her
son and turned his head away from me, as I were to infect him only by looking at him. The
nurses also tried to evade me. When they took the X-Rays, I was told to wear special clothes,
my face was covered and I was ordered not to touch any of the machines, because the other
patients had to come and take X-Rays. They were afraid of my touch. I can't understand it!
Nowhere in the world will you see such a reaction to AIDS. They are more human and they
take this disease as any other. I had met people suffering from AIDS. Here is an example, of
something that happened to me in Germany. My friend Besim was developing some
photographs of some films I had made in Holland. When he saw my friend on some of them,
he told me that he had killed himself as soon as he understood that he was suffering from
AIDS. I threw away the photographs, because I didn't want to face the reality awaiting. I came
back to Prishtina five months ago, because my condition had deteriorated very much. I was
constantly coughing and asphyxiating. In a way I felt that these were the first symptoms of
AIDS, and this is why I didn't want to be visited by a doctor. My condition was deteriorating
more and more, until I came into a position when I couldn't go to the bathroom on my own. I
was carried to the hospital. They took my blood sample for the analyses. They saw something
wrong in them, and thus sent them to Belgrade. The answer came from Belgrade and since I
was already prepared to hear the news, it didn't surprise me much. HIV! What encouraged me
was my family's reaction. They come to visit me almost every day. They bring me food, even
cool Coca-Cola. They take care of me.

I have accepted my illness, I have nothing to do about it. When I came to the hospital, my
situation was critical, but thanks to the doctors who, differing from the nurses, are not afraid
of touching me and give the infusion and check me up regularly, my condition has improved
and now I feel no more pain. I will face this disease as long as I feel no pain, because it is
unbearable, at least the one I have experienced...

What has upset me very much was the visit of the journalist of "Bujku" who presented
himself as a doctor and thus lied to me. He had been assisted by a nurse who had brought him
into my room. He was wearing a mask on his face, he was wearing the green uniform, and
therefore I believed he was a doctor. I started doubting when he started taking notes about my
disease. But I thought everything was okay, because he was accompanied by a nurse. Every
time I think of this, I get very upset. Why do they act in such an inhuman way? To calm down
myself, I take a video-cassette watch a movie and try to forget it. My brother told me about
these articles and some other articles. I am so much deceived...

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If I would know who that journalist is, I would know how to deal with him. To tell you the
truth, I am not a coward! I will not kill myself, because I still hope and I have the strength to
fight till the end. I will come out from hospital and continue living as normally as possible. I
have no other way out! As I told you, I have accepted my illness long ago...Differing from
Myrvete who was merciless, since the moment I found out about her illness - which at the
same time was my illness, I didn't have and I won't have any sexual intercourse with women.
This I didn't do with foreign women either, during my stay abroad, but because of my friends
and trying to conceal that something was wrong with me, I would only contact women and
fake attraction. I am not ruthless and I don't want nobody's life on my conscience, be it my
enemy's life.

My pain is only mine, therefore I would ask all to leave me alone, especially the journalists,
and let me live my life as it is, as quietly as possible.

Mistakes must be paid, right? Unfortunately, even with one's life!

"EDITORIAL

BIG CARROTS

by VETON SURROI

"Airflot's" airplane on the Belgrade airport was only the last sign of what is known as a
change of Milosevic's policy so far and of the crisis in the Former Yugoslavia. The start of the
(conditioned) easing of the sanctions against Serbia and Montenegro, as a reward for
Milosevic's distanciation from Karadzic, was taken by official Belgrade with euphoria and as
great victory. The truth is, there is a lot of confusion in the Serbian and worldwide media, in
respect to the actions of the world towards Milosevic. Said in more simple words, all
comments mention the reward for Milosevic.

It could be so, it might be that the Serbian president was rewarded for a political change
which has been evaluated as radical. But in the technology of taking and giving, I think there
is an intention, especially Western-European, to apply the game of the carrots. That is, the
logic behind the recent posture towards Milosevic is that easing the sanctions in travels,
sports and culture, will prove to the Serbs in Serbia that there is another life out there, the one
they have forgotten. It means, that now European capitals can be visited and there are
possibilities to communicate with Europe's culture and sports. Finally, the Serbs will see there
is another life different from the one they are used to. And to make them think: could they
live the same way?

These questions were often asked, much before Milosevic's change, by the Governor of the
National Bank of the self-proclaimed Yugoslavia, Avramovic. In fact, it could be said that the
Milosevic's Bosnian change started with the approval of his plan of struggle against
hyper-inflation, when he switched from an economy of war to an non-war economy (but
which could be evaluated from the scale of "police economy" up to the "entre of the market
economy"). The economy without hyper-inflation could have created pre-conditions for other
political reasoning. The economy without hyper-inflation could bring political reasoning
without hyper-nationalism.

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Thus, maybe, could the logic be. The sane minds in the West can also say that on January 15
of next year, when the 100 days expire, there will be many people in Serbia who will want to
continue the cooperation with the World. Even the comparers will say that this is the way
Communism fell, when the people in Eastern Europe understood, by seeing it with their own
eyes, that there is a better life. However, the question remains: will this be enough to ruin the
nationalism, as the ruling ideology in Serbia?

No.

Because such an ideology was not born and didn't arise in the wars in Bosnia or Croatia. It
was born and developed in Kosova. The easing the sanctions' attorneys will maybe hope that
when the times to discuss about Kosova come, Serbia will be deeply "sunk" in cooperation.

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