In Medicine and Society in Medieval Europe, 500-1500, Katherine Park asserts that traditional histories of medieval medicine misleadingly present the field as fundamentally fragmented; these histories suggest that medical practitioners of the period adhered to highly localized and often incommensurable theories determined by restrictive conceptual foundations and the particularities of practitioners specific patients (i.e., gender and social class) (Park 1992, 60). Though Park admits that medieval medicine did exhibit a degree of disunity (particularly in its earliest stages), her aim is to demonstrate the existence and strengthening of what she terms a cultural unity tying together the work of medieval medical scholars and practitioners (Park 1992, 60). Park is intentionally sensitive to the social history of medieval medicine through the development of this argument (Park 1992, 60), and considers the role of particular socioeconomic and religious influences of the period on the formation of what she presents as a relatively unified medical order emerging between the eleventh and sixteenth centuries (Park 1992, 60). In the other Park text included in the weeks reading selection, Observation in the Margins, 500-1500, the author examines the behaviour of medieval scholars of natural philosophy more generally. Her specific focus is on the historical relationship between two categories historically considered comprising what is now generally referred to as scientific observation: experience and observation (Park 2011, 16). She succinctly describes the relation between the categories in question and the actual behaviour of medieval scholars towards the end of the article: 2 observational knowledge, she suggests, was the product of generalization over broad sets of carefully collected empirical data, while experiential knowledge was arrived at through the examination of and deduction from particular cases (Park 2011, 36). Importantly, she highlights the relative absence of knowledge derived from observational practices in mainstream natural philosophical until the sixteenth century (Park 2011, 37), a fact that signals a significant shift in the priorities and methodologies of natural philosophy as a whole towards the end of the medieval period. Owen Hannaways Laboratory Design and the Aim of Science examines a similarly dichotomous relationship traditionally thought to guide behaviour of medieval natural philosophers, namely between philosophical work categorized as contemplative and active. Drawing from the histories of prominent medieval natural philosophers Tycho Brahe and Andreas Libavius, Hannaway explores the relationships between the thinkers respective views on ideal scientific methodology, the relationship between scientific inquiry, its practitioners, and the communities in which it was practiced, and the physical environments in which scientific inquiry was carried out. Importantly, Hannaway suggests that it would be problematic to assume that Libavius and Tychos divergent opinions regarding the proper social role of natural philosophy resulted directly from the nature of the fields they studied (primarily chemistry and astronomy, respectively (Hannaway 1986, 610). Rather, Hannaway suggests that the methodology adhered to by these thinkers, evidenced in the structure and layout of their respective workplaces, was decided in large part by their personal attitudes towards scientific inquiry. 3 Though Hannaways article touches on the topic of medieval patronage in his discussion of the financing of Brahe and Libavius workplaces, Mario Biagioli undertakes a more thorough discussion of patronages influence on natural philosophy in Galileos System of Patronage. Specifically, he considers the influence of patronage on Galileos beliefs and scientific activity. For Biagioli, Galileos patrons heavily influenced his work and the beliefs he held (Biagioli 1990, 44); from an historiographical perspective, the article cautions the reader to avoid falling into anachronistic modes of thought and retrospectively rationalizing historical figures beliefs when socio-cultural factors, patronage specifically in this case, might have played a significant role in their determination. In the closing paragraph of Biagiolis article, the author explicitly references a theme that is bound up in the discussions taken up in each of the texts: the gradual shaping of identities closely related to medieval natural philosophy. Parks text on Medieval medicine discusses the shaping of the identities of the concept of illness, treatment, medical practitioner, and the notion of medicine itself. Her discussion of experience and observation in medieval natural philosophy not only probes the development of the respective identities of these two categories of contemporarily- termed observation, but also of natural philosophy as a whole in her description of the more prominent role and strengthened epistemic status of observation-derived knowledge. Hannaway considers identity in a powerfully holistic sense his examination of the relationship between Brahe and Libavius scientific methodology, social priorities, and physical environments questions the status of scientific methodology and rationality as an epistemic foundation. Finally, Biagiolis 4 article considers both the shaping of the identities of natural philosophers (Biagioli 1990, 45), and more generally the identities of the beliefs and attitudes they held, evidenced in particular by his categorization of Galileos Copernican beliefs as an explanandum rather than an explanans (Biagioli 1990, 44).
Discussion Questions Might there be a connection between the pragmatic flavour of Libavius civic humanism, as presented in the Hannaway text, and the pragmatic aspects of the concept of observation discussed in the Park text?