1

WAYU CRAFTS: A DILEMMA OF CULTURE AND DEVELOPMENT

Andrs M. Gramajo






ABSTRACT

This article claims that there are characteristics of the institutional structure of some
indigenous societies that in some cases prevent economic development by complicating
the emergence of extra-family networks (social capital), and the transition from personal
to impersonal exchange; this is illustrated in the context of the Wayu people from the
Guajira Peninsula of Colombia. They have a strong tradition of craft production, which
has changed much in recent years due to exigencies of Wayu and non-Wayu
consumers. Foreign elements, such as commercial brands, are commonly included today
in their traditional crafts, sometimes even replacing conventional motifs. However,
artisans behave strategically selling different designs to different markets. The main
economic difficulties of the Wayu artisans are related to the lack of commercialization
of their products. From an institutional analysis perspective, the absence of extra-family
social and commercial networks in locations relatively far from markets, it is argued, is
one of the factors explaining these problems. It is suggested also that the promotion of
cooperatives should be attempted from the bottom-up given the particular legal
characteristics of this society.









2

Those who know it, believe it
Those who dont know it, dont believe it
We who know, believe it
Old Wayu proverb



INTRODUCTION

Economic development is a process that takes place when certain circumstances
of a human group (health, education, living conditions, among others) improve. For the
purpose of analysis economists usually translate these conditions into monetary income.
In terms of monetary income, there are more or less objective measures of poverty and
development. The World Bank, for example, estimates that a person is absolutely poor
when her daily income is less than one US dollar a day. This definition is based on the
assumption that an income of less than one dollar is not sufficient to properly cover basic
needs such as food, education, health care, and living conditions on a daily basis.
Although I recognize that the World Banks measurement is problematic because it lends
itself to discretionary valuations, and because it has to be carefully applied in contexts
where the cash economy is less prevalent, I also think that it is useful since it
approximates an individuals (community) well being. My analysis relies on this
standard. In the context of the Wayu I argue that the economics and tradition are
linked.
1
By traditional I denote those elements that are part of the Wayu culture and
history, such as a legal system that can only be found in the Wayu territory, and Wayu
dresses and crafts that are associated by Wayu and outsiders with the Wayu past and
cosmology.
One of the essential components of development at the rural level is social capital
(Pretty & Ward, 2001). The concept of social capital is associated with norms, which
could be formal or informal. The notion of social capital includes the concept of trust but
it also refers to the norms that shape the levels of trust in a particular social group. Pretty
& Ward (ibid.) identify social capital with four central aspects: relations of trust;
reciprocity and exchanges; common rules, norms and sanctions; and connectedness,


3
networks, and groups. Fukuyama (1999) defines it as [a]n instantiated informal norm
that promotes cooperation between two or more individuals. This definition suggests
the desirability of cooperation; in fact the same Fukuyama argues that [c]ooperation is
necessary to virtually all individuals as a means of achieving their ends (ibid.). In this
regard, low social capital, or negative social capital, is the norm or set of norms that
impedes or complicates the emergence of trust and the achievement of a goal considered
collectively as good.
2
On the other hand, when cooperation exists and social capital is
high it is usually said that there is a large radius of trust (ibid.). More precisely, high
social capital, or the prevalence of norms that promote trust and reciprocity, reduce
transaction costs. Simultaneously, as it lowers the costs of working together, social
capital facilitates cooperation (Pretty & Ward, 2001, p. 211). Portes (1995, p. 12) defines
social capital as [t]he capacity of individuals to command scarce resources by virtue of
their membership in networks or broader social structures. Although the concept of
social capital can be equated to the concept of trust in some instances my analysis uses
the concept of social capital to emphasis the important of rules and informal norms
highlighted by Pretty and Ward, and the role of social capital in reducing transaction
costs highlighted by Portes; more specifically, trust represents the base or foundation of
social networks, and social networks an element to mobilize scarce resources.
The level of social capital has important implications for the modern or
technologically developed economies (new economies or modern economies), as well
as for less developed economies (old economies or indigenous economies). In fact, the
absence of social capital might lead to excessive state intervention (Pretty & Ward,
2001); or to underdevelopment in the case of rural societies. High social capital emerges
due to repeated interaction of agents who care for their personal reputation (Axelrod,
1985) or to the existence of increasing returns to scale (Grabowski, 1999). The literature
on social capital, however, has not studied deeply the importance of the legal informal
frameworks that shape the structure of social interactions and how this structure affects
social capital. This article discusses the origins of low social capital and its negative
effects on rural development; it describes the legal framework that determines the initial
conditions of human interactions and its effects on the consolidation of social capital in
the context of the Wayu people of Colombia.


4

THE WAYU

The Wayu people of the Guajira Peninsula of Colombia preserve a beautiful
artisan mosaic of colorful chinchorros
3
(hammocks) and mochilas (bags). Its
mythological origin can be traced back to the spider, Waleker, who taught the first
artisans how to weave and crochet. According to the Wayu mythical world Waleker
passes on her teachings through dreams. The art and work of weaving and crocheting
constitute rich and important manifestations of cultural identity. Wayu women often
say: the woman who doesnt weave isnt really a woman. Crafts are the only means of
subsistence in most of the rancheras in the rural Guajira.
4
In fact, the semi-arid
conditions that impede intensive agriculture make craft production, stockbreeding
(mainly of goats, and some cattle) and commerce, the main economic activities among
the Wayu.
5

The Wayu artisans of the rural Guajira sell mostly in local markets and their
limited sales generate a very low income. These families live in conditions of
subsistence-craft-production, so to speak; in other words, they produce crafts and sell
them for an income that is only sufficient for survival; more precisely, the income might
be enough to buy food, but not enough to pay for medicine in cases of illness, or for
transportation costs to a hospital. This situation is more common in the rancheras of the
high Guajira.
6

Although for the majority of artisans in the rural Guajira craft production is only a
means of subsistence, it generates higher income than other frequent economic activities
in the area such as selling coal, or working as a housecleaner in nearby towns. The
income I make from my work is not enough, but it is sufficient to send my children to
school, said an artisan from Nazareth.
7
On the other hand, craft production contributes
to the autonomy and independence of women. Most of the artisans interviewed manage
their money and decide the destiny of their income. In this regard an artisan said: My
husband works in the mine but he only provides us with food, I pay for other expenses
[] [h]e has two wives and lives more often with the other one.
8
In fact, women
generate more income than men. When men work, they work in the coal mine, otherwise


5
they have temporary jobs but not real labor stability. Cash flow problems are frequent
and some artisans keep inventories for very long periods, months, or even a year. In
some cases, however, artisans get credit to buy provisions from local store owners who
know that artisans will eventually sell their crafts.
The anthropological literature on craft production is extensive, and the paradigm
that distinguishes its analysis is different from that of economics. Anthropologists
usually study petty commodity or single commodity production through the applications
of center-periphery, modes of production, or world systems models.
9
These models are
generally based on a labor theory of value, although there are exceptions (see for instance
Milgram, 2005). Economists on the other hand use microeconomic tools for the study of
the rural and usually apply neoclassical theories, which are based on the subjective theory
of value. In the dominant anthropological literature on single commodity production the
idea of unequal exchange prevails; in the economic literature, on the other hand,
exchange is conceived as a positive sum game. This paper, however, does not deal with
the philosophical issues of theories of exchange, but with the social dynamics that
prevent fluid exchange, which happen in the context of the rural or what anthropologists
would call the periphery. The article is intended to furnish a dialog between economics
and anthropology. It is relevant for economists who explore the elements that might
complicate the emergence of markets; and it is relevant for anthropologists who explore
the elements that keep cultural diversity.
10

This article explores the dynamics between culture and rural economic
development in a microcosm represented by an indigenous group in Colombia. It
combines an analytical narrative approach and economic anthropology methods to
describe important aspects of the Wayu craft industry. I analyze its socio-economic
situation and claim that there are characteristics of the social and legal structure of the
Wayu society that in some cases prevent development by complicating the emergence of
social capital. Indeed, their traditional way of solving conflicts based on the palabrero
(mediator), which has allowed this society to subsist for hundreds of years, has at the
same time the negative consequence of impeding the emergence of trust, cooperation, and
reciprocity. Based on a diagnostic, I suggest some avenues to improve their
socioeconomic conditions taking into account the cultural heritage that crafts represent


6
for the indigenous group under study. This article is based on six weeks of fieldwork
done mainly in rural areas of the high Guajira (Nazareth) and low Guajira (Barrancas and
Hato Nuevo), and also in Riohacha, Maicao, all in Colombia, and additionally in
Maracaibo, Venezuela. I conducted approximately forty semi-structured interviews.

SETTING

The Wayu, numbering around 127,000
11
in the Colombian territory, is one of the
few indigenous groups in the country that still conserves its language and traditions.
There are approximately 173,000 Wayu in Venezuela located in the Paez District in the
Zulia State, with a high density in the Ziruma neighborhood in the city of Maracaibo
(Escobar, 1996). The Wayu think of themselves as members of a single cultural unit
and regard the political border between Colombia and Venezuela an artificial separation,
and most of them have both nationalities.
The Wayu, sometimes called Guajiros, constitute more than fifty percent of the
total population of the Guajira Peninsula (located mainly in the municipalities of Maicao,
Manaure and Uribia) and occupy almost exclusively seventy percent of its territory. The
origins of the Wayu can be traced back to the Amazon region of Colombia and Brazil.
From there they migrated to their current location. The migration process represented a
dramatic change from a humid tropical rainforest in the Amazon to the Peninsula. The
archeologist Gerardo Ardila describes the Wayus impressive adaptive capacity:

Nothing can be more stimulating than the study of the history of the
Guajiros, the Wayu from the Guajira, people undoubtedly originated in
the Amazon region that in a short time adapted to the extremely dry
environmental conditions of the peninsula through alliances, links of
solidarity, and maybe wars against other peoples that arrived in different
times and to different places of the peninsula. Their adaptive capacity led
them, around the 16
th
century, to become pastoralists and cattle herders,
which gave them an advantage to survive the processes of transformation
and destruction that came with the conquest (1996, p. 15). [Translation by
the author]

The importance of alliances in the form of confederations or clusters of
indigenous groups for their survival or expansion, although the member groups


7
were not always loyal, has been identified in different times and parts of the
world. Two of the most illustrative cases are the Iroquois confederation in
Northeast America in the fifteenth century, and the cluster fostered by the Zulu in
Southern Africa in the eighteenth century (Wolf, 1982, pp. 165-166 and pp. 349-
350). In a more recent example it has been suggested that the conformation of
networks and alliances among African slaves in the USA explains why they
reached higher survival rates compared with their counterparts in the Caribbean
and South America (Gutman, 1976; cited in Wolf, 1982, p. 281). In the case of
the Wayu it is likely that conflicts between them and other indigenous societies
in the Amazonian region caused their migration to the north in the second half of
the fifteenth century. This suggests that they made a journey from the
southernmost toward the northernmost part of the territory currently occupied by
Colombia, which must have been possible only through the establishment of
alliances with other indigenous groups. Their arrival to the dry Guajira Peninsula
must have coincided with the advent of the Spaniards, from whom the Wayu
adopted cattle herding. It must have been difficult, if not impossible, for the
Wayu to settle in the arid Peninsula without the economic subsistence that cattle
provided. In this sense the Spanish influence introduced elements that marked the
Wayu history in the post-conquest period up to the present; paraphrasing Wolfs
words: the Wayu history is part of the history of the European expansion itself
(Wolf, 1982).
The Wayu were hunters and gathers during pre-colonial times. Fishing,
and some agriculture complemented their economic and social universe during
this period (Goulet, 1981, p. 3; cited in Gmez, 1988). The Wayu are well
known for their tenacity and strong disposition to defend their culture and values;
and the Spaniards did not settle in their territory,
12
but influenced their economic
system in significant ways. As Ardila notes, less than thirty years after the
beginning of the European conquest, the Wayu became pastoralists, adopted
different agricultural products as the base of their subsistence, and acquired
countless cultural elements of European and African origin. These practices still
exist today where goat breeding represents one of the main occupations among


8
Wayu men, for example. In fact, goat meat is an important component of the
daily diet.
La Guajira Peninsula, measuring about 15,000 square kilometers, has tremendous
climatic and ecological diversity from green forests in the relatively high areas in the
south (also called the low Guajira), to the dry deserts of the low regions in the north
(also called the high Guajira). The extremely arid conditions and constant droughts in
the high Guajira partially explain the migrations that the Wayu make yearly to the
lowlands in search of fertile soils and water. Even in the low Guajira there are only two
small rivers. Due to these conditions the high Guajira is the region with the driest climate
and the most arid soil in Colombia characteristics that make agriculture very difficult
with the technology available.
13
The Guajira, which historically has been one of the
poorest regions in Colombia and Venezuela,
14
in terms of income and access to basic
services, contains a high proportion of the Wayu population. In fact the Wayu living
in rural areas also consider themselves as poor.
15
In recent years, with the beginning of
the largest mining project in Colombia, the coal project of El Cerrejn, and the gas and
salt extractions, the Peninsula acquired economic strategic importance for national and
international corporations (Prez, 1990, p. 25).
Geographically, the Wayu mythological origin is located in the high Guajira,
particularly in an area where the present-day small town of Nazareth is situated.
16

Nazareth is probably the largest settlement in the high Guajira. It has a hospital, a
catholic and several protestant churches, an electrical plant, and two schools, including
the Nazareth Catholic Boarding School. The Capuchins created the boarding school to
introduce the Wayu children into the Christian faith. The Capuchin nuns who currently
manage it pay special attention to the teaching of craft making, their technical aspects and
cultural meaning. In fact, several renowned artisans in the Guajira have learned in the
boarding schools. To the south of Nazareth are the Makuira Mountains. The green
vegetation of the Mountains and the existence of small rivers of clean water make a clear
contrast with the surrounding desert environment. According to the Wayu mythology it
was in the Makuira where the spider taught the first woman artisan the art of weaving.




9
LIVING CONDITIONS

There are substantial differences in living conditions between the Wayu who live
in urban areas and those who live in rural areas. In the former, for example, the Wayu
experience different degrees of acculturation. Some of the women have abandoned the
manta, or traditional female dress. The male traditional dress was abandoned at least
twenty years ago. Generally, teenagers do not speak Wayuunaiki any more. In the cities
the houses of Wayu families are generally built with cement and bricks, they have
electronic devices, such as televisions, radios, microwaves, refrigerators, toasters, etc.,
and they usually buy supplies in supermarkets or grocery stores. Also in urban areas
Wayu parents send their children to schools and colleges in cities like Riohacha,
Valledupar, Bogot, Barranquilla, or Cartagena. In the rural areas it is a different story.
The rancheras do not have electricity, and there is no running water; in fact, in some
cases women need to walk for hours to the closest well. The diet consists of chicha (a
cold beverage made of corn), mazamorra (a hot beverage made of corn and milk), arepa
(a type of tortilla), rice, and sometimes goat meat. The lack of a diet rich in vitamins and
its excessive cholesterol explain the common health problems even among the young
population and malnutrition among children. The High Guajira region, along with
Ecuadors Carchi, and Panamas Darien, are the regions with the lowest human
development indicators in Central and South America (UNICEF, 2005). Although
children in the rancheras attend school, their parents are usually illiterate and do not
speak Spanish. Access to some rancheras is also difficult. People walk, sometimes
women ride mules, and men in a few cases use bicycles.
17
A situation that aggravates the
difficult conditions in the rural areas is the large size of Wayu families; it is not
surprising to find families of twelve children. In fact, Wayu society is partially
polygamous, some men caciques have forty to fifty children. Polygamy, which has a
mythological explanation (see Perrin, 1987), is not frequently practiced these days, and it
is more prevalent in the high Guajira.
18






10
CRAFTS

Weaving and crocheting are the main expressions of Wayu crafts. According to
Artesanas de Colombia, the public office in charge of promoting development in the
craft sector, around sixty five percent of the artisans in the Guajira weave and crochet.
19

In earlier times, until the mid twentieth century, Wayu crafts were made for utilitarian
purposes or self-consumption. The market trends and the introduction of industrial
thread foster craft making as an activity to produce for others. Women artisans begin
weaving at an early age, some of them when they are six or seven years old. They
usually learn from their mother or sisters in the household, and in some cases they pay to
learn. But generally the household becomes a sort of silent school where children learn
from their parents examples. In other words, since the early years children develop, so to
speak, real expectations about their practical occupations in life.
The importance of crafts in a womans life increases during the seclusion process
that constitutes her initiation, or rite of passage. In seclusion, a girl learns how to weave
and crochet and many improve their skills and excel as artisans. This process used to last
as long as one year, during which time the girl interacted only with her mother, her aunt,
or/and her grandmother. Nowadays however the seclusion is not practiced as before. In
the past there were only a few women that attended school; now Wayu parents put more
value on their childrens formal education, and the time a girl used to devote to seclusion
is currently dedicated to attending school. Today seclusions last only a few days,
sometimes a week, and only in rare occasions does it lasts several months.
Usually Wayu woman make hammocks and bags. Men, on the other hand, make
guaireas (traditional shoes), hats, and bracelets. There are three types of hammocks:
simple ones (chinchorro sencillo, chinchorro de tripa), and doubled-faced. The prices
vary significantly depending on the quality and place of sale. The bags also have different
prices depending on the location of their making, their size, and their quality (see Tables
1 and 2). These figures can be put in perspective by considering that the minimum wage
in Colombia is approximately 381,000 CP, or US$191 a month.




11
Table 1. Chinchorros or hammocks: Average prices in US$, production time, and
approximate profits.


Chinchorros,
average prices
Average time
to finish
Approximate Range
Monthly Profit
Simple 75 150
1 month
41 116
De Tripa 125 200
1 month
91 166
Double-Faced 350 700
3 months
105 222
Includes the cost of labor and assumes a price of US$7.5 for one kg. of thread.
It takes approximately 4.5 kg. to make a chinchorro.


Table 2. Mochilas or bags: Average prices in US$, production time, and approximate
profits.


Mochilas,
average prices
Average time
to finish
Approximate Range of
Monthly Profit
Small 10 - 15.
2 days 66 140
Medium 15 25
4 days 52 122
Big 30 80
1 week 75 275
Includes the cost of labor and assumes a price of US$7.5 for one kg. of thread. It takes
approximately 1.5 kg. to make a big mochila, 1 kg. for a medium one, and 0.75 kg. for a
small one.


THE INFLUENCE OF MARKETS

The poor living conditions of the Wayu, and their subsequent need to sell, help
explain why artisans modify their traditional designs to make their products more
attractive to both Wayu and non-Wayu costumers. In fact, the Wayu artisans, and
mainly the leaders, behave strategically. They know very well their target markets and
design their products taking into account the preferences of each market. For example, in
the case of bags, the combinations of dark or light colors are used for the non-Wayu
market; and combinations of more intense (even fluorescent) colors are commonly used
for the Wayu market (see Fig. 1), these however are not rules carved in stone. In their


12
efforts to sell and subsist some artisans substitute western logos and brands (Tommy,
Guess, and Coca Cola, among others) for their traditional geometric designs, (see Fig. 2).
This trend is stronger in the high Guajira, and is also observed in traditional shoes. An
artisan who makes traditional shoes noted that white consumers buy Wayu designs,
and Wayu consumers buy designs with western brands.



Fig. 1. The mochila on the left has colors that Wayu consumers like; the one on the
right has colors for non-Wayu consumers.




Fig. 2. Wayu mochila with a non-Wayu design.



13

NORTH-SOUTH MIGRATION: CLIMATE AND CONFLICT

The Wayu crafts originated in the high Guajira, specifically in the Nazareth area.
The south of the peninsula, on the other hand, has become Wayu territory due to
constant migrations and movements of families looking for more favorable climatic
conditions, access to goods and services, and job opportunities. The high Guajira is a
remote region, very poor, mostly rural, and of difficult access, especially during the rainy
season. Another reason for the constant migrations from the north is conflicts between
different families, or among the members of the same family.
20
Regarding conflict
resolution, the Wayu, mostly in rural areas, but also in urban areas to a lesser extent, do
not depend on the Colombian police, instead they use an institutional mechanism to solve
conflicts based on direct compensationthrough a palabrero or mediator. When this
system is not effective, or it is not used, families take revenge. Vengeances can cause a
chain of deaths that in some cases exterminate entire families in wars that can last several
years. Therefore, to escape from wars, families in conflict sometimes move to the low
Guajira and to Maracaibo, Venezuela.
The craft situation in the north reflects an important problem: the lack of demand
and commercialization, which reinforces the migration trend. Regarding this trend, one
of the most prestigious artisans from the north said: I used to have approximately one
hundred artisans [working for me]. Nowadays I have only sixty-five. They are leaving
for Maracaibo, Venezuela. Sometimes I dont have money to buy materials and they
leave [] this is understandable.
21


MAIN ECONOMIC PROBLEMS

The main problems Wayu artisans face are related to the lack of sales. The
commercialization of crafts in the rural Guajira is mainly an informal economic activity.
Artisans usually sell to friends and people they know. In other words, the crafts
commerce is based on personal exchange. One view of economic development claims
that the key for development is not only personal exchange but impersonal exchange as


14
well (North, 1989; 1990; Grabowski, 1999). Although personal exchange, it has been
argued, is the default monde of economic behavior (McCabe, 2003, p. 66; Smith, 1998, p.
11)
22
, both personal and impersonal exchange are necessary for human betterment
(Smith, 2004, p. 12; but see Sahlins, 1972, and Polanyi, 1968, for a different view).
23

This means that while Wayu artisans keep selling only to friends or acquaintances their
small businesses will not grow. It is therefore the lack of impersonal exchange, or lack of
extended commercialization, that is the main problem faced by Wayu artisans. This was
an observation but also a situation that they explained once and again, which indicates
that they value commercialization because it provides monetary income. Below I explain
the reasons for the lack of commercialization.

How Have Other Artisans Solved Commercialization Problems?

The lack of sales is not an exclusive problem of the Wayu artisans. In fact, the
general issue concerns the majority of indigenous artisans in both developed and
underdeveloped countries. There are, however, some exceptional cases that help to put in
perspective the Wayu problem: artisans of Otavalo, Ecuador, indigenous Nahuas of
southern Mxico (Cowen, 2005; Good, 1988), and West African artisans and merchants
in The United States (Stoller, 2002). These examples are successful because high sales
not only have improved artisans living standards, but have also fostered their culture. It
is important to emphasize that in these cases social networks emerged endogenously; in
other terms, artisans organized themselves.
24

Why did these cases succeed? The three of them have a common denominator:
the existence of social and business networks among artisans. Indeed, artisans unite to
commercialize their products and to buy raw materials. This allows them to reach distant
markets where buyers consider the products more exotic. Also, social networks have
been instrumental for them in being able to pay less for raw materials. When there are
social networks, artisans can save transportation costs because a few people can sell in
distant cities the crafts that belong to an extended group of artisans. The more integrated
the social structure the more likely that exchange across great distance and time can be
carried out in an impersonal manner (Grabowski, 1999). This is due to the fact that


15
isolated groups of individuals are likely to lack the economic, political, and social
resources necessary to carry out viable economic activities (ibid.). Additionally, social
networks save time and effort by allowing artisans to sell in strategic locations while
others dedicate themselves to creation and innovation. Networks are the channels
through which patrons seek potential markets and advertise crafts from developing
countries to international buyers. In one of the above examples, global marketing
networks have been instrumental in the proliferation of certain West African crafts in the
United States and Western Europe (Stoller, 2002). When social networks exist,
economies of scale emerge. This means that artisans working together work faster and
improve quality by competing and cooperating with each other, and this at the same time
leads to greater trust, confidence and capacity to innovate (Pretty & Ward, 2001, p. 214).
The Impressionist painters illustrate the importance of social capital in artistic
creation. Indeed, Impressionists established a group that shared common features and
rebelled against the existing cultural trends of the time (classicism, romanticism, and
realism). Part of their success has been attributed to the synergies that emerged from
their close collaboration (Farrell, 2001). In fact, Impressionist painters took advantage of
their peers ideas and incorporated them into each others work. They built on those
ideas to create new ones, generating increased creativity and productivity. In this sense,
creative networks cooperate. Competition was a second force that contributed to the
increase of ideas and productivity among Impressionist painters. Professional
competition motivated impressionists to look for new ways and ideas, as well as to work
harder to improve their techniques and knowledge.
Collaboration and competition do not exist when artisans work in isolation. With
some exceptions, it takes longer for lone artisans to fully develop their talents.
Collaborative circles usually go beyond mere acts of creation and consist of groups of
friends who share cultural and social values (ibid.).

Social and Commercialization Networks Among Wayu Artisans

The need of commercial networks does not exist in a vacuum; they are necessary
because of objective or exogenous circumstances. Networks have been essential in the


16
fostering of commerce in inhospitable areas and conditions; commercial links in West
Africa, for example, furnished the trans-Saharan trade in the fifteenth century (Wolf,
1982, pp. 37-41). For the Wayu, the existence of networks is important due to elements
such as the long geographic distance to markets especially from the high Guajira.
Unfortunately, social and commercialization links among Wayu artisans are weak, and
in some cases non-existent. This is so particularly regarding extra-family links. The few
Wayu artisans who have experienced weaving together say that they finish their crafts
faster, and they like very much that they can talk and learn from each other.
25
In terms of
commercialization, the few Wayu who travel to cities such as Barranquilla, Bogot,
Bucaramanga, Medellin, and others mention that sales are good, which suggest that
demand do exists in this urban centers. The market is very competitive in Maracaibo and
prices of crafts tend to be homogenous in the main selling areas, for example a simple
hammock is around US$150, and intermediaries usually buy products available for that
price, which leaves around US$115 for rural artisans to cover family expenses, labor, and
transportation costs.
Production and commercialization in the rural Guajira is mainly a household
activity, and in several cases it is an individual activity. A community leader illustrated
this point: [w]e have the problem of organization, everybody is doing her own thing.
26

In fact, only 7 out of 100 artisans in the Guajira belong to some type of organization.
27

This limits the selling capacity and impedes the evolution of scale economies. It is costly
and difficult for an individual artisan to produce and travel separately to sell her products
and buy cheaper materials in distant cities. One kg. of thread costs 25,000 CP in
Nazareth (approximately US$12), but it costs only 15,000 CP (US$7), in the southern
city of Maicao. Assuming a competitive price of 150,000 CP (US$75) for a simple
hammock, and given that it takes 4.5 kg. of thread to make it, an artisan will make a
profit of nineteen dollars if she buys the thread in Nazareth, and around forty dollars if
she buys the thread in Maicao, not including the cost of labor and transportation.
Therefore, without social networks the transportation costs and the time to sell in other
cities become prohibitive; consequentially, the selling points are close to the location of
production.
28



17
Considering that the clusters of commercialization are essential for the economic
and aesthetic success of Colombian crafts, the governmental office Artesanas de
Colombia has worked steadily in the generation of productive chains in la Guajira, and
other regions of the country. My fieldwork suggests, however, little evidence of the
existence of productive chains in the rural areas. If we consider that networks and social
links are necessary and/or sufficient conditions for the success in craft commercialization,
as suggested by the cases of Ecuador, southern Mexico, and West African merchants in
the USA, then their absence partially explains the problem of Wayu artisans, and their
deprived living conditions. The question of why these networks have not emerged is
complex, but it is possible that the answer is related to the Wayu social and legal
structure.

Lack of Trust and Low Social Capital

Trust is a fundamental element for the emergence and maintenance of social
networks among the members of a community, and according to our analysis social
networks are also necessary for the emergence of impersonal exchange. Impersonal
exchange, on the other hand, can be supported if each member of the society is a member
of a community that can establish an intra-community contract enforcement institution
and the individuals community affiliation is commonly known (Greif, 2001). Some
Wayu artisans have had negative experiences regarding trust and reciprocity. In several
occasions materials were not bought and the money was not retuned, or the money from
sales was not returned either. A part time artisan, who is also a nurse, mentioned that her
mother does not trust other artisans: My mother had a bad experience in the past, she
said. She gave six bags to a friend to sell in Maracaibo, but we never heard from her
again.
29
Obviously, these experiences deteriorate trust and reciprocity because artisans
do not want to take the risk of loosing their scarce capital in subsequent interactions. In
fact, if we consider that most of the transactions are on credit, in a framework of low
trust, it is not surprising that artisans prefer to sell only to friends and acquaintances
otherwise they take the high risk of loosing their money. In the case of the few
workshops in the Guajira, eighty percent of them produce only when they have orders.
30



18
This problem suggests that policies devised for the improvement of the Wayu living
conditions should target the formation and consolidation of trust and social capital.
It is plausible that some Wayu artisans in rural areas do not know the network
model that seems to be so obvious. On the other hand, there are reasons to believe that
Wayu do have experience in working together. In fact, although it is not very frequently
used nowadays, the yanama model, or communitarian work, is used for different tasks
such as the building of rancherias, wells, or in agricultural work.

Low Trust Explained by the Wayu Social and Legal Structure

To understand the lack of trust among artisans in the Guajira it is necessary to
consider the Wayu social and legal structure. The Wayu possess a matrilineal society
and the social structure is based on the maternal family. It is through the mother that the
clan denomination is passed on. The maternal uncles are fundamental in the education of
their nephews and nieces, and in several cases they have more influence than the father.
For example, if for some reason the compensation mechanism does not work, the
offended family (the maternal family) usually takes revenge not only against the direct
offender but also against any of his relatives in the maternal side, although vengeances do
not generally harm women. In this manner, the legal Wayu system is not based on
personal responsibility, as are most western legal systems, but on the collective
responsibility of the maternal family.
31

In addition, historically, the Wayu society is very sensitive toward offenses. In
past centuries, for example, certain attitudes that would have been considered ordinary by
other societies were serious matters among the Wayu. For instance, some actions such
as turning the back on a person or asking for the name or personal information of a dead
relative were considered harmful because they caused emotional pain. The offended side
had the right to ask for compensation.
32
The Wayu pay the compensations with goats,
necklaces, and cash, among other things. Besides its purpose to rescind harm (and not
without some exceptions), Wayu currently use the compensation as a way to get
material resources and may take advantage of every single opportunity. Therefore, the


19
Wayu are very careful about their social interactions because the minor frictions,
discussions, and arguments, can lead to demands for compensation.
33

The legal and social structures have implications in the way the Wayu behave
toward their neighbors, and the way members of relatively homogenous groups, such as
artisans, interact with each other. More specifically, it is possible that artisans are so
careful about their social interactions that they avoid being involved in many social
networks. Besides, social networks are highly unlikely to emerge among artisans who
belong to families in conflict.
34
An argument between two artisans that happened in a
cultural encounter between an NGO and different artisans helps to illustrate this point.
The disagreement was due to misinformation about the purpose of the meeting. The
dispute between the two artisans reached a point where I thought the event would end.
Fortunately another artisan addressed the audience in Wayuunaiki and calmed the
situation. Afterwards I found out that there had been a conflict between the families of
the two artisans who were arguing. In fact, one artisans son had killed the other artisans
brother.
On the other hand, the emphasis on collective rather than on individual
responsibility, in a context where personal exchanges prevail, generates incentives for
cheating in production and business interactions, which impedes the emergence of
sustained cooperation. Indeed, it is possible that social links are weak among the Wayu
because when an artisan receives money to buy materials, or merchandise for sale in
other cities, she has a low incentive to comply with her duty because the consequences
might not fall on her but on any member of her maternal family. A system of
cooperatives, which performs better in collective responsibility environments, and which
usually creates and consolidates social networks, is a plausible mechanism for
contributing to the generation of extra-family social networks and commercial links
among the Wayu. However, as suggested by the successful cases, it is desirable that
such a system emerges from the artisans own initiative. For this to happen it is
necessary that the artisans learn the benefits that come out of the cooperation with their
peers in such a way that they consider themselves owners of the cooperative project.
Therefore, the role of NGOs and the government should be that of showing artisans the
high social and economic benefit of networks. Artisans should accept and recognize that


20
the benefits of working together exceed the costs of doing it. There are some illustrative
cases of the positive role of cooperatives creating trust and economic improvement. For
example, Milgram (2005) describes a case of artisans in Banaue, Ifagao, Philippines. A
cooperative led by the artisans themselves, and based on church links and pre-existing
relationships established through reciprocal labor exchanges, was instrumental in
reaching markets and NGOs. The cooperative also allowed artisans to travel to sell in
distant cities.

CONCLUSION

Wayu crafts are instrumental in the maintenance of their cultural heritage.
Despite the difficult conditions of poverty and relative isolation, artisans do not stop
weaving and crocheting. Most of them want their children to become artisans; but the
traditional meaning of the Wayu crafts is vanishing, especially in the low Guajira, where
artisans do not seem to know the meaning and origin of the traditional symbols or
kannas. The Wayu cosmology and culture are experiencing interesting mutations, such
as occidental designs included in traditional products. This shows how the market is
transforming their cultural expressions. On the other hand, artisans want better lives, and
higher incomes to build better houses, buy a bicycle, and also decent clothes. In other
words, the perceptions of development among the Wayu women coincide with western
perceptions of development. For the Wayu this raises the difficult dilemma that
indigenous peoples of the world face: finding a way to improve their living conditions
while maintaining at the same time the traditions that link them with their ancestors.
Regarding economic development, the social and legal structures of the Wayu
society might be obstructing the formation of social networks through their negative
effect over social capital. If the Wayu want their crafts to continue as a cultural
manifestation that can also improve their socio-economic condition, it is necessary for the
artisans to acknowledge the advantages of cooperation and the conformation of social and
business networks. In the case of the Wayu society this process should not be
implemented in a top-down manner.


21
From this analysis old grand questions emerge: What would be an adequate legal
system that supports impersonal exchange among the Wayu? Can the current system be
modified so that the formation of networks is facilitated? Will a new institutional system
emerge spontaneously, or will an external influence (of the Colombian State, for
example) arise, as suggested by Platteau (1994)? Is the current body of rules and
institutions the best attainable scenario given the Wayu history, current geographic
circumstances, and the cost of change (Hayek, 1945; 1978)?


NOTES


1. The concept of tradition has been questioned by anthropologists like Judith
Friedlander (1975) who claims that to be Indian in Hueyapan (Mexico) is to have
a negative identity which refers to what indigenous people do not have vis--vis
non-indigenous people.

2. For illustrations of the benefits of social capital manifested in groups see (Pretty
& Ward, 2001).

3. A chinchorro is the common name Colombians give to a hand weaved hammock.
In Wayuunaiki, the language of the Wayu people, chinchorro is sui equivalent
to oulaa which comes from achounlaa, meaning uterus. Therefore oulaa is the
babys chinchorro while she stays in her mothers uterus. When a child is born
she has to also have an actual chinchorro. Old Wayu used to be buried in a
chinchorro, too. According to these mythological symbols a Wayu spends most
of his or her life, and death, in a chinchorro.

4. Strictly speaking there is no Wayu village (Perrin, 1987, p. xiv). A ranchera
is a traditional Wayu house for a family unit.

5. In 1993 (the year of the last national census) after goat breeding, craft production
represented the second most important economic activity among the Wayu,
employing almost 18% of the economically active population. Pastoral activities
and crafts combined employed 55% (DANE, 1993).

6. The Guajira Peninsula is usually divided between high and low Guajira, which
responds to the differences in the geologic and climatic conditions between the
two areas.

7. Interview CA20.


22

8. Interview CA8-PT.

9. For reviews of this literature see Smith (1974), OLaughlin (1975), Nash (1981),
Nugent (1988), Kahn (1985), and Roseberry (1988), just to suggest a few.

10. Although some economists argue that in some instances the market promotes
cultural diversity (Cowen, 2002; 2005; 2006).

11. Repblica de Colombia: Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadstica
(DANE) (1992).

12. In spite of several Spanish attempts at conquest, the Wayu remained outside of
Hispanic dominance. Besides, the inexistence of precious stones, metals, etc.
(with the exception of pearls), contributed to an absence of Spanish settlements in
the Guajira (Ardila, 1996, p. 35).

13. Information taken from Perez (1990).

14. High childhood mortality rates are presented by NGOs working in rancherias in
the high Guajira, see for example http://www.wayuutaya.com/.

15. Interestingly this situation contrasts with my experience in the Colombian
Amazon where indigenous Ticuna consider themselves well-off when my first
impression was that they were poor.

16. In Wayuunaiki the region is called Ishoulu (land of cardinals).

17. Bicycles according to some Wayu are better than mules. Bicycles, they say are
cheaper and convenient, they dont get tired, dont drink water, and dont get lost
in the bush.

18. The French anthropologist Michel Perrin, who did his fieldwork among the
Wayu during the late 1960s, explains that one Wayu men out of five practiced
polygyny at that time.

19. Ministerio de Desarrollo Econmico: Artesanas de Colombia S. A. (1998).

20. The Wayu society is organized in matrilineal, nonexogamous clans, each of
them associated with a totemic animal.

21. Interview IA24.

22. Leeson (forthcoming) offers an alternative explanation.

23. Economists however are not sure about how the transition occurs (McCabe, 2003).


23

24. Greif (2001) presents another historical example of how community links
emerged from the bottom in pre-modern Europe.

25. Interview IA21-T.

26. Interview CA14. A Wayu woman who works for the government even said:
The association doesnt go with our culture. Field notes: October 2, 2005.

27. Ministerio de Desarrollo Econmico: Artesanas de Colombia S. A (1998, pp.
219-221).

28. In the Guajira almost ninety percent of the craft selling points are located in the
same municipality where the workshops are located (ibid., p. 250).

29. Field notes, September 22, 2005.

30. Ministerio de Desarrollo Econmico: Artesanas de Colombia S. A (1998, p. 255).

31. A Venezuelan organization produced a video to show and explain the Wayu
culture. The video describes a woman visiting her family and friends asking for
contributions to pay compensation for a crime a relative committed. The process
is narrated by young Wayu women who openly say [f]or us individual
responsibility doesnt exist.

32. See Candelier (1994), who did ethnographic work in the Guajira in the late 19
th

century.

33. A local leader in Nazareth said: [i]t is very difficult to deal with Wayu people,
if something happens they look for a little thing to send the word. To send the
word putchi means to send the palabraro or mediator to ask for compensation.
On the other hand, the same leader indicated that their justice system has been
essential for the survival of the Wayu people. Field notes, September 25, 2005.

34. It is possible that an imposed attempt will create a social network that includes
artisans who belong to families in conflict.



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I acknowledge the help and collaboration of the Wayu people; especially of Rafael and
Irma Iguarn in Nazareth; Maritza Gonzlez in Maicao; and of Aura Robles and her


24
husband Armando, who as good parents provide me a cordial family environment in
Barrancas. I also acknowledge financial support from Francisco Marroqun University in
Guatemala, and logistic support of Aid to Artisans, Colombia. I also thank Tyler Cowen
for his advices, and Michele Greet, Carrie Meyer, Jon Rundle, Pedro Romero, and Phyllis
Puffer for their comments; and especially to Donald Wood and one anonymous referee
for extensive and valuable comments. I retain responsibility for any errors.


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