Practice Test #1 Reading Comprehension

(18 Essays, 61 Questions)

Essay #1.
During the nineteenth century, occupational information about women that was provided by the
United States census--a population count conducted each decade--became more detailed and
precise in response to social changes. hrough 1!"#, simple enumeration by household
mirrored a home-based agricultural economy and hierarchical social order$ the head of the
household %presumed male or absent& was speci'ed by name, whereas other household
members were only indicated by the total number of persons counted in various categories,
including occupational categories. (i)e farms, most enterprises were family-run, so that the
census measured economic activity as an attribute of the entire household, rather than of
individuals.
he 1!*# census, partly responding to antislavery and women+s rights movements, initiated the
collection of speci'c information about each individual in a household. ,ot until 1!-# was
occupational information analy.ed by gender$ the census superintendent reported 1.! million
women employed outside the home in /gainful and reputable occupations./ 0n addition, he
arbitrarily attributed to each family one woman /)eeping house./ 1verlap between the two
groups was not calculated until 1!2#, when the rapid entry of women into the paid labor force
and social issues arising from industriali.ation were causing women+s advocates and women
statisticians to press for more thorough and accurate accounting of women+s occupations and
wages.
3uestion #1.
he primary purpose of the passage is to
%4& e5plain and criti6ue the methods used by early statisticians
%7& compare and contrast a historical situation with a current-day one
%8& describe and e5plain a historical change
%D& discuss historical opposition to an established institution
%E& trace the origin of a contemporary controversy
3uestion #9.
Each of the following aspects of nineteenth-century United States censuses is mentioned in the
passage E:8E; the
%4& year in which data on occupations began to be analy.ed by gender
%7& year in which speci'c information began to be collected on individuals in addition to the
head of the household
%8& year in which overlap between women employed outside the home and women )eeping
house was 'rst calculated
%D& way in which the 1!2# census measured women+s income levels and educational
bac)grounds
%E& way in which household members were counted in the 1!"# census
3uestion #<.
he passage suggests which of the following about the /women+s advocates and women
statisticians/ mentioned in the highlighted te5t=
%4& hey wanted to call attention to the lac) of pay for women who wor)ed in the home.
%7& hey believed that previous census information was inade6uate and did not re>ect certain
economic changes in the United States.
%8& hey had begun to press for changes in census-ta)ing methods as part of their participation
in the antislavery movement.
%D& hey thought that census statistics about women would be more accurate if more women
were employed as census o?cials.
%E& hey had conducted independent studies that disputed the o?cial statistics provided by
previous United States censuses.
Essay #9.
he general density dependence model can be applied to e5plain the founding of specialist
'rms %those attempting to serve a narrow target mar)et&. 4ccording to this model, specialist
foundings hinge on the interplay between legitimation and competitive forces, both of which are
functions of the density %total number& of 'rms in a particular specialist population.
(egitimation occurs as a new type of 'rm moves from being viewed as unfamiliar to being
viewed as a natural way to organi.e. 4t low density levels, each founding increases
legitimation, reducing barriers to entry and easing subse6uent foundings. 8ompetition occurs
because the resources that 'rms see)--customers, suppliers, and employees--are limited, but as
long as density is low relative to plentiful resources, the addition of another 'rm has a negligible
impact on the intensity of competition. 4t high density levels, however, competitive e@ects
outweigh legitimation e@ects, discouraging foundings. he more numerous the competitors,
the 'ercer the competition will be and the smaller will be the incentive for new 'rms to enter
the 'eld.
Ahile several studies have found a signi'cant correspondence between the density
dependence model and actual patterns of foundings, other studies have found patterns not
consistent with the model. 4 possible e5planation for this inconsistency is that legitimation and
competitive forces transcend national boundaries, while studies typically restrict their analysis
to the national level. hus a national-level analysis can understate the true legitimation and
competitive forces as well as the number of foundings in an industry that is internationally
integrated. Bany industries are or are becoming international, and since media and information
easily cross national borders, so should legitimation and its e@ects on overseas foundings. Cor
e5ample, if a type of 'rm becomes established in the United States, that information transcends
borders, reduces uncertainties, and helps foundings of that type of 'rm in other countries. Even
within national conte5ts, studies have found more support for the density dependence model
when they employ broader geographic units of analysis--for e5ample, 'nding that the model+s
operation is seen more clearly at the state and national levels than at city levels.
3uestion #".
4ccording to the passage, which of the following may account for the inconsistency between
the general density dependence model and the evidence provided by certain studies of
foundings=
%4& Such studies have overemphasi.ed the impact of pree5isting 'rms on the establishment of
new 'rms.
%7& Such studies have not focused strongly enough on the role of competition among newly
established 'rms operating at the city and state levels.
%8& Such studies fail to di@erentiate among specialist 'rms with regard to the degree to which
they deviate from familiar forms of organi.ation.
%D& Such studies have not ta)en into account the fact that many industries are internationally
integrated.
%E& Such studies have neglected to investigate 'rms that attempt to serve only a narrow target
mar)et.
3uestion #*.
0n the second paragraph, the author is primarily concerned with
%4& noting various e5ceptions to a certain general 'nding
%7& e5amining the impact of one type of industry on another
%8& proposing a possible e5planation for an inconsistency
%D& providing speci'c e5amples of a particular phenomenon
%E& defending the validity of a particular study+s conclusions
3uestion #D.
he passage suggests that when a population of specialist 'rms reaches a high density level,
which of the following is li)ely to occur=
%4& Coundings will decline despite legitimation that has occurred in these industries.
%7& 0ncreasing competition will encourage many 'rms to broaden their target mar)et.
%8& 8ompetition for resources will become stabili.ed and thus foundings will be encouraged.
%D& Bany customers will abandon their loyalty to older 'rms as more innovative 'rms enter the
mar)et.
%E& Cirms will begin to cross national borders in an attempt to gain a competitive advantage.
3uestion #-.
he primary purpose of the passage is to
%4& 6uestion the validity of an economic model
%7& point out some inconsistencies within an economic model
%8& outline an economic model and suggest revisions to it
%D& describe an economic model and provide speci'c e5amples to illustrate its use
%E& e5plain why an economic model remains valid despite inconsistent research results
Essay #<.
0n its 12#< decision in the case of Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock, the United States Supreme 8ourt
reEected the e@orts of three ,ative 4merican tribes to prevent the opening of tribal lands to
non-0ndian settlement without tribal consent. 0n his study of the (one Aolf case, 7lue 8lar)
properly emphasi.es the 8ourt+s assertion of a virtually unlimited unilateral power of 8ongress
%the Fouse of Gepresentatives and the Senate& over ,ative 4merican a@airs. 7ut he fails to
note the decision+s more far-reaching impact$ shortly after (one Aolf, the federal government
totally abandoned negotiation and e5ecution of formal written agreements with 0ndian tribes as
a prere6uisite for the implementation of federal 0ndian policy. Bany commentators believe that
this change had already occurred in 1!-1 when--following a dispute between the Fouse and the
Senate over which chamber should enEoy primacy in 0ndian a@airs--8ongress abolished the
ma)ing of treaties with ,ative 4merican tribes. 7ut in reality the federal government continued
to negotiate formal tribal agreements past the turn of the century, treating these documents
not as treaties with sovereign nations re6uiring rati'cation by the Senate but simply as
legislation to be passed by both houses of 8ongress. he (one Aolf decision ended this era of
formal negotiation and 'nally did away with what had increasingly become the empty formality
of obtaining tribal consent.
3uestion #!.
4ccording to the passage, the congressional action of 1!-1 had which of the following e@ects=
%4& ,ative 4merican tribal agreements were treated as legislation that had to be passed by both
houses of 8ongress.
%7& he number of formal agreements negotiated between the federal government and ,ative
4merican tribes decreased.
%8& he procedures for congressional approval and implementation of federal 0ndian policy were
made more precise.
%D& 0t became more di?cult for 8ongress to e5ercise unilateral authority over ,ative 4merican
a@airs.
%E& he role of 8ongress in the rati'cation of treaties with sovereign nations was eventually
undermined.
3uestion #2.
4ccording to the passage, which of the following resulted from the (one Aolf decision=
%4& he Supreme 8ourt too) on a greater role in ,ative 4merican a@airs.
%7& ,ative 4merican tribes lost their legal standing as sovereign nations in their dealings with
the federal government, but their ownership of tribal lands was con'rmed.
%8& he federal government no longer needed to conclude a formal agreement with a ,ative
4merican tribe in order to carry out policy decisions that a@ected the tribe.
%D& he federal government began to appropriate tribal lands for distribution to non-0ndian
settlers.
%E& ,ative 4merican tribes were no longer able to challenge congressional actions by appealing
to the Supreme 8ourt.
3uestion #1#.
he author of the passage is primarily concerned with
%4& identifying similarities in two di@erent theories
%7& evaluating a wor) of scholarship
%8& analy.ing the signi'cance of a historical event
%D& debun)ing a revisionist interpretation
%E& e5ploring the relationship between law and social reality
Essay #".
Some historians contend that conditions in the United States during the Second Aorld Aar gave
rise to a dynamic wartime alliance between trade unions and the 4frican 4merican community,
an alliance that advanced the cause of civil rights. hey conclude that the postwar demise of
this vital alliance constituted a lost opportunity for the civil rights movement that followed the
war. 1ther scholars, however, have portrayed organi.ed labor as defending all along the
relatively privileged position of Ahite wor)ers relative to 4frican 4merican wor)ers. 8learly,
these two perspectives are not easily reconcilable, but the historical reality is not reducible to
one or the other.
Unions faced a choice between either maintaining the prewar status 6uo or promoting a more
inclusive approach that sought for all members the right to participate in the internal a@airs of
unions, access to s)illed and high-paying positions within the occupational hierarchy, and
protection against management+s arbitrary authority in the wor)place. Ahile union
representatives often voiced this inclusive ideal, in practice unions far more often favored
entrenched interests. he accelerating development of the civil rights movement following the
Second Aorld Aar e5acerbated the unions+ dilemma, forcing trade unionists to confront
contradictions in their own practices.
3uestion #11.
he /unions+ dilemma/ mentioned in the highlighted te5t can best be described as the 6uestion
of whether or not to
%4& pressure management to create more s)illed and high-paying positions
%7& 'ght for greater union participation in management decisions
%8& include minority wor)ers in their membership
%D& e5tend full rights and bene'ts to all their members
%E& emphasi.e the recruitment of new members over serving the needs of current members
3uestion #19.
4ccording to the passage, the historians mentioned in the 'rst highlighted portion of te5t and
the scholars mentioned in the second highlighted portion disagree about the
%4& contribution made by organi.ed labor to the war e@ort during the Second Aorld Aar
%7& issues that union members considered most important during the Second Aorld Aar
%8& relationship between unions and 4frican 4mericans during the Second Aorld Aar
%D& e@ect of the Second Aorld Aar on the in>uence of unions in the wor)place
%E& e5tent to which 4frican 4mericans bene'ted from social and political changes following the
Second Aorld Aar
3uestion #1<.
he passage is primarily concerned with
%4& providing a conte5t within which to evaluate opposing viewpoints about a historical
phenomenon
%7& identifying a >awed assumption underlying one interpretation of a historical phenomenon
%8& assessing the merits and wea)nesses of a controversial theory about a historical
phenomenon
%D& discussing the historical importance of the development of a wartime alliance
%E& evaluating evidence used to support a particular interpretation of a historical phenomenon
Essay #*.
Fistorians have identi'ed two dominant currents in the Gussian women+s movement of the late
tsarist period. /7ourgeois/ feminism, so called by its more radical opponents, emphasi.ed
/individualist/ feminist goals such as access to education, career opportunities, and legal
e6uality. /Socialist/ feminists, by contrast, emphasi.ed class, rather than gender, as the
principal source of women+s ine6uality and oppression, and socialist revolution, not legal reform,
as the only road to emancipation and e6uality.
Fowever, despite antagonism between bourgeois feminists and socialist feminists, the two
movements shared certain underlying beliefs. 7oth regarded paid labor as the principal means
by which women might attain emancipation$ participation in the wor)place and economic self-
su?ciency, they believed, would ma)e women socially useful and therefore deserving of
e6uality with men. 7oth groups also recogni.ed the enormous di?culties women faced when
they combined paid labor with motherhood. 0n fact, at the Cirst 4ll-Gussian Aomen+s 8ongress
in 12#!, most participants advocated maternity insurance and paid maternity leave, although
the intense hostility between some socialists and bourgeois feminists at the 8ongress made it
di?cult for them to recogni.e these areas of agreement. Cinally, socialist feminists and most
bourgeois feminists concurred in subordinating women+s emancipation to what they considered
the more important goal of liberating the entire Gussian population from political oppression,
economic bac)wardness, and social inEustice.
3uestion #1".
he passage suggests that socialists within the Gussian women+s movement and most
bourgeois feminists believed that in Gussia
%4& women would not achieve economic e6uality until they had political representation within
the government
%7& the achievement of larger political aims should ta)e precedence over the achievement of
women+s rights
%8& the emancipation of women would ultimately bring about the liberation of the entire Gussian
population from political oppression
%D& women+s oppression was more rooted in economic ine6uality than was the case in other
countries
%E& the women+s movement was more ideologically divided than were women+s movements in
other countries
3uestion #1*.
he passage is primarily concerned with
%4& identifying points of agreement between two groups
%7& advocating one approach to social reform over another
%8& contrasting two approaches to solving a political problem
%D& arguing that the views espoused by one political group were more radical than those
espoused by another group
%E& critici.ing historians for overloo)ing similarities between the views espoused by two
super'cially dissimilar groups
3uestion #1D.
4ccording to the passage, Gussian socialists within the women+s movement and most bourgeois
feminists disagreed about which of the following=
%4& Ahether legal reform was central to the achievement of feminist goals
%7& Ahether paid employment was important for the achievement of e6uality
%8& Ahether maternity insurance was desirable for wor)ing mothers
%D& Ahether wor)ing mothers faced obstacles
%E& Ahether women+s emancipation should be subordinated to the liberation of the Gussian
population
Essay #D.
8olonial historian David 4llen+s intensive study of 've communities in seventeenth-century
Bassachusetts is a model of meticulous scholarship on the detailed microcosmic level, and is
convincing up to a point. 4llen suggests that much more coherence and direct continuity
e5isted between English and colonial agricultural practices and administrative organi.ation than
other historians have suggested. Fowever, he overstates his case with the declaration that he
has proved /the remar)able e5tent to which diversity in ,ew England local institutions was
directly imitative of regional di@erences in the mother country./
Such an assertion ignores critical di@erences between seventeenth-century England and ,ew
England. Cirst, England was overcrowded and land-hungryH ,ew England was sparsely
populated and labor-hungry. Second, England su@ered the normal European rate of mortalityH
,ew England, especially in the 'rst generation of English colonists, was virtually free from
infectious diseases. hird, England had an all-embracing state churchH in ,ew England
membership in a church was restricted to the elect. Courth, a high proportion of English
villagers lived under paternalistic resident s6uiresH no such class e5isted in ,ew England. 7y
narrowing his focus to village institutions and ignoring these critical di@erences, which studies
by Ireven, Demos, and (oc)ridge have shown to be so important, 4llen has created a
somewhat distorted picture of reality.
4llen+s wor) is a rather e5treme e5ample of the /country community/ school of seventeenth-
century English history whose intemperate e5cesses in removing all national issues from the
history of that period have been e5posed by ;rofessor 8live Folmes. Ahat conclusion can be
drawn, for e5ample, from 4llen+s discovery that ;uritan clergy who had come to the colonies
from East 4nglia were one-third to one-half as li)ely to return to England by 1DD# as were
;uritan ministers from western and northern England= Ae are not told in what way, if at all, this
discovery illuminates historical understanding. Studies of local history have enormously
e5panded our hori.ons, but it is a mista)e for their authors to conclude that village institutions
are all that mattered, simply because their functions are all that the records of village
institutions reveal.
3uestion #1-.
4ccording to the passage, which of the following was true of most villages in seventeenth-
century England=
%4& he resident s6uire had signi'cant authority.
%7& 8hurch members were selected on the basis of their social status within the community.
%8& (ow population density restricted agricultural and economic growth.
%D& here was little diversity in local institutions from one region to another.
%E& ,ational events had little impact on local customs and administrative organi.ation.
3uestion #1!.
he passage suggests that ;rofessor 8live Folmes would most li)ely agree with which of the
following statements=
%4& 4n understanding of seventeenth-century English local institutions re6uires a consideration
of national issues.
%7& he /country community/ school of seventeenth-century English history distorts historical
evidence in order to establish continuity between old and new institutions.
%8& Bost historians distort reality by focusing on national concerns to the e5clusion of local
concerns.
%D& ,ational issues are best understood from the perspective of those at the local level.
%E& (ocal histories of seventeenth-century English villages have contributed little to the
understanding of village life.
3uestion #12.
0t can be inferred from the passage that the author of the passage considers 4llen+s /discovery/
%see highlighted te5t& to be
%4& already )nown to earlier historians
%7& based on a logical fallacy
%8& improbable but nevertheless convincing
%D& an une5plained, isolated fact
%E& a new, insightful observation
3uestion #9#.
he author of the passage is primarily concerned with
%4& substantiating a claim about a historical event
%7& reconciling two opposing ideas about a historical era
%8& disputing evidence a scholar uses to substantiate a claim about a historical event
%D& analy.ing two approaches to scholarly research and evaluating their methodologies
%E& critici.ing a particular study and the approach to historical scholarship it represents
Essay #-.
he United States government has a long-standing policy of using federal funds to )eep small
business viable. he Small 7usiness 4ct of 12*< authori.ed the Small 7usiness 4dministration
%S74& to enter into contracts with government agencies having procurement powers and to
arrange for ful'llment of these contracts by awarding subcontracts to small businesses. 0n the
mid-12D#+s, during the war on poverty years, 8ongress hoped to encourage minority
entrepreneurs by directing such funding to minority businesses. 4t 'rst this funding was
directed toward minority entrepreneurs with very low incomes. 4 12D- amendment to the
Economic 1pportunity 4ct directed the S74 to pay special attention to minority-owned
businesses located in urban or rural areas characteri.ed by high proportions of unemployed or
low-income individuals. Since then, the answer given to the fundamental 6uestion of who the
recipients should be--the most economically disadvantaged or those with the best prospects for
business success--has changed, and the social goals of the programs have shifted, resulting in
policy changes.
he 'rst shift occurred during the early 12-#+s. Ahile the goal of assisting the economically
disadvantaged entrepreneur remained, a new goal emerged$ to remedy the e@ects of past
discrimination. 0n fact, in 12-# the S74 e5plicitly stated that their main goal was to increase
the number of minority-owned businesses. 4t the time, minorities constituted seventeen
percent of the nation+s population, but only four percent of the nation+s self-employed. his
ownership gap was held to be the result of past discrimination. 0ncreasing the number of
minority-owned 'rms was seen as a way to remedy this problem. 0n that conte5t, providing
funding to minority entrepreneurs in middle- and high-income brac)ets seemed Eusti'ed.
0n the late 12-#+s, the goals of minority-business funding programs shifted again. 4t the
Binority 7usiness Development 4gency, for e5ample, the goal of increasing numbers of
minority-owned 'rms was supplanted by the goal of creating and assisting more minority-
owned substantive 'rms with future growth potential. 4ssisting manufacturers or wholesalers
became far more important than assisting small service businesses. Binority-business funding
programs were now Eusti'ed as instruments for economic development, particularly for creating
Eobs in minority communities of high unemployment.
3uestion #91.
he primary purpose of the passage is to
%4& discuss historical changes in a government policy
%7& describe the role of 8ongress in regulating the wor) of the S74
%8& contrast types of funding sources used by minority businesses
%D& correct a misconception about minority entrepreneurship
%E& advocate an alternative approach to funding minority entrepreneurs
3uestion #99.
0t can be inferred that the /ownership gap/ %see highlighted te5t& would be narrowed if which of
the following were to occur=
%4& Binority entrepreneurs received a percentage of government contracts e6ual to that
received by nonminority entrepreneurs.
%7& Biddle- and high-income minority entrepreneurs gave more assistance to their low-income
counterparts in the business community.
%8& Binority entrepreneurs hired a percentage of minority employees e6ual to the percentage of
minority residents in their own communities.
%D& he percentage of self-employed minority persons rose to more than ten percent of all self-
employed persons.
%E& Seventeen percent of all persons employed in small businesses were self-employed.
3uestion #9<.
4ccording to the passage, in 12-# funding to minority entrepreneurs focused primarily on which
of the following=
%4& 4lleviating chronic unemployment in urban areas
%7& ,arrowing the ownership gap
%8& 4ssisting minority-owned businesses with growth potential
%D& 4warding subcontracts to businesses that encouraged community development
%E& argeting the most economically disadvantaged minority-owned businesses
3uestion #9".
Ahich of the following best describes the function of the second paragraph in the passage as a
whole=
%4& 0t narrows the scope of the topic introduced in the 'rst paragraph.
%7& 0t presents an e5ample of the type of change discussed in the 'rst paragraph.
%8& 0t cites the most stri)ing instance of historical change in a particular government policy.
%D& 0t e5plains the rationale for the creation of the government agency whose operations are
discussed in the 'rst paragraph.
%E& 0t presents the results of policies adopted by the federal government.
Essay #!.
0n terrestrial environments, gravity places special demands on the cardiovascular systems of
animals. Iravitational pressure can cause blood to pool in the lower regions of the body,
ma)ing it di?cult to circulate blood to critical organs such as the brain. errestrial sna)es, in
particular, e5hibit adaptations that aid in circulating blood against the force of gravity.
he problem confronting terrestrial sna)es is best illustrated by what happens to sea sna)es
when removed from their supportive medium. 7ecause the vertical pressure gradients within
the blood vessels are counteracted by similar pressure gradients in the surrounding water, the
distribution of blood throughout the body of sea sna)es remains about the same regardless of
their orientation in space, provided they remain in the ocean. Ahen removed from the water
and tilted at various angles with the head up, however, blood pressure at their midpoint drops
signi'cantly, and at brain level falls to .ero. hat many terrestrial sna)es in similar spatial
orientations do not e5perience this )ind of circulatory failure suggests that certain adaptations
enable them to regulate blood pressure more e@ectively in those orientations.
1ne such adaptation is the closer pro5imity of the terrestrial sna)e+s heart to its head, which
helps to ensure circulation to the brain, regardless of the sna)e+s orientation in space. he
heart of sea sna)es can be located near the middle of the body, a position that minimi.es the
wor) entailed in circulating blood to both e5tremities. 0n arboreal sna)es, however, which dwell
in trees and often assume a vertical posture, the average distance from the heart to the head
can be as little as 1* percent of overall body length. Such a location re6uires that blood
circulated to the tail of the sna)e travel a greater distance bac) to the heart, a problem solved
by another adaptation. Ahen climbing, arboreal sna)es often pause momentarily to wiggle
their bodies, causing waves of muscle contraction that advance from the lower torso to head.
7y compressing the veins and forcing blood forward, these contractions apparently improve the
>ow of venous blood returning to the heart.
3uestion #9*.
he passage provides information in support of which of the following assertions=
%4& he disadvantages of an adaptation to a particular feature of an environment often
outweigh the advantages of such an adaptation.
%7& 4n organism+s reaction to being placed in an environment to which it is not well adapted can
sometimes illustrate the problems that have been solved by the adaptations of organisms
indigenous to that environment.
%8& he e@ectiveness of an organism+s adaptation to a particular feature of its environment can
only be evaluated by e5amining the e@ectiveness with which organisms of other species have
adapted to a similar feature of a di@erent environment.
%D& 1rganisms of the same species that inhabit stri)ingly di@erent environments will often adapt
in remar)ably similar ways to the few features of those environments that are common.
%E& Di@erent species of organisms living in the same environment will seldom adapt to features
of that environment in the same way.
3uestion #9D.
4ccording to the passage, one reason that the distribution of blood in the sea sna)e changes
little while the creature remains in the ocean is that
%4& the heart of the sea sna)e tends to be located near the center of its body
%7& pressure gradients in the water surrounding the sea sna)e counter the e@ects of vertical
pressure gradients within its blood vessels
%8& the sea sna)e assumes a vertical posture less fre6uently than do the terrestrial and the
arboreal sna)e
%D& the sea sna)e often relies on waves of muscle contractions to help move blood from the
torso to the head
%E& the force of pressure gradients in the water surrounding the sea sna)e e5ceeds that of
vertical pressure gradients within its circulatory system
3uestion #9-.
he author suggests that which of the following is a disadvantage that results from the location
of a sna)e+s heart in close pro5imity to its head=
%4& 4 decrease in the e?ciency with which the sna)e regulates the >ow of blood to the brain
%7& 4 decrease in the number of orientations in space that a sna)e can assume without loss of
blood >ow to the brain
%8& 4 decrease in blood pressure at the sna)e+s midpoint when it is tilted at various angles with
its head up
%D& 4n increase in the tendency of blood to pool at the sna)e+s head when the sna)e is tilted at
various angles with its head down
%E& 4n increase in the amount of e@ort re6uired to distribute blood to and from the sna)e+s tail
3uestion #9!.
0n the passage, the author is primarily concerned with doing which of the following=
%4& E5plaining adaptations that enable the terrestrial sna)e to cope with the e@ects of
gravitational pressure on its circulatory system
%7& 8omparing the circulatory system of the sea sna)e with that of the terrestrial sna)e
%8& E5plaining why the circulatory system of the terrestrial sna)e is di@erent from that of the
sea sna)e
%D& ;ointing out features of the terrestrial sna)e+s cardiovascular system that ma)e it superior
to that of the sea sna)e
%E& E5plaining how the sea sna)e is able to neutrali.e the e@ects of gravitational pressure on its
circulatory system
Essay #2.
0n a new boo) about the antiparty feeling of the early political leaders of the United States,
Galph Jetcham argues that the 'rst si5 ;residents di@ered decisively from later ;residents
because the 'rst si5 held values inherited from the classical humanist tradition of eighteenth-
century England. 0n this view, government was designed not to satisfy the private desires of the
people but to ma)e them better citi.ensH this tradition stressed the disinterested devotion of
political leaders to the public good. Kustice, wisdom, and courage were more important 6ualities
in a leader than the ability to organi.e voters and win elections. 0ndeed, leaders were supposed
to be called to o?ce rather than to run for o?ce. 4nd if they too) up the burdens of public
o?ce with a sense of duty, leaders also believed that such o?ces were naturally their due
because of their social preeminence or their contributions to the country. Iiven this classical
conception of leadership, it is not surprising that the 'rst si5 ;residents condemned political
parties. ;arties were partial by de'nition, self-interested, and therefore serving something
other than the transcendent public good.
Even during the 'rst presidency %Aashington+s&, however, the classical conception of virtuous
leadership was being undermined by commercial forces that had been gathering since at least
the beginning of the eighteenth century. 8ommerce--its pro't-ma)ing, its self-interestedness,
its individualism--became the enemy of these classical ideals. 4lthough Jetcham does not
picture the struggle in 6uite this way, he does rightly see Kac)son+s tenure %the seventh
presidency& as the culmination of the acceptance of party, commerce, and individualism. Cor
the Kac)sonians, nonpartisanship lost its relevance, and under the direction of Lan 7uren, party
gained a new legitimacy. he classical ideals of the 'rst si5 ;residents became identi'ed with a
privileged aristocracy, an aristocracy that had to be overcome in order to allow competition
between opposing political interests. Jetcham is so strongly committed to Eustifying the
classical ideals, however, that he underestimates the advantages of their decline. Cor e5ample,
the classical conception of leadership was incompatible with our modern notion of the freedoms
of speech and press, freedoms intimately associated with the legitimacy of opposing political
parties.
3uestion #92.
he passage is primarily concerned with
%4& describing and comparing two theories about the early history of the United States
%7& describing and analy.ing an argument about the early history of the United States
%8& discussing new evidence that 6uali'es a theory about the early history of the United States
%D& refuting a theory about political leadership in the United States
%E& resolving an ambiguity in an argument about political leadership in the United States
3uestion #<#.
4ccording to the passage, the author and Jetcham agree on which of the following points=
%4& he 'rst si5 ;residents held the same ideas about political parties as did later ;residents in
the United States.
%7& 8lassical ideals supported the growth of commercial forces in the United States.
%8& he 'rst political parties in the United States were formed during Lan 7uren+s term in o?ce.
%D& he 'rst si5 ;residents placed great emphasis on individualism and civil rights.
%E& Aidespread acceptance of political parties occurred during 4ndrew Kac)son+s presidency.
3uestion #<1.
0t can be inferred that the author of the passage would be most li)ely to agree that modern
views of the freedoms of speech and press are
%4& values closely associated with the beliefs of the aristocracy of the early United States
%7& political rights less compatible with democracy and individualism than with classical ideals
%8& political rights unin>uenced by the formation of opposing political parties
%D& values not inherent in the classical humanist tradition of eighteenth-century England
%E& values whose interpretation would have been agreed on by all United States ;residents
3uestion #<9.
Ahich of the following, if true, provides the (E4S support for the author+s argument about
commerce and political parties during Kac)son+s presidency=
%4& Bany supporters of Kac)son resisted the commerciali.ation that could result from
participation in a national economy.
%7& ;rotest against the corrupt and partisan nature of political parties in the United States
subsided during Kac)son+s presidency.
%8& During Kac)son+s presidency the use of money became more common than bartering of
goods and services.
%D& Bore northerners than southerners supported Kac)son because southerners were opposed to
the development of a commercial economy.
%E& 4ndrew Kac)son did not feel as strongly committed to the classical ideals of leadership as
Ieorge Aashington had felt.
Essay #1#.
8onventional wisdom has it that large de'cits in the United States budget cause interest rates
to rise. wo main arguments are given for this claim. 4ccording to the 'rst, as the de'cit
increases, the government will borrow more to ma)e up for the ensuing shortage of funds.
8onse6uently, it is argued, if both the total supply of credit %money available for borrowing& and
the amount of credit sought by nongovernment borrowers remain relatively stable, as is often
supposed, then the price of credit %the interest rate& will increase. hat this is so is suggested
by the basic economic principle that if supplies of a commodity %here, credit& remain '5ed and
demand for that commodity increases, its price will also increase. he second argument
supposes that the government will tend to 'nance its de'cits by increasing the money supply
with insu?cient regard for whether there is enough room for economic growth to enable such
an increase to occur without causing in>ation. 0t is then argued that 'nanciers will e5pect the
de'cit to cause in>ation and will raise interest rates, anticipating that because of in>ation the
money they lend will be worth less when paid bac).
Unfortunately for the 'rst argument, it is unreasonable to assume that nongovernment
borrowing and the supply of credit will remain relatively stable. ,ongovernment borrowing
sometimes decreases. Ahen it does, increased government borrowing will not necessarily push
up the total demand for credit. 4lternatively, when credit availability increases, for e5ample
through greater foreign lending to the United States, then interest rates need not rise, even if
both private and government borrowing increase.
he second argument is also problematic. Cinancing the de'cit by increasing the money supply
should cause in>ation only when there is not enough room for economic growth. 8urrently,
there is no reason to e5pect de'cits to cause in>ation. Fowever, since many 'nanciers believe
that de'cits ordinarily create in>ation, then admittedly they will be inclined to raise interest
rates to o@set mista)enly anticipated in>ation. his e@ect, however, is due to ignorance, not to
the de'cit itself, and could be lessened by educating 'nanciers on this issue.
3uestion #<<.
Ahich of the following best summari.es the central idea of the passage=
%4& 4 decrease in nongovernment borrowing or an increase in the availability of credit can
eliminate or lessen the ill e@ects of increased borrowing by the government.
%7& Educating 'nanciers about the true relationship between large federal de'cits and high
interest rates will ma)e 'nanciers less prone to raise interest rates in response to de'cits.
%8& here is little support for the widely held belief that large federal de'cits will create higher
interest rates, as the main arguments given to defend this claim are >awed.
%D& Ahen the government borrows money, demand for credit increases, typically creating
higher interest rates unless special conditions such as decreased consumer spending arise.
%E& Iiven that most 'nanciers believe in a cause-and-e@ect relationship between large de'cits
and high interest rates, it should be e5pected that 'nanciers will raise interest rates.
3uestion #<".
0t can be inferred from the passage that proponents of the second argument would most li)ely
agree with which of the following statements=
%4& he United States government does not usually care whether or not in>ation increases.
%7& ;eople in the United States government generally )now very little about economics.
%8& he United States government is sometimes careless in formulating its economic policies.
%D& he United States government sometimes relies too much on the easy availability of foreign
credit.
%E& he United States government increases the money supply whenever there is enough room
for growth to support the increase.
3uestion #<*.
Ahich of the following claims concerning the United States government+s 'nancing of the de'cit
does the author ma)e in discussing the second argument=
%4& he government will decrease the money supply in times when the government does not
have a de'cit to 'nance.
%7& he government 'nances its de'cits by increasing the money supply whenever the
economy is e5panding.
%8& 4s long as the government 'nances the de'cit by borrowing, nongovernment borrowers will
pay higher interest rates.
%D& he only way for the government to 'nance its de'cits is to increase the money supply
without regard for whether such an increase would cause in>ation.
%E& 0n>ation should be caused when the government 'nances the de'cit by increasing the
money supply only if there is not enough room for economic growth to support the increase.
3uestion #<D.
he author uses the term /admittedly/ %see highlighted te5t& in order to indicate that
%4& the second argument has some truth to it, though not for the reasons usually supposed
%7& the author has not been successful in attempting to point out inade6uacies in the two
arguments
%8& the thesis that large de'cits directly cause interest rates to rise has strong support after all
%D& 'nanciers should admit that they were wrong in thin)ing that large de'cits will cause higher
in>ation rates
%E& 'nanciers generally do not thin) that the author+s criticisms of the second argument are
worthy of consideration
Essay #11.
8urrent feminist theory, in validating women+s own stories of their e5perience, has encouraged
scholars of women+s history to view the use of women+s oral narratives as the methodology,
ne5t to the use of women+s written autobiography, that brings historians closest to the /reality/
of women+s lives. Such narratives, unli)e most standard histories, represent e5perience from
the perspective of women, a?rm the importance of women+s contributions, and furnish present-
day women with historical continuity that is essential to their identity, individually and
collectively.
Scholars of women+s history should, however, be as cautious about accepting oral narratives at
face value as they already are about written memories. 1ral narratives are no more li)ely than
are written narratives to provide a disinterested commentary on events or people. Boreover,
the stories people tell to e5plain themselves are shaped by narrative devices and storytelling
conventions, as well as by other cultural and historical factors, in ways that the storytellers may
be unaware of. he political rhetoric of a particular era, for e5ample, may in>uence women+s
interpretations of the signi'cance of their e5perience. hus a woman who views the Second
Aorld Aar as pivotal in increasing the social acceptance of women+s paid wor) outside the
home may reach that conclusion partly and unwittingly because of wartime rhetoric
encouraging a positive view of women+s participation in such wor).
3uestion #<-.
he passage is primarily concerned with
%4& contrasting the bene'ts of one methodology with the bene'ts of another
%7& describing the historical origins and inherent drawbac)s of a particular methodology
%8& discussing the appeal of a particular methodology and some concerns about its use
%D& showing that some historians+ adoption of a particular methodology has led to criticism of
recent historical scholarship
%E& analy.ing the in>uence of current feminist views on women+s interpretations of their
e5perience
3uestion #<!.
4ccording to the passage, scholars of women+s history should refrain from doing which of the
following=
%4& Gelying on traditional historical sources when women+s oral narratives are unavailable
%7& Cocusing on the in>uence of political rhetoric on women+s perceptions to the e5clusion of
other e6ually important factors
%8& 4ttempting to discover the cultural and historical factors that in>uence the stories women
tell
%D& 4ssuming that the conventions of women+s written autobiographies are similar to the
conventions of women+s oral narratives
%E& 4ccepting women+s oral narratives less critically than they accept women+s written histories
3uestion #<2.
4ccording to the passage, each of the following is a di@erence between women+s oral narratives
and most standard histories E:8E;$
%4& Aomen+s oral histories validate the signi'cance of women+s achievements.
%7& Aomen+s oral histories depict e5perience from the point of view of women.
%8& Aomen+s oral histories ac)nowledge the in>uence of well-)nown women.
%D& Aomen+s oral histories present today+s women with a sense of their historical relationship to
women of the past.
%E& Aomen+s oral histories are crucial to the collective identity of today+s women.
Essay #19.
he professionali.ation of the study of history in the second half of the nineteenth century,
including history+s transformation from a literary genre to a scienti'c discipline, had important
conse6uences not only for historians+ perceptions of women but also for women as historians.
he disappearance of women as obEects of historical studies during this period has elements of
irony to it. 1n the one hand, in writing about women, earlier historians had relied not on
'rsthand sources but rather on secondary sourcesH the shift to more rigorous research methods
re6uired that secondary sources be disregarded. 1n the other hand, the development of
archival research and the critical editing of collections of documents began to reveal signi'cant
new historical evidence concerning women, yet this evidence was perceived as substantially
irrelevant$ historians saw political history as the general framewor) for historical writing.
7ecause women were seen as belonging to the private rather than to the public sphere, the
discovery of documents about them, or by them, did not, by itself, produce history
ac)nowledging the contributions of women. 0n addition, genres such as biography and memoir,
those forms of /particular history/ that women had traditionally authored, fell into disrepute.
he dividing line between /particular history/ and general history was rede'ned in stronger
terms, widening the gulf between amateur and professional practices of historical research.
3uestion #"#.
he passage is primarily concerned with
%4& describing some e@ects of the professionali.ation of the study of history on the writing of
women+s history
%7& e5plaining some reasons for the professionali.ation of the writing of history
%8& discussing the )inds of historical writing traditionally practiced by women
%D& contrasting the approach to the writing of history ta)en by women with the approach ta)en
by men
%E& critici.ing certain changes that occurred in the writing of history during the second half of
the nineteenth century
3uestion #"1.
Ahich of the following best describes one of the /elements of irony/ referred to in the
highlighted te5t=
%4& 4lthough the more scienti'c-minded historians of the second half of the nineteenth century
considered women appropriate subEects for historical writing, earlier historians did not.
%7& 4lthough archival research uncovered documentary evidence of women+s role in history,
historians continued to rely on secondary sources for information about women.
%8& 4lthough historians were primarily concerned with writing about the public sphere, they
generally relegated women to the private sphere.
%D& he scienti'c approach to history revealed more information about women, but that
information was ignored.
%E& he professionali.ation of history, while marginali.ing much of women+s writing about
history, enhanced the importance of women as historical subEects.
3uestion #"9.
4ccording to the passage, the development of archival research and the critical editing of
collections of documents had which of the following e@ects=
%4& Fistorians increasingly ac)nowledged women+s contributions to history.
%7& Fistorians began to debate whether secondary sources could provide reliable information.
%8& Fistorians began to apply less rigorous scienti'c research criteria to the study of women+s
history.
%D& Bore evidence concerning women became available to historical researchers.
%E& Aomen began to study history as professional historians.
Essay #1<.
8omparable worth, as a standard applied to eliminate ine6uities in pay, insists that the values
of certain tas)s performed in dissimilar Eobs can be compared. 0n the last decade, this approach
has become a critical social policy issue, as large numbers of private-sector 'rms and industries
as well as federal, state, and local governmental entities have adopted comparable worth
policies or begun to consider doing so.
his widespread institutional awareness of comparable worth indicates increased public
awareness that pay ine6uities--that is, situations in which pay is not /fair/ because it does not
re>ect the true value of a Eob--e5ist in the labor mar)et. Fowever, the 6uestion still remains$
have the gains already made in pay e6uity under comparable worth principles been of a
precedent-setting nature or are they mostly transitory, a function of concessions made by
employers to mislead female employees into believing that they have made long-term pay
e6uity gains=
8omparable worth pay adEustments are indeed precedent-setting. 7ecause of the principles
driving them, other mandates that can be applied to reduce or eliminate unEusti'ed pay gaps
between male and female wor)ers have not remedied perceived pay ine6uities satisfactorily for
the litigants in cases in which men and women hold di@erent Eobs. 7ut whenever comparable
worth principles are applied to pay schedules, perceived unEusti'ed pay di@erences are
eliminated. 0n this sense, then, comparable worth is more comprehensive than other mandates,
such as the E6ual ;ay 4ct of 12D< and itle L00 of the 8ivil Gights 4ct of 12D". ,either compares
tas)s in dissimilar Eobs %that is, Eobs across occupational categories& in an e@ort to determine
whether or not what is necessary to perform these tas)s--)now-how, problem-solving, and
accountability--can be 6uanti'ed in terms of its dollar value to the employer. 8omparable
worth, on the other hand, ta)es as its premise that certain tas)s in dissimilar Eobs may re6uire a
similar amount of training, e@ort, and s)illH may carry similar responsibilityH may be carried on
in an environment having a similar impact upon the wor)erH and may have a similar dollar value
to the employer.
3uestion #"<.
Ahich of the following most accurately states the central purpose of the passage=
%4& o critici.e the implementation of a new procedure
%7& o assess the signi'cance of a change in policy
%8& o illustrate how a new standard alters procedures
%D& o e5plain how a new policy is applied in speci'c cases
%E& o summari.e the changes made to date as a result of social policy
3uestion #"".
4ccording to the passage, which of the following is true of comparable worth as a policy=
%4& 8omparable worth policy decisions in pay-ine6uity cases have often failed to satisfy the
complainants.
%7& 8omparable worth policies have been applied to both public-sector and private-sector
employee pay schedules.
%8& 8omparable worth as a policy has come to be widely critici.ed in the past decade.
%D& Bany employers have considered comparable worth as a policy but very few have actually
adopted it.
%E& Early implementations of comparable worth policies resulted in only transitory gains in pay
e6uity.
3uestion #"*.
0t can be inferred from the passage that application of /other mandates/ %see highlighted te5t&
would be unli)ely to result in an outcome satisfactory to the female employees in which of the
following situations=
0$ males employed as long-distance truc) drivers for a furniture company ma)e M<.*# more per
hour than do females with comparable Eob e5perience employed in the same capacity.
00$ women wor)ing in the o?ce of a cement company contend that their Eobs are as demanding
and valuable as those of the men wor)ing outside in the cement factory, but the women are
paid much less per hour.
000$ a law 'rm employs both male and female paralegals with the same educational and career
bac)grounds, but the same salary for male paralegals is M*,### more than female paralegals.
%4& 0 only
%7& 00 only
%8& 000 only
%D& 0 and 00 only
%E& 0 and 000 only
3uestion #"D.
Ahich of the following best describes an application of the principles of comparable worth as
they are described in the passage=
%4& he current pay, rates of increase, and rates of promotion for female mechanics are
compared with those of male mechanics.
%7& he training, s)ills, and Eob e5perience of computer programmers in one division of a
corporation are compared to those of programmers ma)ing more money in another division.
%8& he number of women holding top e5ecutive positions in a corporation is compared to the
number of women available for promotion to those positions, and both tallies are matched to
the tallies for men in the same corporation.
%D& he s)ills, training, and Eob responsibilities of the cler)s in the township ta5 assessor+s o?ce
are compared to those of the much better-paid township engineers.
%E& he wor)ing conditions of female wor)ers in a ha.ardous-materials environment are
reviewed and their pay schedules compared to those of all wor)ers in similar environments
across the nation.
Essay #1".
Bany United States companies believe that the rising cost of employees+ health care bene'ts
has hurt the country+s competitive position in the global mar)et by raising production costs and
thus increasing the prices of e5ported and domestically sold goods. 4s a result, these
companies have shifted health care costs to employees in the form of wage deductions or high
deductibles. his strategy, however, has actually hindered companies+ competitiveness. Cor
e5ample, cost shifting threatens employees+ health because many do not see) preventive
screening. 4lso, labor relations have been damaged$ the percentage of stri)es in which health
bene'ts were a maEor issue rose from 1! percent in 12!D to -! percent in 12!2.
Fealth care costs can be managed more e@ectively if companies intervene in the supply side of
health care delivery Eust as they do with other )ey suppliers$ strategies used to procure
components necessary for production would wor) in procuring health care. Cor e5ample, the
ma)eNbuy decision--the decision whether to produce or purchase parts used in ma)ing a
product--can be applied to health care. 4t one company, for e5ample, employees receive
health care at an on-site clinic maintained by the company. he clinic fosters morale, resulting
in a low rate of employees leaving the company. 4dditionally, the company has constrained the
growth of health care costs while e5panding medical services.
3uestion #"-.
he passage is primarily concerned with
%4& providing support for a traditional theory
%7& comparing several e5planations for a problem
%8& summari.ing a well-)nown research study
%D& recommending an alternative approach
%E& critici.ing the wor) of a researcher
3uestion #"!.
he author of the passage asserts which of the following about managing health care costs in
an e@ective manner=
%4& Educating employees to use health care wisely is the best way to reduce health care costs.
%7& 4llowing employees to select health care programs is the most e@ective means of
controlling health care costs.
%8& 8ompanies should pass rising health care costs on to employees rather than to consumers
of the companies+ products.
%D& 8ompanies should use strategies in procuring health care similar to those used in procuring
components necessary for production.
%E& 8ompanies should control health care costs by reducing the e5tent of medical coverage
rather than by shifting costs to employees.
3uestion #"2.
Ahich of the following, if true, would provide the most support for the author+s view about
intervening on the supply side of health care=
%4& Bost companies do not have enough employees to ma)e on-site clinics cost-e@ective.
%7& Bany companies with on-site clinics o@er their employees the option of going outside the
company+s system to obtain health care.
%8& he costs of establishing and running an on-site clinic are demonstrably higher than the
costs of paying for health care from an outside provider.
%D& 8ompanies with health care clinics 'nd that employees are unwilling to assist in controlling
the costs of health care.
%E& Employees at companies with on-site clinics see) preventive screening and are thus less
li)ely to delay medical treatment.
Essay #1*.
Dendrochronology, the study of tree-ring records to glean information about the past, is
possible because each year a tree adds a new layer of wood between the e5isting wood and the
bar). 0n temperate and subpolar climates, cells added at the growing season+s start are large
and thin-walled, but later the new cells that develop are smaller and thic)-walledH the growing
season is followed by a period of dormancy. Ahen a tree trun) is viewed in cross section, a
boundary line is normally visible between the small-celled wood added at the end of the
growing season in the previous year and the large-celled spring wood of the following year+s
growing season. he annual growth pattern appears as a series of larger and larger rings. 0n
wet years rings are broadH during drought years they are narrow, since the trees grow less.
1ften, ring patterns of dead trees of di@erent, but overlapping, ages can be correlated to
provide an e5tended inde5 of past climate conditions.
Fowever, trees that grew in areas with a steady supply of groundwater show little variation in
ring width from year to yearH these /complacent/ rings tell nothing about changes in climate.
4nd trees in e5tremely dry regions may go a year or two without adding any rings, thereby
introducing uncertainties into the count. 8ertain species sometimes add more than one ring in
a single year, when growth halts temporarily and then starts again.
3uestion #*#.
he passage suggests which of the following about the ring patterns of two trees that grew in
the same area and that were of di@erent, but overlapping, ages=
%4& he rings corresponding to the overlapping years would often e5hibit similar patterns.
%7& he rings corresponding to the years in which only one of the trees was alive would not
reliably indicate the climate conditions of those years.
%8& he rings corresponding to the overlapping years would e5hibit similar patterns only if the
trees were of the same species.
%D& he rings corresponding to the overlapping years could not be complacent rings.
%E& he rings corresponding to the overlapping years would provide a more reliable inde5 of dry
climate conditions than of wet conditions.
3uestion #*1.
0n the highlighted te5t, /uncertainties/ refers to
%4& dendrochronologists+ failure to consider the prevalence of erratic weather patterns
%7& inconsistencies introduced because of changes in methodology
%8& some tree species+ tendency to deviate from the norm
%D& the lac) of detectable variation in trees with complacent rings
%E& the lac) of perfect correlation between the number of a tree+s rings and its age
3uestion #*9.
he passage is primarily concerned with
%4& evaluating the e@ect of climate on the growth of trees of di@erent species
%7& 6uestioning the validity of a method used to study tree-ring records
%8& e5plaining how climatic conditions can be deduced from tree-ring patterns
%D& outlining the relation between tree si.e and cell structure within the tree
%E& tracing the development of a scienti'c method of analy.ing tree-ring patterns
Essay #1D.
Ahat )inds of property rights apply to 4lgon6uian family hunting territories, and how did they
come to be= he dominant view in recent decades has been that family hunting territories, li)e
other forms of private landownership, were not found among 4lgon6uians %a group of ,orth
4merican 0ndian tribes& before contact with Europeans but are the result of changes in
4lgon6uian society brought about by the European-4lgon6uian fur trade, in combination with
other factors such as ecological changes and conse6uent shifts in wildlife harvesting patterns.
4nother view claims that 4lgon6uian family hunting territories predate contact with Europeans
and are forms of private landownership by individuals and families. Bore recent 'eldwor),
however, has shown that individual and family rights to hunting territories form part of a larger
land-use system of multifamilial hunting groups, that rights to hunting territories at this larger
community level ta)e precedence over those at the individual or family level, and that this
system re>ects a concept of spiritual and social reciprocity that con>icts with European
concepts of private property. 0n short, there are now strong reasons to thin) that it was
erroneous to claim that 4lgon6uian family hunting territories ever were, or were becoming, a
)ind of private property system.
3uestion #*<.
he primary purpose of the passage is to
%4& provide an e5planation for an une5pected phenomenon
%7& suggest that a particular 6uestion has yet to be answered
%8& present a new perspective on an issue
%D& defend a traditional view from attac)
%E& reconcile opposing sides of an argument
3uestion #*".
0t can be inferred from the passage that proponents of the view mentioned in the 'rst
highlighted te5t believe which of the following about the origin of 4lgon6uian family hunting
territories=
%4& hey evolved from multifamilial hunting territories.
%7& hey are an outgrowth of reciprocal land-use practices.
%8& hey are based on certain spiritual beliefs.
%D& hey developed as a result of contact with Europeans.
%E& hey developed as a result of trade with non-4lgon6uian 0ndian tribes.
3uestion #**.
4ccording to the passage, proponents of the view mentioned in the 'rst highlighted portion of
te5t and proponents of the view mentioned in the second highlighted portion of te5t both
believe which of the following about 4lgon6uian family hunting territories=
%4& hey are a form of private landownership.
%7& hey are a form of community, rather than individual, landownership.
%8& hey were a form of private landownership prior to contact with Europeans.
%D& hey became a form of private landownership due to contact with Europeans.
%E& hey have replaced reciprocal practices relating to land use in 4lgon6uian society.
Essay #1-.
Bany people believe that because wages are lower in developing countries than in developed
countries, competition from developing countries in goods traded internationally will soon
eliminate large numbers of Eobs in developed countries. 8urrently, developed countries+
advanced technology results in higher productivity, which accounts for their higher wages.
4dvanced technology is being transferred ever more speedily across borders, but even with the
latest technology, productivity and wages in developing countries will remain lower than in
developed countries for many years because developed countries have better infrastructure
and better-educated wor)ers. Ahen productivity in a developing country does catch up,
e5perience suggests that wages there will rise. Some individual 'rms in developing countries
have raised their productivity but )ept their wages %which are in>uenced by average
productivity in the country+s economy& low. Fowever, in a developing country+s economy as a
whole, productivity improvements in goods traded internationally are li)ely to cause an increase
in wages. Curthermore, if wages are not allowed to rise, the value of the country+s currency will
appreciate, which %from the developed countries+ point of view& is the e6uivalent of increased
wages in the developing country. 4nd although in the past a few countries have deliberately
)ept their currencies undervalued, that is now much harder to do in a world where capital
moves more freely.
3uestion #*D.
he primary purpose of the passage is to
%4& identify the origin of a common misconception
%7& discuss the implications of a generally accepted principle
%8& present information relevant in evaluating a commonly held belief
%D& defend a controversial assertion against a variety of counterarguments
%E& e5plain under what circumstances a well-)nown phenomenon occurs
3uestion #*-.
he passage suggests that if the movement of capital in the world were restricted, which of the
following would be li)ely=
%4& 4dvanced technology could move more 6uic)ly from developed countries to developing
countries.
%7& Developed countries could compete more e@ectively for Eobs with developing countries.
%8& 4 country+s average wages could increase without signi'cantly increasing the sophistication
of its technology or the value of its currency.
%D& 4 country+s productivity could increase without signi'cantly increasing the value of its
currency.
%E& Aor)ers could obtain higher wages by increasing their productivity.
3uestion #*!.
he passage suggests that which of the following would best e5plain why, in a developing
country, some 'rms that have raised their productivity continue to pay low wages=
%4& Aages are in>uenced by the e5tent to which productivity increases are based on the latest
technology.
%7& Aages are in>uenced by the e5tent to which labor unions have organi.ed the country+s
wor)ers.
%8& Aages are not determined by productivity improvements in goods traded internationally.
%D& he average productivity of the wor)ers in the country has not risen.
%E& he education level of the wor)ers in the country determines wages.
Essay #1!.
4 recent study has provided clues to predator-prey dynamics in the late ;leistocene era.
Gesearchers compared the number of tooth fractures in present-day carnivores with tooth
fractures in carnivores that lived <D,### to 1#,### years ago and that were preserved in the
Gancho (a 7rea tar pits in (os 4ngeles. he brea)age fre6uencies in the e5tinct species were
stri)ingly higher than those in the present-day species.
0n considering possible e5planations for this 'nding, the researchers dismissed demographic
bias because older individuals were not overrepresented in the fossil samples. hey reEected
preservational bias because a total absence of brea)age in two e5tinct species demonstrated
that the fractures were not the result of abrasion within the pits. hey ruled out local bias
because brea)age data obtained from other ;leistocene sites were similar to the (a 7rea data.
he e5planation they consider most plausible is behavioral di@erences between e5tinct and
present-day carnivores--in particular, more contact between the teeth of predators and the
bones of prey due to more thorough consumption of carcasses by the e5tinct species. Such
thorough carcass consumption implies to the researchers either that prey availability was low,
at least seasonally, or that there was intense competition over )ills and a high rate of carcass
theft due to relatively high predator densities.
3uestion #*2.
he primary purpose of the passage is to
%4& present several e5planations for a well-)nown fact
%7& suggest alternative methods for resolving a debate
%8& argue in favor of a controversial theory
%D& 6uestion the methodology used in a study
%E& discuss the implications of a research 'nding
3uestion #D#.
he passage suggests that, compared with ;leistocene carnivores in other areas, ;leistocene
carnivores in the (a 7rea area
%4& included the same species, in appro5imately the same proportions
%7& had a similar fre6uency of tooth fractures
%8& populated the (a 7rea area more densely
%D& consumed their prey more thoroughly
%E& found it harder to obtain su?cient prey
3uestion #D1.
he passage suggests that tooth fractures in ;leistocene carnivores probably tended to occur
less fre6uently
%4& during periods in which more prey were available
%7& at sites distant from the (a 7rea area
%8& in older individual carnivores
%D& in species that were not preserved as fossils
%E& in species that regularly stole carcasses from other species
Practice Test #1 Reading Comprehension Keys
1. C
2. D
3. B
4. D
5. C
6. A
7. E
8. A
9. C
10. C
11. D
12. C
13. A
14. B
15. A
16. A
17. A
18. A
19. D
20. E
21. A
22. D
23. B
24. B
25. B
26. B
27. E
28. A
29. B
30. E
31. D
32. A
33. C
34. C
35. E
36. A
37. C
38. E
39. C
40. A
41. D
42. D
43. B
44. B
45. B
46. D
47. D
48. D
49. E
50. A
51. E
52. C
53. C
54. D
55. A
56. C
57. D
58. D
59. E
60. B
61. A