See also: Democracy: Normative Theory; Discrimi-

nation; Discrimination: Racial; Diversity and Dis-

agreement; Ethics and Values; Multiculturalism;
Relativism: Cognitive; Value Pluralism
Bibliography
Ayer A J 1946 Language, Truth, and Logic. Pelican, Harmonds-
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Benedict R 1934 Patterns of Culture. Houghton Miin, Boston
Berlin I 1969 Two concepts of liberty. In: Berlin I (ed.) Four
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Brandt R 1959 Ethical Theory. Prentice-Hall, Englewood Clis,
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Brandt R B 1967 Ethical relativism. In: Edwards P (ed.)
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Duncker K 1939 Ethical relativity? (An inquiry into the
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Herskovits M J 1972 Tender and tough-minded anthropology.
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Moody-Adams M M 1997 Fieldwork in Familiar Places:
Morality, Culture and Philosophy. Harvard University Press,
Cambridge, MA
Nagel T 1979 The fragmentation of value. In: Nagel I (ed.)
Mortal Questions. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge,
UK
Plato 1961 The Collected Dialogues. Pantheon Books, NewYork
Rawls J 1971 A Theory of Justice. Belknap Press of Harvard
University Press, Cambridge, MA
Stocker M1989 Plural and Conicting Values. Oxford University
Press, Oxford, UK
Sumner W G 1907 Folkways. Ginn Publishers, Boston
Taylor C 1985 The diversity of goods. In: Taylor C (ed.)
Philosophy and the Human Sciences: Philosophical Papers.
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK, Vol. 2
Taylor C 1992 The politics of recognition. In: Gutmann A (ed.)
Multiculturalism and the Politics of Recognition. Princeton
University Press, Princeton, NJ
Williams B 1985 Ethics and the Limits of Philosophy. Harvard
University Press, Cambridge, MA
Wilson B (ed.) 1970 Rationality. Harper and Row, Evanston, IL
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(ed.) Ethics and Action. Routledge and Kegan Paul, London
Wittgenstein L 1978 In: Wittgenstein L Philosophical Inesti-
gations. Basil Blackwell, Oxford, UK
M. M. Moody-Adams
Divorce and Childrens Social
Development
Parental divorce is a common experience in the lives of
children. Each year in the USA, over one million
children experience the breakup of their parents
marriage. Researchers are interested, therefore, in
determining the eects of this event on child de-
velopment. Although much of the knowledge about
childrens adjustment to parental divorce is limited to
studies in which children are examined at a single time
point after the divorce, a small number of researchers
follow children over time, beginning with the divorce,
and a few provide a rare look at children before the
divorce occurs. The studies tap a variety of variables,
including measures of personality, intelligence, mental
health, and relationship quality with family and peers.
This article summarizes literature across a variety of
designs and indicators of childrens development. The
focus is predominately on work originating in the
USA, an emphasis that reects the fact that the
national divorce rate is higher than that of other
Western countries.
1. Rise of Diorce as an Area of Study
As compared to earlier decades, the divorce rate in the
USA rose rapidly during the 1960s and 1970s. The
annual divorce rate in 1940, for example, was nine
divorces per 1,000 existing marriages. This gure
almost tripled by the end of the 1970s, climbing to an
annual rate of over 22 divorces per 1,000 marriages
(see Cherlin 1992 for a discussion). Since then, the
annual divorce rate has declined slightly, to around 20
divorces per 1,000 marriages, but remains far above
the levels of the middle part of the twentieth century.
The divorce rate in the USA is far higher than in other
industrialized nations, more than 1.5 times the divorce
rate in the UK, and more than double that of
Germany, France, and Japan. As a consequence, it is
estimated that as many as 60 percent of children in the
USAwill spendsome of their childhoodor adolescence
in a single-parent family. The marked increase in
divorce has led researchers to examine how variations
in family arrangements aect the development of
children.
The most common strategy used to investigate this
topic has been to compare children who have ex-
perienced parental divorce with children who have
not. Although the specic estimate varies across
studies (see Amato and Keith 1991a for a meta-
analysis), in general, about 20 percent of children
experiencing parental divorce exhibit serious prob-
lems, compared to about 10 percent of children who
have not experienced parental divorce. This nding
can be interpreted in dierent ways to support op-
posing perspectives of the eects of divorce on
3807
Diorce and Childrens Social Deelopment
childrens adjustment. Because this nding shows that
riskof serious problems is doubled, it can be concluded
that parental divorce has very negative consequences
for children. Alternately, because the nding also
shows that 80 percent of children who experience this
transition show no serious diculties, it can be
concluded that parental divorce has limited negative
consequences. These opposing interpretations, based
on simple comparison studies, are evident throughout
the history of divorce as an area of study (see Simons
et al. 1996 for a discussion).
Over the last several decades, research strategies
have evolved to provide a more nuanced picture of
divorce and childrens development. Improvements in
the methods used in these studies, such as including
statistical controls, broadening the taxonomy of
outcomes assessed, obtaining assessments from mul-
tiple perspectives, incorporating observational meas-
ures, documenting changes in childrens adjustment
over time, and obtaining assessments of children and
families prior to divorce, have allowed for a more
detailed view of parental divorce and its aftermath.
These studies have led to a growing awareness that
childrens responses to parental divorce are highly
variable and dependent on the particular set of
circumstances faced by families before and after the
actual marital dissolution (see Hetherington et al.
1998 for a review). In this view, the experience of
divorce brings with it a series of unique challenges and
changes and entails a complex mixture of potentially
positive and negative consequences. Researchers from
this perspective, which is labeled a transactional or
mediational model, view marital transitions as in-
volving a cascade of predivorce and postdivorce
changes in family relationships and economic\social
circumstances. It is these changes, rather than divorce
itself, that aect childrens adjustment. This trans-
actional model of divorce has become the dominant
paradigm for contemporary research (Amato 1993,
Emery 1988, Forgatch et al. 1995, Hetherington 1989,
Hetherington et al. 1998, Simons et al. 1996).
2. Adjustment of Children in Diorced Homes
Compared to children who have never experienced
their parents divorce, those who have score lower on
measures of well-being and higher on measures of a
wide array of problems (see Hetherington et al. 1998
for a review). Children of divorce are more likely to
have academic problems and diculties in relation-
ships with peers, parents, and siblings. They exhibit
higher levels of externalizing problems, such as acting-
out behaviors, noncompliance, aggression, hyper-
activity, and delinquency. They also exhibit higher
levels of internalizing problems, such as depression,
anxiety, low self-esteem, and social withdrawal. As
adolescents, they have higher rates of school dropout,
substance abuse, sexual activity, and teenage preg-
nancy. As adults, they have lower occupational status
and life satisfaction, and higher rates of economic
hardship and mental health problems such as de-
pression (see Amato and Keith 1991b for a meta-
analysis of adult outcomes). In addition, their own
marriages are more likely to be negative and coercive
and to end in divorce. Although these adverse out-
comes are more common in children from divorced
homes than in children who have not experienced
divorce, it is important to note that the majority of
children experiencing this parental transition escape
these problems.
Parental divorce may either initiate new diculties
or exacerbate existing ones. Studies that assess chil-
dren prior to parental divorce demonstrate that
problem behaviors are evident well before the marital
dissolution (e.g., Block et al. 1988). In addition, many
of the dierences between children who have and have
not experienced parental divorce are diminished once
predivorce functioning has been controlled (Cherlin
et al. 1991). Thus, it is possible that some of the
diculties exhibited by children of divorce are a result
of factors that have existed prior to the divorce itself.
Studies showing higher problem behavior among
children of divorce therefore may be a consequence of
simply having a greater proportion of more vulnerable
individuals represented in the divorced population, a
problem known as selection. In support, some studies
have demonstrated that genetic factors play a signi-
cant role in the risk of divorce (Jockin et al. 1996). It
is important to note, however, that several other
studies show a signicant increase in problems for
children of divorce, even after controlling for pre-
divorce factors (e.g., Chase-Lansdale et al. 1995).
Researchers have investigated whether the eects of
parental divorce depend on the childs gender, age, or
the length of time since divorce (see Hetherington et al.
1998 for a discussion). A clear picture from these
studies has yet to emerge. With respect to gender, early
studies showed that boys had more diculty adjusting
to divorce than girls. More recent studies cast doubt
on these ndings by showing that adolescents from
divorced families demonstrate higher rates of conduct
problems and depression, regardless of gender. In fact,
emerging evidence indicates that females may exhibit
greater long-termconsequences when teen parenthood
is involved. This early transition to parenthood is
likely to have more adverse eects for females because
of their more common role as custodial parents.
Relative to child age at the time of divorce, some
researchers have concluded that preschool-age chil-
dren are at greatest risk for long-term problems. They
argue that limitations in cognitive development hinder
younger children from understanding the complex
nature of divorce, giving rise to fears of parental
abandonment and problematic outcomes. Other
researchers have countered that the results concerning
age are inconsistent and inconclusive. In many studies,
for example, the childs age is confounded with the
3808
Diorce and Childrens Social Deelopment
length of time since parental divorce: the greater
diculties found in younger children may reect the
fact that less time has passed since the divorce
occurred.
It is also not clear how childrens adjustment to
divorce changes over time. Some studies have shown
that children exhibit an increase in problem behavior
in the immediate aftermath of divorce that dissipates
over time, suggesting that at least some of the
diculties are transitory. Other studies have indicated
that problem behavior may emerge at a later age such
as adolescence, when children face new challenges
(e.g., Hetherington 1989). Some long-term follow-up
studies document that the eects of divorce on
problem behavior persists into adulthood at least for a
subset of children by aecting educational and oc-
cupational attainment (Amato and Keith 1991b,
Chase-Lansdale et al. 1995).
In sum, although parental divorce is associated with
an increased risk of problem behavior overall,
childrens responses to divorce are highly variable, and
the particular trajectory of development is aected by
the particular circumstances occurring before and
after divorce. The environmental factors inuencing
childrens adjustment to divorce are addressed in the
next section.
3. Risk and Protectie Factors
In the transactional model of divorce, changes in
family relationships and environmental circumstances
before and after divorce, rather than the divorce itself,
are the critical determinants of childrens postdivorce
adjustment problems. These risk and protective
factors inuence the extent to which children will be
adversely aected by parental divorce. Factors that
are present prior to divorce include characteristics of
the parents themselves (see Capaldi and Patterson
1991). Research indicates that parents who divorce are
more likely to have a history of economic problems,
alcoholism, depression, and antisocial behavior. Not
surprisingly, they also are more likely to have poor
parenting skills prior to the divorce. Postdivorce
dierences in childrens adjustment may thus reect
predivorce exposure to inconsistent, inept childrearing
practices and chaotic household routines. Moreover,
couples who later divorce are more likely to display
poorer conict resolution skills and higher negativity.
Through modeling and imitation, children may learn
these ineective strategies and employ them in other
contexts. For example, in high conict homes, children
may be drawn into marital conict as a way for
spouses to gain relative advantage over each other,
andthese experiences may trainchildrento manipulate
their parents. Consistent with these notions, research
has shown that children living in homes where the
marriage is distressed but not yet formally dissolved
fare worse than those who experience a relatively
amicable divorce (see Hetherington 1999). In addition,
divorce appears to improve the adjustment of children
for whom postdivorce parental conict is dramatically
reduced over predivorce levels.
Some risk and protective factors involve changes
occurring after divorce. For many families, parental
divorce introduces a series of social and economic
changes that may interfere with the functioning of
both parents and children (see Forgatch et al. 1995,
Hetherington et al. 1998, Simons et al. 1996 for more
detailed discussion). Economic stress introduces de-
terioration in living conditions, as families move to
neighborhoods andschools of lower quality. Custodial
parents face the challenge of task overload in man-
aging new household, childcare, and nancial respon-
sibilities. Custodial parents may lose friends who were
part of the couples network, resulting in isolation and
reductions in social support. Adults dealing with such
stressors show higher rates of physical and mental
health problems that interfere with their ability to be
competent parents. Consistent with this view, cus-
todial and noncustodial parents are less eective and
consistent in controlling and monitoring their chil-
dren, and show higher levels of punitiveness and
irritability with their children than nondivorced
parents. Moreover, conict between parents and
children becomes more frequent and intense after
divorce. Researchers have consistently demonstrated
that child adjustment after divorce is explained in part
by the eect of stressors experienced by custodial
parents on their parenting practices and that high
quality custodial parentchild relationships mitigate
the negative eect of divorce-related stressors on
adjustment problems.
In addition to deteriorations in the quality of the
relationship between the custodial parent and child,
most children experience a dramatic loss of contact
with the noncustodial parent. Although noncustodial
mothers are more likely to maintain contact with their
children than are noncustodial fathers, simply
maintaining contact with the noncustodial parent does
not appear to enhance childrens postdivorce adjust-
ment. Involvement with a noncustodial parent is most
benecial when parents maintain an amicable post-
divorce relationship. Moreover, the quality rather
than the quantity of the involvement by the non-
custodial parent appears to play a more critical role in
childrens postdivorce adjustment (Hetherington et al.
1998, Simons et al. 1996).
Following divorce, relationships with siblings and
peers change as well. Sibling relationships become
more negative and conictual, and such changes in
relationships have been related to increased aggression
and other problem behaviors. Moreover, children of
divorce are more likely to become involved with
antisocial peers, and may experience a loss of positive
peer support due to residential changes. These altera-
tions in peer relationships may exacerbate potential
3809
Diorce and Childrens Social Deelopment
diculties by increasing the childs exposure to de-
linquent activities or by removing a potential buer
from conictual relationships within the family
(Hetherington et al. 1998).
4. Future Directions
For a sizeable group of children, the initial divorce is
the rst in a series of parental transitions. About half
of all children whose parents divorce will become part
of a stepfamily, and 10 percent of children will
experience two divorces of their custodial parent
during childhood or adolescence. Many children will
join new families through cohabitation rather than
remarriage, and there is some evidence that cohabiting
families experience even higher rates of dissolution
than remarried families. Asequence of multiple family
transitions places children at increased risk for prob-
lematic outcomes. Research is needed to understand
how children respond to their custodial parents
dating, repartnering, and cohabitation, and to identify
factors that promote or hinder childrens adaptation.
See also: Developmental Psychopathology: Child
Psychology Aspects; Divorce and Gender; Early
Childhood: Socioemotional Risks; Family Theory:
Economics of Marriage and Divorce; Infancy and
Childhood: Emotional Development; Marital Inter-
action: Eects on Child Development; Parenting:
Attitudes and Beliefs
Bibliography
Amato P R 1993 Childrens adjustment to divorce: Theories,
hypotheses, and empirical support. Journal of Marriage and
the Family 55: 2338
Amato P R, Keith B 1991a Parental divorce and the well-being
of children: A meta-analysis. Psychological Bulletin 110:
2646
Amato P R, Keith B 1991b Parental divorce and adult well-
being: A meta-analysis. Journal of Marriage and the Family
53: 4358
Block J H, Block J, Gjerde P F 1988 The personality of children
prior to divorce: A prospective study. Child Deelopment 57:
82740
Capaldi D M, Patterson G R 1991 Relation of parental
transitions to boys adjustment problems: I. A linear hy-
pothesis. II. Mothers at risk for transitions and unskilled
parenting. Deelopmental Psychology 27: 489504
Chase-Lansdale P L, Cherlin A K, Kiernan K E 1995 The long-
term eects of parental divorce on the mental health of young
adults: A developmental perspective. Child Deelopment 66:
161434
Cherlin A J 1992 Marriage, Diorce, Remarriage. Harvard
University Press, Cambridge, MA
Cherlin A J, Furstenberg F F Jr, Chase-Lansdale P L, Kiernan
K E, Robins P K, Morrison D R, Teitler J O 1991
Longitudinal studies of eects of divorce on children in Great
Britain and the United States. Science 252: 13869
Emery R E 1988 Marriage, Diorce, and Childrens Adjustment.
Sage, Newbury Park, CA
Forgatch M S, Patterson G R, Ray J A 1995 Divorce and boys
adjustment problems: Two paths with a single model. In:
Hetherington E M, Blechman E A (eds.) Stress, Coping, and
Resiliency in Children and Families. Lawrence Erlbaum Asso-
ciates, Mahwah, NJ, pp. 67105
Hetherington E M 1989 Coping with family transitions:
Winners, losers, and survivors. Child Deelopment 60: 114
Hetherington E M (ed.) 1999 Coping with Diorce, Single
Parenting, and Remarriage: A Risk and Resiliency Perspectie.
Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Mahwah, NJ
Hetherington E M, Bridges M, Insabella G M 1998 What
matters? What does not? Five perspectives on the association
between marital transitions and childrens adjustment.
American Psychologist 53: 16784
Jockin V, McGue M, Lykken D T 1996 Personality and divorce:
A genetic analysis. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology 71: 28899
Simons R L, et al. 1996 Understanding Dierences Between
Diorced and Intact Families. Sage, Thousand Oaks, CA
E. R. Anderson and S. Wolchik
Divorce and Gender
Divorce has a signicant impact on the lives of both
women and men. Men and women have dierent
experiences at divorce, however, and divorce has
dierent consequences for them. Typically, women
experience economic decline after divorce and some
divorced mothers fall into poverty. This article will
examine recent trends in divorce in Europe and the
USA, and will then consider the case of the USA in
more depth.
While divorce causes women great hardship, it can
also be liberating for them. Before divorce became
legal, for example, married women who encountered
abusephysical or psychological abuse, or the abuse
of alcoholor who were otherwise trapped in bad
relationships, had no way to get out of their marriages.
Nineteenth and twentieth century womens move-
ments fought for the right to divorce, which was
legalized in the nineteenth century in the USA, and by
various European countries throughout the twentieth
century. The freedom to divorce is an important right
for women, one still denied to wives in some countries
(Goode 1993).
Even after the legalization of divorce, however, it
took until the second half of the twentieth century for
divorce to become socially acceptable in Western
countries. States tried to discourage divorce until well
into the twentieth century. To keep families together
3810
Diorce and Childrens Social Deelopment
Copyright #2001 Elsevier Science Ltd.
All rights reserved.
International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences ISBN: 0-08-043076-7