eak flee of a

of them tend
of architects
ese observations
:e it, we can ~
William L. Hamilton How Suburban Design Is Failing Teen-Agers 217
on teenagers, while William Booth (1998) examines the reverse mi-
from cities to the suburbs in South Florida.
a of making newer suburbs more like small towns of old. New Urbanism, most
y displayed in T h e T r u m a n S h o w s (1998) real-life setting of Seaside, Florida, bas
become increasingly popntar in the last decade The architectural and publ c space movement
encourages a retnrn to small-town living, which revolves around common spaces and a lay-
Out that encourages walking and more socialinteraction. Here Sarah Boxer (1998) and Whir-
Gould (1999) examine the idea of New Urbanism.
H O W S U ~ U R i ~ A F I D E S I G N ~ l :
I S F A L L I N G ~ E E F? -AG E R S
as QUZC~As THE WOR]~ "alienation" can be attached to the
~ William L. Hamilton ~
idea of youth, the image of isolation can be attacbed to a
picture of the subnrbs. Is there an unexplored relation-
) between them? It is a question parents and urban planners alike are raising in the af-
of the Columbine High School shootings in Littleton, Colo.
At a time when the renegade sprawl of snburbs themselves is being intensely scruti-
the troubling vision of a nation re-pioneered in vast tracts of disconnected commu~
nities has prodnced uneasy discussion about the psychological disorientation they might
house. Created as safe havens from the sociological ills of cities, suburbs now stand accused
of creating their own environmental diseases: lack of character and the grounding princi-
lack of diversity or the tolerance it engenders, lack of attachment to shared,
civic ideals. Increasingly, the newest, largest submbs are being criticized as landscapes
scorched by nnthoughtfi~l, repetitious building, where, it has been suggested, tbe isolations
of larger lots and a car-based culture may lead to disassociation from the reality of contact
with other people.
Designers of the newest American suburbs say they have largely ignored or avoided one
volatile segment of the popnlation--teen-agers. In recent conversations, three dozen urban
planners, architects, environmental psychologists and sociologists, and experts on adolescent
development agreed that specific community planning and places for teen-agers to make
their own are missing.
"Theyre basically an unseen population until they pierce their noses; said William
Morrish, a professor of architectnre and the director of the Design Center for American
Urban Landscape at the University of Minnesota. "They have access to computers and
weaponr): The sense of alienation that might come from isolation or neglect will have a
mnch larger impact than it might have before. And there are no questions craning from the
design community about what we can be doing about this. We dont invite them in."
218
C h a p t e r 3 , R E A D I N G A N D W R I T I N G A B O U T P U B L I C A N D P R I V A T E S P A C E
Virtually every other special interest has been addressed by enlightened suburban de-
signers--the elderly, the disabled, families with young children. But, said Andres Duany, a
planner who is a leading proponent of the "new urbanism; a model of suburban design
based on principles of traditi6nal towns, "its the teen-agers ~ always bring up as a question
ark. Mr. Duany sald that he had only once or twice included teen-agers in the public
process of planning a suburban development.
"It s a good point,"he said, as though it were an unlikely idea. "I should talk to the kids."
Though teen-agers tend to resist advice and choose their own turf as a territorial issue
of establishing seK-identity, most experts interviewed say that design could constructively an-
ticipate and accommodate anxieties of adolescence. They agreed that teen-agers need a place
to congregate in and to call their own; it is a critical aspect of relieving the awkward loneli-
ness of adolescence. Betwean home and school--spheres compromised by the presence of
parents or the pressure of performance--places for teen-agers in the suburbs are as un-
common as sidewalks.
"Its a paradoxical situation," said Ray Suarez, host of "T a lk of the Nation" on National
Public Radio and author of T h e O ld N e i g h b o r h o o d (The Free Press, 1999), a study of subur-
an mlgrat~on. Parents move there for their children; their children are dying to get out."
Like much of the Western United States, Denver is experiencing vertiginous suburban growth.
From 1990 to 1996, the metropolitan area expanded by two-thirds, to its current size of 535
square miles.
yplcal of the Denver metro area are the new suburbs, wheredowntownis a four-way
intersection with three shopping centers and a condo development," said Charles Blosten,
community services director for Litfletons city planning division. Highlands Ranch, Den-
vers largest suburban development, has its own ZIP code, "nothing but rooftops and miles
and miles of nothing," he said of the numbing vista of houses. "Its got to affect people:
The idea that place has an impact on adolescent development and socialization is ac-
cepted by most experts on the suburbs but is only now beginning to be "
studied. ~_ culture
of impersonality has developed in the suburbs by the way theyre laid out," said Jonathan Bar-
nett, a professor of regional planning at the University of Permsyivania and author of The
Fr a ctu r e d Me tr o po li s (HarperCollins, 1996). In the newer suburbs, "the standard of houses
is high, but the standard of community isnt; he continued, adding, "Its most peoples im-
pression of modern life."
And the people it stands to in,press the most are children. "They are the most vulnera-
ble people growing up there; said Dr. Jose Szapocznik, a professor of psychiatry and be-
havioral sciences and director of the Center for Family Studies at the University of MiamJ.
~s a child youre disabled by not being able to walk anywhere. Nothing is nearby;
Mr. Morrlsh said he thought that public transportation to metropolitan downtowns
was crucial for high school students. He said that the ability to access "the system"--the
world adults create--was a vital form of empowerment.
"W h a t to do after school, how to get to the city, to see other people and how to negoti-
ate this without parents;he said, posing the issues. "Teen-agers have to have better access to
the public realm and public activity." He recalled a conversation with a group of high school
students who met with the Design Center, which invites teen-agers to group meetings when
it is commissioned to study neighborhoods.
One g~rl sa~d, )kll Ive got is
"
.... ,
the P~zza Hut Mr. Morrlsh sa~d. You g,
you go to somebodys house--were tired of both."
~d suburban de-
~mdresDuany; a
uburban
up as a question
~rs in the
talktothekids."
tterritorial
gers need a place
~vkward i
the presence of
9urbs are
ion" on ~
~study
uburban
trrents~eof53511~
ads Ranch
offo
F
~ffect people,"
aost peoples
ychiatry
nearby:
:he
~d how to ne
William L. Hamilton, How Suburban Design Is Failing Teen-Agers 219
Between home and school, in a landscape drawn by cars and the adults who drive them,
s there even a particular place that teen-agers can call their own? Peter Lang, a professor of
cture at the New Jersey Institute of Technology and an editor of S u b u r b a n Di s ci pli n e
Architectural Press, 1997), a collection of essays, said: "In most suburbs, theres
: even a decent park, because everyone has a backyard. But older kids never play in the
e crummiest piece of parkY
Typically, the students at Columbine High School went to Southwest Plaza, a two-level
has video arcades, food courts and stores, supervised by security guards and clgsed
~ 9 P.M. "Like any suburban community, theres not a lot of places to go and hang out; Mr.
~ said of Litfleton. "I tell you this because thats where my daughter goes--the mall."
said he thought that places like malls were not adequate gathering spaces for
them, like many public suburban venues, commercially and environmen-
"controlled space." He added, "They are not places for flee expression or hanging out."
that suburbs create greater alienation is Dr. Laurence Steinberg, a professor
~ and director of the MacArthur Foundation Research
k on Adolescent Development and Juvenile Justice. But he said that he thought recent
like the incident in Littleton do "wake people up to the notion that there is parental
h"We did a study on latchkeyldds. The kids most
r to be left unattended for long periods were middle class, in sprawhng professional sub -
i~ Isolated for long periods of time, theres no counterbalancing force to fantasy."
desire for more and cheaper land that has pushed suburbs to rural exurbia may re-
parts of the day. Mr. Morrish pointed out that in
odesto, in the San Joaquin Valley in central California, people commute
o area, where they enroll their children in schools.
are taking their kids with them; he said, "making the
"and visibly at work on restructuring the sub-
been "new urbanists" like Mr. Duany. Their solutions to the wheeling
development are based on tighter concentrations of houses, businesses and
townlike elements--porches, sidewalks and parks--that have
lew residential landscape.
place there, in new towns like Columbia and Kentiands in Mary-
d or Celebration, the Disney-built town in Florida, lt is not because of any bravery on the
They often foster nostalgic views of families with young children. But like
;, they overlook the inevitability of teen-agers in their design.
who with Vincent Scully wrote The N e w Ur b a n i s m : T o w a r d a n Ar ch i te ctu r e
ry (McGraw-Hill, 1993), spoke of the in~portance to teen-agers of a place that
for them, neither hidden and ignored nor exposed and supervised in effect, a
view.
Mr. Katz discovered that for Celebrations teen-agers, it was a narrow bridge,
! low railings, that goes from downtown to the health dub." He continued: "They find
other. They sit on the rafting. Its on the route to dallylife not a back alley; but not the
a structure could become a conscious part of a
for teen-agers.
Dorney, a mother with two teen-age children who lives in Kentlands, Md., a
mburb of some 1,800 people, the hallmarks of town life work well
220
Chapter 3 R E ADING A N D WR ITING AB O U T P U B LICAND P R IV ATE S P A C E
for both parents and children. Ms . Dorney and her husband, Mark, moved their family from
a typical town-Lmuse development.
"WL
~
wanted to raise our kids in a place that provided more than just a house; she said
"Its a diverse cornmuni~/, of age and income," with older people, young couples, families.
Ms . Dorney said that she thought the gaze of the town created a sense of extended family and
moral weight that were its most important s u cce s s .
"Someone sneaking down the street to have a cigarette--they dont get away w i th i t; s h e
said "I dont think teen-agers should be left on their own until heyre caught at the small

"

t things. She contmued,"When th

~,o-
....
-z t~o taro the ~)lg things, the know

,,
added: ~An d w e h a ve a n o th e r w a .T ~r ;.
-
. , ,.
Y howblgthe are. She

j,~l~mwlng these gads, other than the bad thin;, Theyre

your neighbors, too, Youre always s e e i n g th e m . You g i ve them another chance,"
America; s h e s a ys .
Like thousands of others, Smith moved to this planned Community 40 miles north of
Miami just a few years ago, searching for a safe and secure neighborhood Iike this one, where
both modest homes and rambling mansions s i t against the manicured landscape of paLm and
h i b i s cu s , and gated streets called Wagon Way and Windmill Ranch g e n tly curve around the
shallow lagoons and golf links.
W e s to n is a boomtown filling with refugees. But the migrants pouring into this part of
Btloward Co u n ty are rarely those from the Caribbean, Central and South America--the Lm_
migrants to the south who have transformed Miami and Surrounding Dade County into a
metropolis proudly called by ~ts business and political leaders "The Gateway to La ti n Amer-
ica." Instead, the refugees here are mostly native-born and white, young and o ld , a n d th e y have
been streaming up fiom Miami for years nmv, creating a new version of the traditional"white
fli g h t" i n reaction not to black inner cities, but to immigration.
While Miami i s unique in many respects, because of both geography and politics, the
out-migration of whites is occurring in other high-immigration cities. NewYork and Los An-
geles, for example, each lost a million U.S.-born residents in the la s t decade, as they gained
a million immigrants.
According to an analysis of the most recent census
wLm came to Miami-Dade Counh, ; ....... ,. data, for almost every immi~ra
~ ~, ~c~CUL years, a wrote non-Hispanic left. - ~ nt
"I loved Miami but its a mad sc
~
~ - . . ~,e uown there now, sa~d Smzth, who is s e m i -r e ti r e d
and asked that her occupation not be given. Before her move to W e s to n , Smith lived in Miami
for two decades, "in a nice neighborhood ~one bad r~^_~ ...... ,
thats progress, but I like it clean t, "~W ~ ~a y things, Oh thats change and
and green--and everybody speaking English; Smith s a ys
In discussions about the historic demographic transformations occurring in the United
States, which is absorbing almost I minion immigrants a year, most of the attention focuses
quite naturally on th e newcomers: Who are they and where are they from and Lmw do they
make their way in America?
s
tl
sol
cat
ren
the
said
life,
sent
I do
"she said.
, families.
amfl7 and
are. She
; s . T hey re
me Smith
more like
me, where
round the
William B ooth AWhite Migration North from Miami 221
But immigration is a two-way street--and the welcome the immigrants receive from the
~afive-born is crucial for the continued idea of America as a fabled"melting pot." Of course,
whites--and blacks, too--who have remained in Miami-Dade County, to
- continue their lives as before or accept, even embrace the Latin tempo of Miami, who
have learned how to pronounce masas de puerco at lunchtime and to fake a respectable
merengue dance step, who enjoy the culture, the business opportunities and caffeinated bus-
fie of a metropolis dominated by immigrants. No one could call M ami dull
But it is almost as if there are two kinds of native whites--those who can deal with mul-
ficulturalism that has transformed Miami over the past several decades and those who choose
not to. Either way, if the country is to successfully transform itself into a completely multi-
kulturai industrialized nation, what these internal migrants say and there are millions of
needs to be heard and understood.
Those transplants interviewed by T h e W a s h i n g to n Po s t, including those who asked that
pains to explain that, for the most part, the people like them
out of Miami-Dade to Broward are not anti-immigrant xenophobes.
In several dozen interviews with a cross-section of these domestic migrants, a picture
e non-Hispanic white population in Miami-Dade County that feels
and who move from Dade to Broward with
mLx of emotions.
Migrants to Broward give many reasons for the move north: Their money buys a big-
newer house in Broward; they are fired of the traffic and congestion; they worry about
)vercrowded schools; those with young families often say they
a place where their children can play ball in the front yard and ride their
bikes dmvn the block.
these things, the good and bad, can also be found in booming Broward County.
r of the refugees moving north mention immigration and the sense that
are no longer, as many transplants describe it, comfortable.
Phil Phillips was born and raised near what is today downtown Miami, where his father
~or the Immigration and Naturalization Service during the postwar years, at a time
nmigrants to Florida were mostly from Europe. Phillips served in the Navy, taught
L Miami High School, and made a living running a small air condition-
Until the rise of Fidel Castro in Cuba, Phillips described the Miami of yesteryear as a
more southern town. It had its glitz in the fanciful playground of Iackie Glea-
z of Miami Beach, but the county was still filled with open land and farms.
I was a very happy place, Phillips remembers with nostalgia. We had our demar-
get me wrong. But we didnt have the animosity. When pressed, Phillips does
tha.t the beaches, resta.urants and nightclubs were often segregated, not only for
~ country clubs.
of black-and-white all began to change with the arrival of the Cubans in
~ 1960s. The vast majority of the Cubans came here and worked two and three jobs,
g in Weston. A man who worked with his hands all his
)ects that. I saw them do it. And in time, they took over, and some people re-
that. But thats the way it is.
this myth out there that a Cuban will screw an American in a deal, Phillips says.
dont think that is so, but thats the feeling the whites have, and its because the two sides
222
Chapter 3 R E ANNG AND WR ITING AB O U T P U SLICAND P R IV ATE SP ACE
dont communicate, sometimes they cant cormnunicate, and so they dont understand the
other guy.
Phillips has seen decades of change, as the demographics of his home town kept skew-
ring toward Hispanics, in fits and starts. After the first big influx of Cubans in the 1960s, there
was Cubas MarM boatlift in 1980. Then all through the proxy wars and upheavals in Cen-
tral America and the Caribbean through the 1980s and 1990s, refugees from Nicaragua,
Honduras, El Salvador and Haiti kept coming to Miami.
e re great m mnenca at blaming somebody else for our problems; Phillips said. "But
I will tell that for a lot of the people who leave Miami, they might not tell you, but theyre
leaving because of the ethnics."
Phillips offered his opinions as he sat sipping soup at the counter of a new restaurant
here in Weston opened by Tim Robbie, whose family owned the Miami Dolphins for years,
before they sold out to Wayne Huizenga, ~vho is "The Man" in Broward County, as much as
Jorge Mas Canosa, the power behind the Cuban American National Foundation, was "The
Man" in Miami before his death last year.
Robbie was raised in Miami. His family, lead by his father loe, was a cMc institution. But
Robhie himself recently moved to Weston, too.
itnow a lot of our friends down in Miami were disappointed with us; Robhie said.
"They asked: How can you do this to us?"
Robhie agreed that something akin to .....
"
the t~ppmg pomt phenomenon might be at
work, whereby one or two families in a social or business network can leave a community
and nothing much changes. But at some point, if enough people leave, the balance suddenly
tips, and large groups start selling their homes, and over a period of several years, they cre-
ate mass demographic shifts.
Robhie himself s a i d he was comfortable down south in Miami, but concedes that
any are not. Anglos are accustomed to bemg m the majority, and down in Dade, theyre
not. And that puts some people outside of their comfort zone. People tend to like to stick
t
"
ogether.
Robbies business partner is Bob Green, who also moved from Miami to Broward. A
longtime denizen of funky and fun Coconut Grove, Green describes himself as one of those
who never would have thought about moving north to Broward.
But then he saw the new business opportunities, and also found hlmseK liking a place
like Weston. "It has this midwestern feeling," Green said. "More downhome and friendly."
This mass internal migration is the latest version of a classic "push-pull" model of res-
idential segregation, whereby many whites in Miami feel lured north by the offerings of a de-
ve!opment like Weston, but also feel pushed out of Miami--not only by their fatigue with
crime or congestion, but the cultural and demographic upheavals caused by three decades
of immigration.
Peter Schott is a tourism official who is changing jobs and, reluctantly, moving with his
wffe, who works for a cruise ship line, to Broward. The couple, both in their thirties and ex-
pecting their first child, are looking for a bigger home. Schott says he will miss the exotic, for-
eign feel of Miami. Miami, Schott says, is a media noche, the name for a Cuban sandwich,
while Broward he fears is "white bread and baloney"While he
that many of those moving north to Broward may not.
"Some people are real frank; he said. "They say they want to be with more people more
ike us. If they re white Americans, they want white Americans around them:
Fo:
but to
tell par
In
that
popula
T~
comml
2 5 0 , 0 0
y o u n g ~
As
n o n -H
lion re~
T[
i980s.
D u r a l ,
1991,"
others
Bt
mogra
tion" t,
within
Miami
what i~
regatk
M
foreig~
speak~
no sta
sage
Que?
on the
it is lil
gist at
the sd
chang
very sl
n es s o
ticulti
~nderstandthe
,wn kept skew-
he 1960s, there
~eavals in Cen-
~m Nicaragua,
iUipssaid."But
ou, butt heyre
phins for years,
nty, as much a
on, was The
on might be
t concedes thai
d to Broward. i
faso
~ fferings ofa d
moving with
r thirties and
mi,
lore people
William B ooth A White Migration North from Miami 223
For non-Hispanic, non-Spanish-speaking whites to survive in Miami, there is no choice
to move, or to adapt. "It is our city now; ma
W
Cuban Americans sa
B
and the numbers
tell part of the story.
) In the 1990s, some 95,000 white non-Hispanics left Miami-Dade County, decreasing
that groups presence by 16 percent, to around 492,000, or about one-fifth of the county
They either moved away or, in the case of elderly residents, particularly in the Jewish
r , died. (The Jewish population in Miami-Dade County has decreased from about
decades. The new destination for Jewish retirees and
and Palm Beach counties.)
As whites left Miami, they poured into Brmvard. Between 1990 and 1997, the white
e increased by about 82,000, or 8 percent, to more than a mil-
~ residents.
s follmv an equally large out-migration of whites during the
y non-Hispanic whites left ivliami-Dade in the previous decade that Marvin
a sociologist at Florida International University, who has fullowed the trend, said in
get dmvn to the point belmv which those who are going to leave have left and the
~re committed to stay. I think were close to that with whites."
The whites keep leaving.
"White migration to Miami-Dade has essentially stopped; said William Frey, a de-
y of Michigan, who coined the phrase "demographic balkaniza-
describe the ongoing trend of ethnic and racial groups to self-segregate--not only
. but from city to city, and frmn state to state.
ppear almost like mirror images of each other; Frey said of Brmvard and
on here and we can only guess
,s One America that Clinton talks about is clearly not in the numbers. Seg-
Many times, native whites on the move explain that Miami now feels to them like "a
r feel "overwhelmed" by the presence not just of some Spanish-
but so many.
~You order a Coke without ice; said an executive and mother of three who moved to
diamiin 1996 and asked that her name not be used. "And you get ice. You say
, Starch and
government offices, and they cant take a decent mes-
~pell your name letter by letter and they get it wrong. They keep saying
~ue? Que? (Spanish for What?) You go to the mall, and you watch as the clerks wait
~peakers before you. Its like reverse racism. You realize, my God, this is what
," minority."
population feels increasingly beleaguered; said George Wilson, a sociolo-
, of Miami who is studying the phenomenon.
at the micro -level,"Wilson continued. "At the malls, in
)f the whites I talk to say they feel challenged by the rapid ethnic and cultural
e. A whole population of whites has gone from a clear majority to a dear minority in a
.. and a lot of them simply say, To hell with this; and move up the road:
g the beleaguered minorityis creating among some a new consciods-
~ of"white etlmicity; and for those who see Americas future as a relatively harmonious mul-
d on shared ideas of capitalism and freedom, this may not bode well.
224 Chapter 3 R E ADING AND WR ITIN6 AB O U T P U B LICAND P R IV ATE SP ACE
For if whites do not want to share power and place, or ff they feel increasingly shoved
aside or overwhelmed in the cities and states with high in,migration, they will continue to
vote with their feet, by moving away, creating not a rainbow of citizens, but a more balka-
n!zeal nation, with jobs, university enrollments, public spending, schools all seen through eth-
nic or racial prisms, including among whites.
Several of those interviewed complain that the politics of Miami-Dade are dominated
by th~ issues of the newcomers, particularly the Cuban Americans, who walt for the fall of
Fidel Castro; they see in the city hall, where a number of officials were recently indicted and
convicted of taking kickbacks after it was discovered that the city was broke, a "banana re-
public" of ethnic cronyism; they dislike being referred to in Spanish media as "the Ameri-
cans" by Miamis Hispanic residents and politicians, as if they were the foreigners.
And many balk at the dominance of Spanish--on television, in official news confer-
ences, on the radio, in schools and meetings and in their day-to-daylives. The movement of
so many whites from Miami-Dade to Broward is viewed by many Hispanics as understand-
able, even natural, though hardly something to be encouraged,
"We had a tremendous exodus of Anglos, especially Anglos who did not feel comfort-
able with the new demographics of Miaml, who were intimidated by the Spaulsh language
and the inflmx of dilferent people," said Eduardo Padron, a Cuban American and president
of the Miami-Dade Community College, "It is a natural trend for them to move out. Many
of them kept wor!dng in Miami, but they found refuge in Broward."
Padron believes the rapidity of demographic changes, and the creation of a Hispanic ma-
jority, was "intimidating" for many whites, particularly those who did not speak any Spanish.
Some whites interviewed say they know they may seem like "whiners; as one woman
put it, but they feel they are not being met halfivay by the newcomers, and this is an espe-
cially acute feeling in Miami, where Cuban Americans and other immigrants from Latin
America now dominate the political landscape, serving as city and county mayors and coun-
cil members. Both of Miamis representatives to Congress are Cuban Americans.
Recent elections reveal that voters in Miami-Dade select candidates along stark racial and
ethnic lines in dessic bloc voting. The 1995 county mayors race, pitting Cuban American Alex
Penelas against African American Arthur Teele, Jr., turned almost entirely on demographic
lines, wath exat polls showing that the ovenvhelming majority of Cuban Americans voted for
Penelas, as most blacks voted for Teele. What did whites do? A lot of them did not vote at all.
Over the years, there has been sporadic, organized resistance by whltes in Miami to hold
back the changes. One group, calling itself Citizens of Dade United, was successful in pass-
ing a referendum in 1980 that declared English the "official language" of county govern-
ment. But it was overturned in 1993. Enos Schera, who is a co-founder of the group and
who is now 71, is still filled with vinegar, and says he refuses to move from Miami--though
he says he and his group have received death threats.
"I m staying to fight this crazy thing," Schera said. "Im not a bad guy, but I dont want
to be overrun. They come here and get all the advantages of being in America and then
they insult you right on top of it." He is writing a book about the changes. "That will tell
all," he promises.
But it seems as if Schera is fighting in retreat. He, and his group, have largely been rel-
egated to the role of stubborn whites whose time is over.
Many of the others, like Weston resident Joanne Smith, have already left. "Theres no
room for us in the discussion," said Smith. "Its like we were the oppressors."
Smith says she likes
admires the strength an(
migrants, from Europe. i
feelings of native Ameri,
learn to speak English."
Here at Weston, atri-
a visitor to punch a co&
to the gates, a private se~
One researcher on t
in Los Angeles, says that
velopmants around the
neighborhoods," dividln
But obviously, many
say one of the things the
safety and the ability of !
Yet the gates cannot
dents in Weston is white,
these are the most assimJ
icans who come north fc
lowing almost everyone ~
But not all.As one th
hearing more and more S
working here. But I stare
enough north:
R E M E D Y F O R T H E R O C
O F M O D E R N S U B U R B ,
Sarah Boxm
the enemy of family value
magazine T h e Am e r i ca n t
cial experiment; one tha
ing of generational links.
the decline of civic actio:
time."
What is to be done?
the Congress for the New
suburbs by promoting frk
They call for some o
dences, businesses and pu
de sacs. They believe hou,,
sidewalks to define streets
clear town boundaries. N~
Sarah B oxer A R emedy for the R ootlessness of Modern Suburban Life? 225
shoved
ntinue to
,re balka.
~ugh eth-
?minated
:he fall of
icted and
mana
e Ameri-
ement of
terstand.
language
ut, Many
anic ma-
Spanish.
an espe-
/m Latin
ad court-
acial and
[canAlex
3graphic
,oted for
Xe at all.
i to hold
in pass-
govern-
oup and
though
.nd then
will tell
)een rel-
leres no
Smith says she likes to eat at Cuban restaurants, has Hispanic neighbors in Weston and
of the newcomers. She herself is the granddaughter of
from Europe. But Smith feels the immigrants should tryharder to understand the
of native Americans. "If they can survive coming here on a raft," she says, "they can
Here at Weston, almost all of the communities are closed with security gates, requiring
or be cleared by a guard before entering the enclaves. In addition
a private security firm patrols the neighborhoods.
One researcher on the topic, Edward Blakely of the University of Southern California
that gated communities like Westons are the fastest growing new de-
around the country. Blakely deplores the trend, claiming it creates "fortress
citizens, creating walls between "us" and "them."
But obviousI
B
many home buyers like the concept, and many of the residents of Weston
one of the things they like most about the neighborhood is its sense of community, of
and the ability of their children to ride their bicycles on the streets.
Yet the gates cannot keep demographic change at bay. Though V,vo of every three resi-
most of them in their thirties, about one in four are Hispanic. But
e are the most assimilated, often second-generation, solidly middle-class Cuban Amer-
icans who come north for the same new schools and golf courses as the white migrants, al-
almost everyone to continue to live within their comfort zone.
But not all. As one three-year resident, who declined to give her name, observed,"I keep
more and more Spanish in the grocery store. I dont knowif theylive here or are just
g here. But I started to see some Spanish magazines for sale. Maybe I didnt move far
enough north."
A R E hl E D Y F O R T H E R O O T L E SSN E SS
OF MODERN SUBURBAN LIFE?
ATTACKS ON sLmum~ta are as old as cul-de-sacs. Sub-
~ Sarah Boxer ~
urbs have ahvays been derided as bourgeois, con-
sumerist and conformist. But nmv they have become
the enemy of family values, too. Thats right. Karl Zinsmeister, the editor of the conservative
magazine T h e Am e r i ca n E n te r pr i s e , has s~itten that "suburbia is actually a fairly radical so-
disappearance of family time, the weaken-
hag of generationallinks.., the anonymity of community life, the rise of radical feminism,
the declkae of civic action, the tyrannical dominance of TV and pop culture over leisure
time?
What is to be done? A groupof architects and planners who have named themselves
.~ spread of faceless, car-centered
suburbs by promoting friendly, people-centered towns with corner stores and public greens.
They call for some old-fashioned things: walkable neighborhoods with a mix of resi-
dences, businesses and public places; straight and narrmv streets; wide sidewalks, and no cul
de sacs. They believe houses should be built close enough together and dose enough to the
sidewalks to define streets and public squares. Above all, they want strong town centers and
dear town boundaries. No one, they believe, should live more than a five-minute walk from
226
Chapter 3 R E ADING AND WR ITING AB O U T P U B LIC AND P R IV ATE SP ACE
most of theh: errands. (Otherwise, whats to stop people from getting In their cars and dry,
ving?) And like their British counterpart, the Urban Villages Group, the architects favored
by the Prince of Wales, they want to preserve old towns and cities through "inffil; building
on unused urban lots.
"No one can be opposed to those principles," said Alex Krieger, a professor of urban
design at Harvard University. They are like "room and apple pie," he said. Yet many new-
urban towns have been scorned as cutesy, regressive and un-urban. The new urbanists~
or neo -t raditionallsts--shonld instead be called the "new suburbanists," some say, because
they are less interested in planning principles than in porches, picket fences and gabled
roofs.
Seaside, designed in the early 1980s by Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk and Andres Duany, two
of the founders of new urbanism, is the oldest new-urban town. Built on a stretch of the
Florida panhandle, Seaside was meant to foster community life and beach access. The houses,
a pastiche of historical styles in pastel colors, are set close to one another and connected by
straight brick streets and a network of sand walkways cutting through the middle of each
block. When the town is finished, it is supposed to have 350 houses and 300 apartments, a
school, an open-air market, a town hall, a tennis club, an amphitheater, a post office, and a
number of shops, offices and beach pavillions.
If youre having trouble picturing i t, th i n k of the idyllic town in the movie T h e T r u m a n
S h o w . That was no movie set. That was Seaside.
Since Seaside was built, new urbanism has won a lot of fans and building contracts.
There are dozens of new-urban towns and projects built or under construction, including
Celebration in Florida, Laguna West in California and Kentlands in Maryland. The Depart-
.mant of Housing and Urban Development is renovating s o m e of its public housing accord-
mg to new urbanist principles: more porches, more fences, lower buildings, narrower streets.
Jane Jacobs, the author of T h e De a th a n d Li fe o f Gr e a tAm e r i ca n Ci ti e s , has praised the move-
ment as "sound" and "promising." And publications from T h e S i e r r a Clu b Yo d e le r to T h e
Am e r i ca n E n te r pr i s e have smiled on the new urbanlsts.
"Bu .... t ~s the r particular wsmn of urbamzafion an innovative model appropriate to the
1st century, M~chelle Thompson_Fawcett asked m thelourna
1
Ur b a n De s i g n ln te r n a E o n a l,
"or "s it regressive nostalgia?"
New urbanism is, by definition, nostalgic. Towns built on a human scale, with strong cen-
ters and clear edges, have been around for 5,000 years, said Robert Davis, the developer of
S.easide and the chairman of the new-urban Congress. It is only in the last 50 years, with the
r~se of modernism, he said, that Americans have forgotten how to build them.
The new urbanists want to induce neighborliness with architecture. In this sense they
are utopian. Like the modernist master planners of the 1930s, they believe social change can
be brought about through architecture and planning. The difference is that most of them
hate modernism.
While the modermsts "tried to get to the future by destroying the past; Robert Fishman,
the author of Bo u r g e o i s Uto pi a s , said, the new urbanists "are reviving the past in order to
ange the present. That, the new urbamsts think, is why many architecture schools view
them with contempt.
Most schools of architecture are "so in the grips of the modernist ideology and so de-
fensive of the avant-garde that they see the Congress for the New Urbanism as fundamen-
lly conservative, sam Darnel Solomon, a founder of the movement Peter Katz, the author
of T h e N e w
powerful ar~
suburbia."
Kennefi-
architecture
laud settlem,
their critiqu~
The new
cause many
their designs
Georgian ho
and Colonial
"Whats
retrograde."]
enfly good
modernism.
high density
their enemy i:
skyscrapers.
"If you ~
ton said, "it is
for fieeways ~
tomobile ind~
architectural ~
New urb
Marshal~, wh(
urbanism trie
out get~ng rk
said, you "haw
are built, "its.
New urb~
porter of the ~
fringe but con
sell their proje
Thats nol
ment of Hous
tionwide plan
From Boston t
houses with p~
said Mr. Krieg~
The probl
at all. They are
he said, and th
homeowners ~
For exam
1
wllat kind of d
r cars and dri-
hitects favored
nfill; building
w urbanists~
~e say, because
:es and gabled
:es Duany, two
stretch of th
l cormected by
niddle of each
apartments, a
st office, and a
e T h e T r u m a n
ing contracts.
ion, including
t. The Depart-
>using
sed the move-
Yo d e le r to The
In te r n a ti o n a l,
ith strong cen:
developer of
his sense they
iaI change can
most
schools view
,gy and so de-
Sarah B oxer A R emedy for the R ootlessness of Modern Suburban Life?
227
T h e N e w Ur b a ti i s m : T m va r d a n Ar ch i te ctu r e o f Co m m u n i ty, said that the nations most
architects, particularly those in New York, "laugh at the poor souls who live in
an architecture professor at Columbia University, agrees that many
cture schools (though he excludes Columbia) have ignored some questions about
[ settlement. But what bothers most professors about the new urbanists, he said, is not
ue of suburbia or land settlement. It is their design ideas.
The new-urbanist charter says nothing explicit about what styles are acceptable. Yet be-
, new urbanists believe that modernism ruined American cities, nearly all of
on building styles from the past. Kentlands in Maryland is full of
Celebration, Disneys village in Florida, is full of brand new Victorians
Colonials.
!Whats upsetting" about new urbanism, said Mr. Frampton, "i s that the imagery is so
is based on a "sentimental iconography" as if there were something inher-
, good about Victorians, Georgians dnd Colonials and something inherently bad about
there were a lot of modernists in the 1930s who advocated low-rise,
he said. Besides, the kind of modernism that the new urbanists see as
r is a straw man. No one is advocaring tearing down whole cities to make way for
"Mr. Framp-
"it is not the modern movement but the American bureaucracy that opened the way
,s and suburbanizationY The railroads were deliberately undermined by the an-
,c, he said, adding, !That was an economic, a capitalist, operation; not an
the root of the problem sufficiently, suggested Alex
who has often written about new urbanism for Me tr o po li s magazine. "What new
? do is imitate older communities that existed before the automobile" with-
rid of the automobile. But if you want to return to these older forms of life, he
~ bring back the transportation system? If you simply change the way houses
"its like changing hemlines:
o see themselves as radicals, said Mr. Krieger, who was once a sup-
e movement and is now a critic. But, he added, they are "no longer the radical
: but conventional wisdom: Developers have begun using the term new urbanism to
sell their projects.
Thats not. to say the movement hasnt had a good effect, Mr. Krieger said. The Depart-
and Urban Development has dedicated $2.6 billion to "Hope S Lx," a ha-
plan to rebuild mid-century public housing according to new urbanist principles.
n Gleveland to Helefia, Mont., high-rise projects are being replaced by town
porches and fences. "That is the part of the movement that most impresses me,"
Krieger.
The problem, Mr. Marshall noted, is that most new-urban developments are not urban
are rich developments on the towns edge."They are sprawl under another name;
~ are as restrictive as any suburban development. Most are privately run by
228
Chapter 3 R E ADING AND WR ITING AB O U T P U B LIC AND P R IV ATE SP ACE
making warm and fuzzy dog movies; said Evan McKenzie, the author of Pr i va to pi a , a book
on housing associations, but "they can take your dog if it makes too much noise."
"Its as if the people are saying: Who needs democracy? Its utopia already!" said
Mr. McKenzie.
People are looking for homeyness and safety, and they dont mind giving up some free-
doms for it. In Kentlands, there is a gate in front of each entry into the development, Mr.
Krieger said. "Its a decorative gate but it evokes the same associations as a real gate. Its a sub,
tle form ofKeep Out.

If decorative gates can evoke the same response as real gates, then maybe the look of
neighborliness--porches, wide sidewalks and village greens--can evoke real neighborfi-
ness. Or can it?
The one big criticism about new-urban towns is that they are fake towns. Given that, its
curious that the developer of Seaside agreed to let T h e T r u m a n S h o w , a movie about a real
man in a false world, be filmed in Seaside. The movie all but said, "~2qis is not really a tmvn
but the shefi of a town, an image of a town," Mr. Krieger said.
After the filming was over, the painted pllavood storefronts that had been put up for the
movie stayed up for months because the developer liked the way theylooked, Mr. Krieger said.
After all, looking like a real town is the next best thing to being one.
N E W U R B A N I S M N E I ! D S T O
R ACIAL ISSU E S I N M I N D
IN THE S~ R U G G LE TO BUILD new towns and rebuild old
m Whitney Gould B
ones, theres one issue no one wants to talk about
much: race. Arid when it does come up, people tend to
dance around it or dress it in euphemisms.
At a recent meeting here of the Congress for the New Urbanism, though, race had just
about everyone buzzing--and the guy who started the buzz, writer James Howard Kunstler,
wasnt even on the program. Kunstler, author of an anti-sprawl polemic titled T h e Ge o g r a -
ph y o f N o w h e r e , popped up from the mostly white audience at a panel on gentrification is-
sues and said blacks should stop blaming their problems on whites. The real chaklenge? "Tell
your kids to be nicer to white people; he exhorted. "Turn your baseball hats around, get in-
terested in reading and quit trying to scare everyone:
A shouting match ensued. And no wonder. Could Kunstler, a middle-aged white guy
and well-known provocateur, not have known how offensive his racial stereotyping would
be? Did he really think that if every black person in America behaved like a well-read
ambassador from Ge n tle m a n s Qu a r te r ly or Vo g u e , lily-white enclaves would suddenly
become rainbow communities? And, as my colleague Eugene Kane observed [on these
pages last week], werent those shooters at Columbine High in Colorado a couple of white
kids?
In fairness to the New Urbanists, Kunstler was not representative of the four-day gath-
ering, which was earnest and thoughtful. But whatever his intentions, the bull-in-a-china-
shop author in a very crude way did do one useful thing: He brought race front and center
among a group of city-builders who have preferred to keep the spotlight more on the phys-
ical aspects of m
cial to ~he endur
The physica
and a mix ofhou
sensible underpil
velopment can n
dent on the car. ~,
adis on an dO i,
But Middlel
And there s httle
tegrated. In turn
leaving working-
sus statistics sho"
lives in the City ~
the country.
You can argo
live ar~ong folks I
prefer diversity.)
where the money
use development
In fact, as ex
federal highway a
racial isolation ar
And today, as
in the suburbs, th
large houses. Ever
nomically discrhr
at a time when re
To wrap sucl
against sprawl str
move farther into
We could ch~
ous zoning rules
would also help..
estly priced hom~
clear: This doesn~
single-family hot
old--could affori
None of this ~
wants to talk abou
the problems of s,
worse? How sad if
come merely an e:
as the old ones.
.ch noise."
pia already!" s~
Mng up SOme 1
development,
real gate. Its a {
maybe the look.
:e real
Cns. Given that, it
novie about a
een p u t u
, Mr. Kneger sa~d.
and rebuild old
ts to talk abou~
?, people tend to
~h, race had just
oward Kunstler,
led T h e Ge o g r a -
enttification is-
challenge? "Tell
around, get in-
aged white guy
otyping would
ke a well-read
3uld suddenly
red [on these
ouple of white
~our-day gath-
tlI-in-a-china-
mt and center
e on the phys-
Whitney G ould New U rbanism Needs to Keep R acial Issues in Mind 229
aspects of urban revitalization than on the social and economic integration that is cru-
~ the enduring health of communities.
,ortant, to be sure. Street-friendly architecture, slower streets
a rob: of housing, businesses and public spaces all within walking distance: These are the
s of New Urbanism (and Old Urbanism, as well). That approach to de-
can make communities more neighborly, more humanly scaled and less depen-
it on the car. Milwaukees new master plan for the downtown grows out of those principles.
New Urbanist communities that I profiled recently, Middleton Hills west of
~ in Milwaukee, show how attractive such subdivisions can be.
Middleton Hills is virtually all white, and CityHomes is overwhelmingly black.
; little evidence that other New Urbanist communities are appreciably more in-
most of the new housing being built in downtown Mflwankee is upscale,
working-class folks and/or minorities pretty much out of the picture. Indeed, cen-
tistics show that 98% of the African-American population in the entire metro area
s in the City of Milwaukee, making this the most segregated of 50 large urban areas in
You can argue, I suppose, that some of this segregation is voluntary: people choosing to
folks like themseIves. (Never mind that there are whites and people of color who
diversity.) You can argue, to o , that this is just the market talking: developers going
the money is. (Never mind, too, that there is plenty of money to be made in mLxed-
experts at a University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee conference noted recently,
and housing subsidies for years promoted sprawl, with all of its inevitable
n and social inequity.
And today, as builders and realtors groups push to build smaller, more affordable houses
, they run up against zoning rules that mandate huge minimum lot sizes and
e houses. Even if the intent is not racist, the effect of such rules is both racially and eco-
discriminatory, shutting out worklng-class minorities and whites alike--and this
jobs in the suburbs are going begging.
To wrap such exclusionary zoning in the mantle of environmentalism and the fight
sprawl strains credulity. After all, developers who cant build in one place will just
v does that promote smarter land use?
We could change all of this if we had the political vfill to do so. Reforming those oner-
rules would be a good place to start. Improving transit links to the suburbs
also help. And we could create new incentives for builders to include more rood-
whether in the city or the suburbs. Lets be
prison-like public housing, just some attractive
and townhouses that ordinary folks--black and white, young and
None of this would come easily. Such changes inevitably bring up the issue that no one
cants to talk about: race. While it may be too much to expect planners and developers to solve
inequity, can we not at least hope they wont make those problems
;ad if New Urbanism, the most progressive planning tool in decades, were to be-
come merely an excuse for creating beautifully designed communities as racially alienated
as the old ones.
230
Chapter 3 R E ADING AND WR ITING AB O U T P U B LICAND P R IV ATE SP ACE
THIS TE XT: R E ADING
1. What is your opinion of suburbs? Is this based on your own experience or what you
have seen displayed in popular culture?
2.
What are the advantages and disadvantages of living in the suburbs?
3.
Are there ways of changing the suburbs to eliminate some of the disadvantages?
4. Do you think the behavior of teenagers is affected by the construction of public
space?
5.
What assumptions about suburbs are the practitioners of the New Urbanism making?
Are those assumptions accurate?
6. Why is the idea of Main Street so attractive to us? Is it built on false assumptions? ~
7. What ages like living in suburbs the best? The least?
8.
In what ways do gender, ethnici~, and race play into our ideas about the suburbs?
YO U R TE XT: WR ITING
1.
Write a short piece about your experience in the suburbs.
2.
What would you say the philosophy of suburban life is? Write a paper articulating what
you think this philosophy is.
3. What are the defining architectural ideas behind living in the suburbs? How do these
ideas affect the way people live?
4. Drive through a suburban community--both old and new. What do you notice about
the public spaces and the way houses look? What do those aspects of the suburbs sug-
gest about life there?
5.
Write a shor t piece about the positive nature of the suburbs. Are there any cultural texts
that would aid in your examination?
6. If you have grown up in the suburbs, think about your relationship to the suburbs at dif_
ferent times in your life. Is there a point at which you remember changing your ideas
about where you live?
7. If you do not live in the suburbs, think about when you realized that there were places
.different from where you lived. Think about what you thought about these places grow-
mg up and what you think about them now.
CLASSR O O M ACTIV ITIE S
1. Look around your classroom. How do you know its a classroom? Of course, there are
the chalkboard and the desks, but what other qualities does this room have that makes
it a classroom? How is it designed? Does it facilitate learning, alertness, and discussion?
2. Walk outside the classroom. What elements identify the walk as a college campus? What
emotions does the walk evoke? Could it be improved?
3. What does the public space outside the classroom building say? Does it identify the
campus as any particular type of school--private, public, urban, rural, suburban? What
would a potential student read into this particular space? Would they be inclined to
come to school or not because of this reading? Why or why not?
architectm
ories drive
Design the
would ever
room chan
6. Design the
E SSAY IDE AS
B uilding a s a n
Find a building
in?in 1) its phy
or 4) its structm
analogy in gene:
E mot iona l r e sp
Walk around a b
do you "feel"? ~
tended or unint~
C omme r cia l ve
What dominates
Or do the two w
My [a vo r i te plo
If possible, analy
theme attached t
feel your attachn
D oe s t h is buildi
Find a place--do
ria is it trying to :
T h e p e r son fr or r
Go to an office
you tell about thi,
other ways to int~
THE CO MMO F,
Compare similar
their differences c
urbs?
there are
scussion?
,us?What
E ssayldeas 231
What particular place makes you feel the most comfortable? Least? Frightened? WMt is
it about the spaces themseIves that evoke these emotions? Are they human driven or
architecturally or design driven? Can you think of a space that has bad or good mem-
ories driven mostly by the space itselt?
Design the perfect classroom. What would it look like? What would it have in it? Where
would everyone sit? What tools would everyone have? How would being in this class-
room change your learning experience?
Design the perfect building at college. What would it look like? What would it have in it?
DEAS
u i ld i n g a s a n a lo g y
you of something besides a build-
in 1) its physical construction; 2) the emotional response it encourages; 3) its purpose;
4) its structure? In what way are these disparate elements alike? Different? What does the
z in general say about commonalties of texts generally?
E mot iona l r e sp onse
around a building or a public area such as a mall or your schools common area. What
) you "feel"? What about the place makes you feel such an emotion? Are these effects in-
tended or unintended?
ve r sus a r t ist ic
dominates this particular building or space--its artistic aspects or commercial ones?
the two work together?
/ [a vo r lto pla ce
you feel close to and figure out why you feel that way. Is there a
place? How would you describe the d~cor? The architecture? Do you
feel your attachment to this place--or places like it--is unique?
sp a ce "wor k"?
you think it succeeds on its own terms? What are its "terms"--what crite-
ria is it trying to fulfill? Does is succeed? Why or why not?
p e r son fr om t h e sp a ce
)ffice or a dorm room or car, or some place that "belongs" to someone. What can
this person from the space? How did you arrive at your judgments? Are there
E LE ME NT
spaces. What makes them similar? What are their differences? What do
their differences or similarities say about this type of space?
Silverman, Jonathan.
~lhe world is a text : writing, reading, and flfinldng about culture and its
contexts / Jonalhmt Silk.mama, Dean Rader.-- 2nd ed.
Includes bibliographical references and index~
1. English language--Rhetoric. 2. Culture--Problems, exercises, etc.
3. Readers--Cugure. 4. Critical thinldng. 5. College readers.
6. Report writing. 7. SemJotlcs. I. Rader. Dean. II. Title.
PE1408.$48785 2006
808 .0427-~ 1c22
2005013269
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I N I R O D I J C T I O F I
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PART I. 1
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