http://youtu.

be/pPR990gOD44 Arunji Speech J&K

ABVP's response to JNU Victory.............

Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), the students organization affiliated to
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), thanks the students community of
Jawahralal Nehru University for trusting us and supporting us with a popular
mandate. With your support, ABVP has emerged as the single largest and the main
opposition party in JNUSU.

ABVP has won 12 Councillors post (highest for any organisation) and also our vote
share in the Central Panel has increased significantly.

In terms of our vote share, ABVP has notably increased its vote share. Our
Presidential candidate Sourabh Kumar got 994 votes and stood overall at third
position. This is much steep increase than votes scored over last three years: 523
votes in 2013, 372 votes in September 2012 and 449 votes in March 2012.

ABVP has made a spectacular comeback after several years in JNU Student's
Union elections by contesting on plank of change and development and on strong
position against Maoism and anti-national activities in the campus. Thanks to all the
students community who had supported nationalist ABVP with so much enthusiasm
and energy during election campaign.

Our other candidates scored equally impressive votes. Vice-Presidential candidate
Jahidul Dewan got 791 votes (2nd position); General Secretary Candidate secured
Ashish Dhanotiya 756 votes (2nd position) and finally Joint Secretary Candidate
Gopal Lal Meena managed 857 votes (3rd position).

After ABVPs clean sweep in DUSU after 18 years, the progressive sections of
JNU too feels the need for voting in for the right Swadesi development model of
the Sangh Parivar instead of sectarianism politics.

In a charged up environment of the Campus, when an unprecedented sexual
harassment case was leveled against JNUSU office bearers and increased
sympathy for anti-national activities, ABVP had contested the JNUSU election
with the mandate of Regaining the past glory of JNU and Liberate JNU from
the Shackles of Maoists and Terrorists supporters. We promise the students
community that we shall wage a relentless struggle in pursuit of this mission. We
shall struggle to make JNU a world-class research university and not a place for
intellectual training ground of terrorists and Maoists supporters.

We thank the students for their support. It is now time we fulfill the promises we
made in our manifesto. Campus issues are going to be a priority. When over a
thousand students are without hostels and graduates and researchers without a
job, ABVP cannot remain silent. Our battle for increased fellowship and an
inflation-linked MCM shall persist, said Sourabh Kumar.

Our aim is going to make JNU gender sensitive campus, with good infrastructure
and an effective placement cell. Immediate needs of students like hostels, MCM,
sanitary napkins in Ladies washroom are our first priority, said Vineet Vimal, newly
elected Councillor from Environmental Studies centre.

ABVPs stand on nationalism and anti-terrorism remain unshaken. We cannot allow
JNU to be used as a forum for propagating anti-national strategies and thoughts.
We shall use all democratic means at our disposal to combat emergence of such
radical ideas, foremost beginning with a ban on Democratic Students Union, an
affiliate of CPI (Maoists) party, which is banned under Unlawful Activities
(Prevention) Act, 1967, said Md. Jahidul Dewan,

http://www.xvideos.com/video8045420/desi_small_dick_village_school_master_fu
cking_his_students_mother_for_extra_marks



Jammu & Kashmir Assembly Poll 10 Reasons BJP has an Advantage
SURYAKIRAN TIWARI | SEP 09, 2014

Modi has visited the State several times in a span of 100 days. This is more than
any Prime Minister would have done in his entire tenure.

Jammu & Kashmir goes to polls at the end of the year. BJP has set an ambitious
target of 44 seats (out of 87) for itself. While this looks daunting, it is not
impossible. The following factors point towards this.

Great performance in Lok Sabha Polls
BJP bagged 3/6 seats (Jammu, Udhampur and Leh) in the Lok Sabha. PDP won 3
and the ruling NC-Congress combine got zero seats.

Of course, State elections are fought on local issues and BJP wont have the
advantage of Modi campaigning extensively. BJP is eyeing the Hindu vote-bank with
talk of rehabilitation of Kashmiri Pandits. But they cant win without Muslim
support in State elections.

In a State where 67 per cent of population are Muslims, this is no mean
achievement. In the Kashmir valley, Muslims comprise of 97 per cent, in Jammu 31
per cent and in Leh 47 per cent of population.

Modis Frequent Visits
Modi has visited the State several times in a span of 100 days. This is more than
any Prime Minister would have done in his entire tenure. This gets people to believe
that he is serious and cares for the people of the State. Add to this the Rs 1,000
crore aid for flood and what becomes evident is that the Central Government does
care for the people of Kashmir. Modi personally went to take stock of flood
situation.

Split between National Conference and Congress
Current partners have decided not to contest elections together. This will split
votes and help the BJP. The split is a matter of convenience. Each party will blame
the other for the States woes. After elections, if there is a chance, they might
again come together in the name of secularism to prevent communal forces
from becoming stronger. This will be regular propaganda which they have been
engaging in for years. But yeh jo public hai yeh sab jaanti hai!

Strong anti-incumbency against State Government
Omar Abdullah has been in power for the last 10 years and like it happens for any
Government which has been enjoying power for long, he has to battle anti-
incumbency. People want change. This will help the BJP. PDP and BJP are the only
parties which provide an alternative. People might be tempted to have a
Government in the State which is not antagonistic towards the Centre and which
enjoys good equations to ensure development of the State.

Muslims want Development
The Muslim community is fed up of appeasement politics and being used by the so-
called secular parties as vote-bank. They want development. They want peace and
security, good education for their children and jobs. The States Muslims see peace
and prosperity of their brothers in Gujarat as an example that it is only Modi who
can bring change. I have already, in one of my earlier articles, explained how some
Muslims silently voted for NaMo in Uttar Pradesh to ensure a resounding victory.
Critics said Hindu votes were enough for Modi to win. If BJP wins Jammu &
Kashmir, can they deny credit to Muslims for the victory.

Thirty years of insurgency has not given Kashmiris anything. Lives have been lost.
Business / tourism has been slow, in turn impacting the livelihood of people.
Kashmir has tremendous tourism potential. It has a lot of natural beauty. Places
like Singapore and Dubai which have comparatively lesser natural beauty, are
swamped by tourists. Dubai, which has no oil, is able to run a tax-free country due
to receipts from the tourism sector. For all this, we require peace in the valley. A
handful of separatists are causing disturbances. Fortunately, they are fast losing
support.

In Gujarat, 12 per cent of Government jobs and 11 per cent of police jobs are held
by Muslims, higher than in any other State. This highlights the doublespeak of so-
called secular parties.

Separatists need to be defeated
Separatists demand an independent Kashmir. What will they do with it? They have
no clue, no vision, and no blueprint. These pro-Pakistan parties wreak havoc at the
instruction of the ISI. Locals seem to have understood that there is nothing in it
for them except for destruction and insecurity. These separatists need to be
shown their place.

Local people dont care about Article 370
The youth of Kashmir care about jobs. They are not so touchy about Article 370.
Article 370 is perhaps also one of the causes behind low development of the State.
This has prevented people from other States to come into the State, invest in and
mingle with the people. This has also prevented people of the State to move out in
search of jobs as they are more comfortable in the state because of special
privilege rules. This could be a game changer.

Modi Magic
Even though Modi cant campaign extensively, he has tried to build a rapport with
locals with regular visits. His pro-development image may help BJP wean away
Muslim votes from separatist parties. The TINA factor also will help BJP. The
alternative to NC-Congress combine is PDP. PDP also faces the same issue it goes
soft on separatists because of vote-bank politics.

Organisation skills of Amit Shah
Amit Shahs skills will be put to test in coming Assembly Polls. Modi has confidence
in him plus the whole BJP-RSS machinery is behind him. He has already started
campaign by visiting the border area villages.

Suspension of talks with Pakistan
This has sent a strong message and conjured the nationalist fervour in the State
marginalising the separatists. If BJP wins Jammu & Kashmir, it will be a victory for
India and will usher in the beginning of a new era.

The Migrants from Pak- Occupied Jammu Kashmir:-

In the year 1947, about 40,000 families migrated from PoJK to this side of Jammu
& Kashmir. Today, there population is 12 lakh and they are scattered all over the
country.

In Jammu area, their population is about 8 lakh. The Government argues that we
cannot give them permanent rehabilitation because the PoJK is still in our map and
if we give them compensation it will only weaken our stand.

Today, even after 67 years they are living in 56 camps spread in the interior and
remote villages, where they are waiting for their permanent rehabilitation.





A Tale of 2 Countries:
The Cost of My Mothers Cardiac Care in the United States and India~
Sowmya R. Rao, PhD

Abstract
When my mother fell ill while visiting me in the United States, I had the
opportunity to compare costs of surgical cardiac care in the United States and
India. I faced challenges in making well-informed decisions in the United States
due to the lack of cost transparency and the minimal flexibility offered in choice
of care, whereas in India costs are readily available and allow most people to freely
choose their preferred type of care.

I have lived in the United States for more than 20 years and am part of the health
services research community that investigates factors behind the rising costs of
health care. After seeking medical care for my mother in both the United States
and India, however, I was surprised to find that developed countries have a lot to
learn from some of the ways health care is delivered in developing countries. This
essay describes the stark differences in the organization and financing of health
care services that my family recently experienced, and how those differences
affected our ability to make important health care decisions.

US EXPERIENCE
My mother, a 71-year-old, fit, active woman, arrived in Boston from Bangalore,
India, in June 2013 for a 4-month visit. Soon after her arrival, when walking in our
neighborhood, she felt a momentary tightness in her chest that disappeared when
she stopped walking. She had a few more such episodes over the next few days,
and although she did not complain of pain or shortness of breath, I decided to be
safe and schedule a medical checkup.

I approached my longtime primary care physician first. He refused to provide
services, saying it could get very involved if it is a cardiac issue. She might have to
go to the hospital I could have paid for the services, but he did not discuss
payment and offered no alternative suggestions.

Next, I contacted a friend, an interventional cardiologist at a leading teaching
hospital in the region, who examined my mother, ordered blood tests and
electrocardiography, and recommended her to a clinical study that randomized
patients to cardiac computed tomography (CT) or stress test. She ended up in the
CT arm. The scan showed severe blockages in the coronary arteries; angiography
was recommended. The choice of further treatment, either stents or coronary
artery bypass graft (CABG) surgery, depended on the catheterization results.

I contacted the hospitals international office, which helps international patients
navigate the intricacies of the US health care system. I hoped the international
office would help me understand the process for getting my mother the
recommended procedure, including costs. After a week, I was presented with an
average estimate of $47,000 (average hospital charges of $38,500, estimated
professional fees of $7,700, and a mandatory state uncompensated care pool
surcharge of $728) for an inpatient cardiac catheterization for someone requiring
only 1 stent and an overnight stay in a semiprivate room. The international office
specified that the estimate DOES NOT include Surgeon Fees, Private Room
Accommodations, or any other Medical Services, Testing and Treatments that may
be needed, so I was left with no idea what the total charges might be or how
different scenarios (eg, requesting a private room) would affect the cost.
Moreover, the catheterization would be conducted only if a written insurance
authorization was provided or the full estimated payment was credited to the
hospitals bank 5 days before my mother received care.

My mother had travelers insurance from an Indian company with ties to a US
company that would have compensated for services up to a certain amount, but
they hesitated to approve the procedure without fully knowing the final charges.
The insurance company eventually declined to cover the treatment due to patient
history (the insurance companys terminology). Having no idea of how high the
costs might go, we could not commit to paying the costs ourselves.

INDIA EXPERIENCE
After 6 weeks of trying to obtain care for my mother in the United States, we left
for Bangalore. A few days later, she had a cardiac catheterization with a
respected interventional cardiologist at a cardiac specialty hospital. The cost,
including a 1-day hospital stay, was 16,500 Indian Rupees (approximately $254 US
at the time). The scan showed multiple blockages needing either 3 metal stents or
CABG surgery. Given her preexisting diabetes, it was likely that CABG surgery was
the best option. An interventional cardiologist at another cardiac care hospital
agreed.

The cardiovascular and thoracic surgeons deemed her fit enough for the triple
bypass and immediately scheduled the procedure. She was admitted 1 day before
the surgery for pre-operative testing.

We met with billing staff the day we scheduled the surgery and obtained an
estimate that nearly matched the final cost. The process was very simple and
quick. All costs were tiered to the type of room the patient selectedgeneral ward
(consisting of 5 to 10 beds), semiprivate, private, or deluxe room. Patients in
deluxe rooms paid the most, subsidizing costs for patients in the general ward, who
paid the least. The hospital informed us that all patients received identical care;
that is, the same team of doctors worked with all patients and staff and gave them
similar attention. Coincidentally, we met 2 other families with relatives who had
had CABG surgery and were in the intensive care unit (ICU). One had opted for a
semi-private room while the other had selected the general ward. Both families
were satisfied with the attention and care received.

For every inpatient procedure at the hospital in Bangalore, the patient is required
to stay for a certain number of days; thus, hospitals have packages (for instance,
3- or 5-day stays). My mother had a 7-day package stay in a private room. The
billing department told us the cost of a basic package with estimates of additional
costs for surgical disposables (including use of an auto transfusion machine), any
additional stay in the ICU or the room, and visits by other specialists. Surprisingly,
CABG surgery in India is cheaper than stenting; the stents themselves are
expensive. The basic package for CABG surgery was estimated at 279,000 Rupees
(about $4,300); in contrast, remember that the US estimate for catheterization
with one stent was $47,000.

My mothers 7-day stay included 5 days in her private room after 1.5 to 2 days in
the ICU following surgery. The entire team of 2 surgeons, 3 endocrinologists, an
anesthesiologist, a physiotherapist, and a dietician visited her daily, both before
and after surgery. All food provided by the hospital was ordered by their dietician.
The ICU was staffed at a ratio of 1 nurse for every patient but because there
were only 2 patients in the ICU during her stay, she had up to 5 nurses attending
to her.

My mothers basic Indian health insurance policy covered 80% of her expenses up
to 100,000 Rupees. In addition to that 80,000 Rupees, she received 40,000 rupees
from another company with which she had 200,000 Rupees additional insurance for
procedures such as CABG. Since her basic insurance had negotiated rates with the
hospital, her total bill was reduced to 230,000 Rupees (about $3,540). With the
120,000 Rupees in insurance payments, that meant that her out-of-pocket expense
was only 110,000 Rupees ($1,700). In contrast, we paid approximately $1,000
(including $700 in facility charges) for her 1 visit to the cardiologist and blood
work at the US hospital.

REFLECTIONS
The information available in the United States did not allow us to make an
informed decision. Patients cannot make decisions based on out-of-pocket costs in
the United States, because US costs are not transparent. In contrast, the simpler
Indian model of having a basic estimate for the procedure and type of room
chosen, with add-ons for complications, made accurate financial planning possible.
Another benefit of the Indian health care system was the flexibility it offered in
choosing the hospital, doctor, procedure type, and type of room. In the United
States, this flexibility is limited by type of insurance coverage. In India, for that
matter, persons from the upper middle-class (based on income) can afford to self-
pay for medical care (including CABG surgery), even without health insurance.

In retrospect, seeking treatment in India, with an average Gross Domestic Product
less than one-eighth that of the United States,1 was the right decision. Cardiac
specialty care in India is world-class, with success and morbidity rates similar to
those in developed countries2; India is working to further reduce costs.3,4

My mother has fully recovered and is doing well. Her experience shows that the
United States could benefit from an important lesson learned in this case study:
that increased transparency in health care costs is essential for choosing not only
the hospital and provider of care, but also the appropriate course of action.
Acknowledgments

I thank my husband, Dr David S. Morgan; my sisters, Sukanya Rao and Sandhya
Rao; my brothers-in-law, T.S. Gururaj and Jay Srinivasan; my niece, Malavika
Gururaj; and my colleagues, Dr Amy Rosen, Dr Arlene Ash and Beth Ann Petrakis
for their invaluable support and help in the preparation of this manuscript.
Footnotes: Conflicts of interest: author reports none.

http://youtu.be/a2-IjnYHy7E

To:
Pradeepan, C/O Kesab Dham, Palton Bazar, Guwahati 781 008, Assam
Mobile: 09435084763





Kashmir witnesses dangerous rise of militancy as violence rocks valley
INDERJIT BADHWAR | May 31, 1989

Blast victim
A tidal wave of protest that has engulfed the valley began to peak last week as a
"Quit Kashmir" hartal paralysed life in major cities. Srinagar should have been
bustling with tourists, but a graveyard-like silence took hold. The hartal was only
the latest manifestation of a continuing agitation, separatist in its outward
expression and pro-Pakistani in its extreme form. Demonstrations and police firings
have claimed some 50 lives in the last year - more than in any period in the last two
decades.

Not since August 1953, when Sheikh Abdullah was arrested and jailed on
subversion charges, and hundreds of people were killed or incarcerated as valley-
wide protests erupted, has Kashmir seen such an outburst of separatist frenzy. As
veteran Congress(I) leader Trilochan Dutta put it: "It seems as if the pro-
plebiscite movement has been revived."

But there is one vital difference: the militants, mostly young and unemployed, or
petty shopkeepers, are fighting with fancy guns and sophisticated bombs.
Mercifully, however, they have not yet learnt to kill. They have still not tasted
blood. But that, police sources say, is not far away. Last February a group of
militants opened fire with Kalashnikovs on the house of DIG A.M. Watali. Last week
militants bombed a double-decker bus in Srinagar's exclusive Residency Road, and
the house of a deputy commissioner in Bemina in a government housing colony. And
then soon afterwards detonated a powerful bomb on the swank Boulevard,
displaying conclusively that they had spread their strike range to well beyond the
ghettos.

Police picket at Lal Chowk: paradiselost
A deputy superintendent of police, in charge of one of the newly formed commando
units, who had faced an irate mob in the old city's ghetto area in which several
youths were injured in police firing, said: "They have lost their fear. They stand
right in front of your guns and dare you to shoot them. How can you fight people
like these? In the past the most they did was pelt stones or set off crude home-
made bombs and then ducked for cover. This behaviour is new, it is almost un-
Kashmiri."

Last week, in the Shamaswari Mohalla in the old city, Shoaib Mohammed, 19, an
unemployed undergraduate visits the house of a friend and tells his mother,
Fatima, that her worries are over. Guns have arrived from "paar" (across the
border, as they refer to Pakistan) and the youth will fight back against the arrests
and detentions and midnight knocks that have become a regular feature of life in
the valley's cities. Fatima is disbelieving. Shoaib whips out a revolver and looses
off a shot. The bullet ricochets in the room and hits Fatima in the ear. Shoaib
hurries her down, hails an autorickshaw, transports her to a hospital and then
quietly escapes.

Shoaib's exploit spreads through the mohallas like wildfire. People react with
disbelief, then sympathy and even adulation. For the militants are rapidly becoming
heroes and legends. And martyrs. Secretly admired not just by the streetwise
lumpen of the cities' endless ghettos, but also by intellectuals and businessmen
who discuss their exploits over scotch and soda.

Says Shariq Ali, an exporter of Kashmiri namdas and handicrafts: "We've always
had a slave mentality. Now there's a secret feeling of pride that the slaves are
fighting back." In Kahnyar and Naidkadal, where a pitched battle took place in
April during a four-day hartal following the death of the father of People's League
leader Shabir Shah in police custody, the "nawjawans" who had fired at the police
with Kalashnikovs were carried on the shoulders of admiring mobs who showered
them with kisses and milk in traditional Kashmiri revelry style.

There's a new feeling of machismo. A psychic compulsion that seems to override
economic concerns about the effect of this new-fangled extremism on the valley's
trade and commerce. Abdul Amin, a shikarawala on Dal lake, says he used to take in
as much as Rs 300 a day during a good season. In the last 10 days he has made Rs
50. Doesn't it anger him that the rowdies are hurting Kashmir's Rs 500-crore
tourist industry? Says he, phlegmatically: "It hurts, but what can you do. People
are angry about corruption and police excesses. Unless there's a good, fair
government, tourism will always suffer."

Bomb explosion destroys bus
In Srinagar's Maisuma Bazaar, Ashiq Hussein, 18, an unemployed son of a taxi
driver went from hero to martyr in one year, after the police held him in jail for
interrogation for six months, suspecting him of manufacturing bombs. Two months
ago, he was shot through the heart by a police bullet during a demonstration. His
grandmother Rahti and his mother Hameeda, who live in a crowded tenement, still
cradle his photograph and wail with grief. "He was a good boy," shrieks Hameeda.
"He liked to play cricket and carrom. And just before he was shot he had been
promised a government job. Life has become so cheap. We spit on Farooq
Abdullah."

Maisuma is typical of Kashmir's ghettos. Serpentine alleys. Garbage-choked drains
that empty into the Jhelum. Sheep, dogs, cattle mixing with children who tote toy
guns. Suffocation. The locality is known for the bravery of its women who took to
the streets for Sheikh Abdullah when he was battling the Dogra rulers and later,
during the post-1953 plebiscite movement. If you said anything against the
Sheikh's family in public, chances were you'd be lynched. Today the same could
happen if you praise that family.

"Look around you," says Mazoor Ahmed, 28, a shopkeeper in the area. "For 40
years, despite promises, there's been no improvement. Everything is filthier,
grimier. There are no jobs. To enter engineering or medical colleges officials are
bribed with Maruti cars. When we protest we are branded terrorists. Our MLA has
not even visited us once."

"Why should he?" asks Jehangir Ahmed, 22, a student. "He stole our votes. This
entire area voted in 1987 for a Muslim United Front (MUF) candidate. We wanted a
change, an end to corruption. They captured booths ruthlessly and then arrested
our candidate. They've ruined us. We will never forgive them." The refrain is
universal.

Mohammed Yaseen Malik, 22, is also from Maisuma. He was a die-hard MUF activist
during the assembly election campaign. He sports an Imran Khan hairstyle, and has
intense, burning eyes. He was involved in several protest demonstrations last year -
was arrested, beaten up, viciously abused. He had a congenital heart ailment that
needed treatment. When the authorities refused to get him medical help he went
on a hunger fast which led to his release.

He said in an interview shortly after leaving jail: "They gave me no reasons. They
spat on me. They locked me in a small cage. They called me a Pakistani bastard. I
told them I wanted my rights, my vote was stolen. I was not pro-Pakistani but had
lost faith in India." Today, along with Shabir Shah, Ashfaq Majid, Javed Ahmed
Mir, and Hamid Sheikh, Yaseen is on the police's most wanted list with a price of
Rs 30,000 on his head. According to sources he has fled to a training camp in
Pakistan-Occupied-Kashmir (POK).

Boy with Islamic flag seeks donations
Afzal Shah (not his real name), 22, is a tailor in Baramulla district. Burn marks on
his left thigh administered by hot iron rods and cigarette burns on his forehead
and left shoulder attest to his recent three months in police custody. He was
arrested in Srinagar shortly after intelligence agencies identified him as having
crossed the border last year for a five-month training stint. He is now out on bail,
and faces charges of crossing the border illegally. Police corruption in the state is
so high that bail in such cases can be arranged for a Rs 10,000 under-the-table
payment to a local police official.

"I crossed over at midnight from the Uri border," says Afzal with a smile. Then his
aquiline. Afghan-like features, nestling beneath a bush of curly hair parted down
the middle, turn dead serious. "It was easy. I paid a Gujjar tribesman Rs 500 to
show me the way. It was a long walk through the forest." What did he do there?
"Tailoring," he answers with a smile. Then, he adds quietly: "I gave the police no
information. Absolutely nothing." Why did he cross? "They don't want democracy
to survive here. So I have to support the Kashmir Liberation Front (KLF)."

According to police sources, the two most active groups whose ideology alternates
between seeking an independent Kashmir and aligning with Pakistan, are the POK-
based KLF headed by Amanullah and the People's League. The die-hard anti-India
ideologues are Dr Farouk Hyderi and R. Muzzafar. These groups, so far unable to
do more than engage in cross-border propaganda campaigns through leaflets,
received a boost after the 1987 elections when disgruntled youth who had been
jailed before and after the campaign and who believed that the entire polls had
been rigged against the MUF - the umbrella organisation of fundamentalists,
disgruntled Congressites, and anti-Farooq Abdullah and anti-accord forces - began
crossing the border to enlist in these organisations.

Until 1987. and this even Watali, the DIG at Kashmir admitted in a conversation,
there was no such training and certainly no guns. Today, anywhere between 500 to
1,000 youths from Srinagar, Badgam, Kupwara, Baramulla, and Anantnag have
received training. Between October 1988 and April this year more than 100 -
including 45 from Kupwara alone - have been arrested after their return and nearly
100 automatic weapons, pistols, and Chinese-made bombs recovered. Said one police
officer who has made some 30 arrests: "The weapons were so strange to us we had
to rely on the captured extremists to demonstrate to us how they are used."

The training period in Pakistan, interrogations reveal, lasts between 10 and 20 days
during which recruits are given crash courses in firing light machine-guns and
pistols, and making and using bombs. "The groups are compartmentalised,"
explained an official who has interrogated several activists. "They are put in
batches of four and each is given a code name and code address, so if one is caught
he does not know the names of the others. They are not yet hardcore. They are
disillusioned and alienated and I think at this point they can be rehabilitated with
proper policies. But this could be the beginning of a terrorist phase because most
of those arrested have had guns recovered from them."

Jamaat teachers
But so far as Wazir Ahmed (not his real name) is concerned, "the battle for
liberation" - whatever that might mean - has already begun. He is a rugged-faced
youth of 22 with a scar across his forehead and wrinkles forming prematurely at
the corners of his eyes. Wearing a crew cut and a denim jacket, he is known as a
local "commander" in one of the old city neighbourhoods. On the Friday before Id,
he comes to the Jama Masjid across the centuries-old Nawahatta chowk. Sitting on
the masjid's sprawling grounds along with some 2.5 lakh people gathered there, he
says: "If they think they've captured all the guns, they're mistaken." Is he ready
to die? "Of course." For Pakistan? "Not for Pakistan, not for India. For
independence." Why not try the democracy you already have? "We've tried it. It
doesn't work. For us, all politicians are fakes, liars, thieves. We will make sure that
the entire valley boycotts the next election." Through violence? "If the need
arises."

It is obvious that even the moderate politicians - most of them opportunistic to
the core - have sensed this feeling and, afraid of being rendered inconsequential,
are trying to cash in on it. On the day of the Jumma namaaz, Maulana Farouq, the
Mirwaiz of the north, who had patched up with Farooq Abdullah for the 1987
election, and then broke with him a year ago thundered at his nearly three lakh
congregation in Srinagar's Jama Masjid that the time had come for Kashmiris to
"confront every oppressive move made by the Centre". And in a burst of oratorical
fury he asked the Kashmiris to question whether they would spend their money on
buying VCRs or guns.

The massive namaaz was preceded by the reading of an honour roll of the valley's
youth who have been killed in police firings over the last few months. The Maulana
calls them martyrs of Kashmir and the congregation prays for their souls. On the
pathway to the mosque, hawkers hawk portraits of General Zia-ul-Haq for Rs 2 a
piece along with newspapers containing pictures of people killed in the various
agitations.

Around the Jama Masjid lie nests of slums whose inhabitants are small traders in
cement and crockery, carpet weavers, handicraft artisans, butchers and wazas
(Kashmiri chefs). Past Safikadal, where Kalashnikovs were first used by militants,
past the Nawakadal bridge, a favourite bomb target of the militants, lie
Rajourikadal, the Mirwaiz's stronghold, Borikadal, Kahnyar and Naidkadal. All today
referred to as 'Chhota Pakistan'.

Zia's pictures sell in Sopore
The youth of these areas have christened various mohallas with code names like
Khalistan, Baluchistan, Palestine. In the centre of this area is what the militants
label their Akal Takht, a neighbourhood called Zainakadal.

Compared to the main shopping areas of Srinagar, the hopelessly congested and
claustrophobic areas of Lal Chowk and Badshah Chowk, where khaki uniforms form
the backdrop of every activity, the Zainakadal area is virtually free of police.
Shopkeepers and artisans talk freely about creating Pakistan or 'liberating'
Kashmir. Last month a pitched battle took place here. A painter's shop, owned by
Mohammad Amin, was riddled with 22 bullet holes. One made its way through the
chin of a portrait of the poet Iqbal. Says Mushtaq, a shopkeeper, pointing to an
unpaved road: "This is our parikrama leading to our Akal Takht. It is here that the
Indians will have to mount Operation Red Star. But we are not afraid. When you
come here next year you will have to bring your passport." And the crowd around
him intones in chorus: "Inshallah."

Mention the name of Farooq Abdullah and the eyes turn murderous. "He is a disco
dancer," they say. "He develops golf courses and cable cars while we go to hell. Our
weavers and artisans starve, and he and his ministers steal all the money. And when
we protest he shoots us and throws us in jail." And it is in neighbourhoods such as
these in large parts of south Kashmir - in the Jamaat-dominated Sopore, in
Anantnag, in the backward hill district of Kupwara where people eke out
subsistence existences - that the youth have begun to form "suicide squads" aimed
at ushering in what is being whispered about as a "Quit Kashmir movement".

Sub-groups, owing partial or organisational allegiance to the People's League and
the KLF have emerged in the neighbourhoods: Al Fatah; Al Jehad; Victory
Commandos; Jaanbaaz Force; Maqbool Force. And taking a lead from Punjab, they
have begun to issue regular press releases and even extortion notes. All this is a
far cry from the traditional image of the Kashmiri - the man referred to by his
masters as "hutton" (you there); the well-dressed dandy who could not even bear
to see the sight of a slaughtered chicken.

Seized Kalashnikov
Says People's Conference leader Abdul Ghani Lone who was himself once
considered a radical firebrand: "The sad thing is that moderate leadership is now
being finished. Our youths now prefer to listen to the sound of the gun rather than
even to my voice. There are no longer any institutions here, no political heroes."
Some 40 per cent of the valley's population is between 20 and 30 years of age.
Even during the Sheikh's time when agitations, like the one in 1964 following the
theft of the Prophet's hair, turned virulently anti-Indian, stalwarts like Maulana
Saeed of Gandherbal, and Moiuddin Kara, and Maulana Masoodi, were able to
contain it or change its direction. Today, these elders admit, they are unable to
influence the youths who harbour a universal sense of betrayal by all political
leaders.

Before the 1987 elections Qazi Nissar. the once-extremist preacher from
Anantnag - the Mirwaiz of the south - was one such hero. A man to whom youths
paid heed. Nissar had moderated his stand, joined the MUF and urged people to
use the electoral process. He says: "The same youths I brought into the political
process now abuse me. I do not know how to answer them. jab inko apni bhook aur
izzat ka gusset ata hai to woh Pakistani nare lagate hain. (Each time anger over
injured self-respect or hunger-pangs wells up. they break into pro-Pakistan
slogans.) But their real anger is about jobs - every third person here is unemployed.
About not being represented beyond Class IV employment in Central government
departments. About rampant corruption and the failure of the Government to
usher in any development. About the violation of civil rights. Kids below 10 have
been arrested under the anti-terrorism Act."

But why all this anger now? Why do the Kashmiris rage? With subsidies close to Rs
800 crore a year, aren't they a spoiled, communal, fundamentalist lot? These
troubling questions are being asked all over the country. There are no definite
answers but the benchmarks and trouble spots are glaringly evident. The
immediate cause for the anger and violence - even Farooq's ministers now readily
admit - is the universal belief, not without foundation, that the election was rigged.
The atmosphere in Kashmir today resembles that in Pakistan in the aftermath of
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto rigging the election.

Amin's bullet-ridden shop
Before, during, and after the election, party workers, polling agents and counting
agents of opposition parties were arrested and jailed. Youths and students - in
thousands - who demonstrated against the rigging were imprisoned or charged
under various detention laws. Most Kashmiris who had simply not accepted Farooq's
alliance with the Congress(I) - they considered it an opportunistic power grab -
joined the MUF in a protest movement that was anti the Sheikh's family, and anti-
corruption.

Farooq's government has routinely branded all protesters and demonstrators as
fundamentalist and pro-Pakistani even though many of the demonstrations had
clear economic reasons, such as last year's anti-electricity tariff agitation, and the
agitation against the Government's import into the state of fungus-infested flour
that resulted in thousands falling sick. Opposition politicians who protested against
what they called 'chewing gum atta' were detained under anti-terrorist laws. And
as the Government began to lose its legitimacy Kashmiri youths began to see
Farooq merely a willing instrument of undemocratic Central rule and the agitations
began turning anti-India. India, they believe, discriminates against Kashmir
because it is the only Muslim majority state.

Actually, the current agitation draws most of its support - as did the movement
under Sheikh Abdullah in the past - from five districts: Karnah, Baramulla,
Srinagar, Badgam, and Anantnag where the bulk of Kashmiri-speaking Muslims
reside. As an ethnic or linguistic entity they number about 16 lakh of the state's
32 lakh Muslims. The rest are Gujjars, Pahadis and Punjabis from areas like Doda,
Poonch, Uri and Karnah who have neither participated too actively in the Sheikh's
movement nor in pro-Pakistani stirs. The Sheikh, in fact, looked down on these
groups because he feared they would dilute the numbers of Kashmiri-speaking
Muslims.
Hameeda bemoans her dead son
But now, even Gujjars have started openly lambasting the current Government.
Farooq's administration has been in a virtual state of collapse. His ministers have
been charged with massive corruption and Central assistance has been looted, as
Prem Nath Butt, a lawyer and leader of the 6,000-strong Hindu community from
Anantnag put it, "by a coalition government of contractors, politicians and
engineers. The bottom in Kashmir has always been solid. The rot has started at the
top".

While bridges, roads, culverts, hospitals, relief works, schools lie rotting, the state
Government spends lavishly from Central funds on a golf course in Srinagar that
despoils its forests and now cannot be completed even at a cost of Rs 10 crore, and
a cable car project whose cost is expected to exceed Rs 40 crore. Both have
become the symbols of elitism and of a government that would rather let its people
eat cake. And while the ghettos of Srinagar, Sopore, Anantnag, Kupwara, Handwara
fester - none of them has even a sewage system - in squalor, the beneficiaries of
Central aid. forest lessees, contractors, government officials and politicians, build
multi-crore villas in suburbs like Barzulla, Rajbagh.

The examples of corruption and waste of Central subsidies are endless: the Indira
Gandhi Road from the airport incomplete after two years of work and crores in
expenditure; four of Farooq's cabinet ministers, including his revenue minister
charged with corruption and nepotism - so far, no action; Rs 60 lakh spent just two
years ago on the public hospital in Kupwara which is now cracking down the middle;
Central subsidies spent on the Jhelum Valley Medical College where people have
been paying Rs 2 lakh as the price for admission even though work is yet to begin;
then the undoing of major reforms instituted by Governor Jagmohan - the cleaning
of the Dal Lake, the fair recruitment board, the ban on private practice by
government doctors, and pruning of the top-heavy bureaucracy.

For 22 years - from 1953 to 1975 - the Kashmiris, led by Sheikh Abdullah, were
fed on an anti-Indian political diet. Theirs was a mass movement for plebiscite. In
the 1977 election Sheikh Abdullah campaigned covertly on a pro-Pakistani platform
because he again felt deceived by the Centre after the accord of 1975. From 1983
onwards Farooq poured hatred on India. The Indian Government labelled him a
corrupt man with terrorist leanings. Two years later he shook hands with Rajiv
Gandhi and made an electoral alliance with the Congress(I) that totally confused
and demoralised his followers who began to wonder what they had fought for all
these years.

The reason that corruption, always endemic to Kashmir, has now become such a
burning issue is that during the election campaign Farooq had told his people that
the only reason he had shaken hands with Delhi was to usher in a period of speedy
development and an end to corruption - electricity, drains, potable water. But
Kashmir remains in virtual darkness as evening falls. Even important police stations
near border areas are without light.

The state's Uri Hydel Project barely works and transmission lines from the Salaal
Hydroelectric Project have still not been laid. Kashmiris have not forgotten those
promises. Today the family is as discredited in Kashmir as was that of the Shah of
Iran before Khomeini's revolution. And Farooq's response has been one of
repression with the help of Delhi. The more unpopular he gets, so does Delhi, and
the hope of Pakistan - offering political, psychological and mystical deliverance -
dangled before the eyes of Kashmiris by most of their leaders, becomes more
attractive.

Children in Maisuma bazar flaunt toy Kalashnikovs
AS Mufti Mohammed Sayeed, now with Janata Dal, said in an interview while he
was still in the Congress(I): "My feeling after the election was that the Centre and
Farooq may have won an election but they had lost Kashmir." Adds A.R. Kabuli.
member of Parliament who was recently expelled from the NC: "I told Farooq
during the elections, 'If you prepare yourself for defeat and accept it, you will be
legitimate. If you steal the vote there will be hell to pay.' Never before were our
youths so heavily involved in an election. Many of the terrorists of today are the
graduates of the rigged election of 1987."

Today Sheikh Abdullah's cemetery near Hazratbal has to be guarded round the
clock. As a policeman explained: "In the old days people placed wreaths here. Today
there are people ready to disinter him. It's that bad." Where once Farooq rode
the shoulders of his people to perform Id namaaz at Idgah. today he is surrounded
by thousands of securitymen and confines himself to Hazratbal from where he
declares war. Anyone with a gun, anyone even standing near a person with a gun will
be shot, he thunders. All hartals will be forcefully broken up "even if it means
breaking your locks". And he threatens that Srinagar may have to be razed to the
ground as was Batamaloo by the Indian Army in 1965 when raiders entered from
Pakistan.

But the words ring hollow. Bringing in more troops, more police, more preventive
detentions - in the absence of a fair and just administration and a political solution
- will simply fan the winds of terrorism. The need of the hour is to restore the
democratic process in the state by giving a fair hearing to the hundreds of election
petitions that have been tiled in court challenging the 1987 poll. And a state
leadership must be allowed to emerge that can communicate with the youth and be
committed to massive reform. Short-term manipulations to which Kashmir has
always been subjected can only lead to a long-term loss. Barring a respite in 1977,
Kashmiris have never been allowed a free vote and their leaders have been
recklessly created and toppled by the Centre.

The silver lining throughout Kashmir's turbulent history is that the state, even as
the rest of India burned in communal frenzy, never experienced communal violence
except for a brief period in 1986 preceding Governor's Rule. Its religious tradition
has been one of Sufi tolerance as against that of the Saudi-financed Jamaat-e-
Islami that subscribes to the Wahabi belief of an Islamic state. The Jamaat's
hold, however, is confined to pockets in Baramulla, and it propagates its ideology
mostly through fundamentalist schools run by a tax-exempt trust.

But now, as the moderate leadership declines and the hotheads take over,
minorities are beginning to feel threatened. Says Dr Avtar Krishan Ganjoo, a
Kashmiri Pandit, who was municipal chairman of Sopore for nine years and who now
runs a charitable medical practice right next to the Jamaat office: "The majority
community has always respected us. But something in the atmosphere is changing."

If there is a major communal conflagration not just Kashmir but the entire country
will burn. There is not much time left in which to stem the tide of extremism. And
nothing will work as a better antidote to Pakistan and separatism than a heavy dose
of Indian democracy. Otherwise the sentiment that Kashmir is denied its
fundamental right to choose its own leaders because the rest of the country
discriminates against it on the basis of religion will continue to gain currency.

And, no matter how irrational the vision, the youth of Kashmir will persist in the
belief that their rights will be better safeguarded within a Muslim country like
Pakistan. Kashmiri youths are beginning to learn from the tactics of Punjab
militants. But the Government so far, unfortunately, seems to have become no
wiser after the political lessons of Punjab. The ball today, doubtless, lies squarely
in the Centre's court.
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/kashmir-witnesses-dangerous-rise-of-militancy-
as-violence-rocks-valley/1/323526.html



Final settlement
18/10/2014

A critical issue that had been hanging fire for decades at end and was eluding
settlement more owing to the apathy of powers that be than to any other reason,
seems to have hit the final stage of clearance. The State Cabinet has finally given
nod to the approval of a 9096 crore rupees package for the PoK and Chhamb
displaced persons. The bold effort of final and lasting settlement of the issues of
people who migrated from PoK in 1947 and the persons who were displaced from
Chhamb in the wars of 1965 and 1971 will remove one of the major irritants that
often put a spoke in the smooth administration in Jammu. It has to be said in all
fairness that the State Government never took the issues of these affected
people seriously and thus they went on unheard and uncared for. Yet it remains to
be said that the affected people did not surrender and kept on their struggle and
the day has come when they are fully vindicated.

Cabinets nod to their final settlement is not an obligation on them; it is the duty
which the State Government performed albeit belatedly. It is also true that the
affected people had become very active and had been demonstrating strongly not
only in Jammu but at other places in the country where they had to shift in search
of livelihood when they were denied jobs and other opportunities in their mother
state. We should appreciate their steadfastness to the cause they had taken up
decades ago. We should also appreciate the decision of the state though taken
belatedly. We are told that a senior Minister of NC had tried to scuttle the
memorandum but then the affected people had strong supporters among Jammu
Ministers who put their foot down and finally succeeded winning for the people
whom they had been promising so often to care for redress of their grievances.
Chief Minister, Omar Abdullah also due to his personal intervention ensured that
justice was provided to the displaced persons.

Mere recommending the Centre to provide funds to the tune of 9096 crore rupees
for final settlement of two categories of refugees is not enough. In the first place
we have to see how the Central Government looks at the proposal. Secondly we
would like to know the time frame within which disbursement of relief and cash
doles to the concerned is carried out. We know the saying that there is many a slip
between the cup and the lip. Disbursement within time frame is a very difficult
thing to happen smoothly. In the first place there is multiplication of homesteads
ever since they migrated from PoK. One family has split into several families and
the question is whether they will all be considered a single family or separate
entities demanding relief as per the order of the Government. The Government
intends to call it one time final settlement and is of opinion that Rs. 25 lakh be
given to each family and close the chapter. However, there is no closing the
chapter. The affected refugees/migrants have the right to ask for special
recruitment in state and Central Government services and reservations for their
children in professional institutions for higher studies. These people have suffered
long in some cases entire period of independence. What they will be getting will be
the result of their six decade long struggle. There are many families that may not
have earning hands and they have to be provided incentives and facilities to run
their small scale business to make both ends meet. It is in the fitness of things
that the Government will constitute a committee headed by the Divisional
Commissioner of Jammu with Deputy Commissioners of Poonch, Rajouri, Samba,
Kathua and Jammu as its members to carry forward the implementation part of the
package once it receives the nod from the Central Government. Therefore it is a
great day for these refugees and with the package untied they should be able to
run the chores of life without hassles.
http://www.dailyexcelsior.com/final-settlement/









Public Prosecutors Should Not Act Casually in Criminal Cases: SC

The apex court expressed

The apex court expressed "extreme displeasure" at the manner in which a public
prosecutor consented to a plea by an accused convicted of kidnapping and rape for
direction to the Rajasthan government to commute his sentence. (File/PTI)

NEW DELHI: The Supreme Court has said a public prosecutor plays an important
role in the prosecution of criminal cases and was not expected to adopt a causal
approach in acceding to a plea for concessions sought by an accused.

An apex court bench of justices Ranjana Prakash Desai and N.V. Ramana said this
while expressing "extreme displeasure" at the manner in which a public prosecutor
consented to a plea by an accused convicted of kidnapping and rape for direction to
the Rajasthan government to commute his sentence.

"Before closing, we must express our extreme displeasure about the manner in
which the public prosecutor made a concession in the high court.

"Firstly, the offence is grave and in such grave offence, the public prosecutor
ought not to have made a concession that the court should direct the government
to commute the sentence," Justice Desai said while pronouncing the judgment.

"It is distressing to note that in such a serious case, the public prosecutor has
shown such a casual approach," the court said in its recent judgment.

In the instant case, Mohammed Muslim Tagala, Sabena and Mohd Daud were tried
by a fast track court in Sikar for offences of kidnapping, procuration of minor girl,
rape, attempt to murder and abetment.

The fast track court by its June 11, 2008, order acquitted Sabena and Mohd Daud
but convicted Tagala for various offences with varying terms of sentence, the
maximum being seven years for committing rape.

Having expressed its displeasure over the conduct of the public prosecutor, the
apex court also pulled up the high court for passing an order directing the
Rajasthan government to commute the sentence of Tagala.
When the government commutes a sentence, the court said it does so in exercise
of its sovereign powers and the court cannot direct the government to exercise its
sovereign powers.

"The court can merely give a direction to the appropriate government to consider
the case for commutation of sentence and nothing more. This legal position is no
more res integra," the judgment said.

Holding that the high court could have only directed the Rajasthan government to
consider Tagala's case for commutation of sentence, the apex court said: "In any
case, assuming the high court could have given such a direction, since it was dealing
with a conviction under Section 376 of the IPC (punishment for rape), it should
have noted the extraordinary circumstances, if any, which persuaded it to give
such a direction."

Unfortunately, the apex court said the high court merely noted the request made
by the counsel for Tagala and the concession made by the Rajasthan government's
public prosecutor.

"If the high court felt that the prosecution case was extremely weak and the
respondent deserved to be acquitted, it should have discussed the evidence and
acquitted him. But, it could not have adopted such a course," the apex court said
while faulting its direction to the Rajasthan government to commute the sentence.

However, the apex court left the matter without precipitating it further as the
Rajasthan government had not acted on the direction of the high court and had
instead moved the apex court challenging it and during this period Tagala had
already undergone his sentence and was released from custody.

"Since the appeal has become infructuous, we do not want to precipitate the
matter further. We only hope that these observations of ours are taken note of by
all concerned," the Supreme Court said as it disposed off the Rajasthan
government's appeal as infructuous.

http://www.newindianexpress.com/nation/Public-Prosecutors-Should-Not-Act-
Casually-in-Criminal-Cases-
SC/2014/10/18/article2483921.ece?utm_content=bufferea887&utm_medium=soci
al&utm_source=twitter.com&utm_campaign=buffer