Koha Digest # 61

EDITORIAL

PAPAZ AND I READING CONSTITUTIONS

by VETON SURROI

Not much, but his curiosity to know what you are, can you see from
the blurry eyes of the oldest Papaz (priest). He spent over 36 years
in the monastery, with his twisted back from the long working hours
around the garden and herd, as well as prayers which on Sundays can
last over 16 hours. Before looking into his curious eyes, you can turn
your head on the right and almost see the whole island of Hydra, the
natural port which has for centuries attracted the ships of the
Mediterranean, the calm in front of the whole Peloponesius. You turn
your head towards him and his eyes which are stuck on you along
with the question he asked before visiting the monastery, at the
highest peak of the island: are the visitors of the monastery Christian?

The truth is, in the same way he is asking to know the religious
appertaining of the visitors, I could also ask to know about the ethnic
appertaining of the inhabitants of the island. Somewhere after the 14th
century and without reaching the 15th, suffering defeats after defeats,
the island was settled by the Arvanits. They had come from Attica to
the Peloponesius, and from there to this island, about an hour of
travel on sea with contemporary vessels. They had built a small town
of their own: houses of stones which resemble the towers in
Dukagjin, gardens full of flowers as those of the most famous houses
in Peja, Prizren and Gjakova, irregular and narrow streets, products
of the same mentality of all the people of the Mediterranean.

As time went by, they became owners of vessels, be it for commerce

or smuggling and, when the decisive time came to fight for liberation
from the Ottoman rule, they gave over 70% of the military fleet. Ask
any of the inhabitants of this island about this, and you will get an
answer in the Shkip (Albanian) language.

Who are these people today? Since a long time, in fact since the
moment they got independence from the Ottoman Empire, the
inhabitants of Hydra are part of the new Hellenic people, even
though as other people of modern Greece, they have evident cultural
differences. The state, with any regime has insisted that Greece is

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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inhabited only by Greeks, even in the ethnic sense of the word. And,
this is even stranger, knowing that the first President of the Greek
Republic was from Hydra.

But, where does this idea to rule over other people, deny their
identity come from? From the obscurant Papazi? The genes of hatred
within the Balkans people? The curse of God on the Peninsula full of
powder?

I don't think so. The Balkans people were not the first ones to think
in this direction, we have learned this. Our people have read books,
they have been inspired by romantic and revolutionary ideas of the
big states and people. And they have seen, for example, the French
constitution, the sample of the civic constitution and the definition of
the citizen as a Frenchman, as a citizen and a national appertaining.

The column of the contemporary Western-European civilization is

grounded in fact in the denial of ethnic differences inside one state.
It is grounded on the national state. Looked upon this aspect, the
present Balkans wars are not products of the Balkans people, but
romantic ideologies of Western-European people.

Papaz has it easy, he only asks for the fundamental difference

between the Christians and non-Christians. Maybe he doesn't know
how many other differences exist and which must be respected.

KOSOVA

SERB (IN)SUBORDINATION

by YLBER HYSA / Prishtina

Seselj's last arrest in Kosova, would be only another excess of the

internal political scene of Serbia, if it weren't connected with many
other things that are actually happening.

In fact, since after the Serbian gathering in Gra‡anica, Seselj

announced his strong course towards the newest Serbian policy in
regard to Bosnia, and especially in regard to Serbia's President
Milosevic, calling him the new Serbian Vuk Brankovic. Even more,
the star of the Radicals, announced a discourse to be lead by the
Radicals and all opponents to the new "cooperative " course of
Milosevic for the recognition of Bosnia. Seselj said that as of now, a
massive campaign of civilian disobedience and boycotting of the
government should start. Seselj's posture was also supported by
Tomislav Nikolic, his Vice-Chairman, who was also arrested in the
Gjilan incident. Nikolic clearly said that the announced demonstration
of the Radicals to take place on June 17 will really be a meeting of

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protest, which will be organized several days in a row until Milosevic
is ousted - "..the calculation is simple, if there are 100 or 200
thousand people - Milosevic will fall. We will not disperse until he
resigns. We will word our postures which will be communicate to the
people at the meeting and which Milosevic will have to fulfil". This
is what Nikolic said in the interview to "Argument", only one day
before he was arrested in Gjilan. And what did really happen in
Gjilan?

According to the contradictory news, it was a meeting of the radicals

whose goal was to criticize the "betraying" policy of Milosevic, and
maybe this small Kosova town was chosen to start the chain of
smaller protests which were supposed to continue in smaller tows of
Serbia, and which had been announced since sometime by the
Radicals, and which were probably to serve as preparations for the
central meeting at Usce on June 17. According to official news, the
meeting was not allowed by the police, therefore the gathered were
told to leave and allegedly, on this occasion an incident occurred, in
which someone from Seselj's security shot at the police and thus
provoked the intervention of the Serbian police in Gjilan, where many
Radicals and other participants were arrested. According to some
witnesses, police didn't spare the sticks and beat the participants
pretty much. The epilogue was the condemnation of the Radicals by
the Misdemeanors Court in Gjilan, which sentenced Seselj to 20 days
in prison for "ruining the public order" and "inciting confrontations
with the security organs". Tomislav Nikolic got a 30 days' sentence,
Ranko Babic 25, Milorad Jevric and Jovica Stojimenovic 10 days
each.The radicals activists from Leskovac, brothers Cvetkovic were
also sentenced to 20 days each, while the secretary of this branch of
the Radicals was fined, meanwhile MP Filip Stojanovic was released.

The news on the arrest of the Radicals didn't get much coverage by
the pro-governmental media, and much more space was given to the
reactions of the local and central SPS, about Seselj inciting the
internal Serbian conflict of the "brother against brother" type. Dacic,
the port-parole of the Socialists even said that "..this was a harsh,
primitive and criminal act of the Serbian Radical Party" .

The Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO) was more restrained in its

reaction requesting for additional information about the events, while
two MPs from the Democratic Party had sent a letter of protest to
Dragan Tomic, Speaker of the Serbian Parliament, for having
convened the extraordinary session of the Administrative Commission
of the Serbian Parliament, which decided to withdraw the immunity
to the Radicals.

DSS (Democratic Party of Serbia) reacted furiously saying that in the

way the government has acted in Gjilan, it proved that it mainly uses
violence to rule. Contrary to this, the Communist League - Movement
for Yugoslavia (SK-PJ) had said the contrary - that it supported the

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"quick and decisive initiative of the state organs" even hoping that the
rule of law will undertake adequate measures to protect the citizens
from this and other forms of violence and primitivism".

Seselj and the Radicals were also condemned by another radical party,
Arkan's Party of Serbian Unity (SSJ), stating that the Radicals, since
some time are acting "destructively!

Following the reactions of the Serbian parties towards what happened

in Gjilan this political disposition is openly revealed. SPS, SK-PJ and
SSJ are against the "criminal and destructive acts" of Seselj and the
Radicals, while on the other had we have both wings of the Serb
"Democrats" who defend the Radicals and accuse the government and
finally we have SPO somewhere in the middle!

Anyhow, even the birds know why Seselj and his group were
sentenced. There is no doubt that the problem was the meeting in
Usce, to be held on June 17, and which planned to strongly oppose
the act of recognition of Bosnia by Serbia. On the other hand,
Milosevic, who was expected to recognize Bosnia after the diplomatic
marathon with Frasure, finding an adequate timing, cut the knot with
a sword. He arrested the Radicals and proved his indisputable strength
within the Serbian political scene (maybe even conveying the message
that he is not fooling around and that anyone who wishes to be in
Usce will end in his prisons), but at the same time prove to the world
that he is the absolute Serbian God!

Radicals seem to have only "moral credits" defending the "national

course" and maybe nothing else but that. Milosevic aims at something
more - the indisputable power, the property over the right to decide
about the Serbian cause and the lifting of the sanctions with series of
accompanying benefits. It seems as if the Serbian Hamlet dilemma is
slowly but surely reaching it's end...

KOSOVA

THE TRIAL AGAINST THE 28 IN GJILAN

Y.H. / Prishtina

The season of trials in Kosova started at a large range. On the 12th

of this month, the second session of the trial against the 72 accused
in Prishtina is expected to take place, while on June 8, the trial
against the ex policemen in Gjilan ended. This was known as the
"Trial against the 28...". The Regional Court of Gjilan, presided by
Dusan Cvetanovic, made the verdict public, according to which, 15
accused were found guilty for having committed crimes pursuant
articles 116 and 136 of the Penal Code of Yugoslavia, and one

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pursuant article 33 on the Weapons Act. Their sentences range from
6 months to 3 years, while 3 of the accused were released. All of
them were released from detention and will be waiting for the second
instance procedure to end in freedom. The court also decided to
confiscate all tele-fax machines, cameras, radio-transistors and other
technical devices, which were temporarily confiscated from the
accused when they were arrested.

***

On the 8th of June too, at the "provisional" seat of the Supreme Court
of Serbia in Prishtina, for these specific cases, the trial against the
seven accused for having allegedly participated in military training in
Albania ended.

In fact, on August 8, 1994, the Serbian Regional Court in Prishtina

sentenced the accused to a total of 21 years in prison. The defense of
the accused presented as a new fact the written report from the
UNHCR in Geneva according to which Fusha e Labinotit in Elbasan
was no military training camp, but an accommodation center for
refugees, and that this fact had been corroborated by a CSCE
delegation. What is even more important, the Military Court in Nish
found no grounds to sentence two young men accused of the same
thing. Therefore, we are referring to two contradicting verdicts, since
it comes our that for the same crime, one court releases the accused
and the other sentences them!

The new verdict is expected to come out in the following days...

TORTURE

THE BRUTALITY OF THE UGLY STATE

B.H. / Prishtina

In a long statement elaborated by attorney Bajram Kelmendi, and

grounded on reliable sources, it is said that "Serbian police and
military forces have, in the past years, killed a large number of
Kosova Albanians". Attorney Kelmendi also adds that the murders
committed involve all categories of the Albanian population in
Kosova. On all cases, innocent citizens were killed, without inciting
the murderers to act thus against them. Killings, mainly were done
with firearms, but also with mechanical means when the victims were
tortured. Since 1981 and till the end of May 1995, 164 people were
killed.

The number of the killed, according to the year is the following:

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 1981 - 13 persons
1982 - 1 person
1984 - 3 persons
1985 - 1 person
1989 - 33 persons
1990 - 39 persons
1991 - 14 persons
1992 - 20 persons
1993 - 15 persons
1994 - 18 persons
1995 - 7 persons

What is characteristic in the case of these murders is that none of the

murderers has undergone criminal procedure but on the contrary,
some of them have been even promoted in their posts and are still
working for the police.

PERSONS WOUNDED

Wounding as a form of endangerment of the physical integrity of

Albanians are daily proof of the suffering the Albanian population is
subjected to by this regime. The motive is the same as in any other
case which involves Albanians.

In 1990, 248 Albanians were wounded by firearms. The number of

the wounded is much bigger, but in many cases the victims were not
courageous enough to come and report about their cases, fearing that
they would undergo police mistreatment.

Also in 1994, 11 people were wounded by the police. According to

the evidence of the CDHRF, says Kelmendi, the number of those who
have become invalids as a consequence, is not small either.

TORTURE

Physical torture is the most often and massive means of repression in

the Serbian repressive arsenal. It is so drastic that 6 persons, of
course Albanians, have died because of police tortures in 1994.
According to data provided for 1993, 1.721 persons were physically
tortured, while in 1994 this number has ostensibly increased and
according to the evidence the number reaches 2.157 persons. This
number includes 28 children and 22 women. There are also cases of
inhuman torture, as was the tearing of an ear-shell as a consequence
of a mechanic blow, or the cases of mechanical castrations, etc... says
Kelmendi in his statement.

SEARCHES

According to an information of the CDHRF, during 1994 alone, 3553

families have been raided for weapons, while in 1993, the number of

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raided families reached 2997, in all municipalities. If the "heads" of
families are not home, then, the other members of the families are
taken hostage, often women and children which are kept in detention
until the person the police is after appears, says Kelmendi.

In this long statement, Kelmendi writes about the arbitrary arrests as

a form of threatening the individual freedom, the violation of the right
to legal assistance of the arrested, taking hostages, as a special form
of arbitrary arrest by the Serbian police, the violation of the housing
right, the violation of free circulation of citizens by confiscating the
passports, the violation of the right to public assembly, violation of
labor rights, the violation of the right to dispose of private property
due to the restriction of purchase and sale of real-estate, the violation
of the rights from the health-care system, education, culture and
science. All these violations aim at the resettlement of Albanians from
their lands by colonizing Kosova but, adds Kelmendi, "the soul,
thought and the sense of one state are in its laws".

TORTURE

A CHRONICLE SUFFERED ON SKIN

by BATON HAXHIU / Prishtina

From many concrete cases of torture, explains attorney Vllasi, one of

the most recent, shocking ones, is that from the trial in Gjilan which
ended on June 8, 1995, the case of Enver Ramizi. The police entered
brutally in his house late at night. While they were searching his
home for whole two hours, his minor daughter cried all the time and
is now traumatized. Taking him out from the house, the policeman
tells Ramizi: "Look how your wife and children are crying Enver"
Then he was put the rifle tube in his mouth, threatened: "Open your
mouth, you bastard... I will burn down your house and everything
you have". He was beaten at the police station four days and nights,
being electrocuted in his genitals. He now has health problems. In
trial, he was never proven guilty, but yet he was sentenced in prison.

This is one of the 3214 cases which occurred last year and over 500
which occurred this year. Lack of juridical security and any kind of
security in Kosova is total. All of this is done to prevent any patriotic
and political activity of Albanians, to make them leave Kosova.
According to the 1994 annual report of Amnesty International, torture
is applied in more than one third of the world. It is a terrifying fact
to know that torture aims at destroying the individual, break his
personality. Thus, anxiety and terror are spread in all other parts of
society.

The UN and other human rights organizations, as well as Amnesty

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International (AI), based on forms of torture give their definition of
torture. It's definition is found in the Tokyo Declaration (1975) of the
World Medical Association according to which: "...torture is a
premeditated punishment, systematic or not, causing physical or
psychological pain, committed by one or many persons who act
ordered by one authority to force another person to give up
information or reveal something else".

This form of torture is treated in the UN or AI documents as a

genocidal act. Treating this item and the daily Kosova life, the
CDHRF gives grounds to AI's report, with the cases of torture
applied in Kosova. All different types of brutal torture comprised in
this report which is also transmitted by AI, are treated as Epidemics
of Torture.

The methods of torture in Kosova are physical and mental, because

not only psychological methods but also the physical ones, affect the
brain. In Kosova, torture is better understood as a process which
often starts with the brutal arrest and violations at home. Then, it
continues with a "milder" phase, with the application of special
methods of torture and often ends with a false medical statement,
which is often signed by the victims. In the "milder" phase, two or
three days, the victims are systematically mistreated. They can be
kept hanging for some time. Often, this is systematically done in the
case of the arrested, which are hit with the gun butts or special police
batons. They are kept sleepless for nights in a row, they are not given
food, water, nor blankets. Therefore, humiliation is an essential part
of torture and this phase aims at exhausting the victim, physically and
psychologically.

It is hard to imagine the terror of the physical methods of torture,

even though the mental torture is what mainly affects the personality
of the victim, i.e. the tortured.

Deprivation is the method with is most often mentioned in CDHRF

reports. This method, the tortured stress, consists of depriving the
victim from sensing things, sleep or any contact with other people.
The isolation is done in a small cell without any or with too much
light in it. The food is received in irregular periods, so the concept
of time is lost. They are not allowed to take baths or go to the toilets,
therefore physiological needs are done in the cell.

Threats start at home and this process makes a whole, because

deprivation also incites threats against the whole family. The victims
are constantly threatened that they will be killed and tortured, they are
told that their families and friends will be tortured in their presence,
are some of the claims of the arrested and tortured people in Kosova.

The presence of the others during torture is another in the line of the
fascistoid methods applied against the tortured. The feelings can be

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described, they say, when they force you to witness the torture of
people you are close to. Often people are tortured to death, while the
other arrested are forced to witness that, unable to do a thing.
Victims who have suffered the experience say that they still recall
each second of the event. They say that they would rather be in their
place than witness what they did.

In the three-yearly report of the CDHRF, it is stated that all forms of

physical torture have been applied in Kosova. They are categorized
according to some characteristics and other proofs of torture.

The systematic beatings, known in the police vocabulary as falange,

when the victim is beaten with sticks, batons and wires on their bare
feet. Another way of systematic beating is slapping both ears at the
same time, hitting the victims at previous fractures or in the stomach.
Sexual torture is also a method which is applied as a direct execution
of violence in genital organs. This method, especially in the last
couple of years, is applied against former policemen, military officials
and all those who, in this or another way, are actively engaged in
politics.

Electrical torture is applied in all cases, when a statement is sought

to be signed. Tortured persons are provoked with convulsions, which
are painful, claim the victims. The electrodes are placed in the most
vulnerable parts of the body, the tongue, gingiva, cheeks, finger-tips,
genital organs and breasts. According to the victims, the torturers
always use electrical sticks.

The sinking method is also a form of torture which is not applied that
often. The head of the victim is constantly sunk in water, repeatedly
several times, while the victim is held under the threat of death for
several hours.

Burning is done with cigarettes or hot metal sticks which cause

unbearable pains and serious lesions. This form of physical torture is
used in the majority of those who just come in hands of the security
organs.

Pharmacological torture is used when there is no chance to achieve

the goal otherwise. The victimized are forced to swallow a handful of
tablets so they come into a state out of control. Therefore, they
declared whatever the police needs to hear from them.

What characterizes this regime is the dental torture, meaning that the
victim's teeth are broken with an uncontrolled blow.

From many statements given by people who underwent detention,

isolations and trials in the past years, attorney Azem Vllasi says that
he can't forget the statement of one person, of great influence in the
Serbian state security, who had said to one of the tortured persons: "It

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is a plan to have all Albanians who mean something, between 18 and
60, undergo some kind of torture, either to be beaten at the police,
arrested, judged, end up in jail for a longer period, depending on the
importance and influence of the subjected person. This is how we will
calm you Albanians".

Another characteristic of the world of the torture in Kosova is that it

uses its absurd language which leads this police system to establish
the system of torture as a profession, with concepts, theories and
mastery of torture. It is fact that the modern concepts of applying
torture are being developed in Kosova today, by specialising people
only for this purpose and increasing their hatred towards Albanians.
These are only some of the forms which were systemized according
to the statements of the tortured.

Vllasi's opinion is that "...in all these cases the dominant role is that
of the police, drastically violating the provisions of the Law on
Criminal Procedure" It has become a rule that after having arrested
the people, the police usually beats the majority, torturing them
physically and mentally, and above all brutally, in the ways described
above. Then, they are sent to the investigating judge, who takes them
back to the police, which continues with the "investigations". The
prosecutor writes the indictment according to what was signed at the
police, despite the fact that the statement was taken by force. Despite
any truth that may come out during the trial, the courts usually
ground their decision on these false statements, and without any
proofs, condemn the people to long-term prison sentences, concludes
Vllasi.

In the past, the main purpose of torture was to get information,

statements or to terrorize and punish an individual. Today, the
purpose of the torture is to only destroy the individual and then use
the spiritually destroyed person to terrorize the rest of Albanians. The
ones who apply the torture, know well that it can destroy the mind
without destroying the body, meaning that it can destroy the
personality of the victims so after being tortured, his private life as
well as the social one, will not be the same. Even though the
performers of torture can take out any information they need, from
other sources, Albanians keep being subjected to torture. The purpose
is achieved only when the victim can be described as a "living
corpse". Torture is the most savage form of oppression a human can
be subjected to. The rule which considers the use of terror necessary,
as the Serbian regime does, has driven itself to the level of a terrorist
regime. It is contradicting to consider such a society a democratic
one, on the contrary, it should be called inhuman. This is how the
Albanians look upon the Serbian state today.

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EX-YU

AMERICANS FINALLY INTERVENE IN MACEDONIA?

KOHA / Washington, Athens, Shkup

A decisive American intervention, in the solution of the Greek-

Macedonian contest, could be expected in the next weeks. Even, it
could also be expected that President Clinton's staff, and eventually
his own statement, would be also involved in this negotiating process.
According to well informed diplomatic sources in Athens and Shkup,
the decisive moment has come to solve the Greek-Macedonian
contest. Papanderou's government feels secure with the
parliamentarian majority, that it can overcome the challenges of the
domestic politics towards the solution of this problem, while
Macedonia's president Gligorov, seems to have only Albanians as
opposition. Even more, American diplomats who are involved in these
negotiations have received strong guarantees that the main opposition
force in Macedonia, VMRO-DPMNE, will not undertake any negative
action if a Greek-Macedonian compromise is reached.

An obstacle in the negotiations so far, has already been overcome: the

procedural postponements imposed by both sides. As the things are
now, the Greek party has signalized that it gives up on the policy of
"two packages" (the small one involved all disputable issues but the
name, which was considered to be the largest package), while
president Gligorov gives up on the conditioning that Greece must first
lift the embargo and then start conversations. If these previous
concessions are strengthened, there are no obstacles for the Greek-
Macedonian encounter, with the American and the UN Secretary
General's mediation in New York.

Once sitting at the negotiating table, the Macedonian and Greek

officials will have the package of compromise solutions presented by
Cyrus Vance. It contains the solutions for the name, accusations for
territorial pretensions in the Macedonian constitution and the Vergina
star on the Macedonian flag. Also, other problematic issues, as is the
embargo and the obstacles Macedonia is facing to become member of
the OSCE, which are also consequences of the contest.

But, judging upon the disposition so far, the opening of negotiations

about the name of the Republic, is expected to open the path towards
the discussion on all issues. According to the announcements so far,
the names in option are Vardar's Macedonia or New Macedonia,
which will make the officials in Shkup lose the exclusive right to call
their state Macedonia alone, while the Greeks will have to give up on
the insisting not to have "Macedonia" stated in any form in the
constitutional name of their northern neighbor.

The present American evaluation is that he conditions have matured

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for a decisive diplomatic intervention. This evaluation could be or not
be linked to the turn the Greek foreign policy is doing in direction of
its "Europeization", which objectively puts a very dark shadow on the
Turkish policy. Also, it could be related to the deterioration of the
internal situation of the inter-ethnic relations, which is best seen in the
case of the University of Tetova. Finally, according to Bulgarian
diplomatic circles, the past Greek attempts to push Macedonia closer
to Belgrade are also very important.

All of these reasons, and because of a political point that can be won
in the US, an increased American activity, some even say decisive,
can be expected.

If success is achieved in this direction, and the dispute with Greece

is solved, Macedonia will be expecting an intensive diplomatic activity
for involvement in OSCE, the signature of Partnership for Peace with
NATO and the attempt to become member of the Council of Europe.
In all this activity, it is still a question mark how will the internal
development reflect, especially in the area of inter-ethnic relations, in
the foreign policy of the republic with a new name.

EX-YU

AMERICAN ZIG-ZAGS AND THE AGONY OF BOSNIA

by LINDITA IMAMI / Washington

The new developments in Bosnia, especially the fact that UN soldiers

were taken hostages and the shoot-down of the american plane (and
not the victims of war) made the US concentrate more on the crisis
in the former Yugoslavia and try to find ways to finalize the crisis by
assuring safety to the international troops in the region.

The discussions on Bosnia intensified last week in the White House,

the Department of Defense and the Congress. Bosnia's issue became
even more serious when the attempt to find the American pilot
started.

Even after his heroic rescue after six days, discussions still continue
during this week, with the question: what should the USA do and
which would be the best options for the new mandate of the UN in
the region.

William Perry, and John Shalikashvili testified before the Senate's

Commission on Armed Forces and the House of Representatives'
Ccommission on National Security, respectively. In the testimony,
there was no doubt which side is the aggressor and which one is the
victim of the war in Bosnia. "We believe that the aggressors are the

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Serbs in Bosnia, while the people and the government of Bosnia are
the victims", said Perry. He supported the French proposal for the
creation of the Rapid Reactions Force (RRF) comprised of 10
thousand soldiers and expressed the opinion that UN forces should
continue in Bosnia in order to prevent further expansion of war.

Telling the American legislators that there are conditions for the
expansion of war in the Balkans, including Kosova, Macedonia and
Albania, Perry said: "The vital interest of the US would be
endangered in this case. Even though war has not expanded, we can't
be satisfied".

One of the controversial issues is the use of American troops and the
definition of circumstances under which they would be sent to Bosnia.
The testimonies of the two main persons of the American army were
not consistent. These conflictive statements as other similar ones filled
up the transmittals from the White House, the Pentagon and the State
Department for almost two weeks, and now have caused the anger of
the American legislators. "It is tragic to have all this confusion inside
the Administration". It is harmful for our troops, for our relations
with our allies and naturally, this harms America's image", said
Senator John Warner to both Perry and Shalikashvili. Perry stated
when could the American troops be sent to Bosnia: assist NATO to
implement the peace plan after fighting is over, help the withdrawal
of UN forces from the region and save NATO forces, if they are in
danger or are taken hostage. General Shalikashvili told the legislators
that in the future, American planes will be flying accompanied by
special planes holding electronic devices and anti-missile technology.
American legislators, including influential democrats such as Sam
Nunn and Robert Byrd, request that the President asks for consent
from the Congress before any troops are sent abroad.

In the meantime, the House of Representatives adopted a bill on

lifting the embargo of arms against Bosnia. Congressman Hoyer
(Maryland) proposed this measure as an amendment which was
attached to a broader bill on assistance abroad, which was adopted
with 318 votes in favor and only 99 against. Talking about the
failures of the strategies of the US and the West in Bosnia, the
amendment, among others, says: "The constant application of arms
embargo on Bosnia disables the Government of Bosnia to self-defend
itself as guaranteed by Art. 51 of the UN Charter and thus is contrary
to international law. The Congress supports the efforts of the B&H
Government to defend its people and territory, to safeguard its
sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the Republic and
to reach a peaceful, just and durable solution in B&H". In
continuation, the amendment requests the lifting of the arms embargo
against Bosnia.

The amendment is part of a broader bill of the House of

Representatives which requests the reduction of the funds for

- 13 -
programs aborad and the integration of three federal agencies within
the State Department. A similar bill will be discussed at the Senate
and will then sent to the President, for signature, since this is a bill
which obliges the administration to either sign it or veto it.

Bosnia continues being a test for the integrity of the organizations and
world's alliances, as well as relations between two different states.
NATO's and UN's roles in Bosnia continue being contradicting and
full of zig-zags. After the two days' conversations with the British
Government, the Russian Foreign Minister expressed his relaxation
to understand that the idea about the 10 thousand soldiers was not
NATO's. On the other hand, in Brussels, NATO member states
adopted uniquely the proposal for the creation of RRF. But, when on
the same day Pakistani blue helmets fought back the Serbian troops,
and when Perry declared that NATO is willing to assist the
Pakistanis, some European officials said that RRF could act only with
the consent of the Serbs, thus again creating a new zig-zag and
questioning the seriousness of any measure of the West and the
NATO.

EX-YU

REINTEGRATION - WITH WEAPONS

by DRAGAN JANJIC / AIM / Belgrade

The Croatian forces in B&H and the armed forces of the Republic of
Croatia have marked great successes which can be of decisive
influence in the development of the military situation in this part of
the battle-field.

According to Croatian Radio, on Tuesday afternoon, they practically

conquered all dominating heights at the Sator mountain, twenty
kilometers east of Grahovo. Serb military sources unofficially
confirmed the news in the afternoon. Several days earlier, Croatian
Serb forces interrupted the traffic in the relation between Grahovo and
Glamoc and practically conquered all localities some twenty
kilometers South-East of Grahovo. This town is presently almost
besieged.

It seems as the military commanders if Bosnian Serbs were a bit

surprised with the decision of the Croats to, after conquering the
Livno Plain, advance towards Grahovo. Serb military planners, seem
to have supposed that Croats would turn towards Knin and increase
pressure against this town.

Croatian forces, in the meantime, started besieging Grahovo after

having conquered Sator incredibly fast. According to unofficial

- 14 -
information coming from Serbian sources, Grahovo's front was
"shaken" the very moment when the Serbian brigade from Petrovac,
without any big fighting, withdrew from its positions. Grahovo's
brigade, which was concentrated well, and had an organized defense,
faced the Croatian attack from the side and was forced to withdraw.
The information from the front was that there was no ammunition.
The positions that Croat forces have now, make it possible not only
to hit the Knin-Grahovo road, but Grahovo itself, and also Drvar and
Glamoc. On Monday afternoon, fearing from eventual Croatian
attacks, first refugees departed from Drvar.

In essence, the fighting around Grahovo are part of big operations

which may aim towards Knin. In these operations, Bosnian Croats and
the Army of the Republic of Croatia, as confirmed by Serb military
sources, engaged at least 20 thousand soldiers, good artillery support
and tanks as well.

The biggest successes of the Croatian party, in essence created

military predispositions for the preparation and undertaking of the
biggest operations towards Knin. The roads which would be used to
provide for Knin, is seriously endangered, even though it is not fully
interrupted, while the quotas which are under Croatian control make
the effective use of the artillery in a wide region possible, can almost
reach Knin.

Serb military planners considered that Croat forces commanders

would depart from the presuppositions that they are not able to go
deep North. They believed that the last purpose of the Croatian forces
is to come closer to Knin-Grahovo road at the distance which would
make artillery shelling on Knin possible.

The recent events, however, make one conclude that one of the aims
of the whole operation will be Grahovo itself. With the conquest of
the region surrounding this town, the link between Knin and Banja
Luka, i.e Serbia, will be totally impossible. This step could be
undertaken eventually in continuation of the operation which would
lead Knin and the whole region in a very difficult situation.

There are few chances for Croat forces to immediately continue their
military operation towards the North and start towards Knin from
Dinara. The positions they hold now are comfortable enough and
allow Zagreb to continue the harsh pressure against the Serb Krajina
leadership to accept the "peaceful reintegration". It is hard, also, to
presuppose the intensive artillery attacks against Grahovo, Drvar and
Glamoc, having in mind that this step wouldn't be looked well upon
by the international community.

Finally, another circle of political initiatives should be expected,

because Zagreb doesn't want to "spoil" things and weaken its
international political position. It is sure that the time at the disposal

- 15 -
will be used to strengthen and further consolidate the Croat forces
which have penetrated towards Grahovo and conquered almost the
whole Dinara massive.

As the things are standing now, as if all possibilities are to have

Krajina Serbs accept "peaceful reintegration", during the next couple
of months, the continuation of military operations should be expected.
But, not even in the next phase will there be any direct attacks on
Knin, but there will be conquering of new positions which will make
life of people in this town even more unbearable.

At the same time, Croat military actions in Southern Bosnia have

another, not unimportant task - the penetration of the "corridor"
which would link them to the forces of the Fifth Corpus which are
stationed in Bihac. The eventual beseige of Grahovo, looked upon in
perspective, would create the predispositions of such an action. It is
undisputable that Bosnian Croats and Zagreb have been long seeking
for this solution, because militarily "and for good", would they
interrupt the physical connection between Knin Krajina and parts of
Bosnia under the control of Serbs and Yugoslavia.

With the development of such a military action, Serbs will practically

lose all territories at the south of Banja Luka, and this strongest
Serbian enclave would be almost under total surrounding and exposed
to strong pressure. The unification of forces of the Fifth Corpus and
Croat units at the south, in essence, would be a decisive step towards
the definitive military victory of the Croat-Muslim B&H Federation.

EX-YU

BALKANS IN THE RUSSIAN SPHERE OF INTEREST

by RIFAT BUZUKU / Vienna

The traces of Karadzic's blows after NATO strikes (May 25 and 26) -
when he retaliated by taking hundreds of blue-helmets as hostages
and murdering another one hundred Bosniac civilians, are trying to be
covered by the medial noise of the international community about the
establishment of the RRF, which was agreed by the foreign and
defense ministers of the UE states in Paris. But, this initiative is going
towards the old path, and the "rapid forces" want to solve the
problems by dialogue and not force! Without wasting any time, Russia
immediately appeared in the role of the mediator between Milosevic
and Karadzic on one side and all western partie on the other. Russian
foreign minister Koziryev said that "this would be the final good-bye"
to the peaceful plan of the Contact Group on Bosnia. Russia is in
favor of the continuation of the conversations, as long as Serbs have
no more requests or complaints. And seems that this is precisely

- 16 -
going to happen, while the West is driven by its nose by Milosevic
and Karadzic, the international community - held hostage - is
suffering in Serbian military prisons. The story of the hostages and
their partial liberation, has brought Milosevic the compensation of all
evil he has done, from the disintegration of Yugoslavia and on. His
fame is growing. Instead of being called "the igniter of fire in the
Balkans" and war criminal as he was known until recently, now the
same international representatives call Milosevic a "person who
contributes to the peace" or even "the key to the solution of the crisis
in the Balkans"! Instead of the deserved punishment of the terrorists,
the international delegates rush to Belgrade and Pale to apologize for
the mistake committed (air-strikes of May 25 & 26) and ask for
mercy for the captivated blue-helmets.

Even the Greeks found space enough to profit from the fame of the
Serbs. Ministers Papulias (Foreign affairs) and Arsenis (Defense) met
at Pale (on June 5) with the leaders of the Bosnian Serbs. They were
accompanied by the Head of Serbia's State Security, Jovica Stanisic,
and mediated in the liberation of the hostages. Their mission was
realized after the phone contacts with Bosnian Serbs one day before,
i.e. one day after the RRF was created in Paris! They also met with
Milosevic, making it clear, once again, that Greece remains the
faithful ally of Serbia. In the huge circus with the UN hostages, even
the US is confused. News agencies informed on June 5 that
conversations between Frasure and Milosevic had advanced.
Milosevic declared that he would mediate in the negotiations for the
liberation of the hostages only if the sanctions against Serbia were
lifted (if he is putting conditions for their liberation, isn't this proof
enough that he is the author of the whole scenario?). So far, he was
offered the suspension of the sanctions for a certain term, under the
condition that Serbia recognizes B&H and Croatia in their
internationally acknowledged borders. Milosevic has rejected the
second request, while he fulfilled the first one totally, liberating a part
of hostages. US Department of State admitted that Milosevic had
helped a lot in the issue of the hostages, but has not shown any
interest to recognize Bosnia and Croatia. Nevertheless, Christopher
ordered Frasure to remain in Belgrade for some time, to continue
bargaining with Serbs. "Don't give up", was the message he sent to
Frasure.

During a secret meeting that took place on June 5 at the American

Embassy in Vienna, the Chief of Staff of the US Army John
Shalikashvili and his Russian counterpart Mikhail Koleshnyikov, once
again threw their dice for the Balkans. After the talks behind the
scene, they declared that they were "against the solution of the
conflict by force" and that they would continue the diplomatic
attempts to find a suitable solution. What was really discussed
between the two militaries, it can only be speculated about. But
experienced analysts can probably conclude that this meeting is a
continuance of the counselling contacts between the two states about

- 17 -
the preservation of their interests. Thus, Jure Petricevic, a Croat,
professor of the University in Zurich considers that Clinton has left
the Balkans within the Russian sphere of interest, and he presents an
article of the International Herald Tribune, dated 9 August 1994,
which spoke of Clinton's success in the negotiations with Yeltsin, in
regard to the withdrawal of the Russian army from the Baltic states,
i.e., about the conditions of the withdrawal of these states. Aiming at
reaching a bigger effect, the day the remaining Russian troops were
withdrawing, Yelstin ordered the withdrawal of his army from
Estonia, too. But, Clinton's "big success" and Yelstin's
understanding have a big price: the Russian march towards the
Adriatic without any resistance!, says Petricevic. He is convinced that
this is price to be paid by Croats, Bosnians, Muslims and Albanians,
This arises from a secret conclusion, but nevertheless revealed by The
New York Times: "Thus, it seems clear that Russian imperialist
interests, thanks to Clinton's `successful' policy, are more oriented
towards the South-East rather than the West. This clearly proves what
can happen in a rare occasion, when a President takes a clear strategic
decision, i.e., when the personal interest overcomes success, and
when it is realized in silence and decisively".

This clear decision means that, as far as it concerns the USA, Russia,
in cooperation with Serbia, can continue marching towards the
Adriatic through Bosnia and Croatia. But, this agreement between
USA and Russia at the same time means the continuation of the
"ethnic cleansing" of Croats, Muslims in B&H and Sandzak and in a
longer term, the cleansing of Albanians in Kosova and the north of
Albania. Russians and Serbs count on Greece's assistance in this
ethnic cleansing process, as member of the EU and the NATO. In
relation to this, it is of special importance to know that the Sixth
American Fleet has several bases on the Mediterranean and the
Adriatic. The main bases in Pireus near Athens, as well as a series of
air bases in Italy, Greece and Turkey are not preventing the huge
deliveries of oil from Greece and Albania to Serbia. So, the question
arises: whom does NATO defend in Southern Europe and Eastern
Mediterranean from the Serb-Russian aggression, and aren't these the
first signs of a next, third world war? Clinton has often responded
to questions about the participation of the American forces in an
intervention in the Balkans by saying that he can't give such an order
without the consent of the Serbs.

The present marching of the Russians towards the Adriatic strengthens

the naval base in Kotor Bay (Montenegro), which was given to the
former Soviet Union by former Serbian generals and with Tito's
consent. Within the Russian-Serb expansion and conquest of this
important spot at the Eastern seacoast of the Adriatic Sea, the former
Serbian Communist leadership of the former Yugoslavia constructed
the profitless railway from Belgrade to Tivar (Bar), but at the same
time modernized this town's port.

- 18 -
The purpose of the this Serb-Russian policy is to weaken Croatia and
Albania and, even, be removed from the Adriatic Sea. It may sound
strange, but these enormous political changes may be unknown to the
public. The presence of the Russian naval fleet in Kotor Bay is of
great military and political importance for both the Adriatic and the
Eastern Mediterranean, even though no one speaks openly of this very
important issue. The same silence has captivated the mentioned
railway and port, even though these two are strong means for the
aggressive Serbian policy. These big changes in the political-military
relations weaken and endanger the EU and NATO. Europe is also
endangered by Greece and its pro-Serbian policy. Being member of
all structures, it risks the ruin of all political and military structures
of Democratic Europe, which was developed in phases after WWII.
The Orthodox policy of Greece is also weakening Turkey's
importance as member of NATO in the Eastern region of the
Mediterranean.

It was the west who enabled Russia to march towards the Adriatic and
the Mediterranean. It was Clinton's proposal to have Russia adhere
to Partnership for Peace, while Serbia, with the support of Russia,
continues its occupying war in Bosnia. With this act, the US political
leadership formally destroyed the post-war order in Europe. The
Croatian professor adds that it is a bitter irony to see that despite the
ruin of the Russian and Serbian empires of the Communist sphere of
Europe, nevertheless the defeated powers (Russia and Serbia) come
out to the political scene as winners! This big political defeat of the
democratic West will be of serious and huge consequences for the non
Orthodox people of Central and Eastern Europe.

INTERVIEW

MIGUEL ANGEL MARTINEZ, Chairman of the Parliamentarian

Assembly of the Council of Europe

TOWARDS THE COMMON EUROPEAN KITCHEN

Interviewed by BORJAN JOVANOVSKI / A1 / Shkup

Miguel Angel Martinez was elected in his post in January 1993.

During his mandate, which expires in January 1996, this organization
has grown for almost one third: from 23 to 33 members and until the
end of the year, it is expected that it will increase even more, with the
acceptance of new members. One of the candidates is Macedonia.
Martinez is a high ranked official of the Socialist Party of Spain
(PSOE). He was born on 30 January 1940 and he is an erudite with
university diplomas and titles in medicine, psychology and philology.
In times of Franco's dictatorship, Martinez lead the anti-fascist events
among the young people and students. Because of these activities, he

- 19 -
was forced to live in exile for over 14 years in France, Austria and
Belgium. In his post as Chairman of the Parliamentarian Assembly,
Martinez witnesses the dynamic processes of integration which took
place in the past years in Europe. Under his leadership, the European
Council became one of the main instruments of the European
construction.

* If you would make a summary of your activities so far, how

successful were you in achieving your ambitions and which is the
present role of the CE in the process of European integration?

MARTINEZ: I will make the summary at the end of my mandate, at

the end of January 1996. I have not made a balance of my activity
yet, however, there are things that are quite evident. The process of
European construction in the past four years went through the phase
of European reactivation. This was symbolized with the growth of all
European institutions. There were 22 states in the CE, now there are
33; the UE had 12 members now it has 15, the WEU had 9 members
and now it has ten. So, a permanent growth of all institutions took
place. In the context of the CE, there was a definition and expansion
of the concept of protection of human rights, including the protection
of minority rights...

* What do you think about the situation in Europe created after the
disintegration of several European states and the creation of new
independent states. How much have these processes influenced the
European integrations?

MARTINEZ: Two states disintegrated. There are not forty but two
or even three, if we count Czechoslovakia. The others are Yugoslavia
and the URSS. I believe that the three cases revealed an important
phenomenon, which didn't contribute the process of construction in
the continent, because integration is easier with 25 than 45 states...

It's the experience that the people which lived there have suffered. I
believe that if all people in the former Yugoslavia would be intelligent
enough to find a model of coexistence, instead of ruining states, I
believe that in this case it would be easier and there would be less
suffering of the people which made up the Former Yugoslavia, and
of course less problems for European construction, because what
happened in Bosnia or Croatia, by all means represents the stagnation
of the process of integration.

* If I am not wrong, you were member of the Commission for

Yugoslavia's admission in the CE?

MARTINEZ: I was more than that, I was the rapporteur!

* Do you think that the disintegration of Yugoslavia was inevitable?

- 20 -
MARTINEZ: No, of course not. Anyhow, I will not speculate with
the past. This is not a topic I am interested in much. Yet, I believe
that the disintegration of Yugoslavia could have been evaded, or, if
you wish, escaped. I believe that all people who have made up
Yugoslavia have accepted the European values, which they now
proclaim and which they should contribute to European construction.
In order to accept these values in those moments, Yugoslavia should
have survived in different conditions and other rules of the game...

* What rules are you referring to?

MARTINEZ: The rules of the CE, on respecting the different

identities. Anyhow, I don't want to go back. I often say that I will be
the father of the creature called Yugoslavia, at the CE, and now it
doesn't exist any more. This is disappointing. The parent who is
expecting one child and suddenly gets five, is of course shocked. I did
my best to have Bosnia get a special status in the CE. Now I am
fighting for Croatia's membership, and I am almost certain that
Macedonia will become member of the Council very soon... You are
a part of Europe and you have the same rights to participate in
Europe, as the Spanish, the French, the British, the Swedes.

* There are quite some states awaiting to become members of the CE.
Could you tell us which are the rights and obligations to be fulfilled
by one country in order to become members of the CE?

MARTINEZ: The right is to get access to the common kitchen and

cook together with the others. The one outside the Council, have no
chances to cook, but if they are lucky, maybe they will get a share of
what is being cooked inside. I believe that this is an explanation you
understand. This is the right to become omnipotent member of an
association which must produce something called United Europe and
which in the eyes of the world represents the group of people which
live fine and which has to do with prosperity, stability and freedom.
Let's say that the right is to play in the major league, isn't it? The
obligations are the following: the rules of democracy and the respect
of human rights must be acknowledged, the rules of pluralism,
payments and participation is also an obligation, for the Council
functions thanks to the participation of the member states and finally
it is also an obligation to apply in practice whatever was agreed
democratically.

* Could you specify the standards for membership?

MARTINEZ: They are clear. These are freedom, pluralism, respect

of human rights, which also includes the respect of minority rights,
and - these would be the standards. These are the necessary
conditions. These conditions must join, and one must be accepted by
member states. These are the standards and conditions to become a
member.

- 21 -
* Albania still doesn't have a constitution...

MARTINEZ: Neither does Great Britain.

* The situation in Moldavia is not better?

MARTINEZ: I was there and my impressions are positive.

* They will soon become member of the Council, in June.

MARTINEZ: Yes, either June or July.

* On the other hand, Greece, which is a member state, denies the

existence of minorities, e.g. Macedonians, Turks, etc. The impression
is that the standards we mentioned previously are only formal?

MARTINEZ: It is your right to believe so. I don't agree with you. I

don't want to discuss about rhetoric. I know that when I am in
Greece, I feel in a free country. I don't agree about some issues with
my Greek friends, but with others I do. Greece is a free and
democratic country, a country which respects human rights. There
may be speculations about this or that but Greece fulfils the standards.
I don't know what do you mean with formal standards, but when your
country becomes member of the Council, we will signalize
specifically about what is good and what should be changed and we
will harshly control what should be changed. This is not done to
satisfy us, but because of your people, so it can have the privileges
and same benefits as the other people.

* I still insist on my question. What I know is that your rapporteurs

have been more concentrated on the situation in Macedonia. When I
refer to the minority rights in Greece, I refer to reports elaborated by
Amnesty International. Are the situations followed according to the
same criteria?

MARTINEZ: I don't agree with you. The standards are the same. I
will allow myself to say, with all due respect towards your country,
that it is lacking a little bit more to reach the same freedom as the one
existing in Greece. I am referring to pluralism, democracy and of
course, stability. What I would like your country to have, is the same
level of freedom and prosperity as the states of the EU. I believe that
your people deserve to be treated the same as the other people.

* Macedonia is a candidate to become member or the CE. Does it

fulfil the standards?

MARTINEZ: Today I met the rapporteurs who are experts in a way

and they conveyed me the positive impressions. On the other hand,
let's suppose that if I accepted to visit your country, this means that
we are almost one step towards acceptance. I will visit your state with

- 22 -
respect and solidarity, but also with a precise plan of visit hoping that
your symbols will soon be exposed besides the others before my
mandate expires.

* You mentioned the symbols; will the same thing as at the UN be

applicable in the CE?

MARTINEZ: I believe that UN standards should be applied. I

wouldn't want such problems to stop the admission of your state in
the CE, because this is very important. From the day you become
members, you will accept the covenants on human rights, all citizens
of your state will have the right to be defended by the European court
for human rights. I wouldn't like to have problems which were solved
in other states, prevent your state from affiliating to the CE. I
wouldn't want to give arguments to those who are rushing to have
your state affiliated with us, as I am myself.

* In one of the reports of your rapporteurs, it was said that there is

a series of reasons of concern for Macedonia. What are the reasons?

MARTINEZ: Reports were written by experts. I don't read them all,

but I consider that they clearly contain the issues and paths to solve
them. I consider that you know what should be emended. And just
compare yourselves to the examples of Switzerland and Denmark, and
you'll have it clear what is to be changed.

* Please be more precise. What do you think about human and

minority rights in Macedonia?

MARTINEZ: The reports I received today claim that the situation is

acceptable, but "acceptable" doesn't mean satisfactory or fully
satisfactory. This means that the minimum has been achieved that
more effort should be applied to reach progress.

* What do you think about the position of the Albanian minority in

Macedonia. I believe that you are informed about the actual problems
in regard to the request to open a University in Albanian?

MARTINEZ: I believe that the situation in complicated because of the

sole fact of their existence. In states where there are none, there are
no problems. In all places where there is a minority and where their
number is big, the problems are more complicated. Especially if we
refer to minorities that belong to neighboring countries. The problem
you have is not exclusively yours. The same problem is in Bulgaria
with Turks, or Rumania with Hungarians - it is classical problem. We
believe that the Council has built a doctrine which determines the
norms for the protection of national minorities and their rights, but
also their obligations. I believe that those provisions must reach the
balance in cases such as yours, in other states as well, in which this
problems create tensions.

- 23 -
* Let's talk about the Levelled Convention of National Minorities in
Europe, which was obligatory until recently. What are the contents of
this act?

MARTINEZ: It is grounded on two principles. First that the

minorities have their rights protected by the state, and these express
their identity and personality, which should be supported and
protected by the state where they live in. The second principle is that
the state may require loyalty from that minority in regard to the
borders and statehood. The problem is simple. This is the doctrine,
comprised in the Convention and which should be carefully read and
completed. However, we know what are the provisions and the rights
of minorities - the right to talk and receive information and education
in their own language, to watch and listen to the media in their
mother tongue, have their radio and TV and culture, but then there
are their obligations, not to threaten the borders of their state, to be
loyal citizens of that state with all rights and obligations which they
have.

* Do you believe that this convention could solve the complicated

minority problems in the Balkans?

MARTINEZ: Sure. Look, this act is not a miracle, but it should

represent a contribution for all those who have good will for
democratic governments, while the minority leaders should not be
engaged in agitation, but in direction of safeguarding their identity
and rights without other aims. This should be looked upon as a good
instrument which will lead towards the establishment of the balance
and stability.

* Many countries have signed the Convention, but as far as I know,

Albania and Greece won't accept the text of the Convention?

MARTINEZ: Albania is not a member state. Nevertheless a record

will be established, for 22 states signed it, and other 4 or 5 have
announced that they will do it. If it is signed by 24 or 25 states, this
means that it has been accepted massively than any other convention,
and I believe that other states should follow the example...

(Miguel Angel Martinez was interviewed by private TV station A1

in Shkup and the interview was authorized to "KOHA")

- 24 -
MACEDONIA

MACEDONIAN POLITICS BETWEEN POLITICAL AND

FACTIVE EXTREMISM

by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Shkup

"A lie repeated forty times, comes out a truth" - the people says.
After the "negative balance" of PPD's participation in the
governmental coalition; after the intense criticism that the effect of
"participation" is worth some 30-40 gross salaries, it seems as if this
party is finally recalculating its participation in government. The
epilogue of the meeting can be set aside, however, the eventual
departure of Albanians from government opens many unknown
dilemmas, for the Albanians and President Gligorov's League for
Macedonia.

For the first: what after leaving government, maybe captivating the
well known option from Bosnia which would have the "activation of
the political capital" as a first step, a game called referendum for an
autonomy or eventually activating "a spare game", while on the other
hand, this (eventual) step would mean the loss of the image the
League has in front of the International community, and it would even
be a pressure to force it to think seriously that anticipated
parliamentarian and presidential elections can become possible, even
according to the when known recipes. But, lets be concrete: what
doesn't the PPD and its parliamentarian group, the representatives in
government, agree with? Ismet Ramadani, as member of the
Presidency of the parliamentarian group, telegraphically presents the
reasons: "the Macedonian leadership still constructs the concept of a
Macedonian state, outlined as a Macedonian political platform; a
constitution with limits and voluntary interpretations when it refers to
Albanians; it is not fulfilling the agreements and not allowing the
gradual advance of our cause; it is not doing anything to improve the
bad situation of education in Albanian on all levels, especially the
superior one. The problems in obtaining citizenship continue, while
arrests, repressive measures and killings, as in Bit Pazar and Re‡ica
e Vogël continue and remain unpunished; there are obstructions to the
participation of Albanians in institutions and state organs; exaggerated
tactics of the highest leadership of Macedonia, have no limit", says
Ramadani.

On the other hand, it seems as if the departure of the MPs from the
PPD from the Parliament of Macedonia, while it seems as if MPs
from PDP and Xhaferi's party are going back in it because of external
pressures, is a card this party can play on also because, in lack of any
concrete results, there are chances for the i n d e p e n d e n c e
syndrome to reappear among two or three other MPs. But, we don't
know how things are with the ministers: could they undertake such a
step, would they respect the"order from above", or maybe someone

- 25 -
(out of four) could declare himself an independent or an expert and
thus continue working - this is an issue to be discussed, especially
having in mind that analysts here are convinced that the relation
between the party and the ministers is not functioning well, despite
the fact that the latter claim that they have enclosed their resignations.
Replacement, in this sense, shouldn't be excluded...

Recently, as we have stated before, the "Albanian parliamentarian

opposition" is repeating insistently claims about the possibility to have
a cooperation with the Macedonian extra-parliamentarian opposition.
What would be the grounds, and the eventual agreement with it, is
something to what Menduh Thaçi gives us an answer: "Both strategic
and tactic. Strategic because there is a mutual conviction in one part
of Macedonians, Albanians and the foreign factor, that transition in
Macedonia has stagnated in the web knitted by the Communist spider.
In the so called democratic Macedonian society there are no structural
and staff changes. Only the vocabulary has changed, while the rule
has grown so strong that its has degenerated the other institutions, the
legislative, judicial, informative, etc. Democracy here is installed in
form, but its old in its contents, it is being stubbornly repeated since
Rankovic's time, and he is the personification of the clandestine
government, of individuals and groups which influence all political,
economic and informative procedures.

Albanians are dissatisfied, for the time being, because of the national
status, not paying attention to other aspects, while Macedonians, they
are the basis of the Macedonian opposition, because in the so called
democratic society, some groups, some layers of the society, thanks
to the political exclusiveness are favoured, they manage to structure
the group interest in the system. This dissatisfaction is common in all
citizens of Macedonia and is a strong grounds for a productive
dialogue.

On the other hand, there are also tactical reasons for such a
cooperation. For the time being, the authorities which are bearing the
false transition, have deeply entered our terrains and are
experimenting, they exert as much pressure as they want, they
deviate, they are corrupt, they divide. Time has come to alter their
commodity, in their untouchable terrain" - says the Vice-Chairman of
the PPD of Albanians in Macedonia, while its Chairman, Arben
Xhaferi, on the occasion of the celebration of the first anniversary of
the initiative for the foundation of the University of Tetova stated that
Albanians "should condition peace in Macedonia and their
participation in government with the recognition of this educational
institution".

In the People's Democratic Party they also share the opinion, and
they claim that when it comes to the "realization of collective rights
of Albanians in Macedonia" the situation is not satisfactory at all. Its
secretary, Bedredin Ibrahimi, declared the government guilty in this

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sense, "because it, first of all, defends the Macedonian national
interests and those of determined Macedonian and Albanian
individuals and groups. The uniformed and expediting functioning of
the parliament and the occasional presentation of Albanian MPs with
overrun amendments on partial solutions, just to show the public that
something is being done at the parliament, on one hand, and the
incapacity of the government to solve many problems in all spheres
of political economic, social, educational life, impose an engagement
for anticipated parliamentarian elections and a new government", says
Ibrahimi, stating that his party and the extra-parliamentarian
Macedonian opposition are united in one goal: "anticipated elections.
To achieve this objective we need a mutual cooperation and a
principled agreement about the ways this is done: how to cooperate
during elections and after them".

The issue which appears is could the Macedonian opposition offer

more than the League, when their postures towards the problem of
Albanians in Macedonia are well known? Bedredin Ibrahimi says that
the agreement between two sides would clarify all issues, and the
problems would not be repeated, while Menduh Thaçi says: "First we
must ascertain what is the offer of the opposition; the extreme
reduction of rights, not only compared to the natural rights of
Albanians as a people divided unjustly, but also in regard to the
inherited rights from the Former Yugoslavia and those guaranteed
with international conventions. The offer of the government is a
scandalous usurpation of the rule, the loss of the "constituent
nationality" status (according to the '74 Constitution, Macedonia was
also state of the "the Albanian nationality"), the equal use of two
languages, the use of the flag, the arrests, the murders, plundering of
the state and societal capital, etc. We may find a common language
with the Macedonian opposition in regard to foreign policy, the
strengthening of the East-West corridor, against Gligorov's
ideological theory on equidistance, then about the electoral law, etc.

The proportional model suits us both because the votes are not lost in
secret mathematics, arbitrary divisions of electoral units. Finally, a
representative of the Macedonian right said that they would agree to
the idea of the Albanian University if this were the last request of
Albanians. The Macedonian opposition has rhetoric extremism, while
the position has a factive one", ascertains Thaçi.

And it (the Macedonian opposition) made no pronunciation in regard

to the signals coming from these two parties from Tetova. Here and
there, one can hear rumors that the first steps of cooperation will be
the ones "which will nourish the Albanian opposition with the
compromising acts of the representatives of the Albanian position".
The other rules will be established meanwhile...

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APPENDIX

J A V O R E / Albanian weekly

P.O. BOX 202

38000 PRISHTINA

Issued by the KOHA Editorial Board

English Edition: KOHA

Contact Person: Filloreta Bytyqi

Phone & Fax: +381 38 31 031

+381 38 31 036
Modem: +381 38 31 276

E-Mail: koha_pr@zana-pr.ztn.zer.de

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